Multigenerational Families and

Food Insecurity in the United

States, 1998-2013

Duy Do, B.S.; Renae Rodgers, B.A.; Julia A. Rivera Drew, Ph.D.

Key Findings

Data from the Integrated Health

Interview Series, 1998-2013

Multigenerational families increased as

a share of all families over the past two

decades.

About 15% of multigenerational families

were food insecure compared to 11% of

single-generation families.

20% of children and 16% of young

adults living in multigenerational families

were food insecure, compared to 15% of

children and 13% of young adults living in

single-generation families.

The share of families receiving SNAP

benefits increased; in 2007, 7% of families

received SNAP, compared to 13.3% of

families in 2013. This rise was steeper for

multigenerational families (9.6% in 2007,

compared to 19.5% in 2013).

Multigenerational families were more

likely to receive SNAP benefits than

single-generation families. There was no

difference in the duration of benefit

receipt by family structure.

Economic recession, an aging population, and

changing norms surrounding marriage and child-

rearing have affected and continue to affect family

structure in the United States (1, 5). As family

structure in the United States becomes more

diverse, the relationship between family structure

and food insecurity among families and different

types of individuals will require further

investigation. This brief describes the relationship

between family structure and food security,

focusing on multigenerational families. The

detailed family relationship information in the

National Health Interview Survey (NHIS), along

with the food security supplement fielded since

2011, provide the opportunity for such an

examination. Harmonized versions of these

variables are available through the Integrated

Health Interview Series (IHIS) at the Minnesota

Population Center.

Data Brief No. 1

June 2015

www.ihis.us

IHIS DATA BRIEF - 2 - JUNE 2015

Multigenerational families increased as a share of all

families over the past two decades.

Figure 1: Share of Families that are Multigenerational, 1998-2013 IHIS

SOURCE: Integrated Health Interview Series, 1998-2013

Prevalence of multigenerational families began to increase in 2008 and started to

level off in 2012.

Two-generation families account for the largest share of all families, compared to

other specific types of multigenerational families.

Two-generation families drive the rise in multigenerational families.

The distribution of skipped-generation and more-than-three-generation families

remains fairly constant over the studied period.

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About 15% of multigenerational families were food insecure

compared to 11% of single-generation families.

Figure 2: Food Insecurity Prevalence by Family Structures, 2011-2013 IHIS Pooled

Sample

*** Significantly different from single-generation families (p<0.01).

SOURCE: Integrated Health Interview Series, 2011-2013.

Multigenerational families are more likely than single-generation families to be

food insecure.

Between the years of 2011 and 2013, single-generation families have the lowest

food insecurity prevalence among all family types.

Food insecurity prevalence increases with the number of co-resident generations.

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20% of children and 16% of young adults living in

multigenerational families were food insecure, compared

to 15% of children and 13% of young adults living in single-

generation families.

Figure 3: Food Insecurity Prevalence among Individuals Living in Single-Generation and

Multigenerational Families, 2011-2013 IHIS Pooled Sample

***Significantly different from people living in single-generation families (p<0.01).

SOURCE: Integrated Health Interview Series, 2011-2013.

Those living in multigenerational families are more likely to belong to a food-

insecure family, regardless of age.

Children are more likely to live in food-insecure families than adults in both types

of families. Children in multigenerational families are the most likely to live in a

food-insecure family (20% between 2011 and 2013).

The proportion of older adults in multigenerational families who belong to food-

insecure families (11%) is more than double that of older adults in single-

generation families (5%).

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The share of families receiving SNAP benefits increased; in

2007, 7% of families received SNAP, compared to 13.3% of

families in 2013. This rise was steeper for

multigenerational families (9.6% in 2007, compared to 19.5%

in 2013).

Figure 4: Percentage of Families Receiving SNAP in Last Calendar Year, 1998-2013 IHIS

SOURCE: Integrated Health Interview Series, 1998-2013.

A higher share of multigenerational families received snap benefits in the last

calendar year compared to single-generation families in every studied year since

1998.

Beginning in 2008, SNAP benefits increase for both family types, perhaps as a

result of the recession.

After 2008, the gap between the percentage of multigenerational families and

single-generation families receiving SNAP benefits in the last calendar year

widens noticeably.

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Multigenerational families receive SNAP benefits for a

longer period of time, compared to single-generation

families. However, there is no significant difference in the

duration of benefit receipt by family structures in most

studied years.

Figure 5: Average Number of Months that Families Received SNAP Benefits in the Last

Calendar year

SOURCE: Integrated Health Interview Series, 1998-2013.

The patterns of duration of SNAP benefits are similar for both family types.

However, there is no significant difference in the duration of SNAP benefits

between multigenerational and single-generation families, except in 2003 (p<0.05),

2004 (p<0.1), and 2005 (p<0.1).

For food-insecure families (not shown here), the 2011-2013 pooled IHIS sample

shows that the average number of months receiving SNAP benefits is 10.06

months for multigenerational families and 9.96 months for food-insecure single-

generation families. These two values are not significantly different from each

other.

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Summary

Multigenerational families have become

more common in the United States. The

extent of this increase has, until

recently, been underestimated due to a

highly restrictive definition of

multigenerational families by the Census

Bureau. In this data brief, we estimated

that 16.8% of families in 2010 were

multigenerational families, as opposed to

4% of households reported by the Census

Bureau (3).

Food insecurity is higher among

multigenerational families (15%) than

among single-generation families (11%).

A larger number of co-resident

generations increases the likelihood that

the family is food insecure. Less than

15% of two-generation families are food

insecure, while about 26% of more-than-

three-generation families are food

insecure.

Individuals living in multigenerational

families are more likely to live in food-

insecure families than their counterparts

living in single-generation families.

Children under 19 (15%) and young

adults ages 19-35 (13%) are more likely

than older adults ages 65+ (5%) in single-

generation families to live in food-

insecure families. Children under 19 in

multigenerational families are also the

most likely to live in a food-insecure

family (20%). They are followed by young

adults ages 19-35 (16%) and older adults

ages 65+ (11%) living in

multigenerational families. Older adults

living in multigenerational families are

more than twice as likely to live in a

food-insecure family than older adults in

single-generation families.

A higher percentage of multigenerational

families received SNAP benefits in the

past year than did single-generation

families from 1998 to 2013. The gap

between the two family types begins to

grow in 2008. However, both

multigenerational and single-

generational families received SNAP

benefits for approximately the same

amount of time between 1998 and 2013,

with the exceptions of 2003, 2004, and

2005.

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Definitions

There are several definitions of multigenerational families used by major U.S. statistical

agencies like the Census Bureau and private research centers like the Pew Research

Center. The Census Bureau recognizes families as being multigenerational only if they

contain at least three generations (3).

Table 1. Census Bureau Definitions of Multigenerational Families

SOURCE: Lofquist (2012)

The Pew Research Center has suggested and used a broader definition of multi-

generational families that includes two-generation, three-generation, skipped-generation,

and more-than-three-generation families (2).

The definition of multigenerational families in this data brief is a modified version of the

definition used by the Pew Research Center. This definition is more expansive than the

ones proposed by the Pew Research Center and the Census Bureau. Under our modified

definition of multigenerational families, we estimated that in 2012, approximately 17% of

U.S. families were multigenerational, compared to 3.8% and 11.2% of U.S. households in

the Census Bureau and the Pew Research Center reports, respectively(2-3).

There are several important differences between the Pew Research Center's definition of

multigenerational families and the one used in this data brief.

In this data brief, we define multigenerational families as follows:

We define adult children as 19 years and older, while the Pew Research Center

defines adult children as 25 years and older (2). Therefore, in the Pew Research

Center analysis, a family consisting only of parents and their children between the

ages of 18 and 24 is not considered a multigenerational family.

Multi-Generational Families

Type 1 Type 2 Type 3

Generations

Householder's Elders x x

Householder x x x

Householder's Children x x x

Householder's Grandchildren x x

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Table 2. Types of Multigenerational Families Used in This Data Brief

NOTE: All generations are defined in relationship to the Head (or "family reference person").

o Families that contain only adult(s) and minor child(ren) are considered

single-generation families. These families are considered multigenerational

only if they contain other family members such as grandparent(s), adult

child(ren) ages 19 and older, or children of minor child(ren).

We expand the definition of generations proposed by the Pew Research Center to

include children of an unmarried partner and nieces or nephews of the family

reference person in the child generation. We include unmarried partners in the

head generation, as well as aunts, uncles, and legal guardians in the parent

generation. While the Pew Research Center has applied their definition to the

American Community Survey (ACS) data (2), and conducted analysis at the

household level, our analysis uses IHIS data and our level of analysis is at the

family level.

Generations

Type

1

Type

2

Type

3

Type

1

Type

2

Type

3

Type

1

Type

2

Type

3

Type

4

Type

5

Type

1

Type

2

Type

3

Type

4

Type

5

Type

6

Grandparent Generation x x x x x x x x x

Parent Generation x x x x x x x x x

Head Generation x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x

Child Generation x x x x x x x x

Adult Child of family ref. person x x

Young Child (under 19) of family ref. person x

Grandchild Generation x x x x x x x x x

Two-Generation Three-Generation Skipped-Generation Families More-Than-Three-Generation

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Data source and methods

This data brief uses data from the Integrated Health Interview Series (IHIS). IHIS

harmonizes public use National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data across years to

allow for cross-temporal comparisons. Questions used in this study come from the

USDA's 30-day Core Food Security Module, first included in NHIS in 2011. Along with

information on food insecurity and other health behaviors and outcomes, integrated

NHIS data provided through IHIS contain rich demographic and socioeconomic

information, allowing for the study of family structure and making it an excellent

resource for the study of the relationship between family and health.

The individual who responded to questions on the NHIS core questionnaire about the

health of everyone in the family is called the family respondent. This family respondent

was asked the 10 questions regarding food security that are presented in table 3.1

A family that has no affirmative responses is classified as highly food secure. One to two

affirmative responses indicates marginal food security. Low food security and very low

food security families have three to five and six to ten affirmative responses, respectively.

For the purposes of this data brief, we dichotomize food insecurity as follows: the group

"food secure families" contains those families that are highly food secure and marginally

food secure according to NHIS classifications. The group "food insecure families" contains

those families that have low or very low food security.

1 In 2013, NHIS undertook a split-ballot experiment with the food security section of the survey. In this

experiment, the sample was divided into two sub-samples in quarters 3 and 4. In one sub-sample, the

family respondent was asked about his/her personal experience with food security in the past 30 days,

while in the other sub-sample, the family respondent was asked about the food security experience during

the past 30 days of any adults in the family. This split-ballot may lead to over-count of food security

prevalence in 2013 compared to 2011 and 2012. Future surveys will revert to the question wording used in

2011 and 2012.

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Table 3: List of Variables Used to Measure Family Food Security

Variable Description

FSATELESS Ever ate less than felt should because not enough money, last 30 days

FSHUNGRY Ever hungry but did not eat because not enough money, last 30 days

FSWEIGHT Ever lost weight because not enough money for food, last 30 days

FSBALANC Could not afford to eat balanced meals, last 30 days

FSNOTEAT Ever not eat for a whole day because not enough money for food, last 30 days

FSNOTEATNO Number of days did not eat due to lack of money, last 30 days

FSNOTLAST Food did not last until family had money to get more, last 30 days

FSRUNOUT Worried food would run out before got money to buy more, last 30 days

FSSKIP Cut size or skipped meals because not enough money, last 30 days.

FSSKIPNO Number of days cut size or skipped meals for financial reasons, last 30 days.

About the authors

Duy Do is a graduate student research assistant on the IHIS project at the Minnesota

Population Center, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities; Renae Rodgers is a research

analyst with the Minnesota Population Center, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities;

and Julia A. Rivera Drew is a research associate with the Minnesota Population Center,

University of Minnesota, Twin Cities.

IHIS DATA BRIEF - 12 - JUNE 2015

References

1. Cherlin, A. J. (2010), Demographic Trends in the United States: A Review of

Research in the 2000s. Journal of Marriage and Family, 72: 403–419. doi:

10.1111/j.1741-3737.2010.00710.x

2. Fry, R., & Passel, J. (2014). In Post-Recession Era, Young Adults Drive Continuing

Rise in Multi-Generational Living. Retrieved from

http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2014/07/17/in-post-recession-era-young-adults-

drive-continuing-rise-in-multi-generational-living/

3. Lofquist, D.A. (2012). Multigenerational Households: 2009–2011. American

Community Survey Briefs. Retrieved from

http://www.census.gov/prod/2012pubs/acsbr11-03.pdf

4. Minnesota Population Center and State Health Access Data Assistance Center,

Integrated Health Interview Series: Version 5.0. Minneapolis: University of

Minnesota, 2012.

5. Wang, W., & Parker, K. (2014). Record Share of Americans Have Never Married.

Retrieved from http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2014/09/24/record-share-of-

americans-have-never-married/