WOULD LOOSE LIPS SINK HARPER’S SHIP?: CONSERVATIVE MESSAGE DISCIPLINE AND CANADIAN DEMOCRACY

Joel Fleming040812870Prof. StevensPO46513 November 2007

No one has ever accused Stephen Harper of being personable. But in 1993, returning to

Ottawa as a newly minted Reform MP, he liked and was liked by the media. As Paul Wells

writes, Harper was “the first-call Reformer for most Ottawa reporters during the first Jean

Chrétien government. And when we called, Harper wasn’t stingy with opinions.”1 Nor was he

averse to initiating the process by calling journalists himself. In 1994, news was leaked (possibly

by Harper himself)2 of Preston Manning’s $31,000 annual clothing allowance, paid for with

Reform Party funds. There were minor public criticisms from within caucus, but, as Tom

Flanagan writes, “a real row did not ensue until Stephen Harper said flatly, ‘The whole idea of

non-accountable expenses is not acceptable.’” 3 This was not the only time Harper would

publicly air party laundry. Yet, one can only imagine the fate of a Conservative MP today who

dared to criticize Harper’s use of taxpayers’ money to employ psychic and image consultant

Michelle Muntean.4 I doubt there were many who even considered the possibility.

Since assuming office, Harper has fought a two-front war in pursuit of perfect message

discipline. First, he has battled the media itself, laying down a series of restrictive (some would

say, draconian) rules limiting journalists’ access to caucus members, Cabinet Ministers, and

himself. Second, he has exercised a firm grip on caucus and Cabinet, even going so far as to

request (via PMO Communications Director Sandra Buckler) secret reports from ministry

communications staff on their respective ministers’ communications ability.5

1 Wells, Paul. Right Side Up: The Fall of Paul Martin and the Rise of Stephen Harper’s New Conservatism. (Toronto: McClelland & Steward Ltd., 2006), p. 8.2 Plamondon, Bob. Full Circle: Death and Resurrection in Canadian Conservative Politics. (Toronto: Key Porter Books Ltd., 2006), p. 153. 3 Flanagan, Tom. Waiting for the Wave: The Reform Party and Preston Manning. (Toronto: Stoddart Publishing Co. Limited, 1995), p. 177.4 “Critics: Harper should pay for his own fashion advice.” CTV News. 19 April 2007. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20070419/harper_style_070419/20070419?hub=TopStories>.5 Galloway, Gloria. “Harper’s PR aide secretly asks cabinet staff to critique bosses.” The Globe and Mail. 17 November 2006.

How did 1993’s loquacious Reform firebrand become 2007’s iron-fisted, control-freak

Prime Minister? Has Harper’s media strategy been politically effective? Most importantly, is it

conducive to a healthy democracy? I believe the answers to the latter two questions are both

‘yes.’ But to make that case, it is important to first answer the former. Let us turn to that

historical context now.

In 1997, Harper left the Reform caucus to join, and shortly thereafter, head the National

Citizens Coalition.6 He reluctantly returned to the political arena in 2001 to save a floundering

Canadian Alliance party, riven by internal squabbling. His victories in that campaign, and the

successive fight for the leadership of a newly merged Conservative party, were won largely

outside of the media glare. Direct mail, phone banks, and other methods of retail voter contact

were the keys to his two convincing wins.7 Entering the snap election of 2004, Harper and his

team had almost no experience with the dynamics of managing the media throughout a national,

general election. Election 2004 would prove to be a crucible, and the Stephen Harper who

emerged – battered but not beaten – would apply (or misapply, depending on one’s perspective)

its lessons in completely overhauling his media strategy.

An empirical analysis of coverage in that election, conducted by McGill’s Observatory

on Media and Public Policy, found “The Conservatives [received] better press than the Liberals

across the board.”8 Harper himself was also consistently portrayed in a more positive light than

was Paul Martin.9 There would seem to be little basis upon which Harper could hold a grudge. It

6 Plamondon, p. 155.7 See Flanagan, Tom. Harper’s Team: Behind the Scenes in the Conservative Rise to Power. (Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2007), pp. 28-130.8 Soroka, Stuart, Antonia Maionia, Ken Whyte, and Elizabeth Goodyear Grant. “How are the papers covering the campaign.” The Globe and Mail. 25 June 2004. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20040526.elecmedia0528/BNStory/specialDecision2004/?pageRequested=2>.9 Ibid.

is clear, however, that he does, and I believe the answer lies in the media’s breathless coverage

of social issues during the 2004 campaign, which did hurt the Conservatives.

Unforced errors by Conservative candidates brought these issues to the fore, but

thereafter, the media blatantly abdicated its responsibility to provide balanced coverage. As the

McGill researchers noted on June 8, “The actual policies of the leading parties may not always

warrant the sharp contrast evident in the newspapers. Liberal and Conservative positions on

abortion, for instance, are rather similar. But the perception of fundamental differences is

unmistakable.”10

In early June, repeating an answer given to a student questioner the previous day, Paul

Martin stated that he was pro-choice with respect to abortion, but added, “I think you should

always refer to counseling.”11 No-one blinked. Later that same week, Conservative health critic

Rob Merrifield stated, in an interview with the Globe and Mail, that he felt third-party

counseling would be “valuable” for women contemplating an abortion.12 The media professed

itself shocked, shocked to find this kind of attitude in Canadian politics: “Abortion furor”

screamed the Globe and Mail, reporting on the controversy it had ginned up the day before.13

The Toronto Star wrote of Harper “scrambling to allay fears his party would bring in a restrictive

new abortion law” in the wake of Merrifield’s comment.14 Under the headline, “Abortion debate

dogs Conservatives” Martin O’Hanlon of the Canadian Press wrote that “[a]n old ghost has

returned to haunt the Conservative campaign.”15 And, indeed, the issue would continue to spook

voters until election day.

10 Ibid.11 Martin, Don. “A bungled attempt to score points on abortion.” National Post. 3 June 2004. 12 Mahoney, Jill. “Tory critic wants new abortion rules.” The Globe and Mail. 1 June 2004.13 Mahoney, Jill and Brian Laghi. “Harper stands by MP in abortion furor.” The Globe and Mail. 2 June 2004.14 Benzie, Robert. “Harper vows no move on right to abortion.” The Toronto Star. 2 June 2004. 15 O’Hanlon, Martin. “Abortion debate dogs Conservatives.” Kamloops Daily News. 2 June 2004.

And Harper’s troubles were not over. Despite Merrifield’s misstep, unfortunate

comments by Scott Reid on bilingualism,16 and the inevitably disastrous musings of Cheryl ‘ask

your boyfriend’ Gallant on abortion, and hate crime laws,17 Harper still headed into the

campaign’s final week dead even in the polls, and holding a significant lead in predicted seat

count.18

On the Friday before Election Day, however, the tape of Randy White’s interview for a

documentary on same-sex marriage became public. “"The heck with the courts, eh?” White was

recorded as saying, “You know, one of these days we in this country are going to stand up and

say, 'The politicians make the laws and the courts do not.' The courts interpret that law,” he

continued, “And if we don't like that interpretation, there's the notwithstanding clause…”19

Again, there was shock. Again, there was horror.20

None of this shock or horror had been in evidence, of course, when Roger Gallaway –

plucked from backbench anonymity by Paul Martin and deposited in the Privy Council as

Parliamentary Secretary for Parliamentary Reform – delivered a speech at Wilfrid Laurier

University outlining a “doctrine of parliamentary supremacy” and describing the judiciary as a

“creation of Parliament and subject to it.”21 As Wells writes, Gallaway’s position was

“(a) indistinguishable from Randy White's musings on the same topic; (b) sheer lunacy; (c)…

Gallaway’s only qualification for his greater prominence as a spokesman for the government of

16 “Tory resigns amid bilingualism flap.” CTV News. 28 May 2004. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/1085743936988_12/?hub=TopStories>.17 “MP Gallant compares abortion to Iraq beheading.” CTV News. 7 June 2004. Accessed 26 October 2007. <http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/1086654108341_57?hub=Canada>.18 Gordon, Sean and Anne Dawson. “Harper widens seat lead: Analysis of poll puts Tories at 126 and Liberals at 95.” National Post. 22 June 2004.19 “Tory’s interview on Charter creates storm.” CBC News. 27 June 2004. Accessed 26 October 2007. <http://www.cbc.ca/story/canada/national/2004/06/25/elxn_randywhite040625.html>.20 See e.g. “Tory takes aim at charter: MP’s remarks put Harper on hot-seat as voting looms.” Kitchener-Waterloo Record. 26 June 2004.; “MP fuels firestorm aimed at Harper: Martin warns of intolerance.” Hamilton Spectator. 26 June 2004.21 Taber, Jane. “Liberal says MPs will vet top-court nominees.” The Globe and Mail. 30 January 2004.

Paul Martin.”22 Yet Gallaway’s speech passed without significant comment, while White’s

remarks dominated coverage of the campaign’s final days.

The media’s coverage of social issues in 2004, reinforced for Harper the perception (fair

or not) of a double standard. Even some die-hard Liberals agreed with him. Stephen Clarkson

writes, “Since the Liberals’ fear campaign had not initially triumphed, it appeared that the

media’s autonomous role in constructing the election as a decision about extreme social

conservatism ultimately delivered the Liberal minority.”23 Flanagan surely channels his former

boss’s thinking when he claims, “The media can be savage with any party that lacks discipline,

but they are particularly suspicious of conservatives.”24 And this belief was clearly a catalyst for

the changes in media strategy that the Conservatives implemented in the 2006 campaign, and

upon forming government.

I can’t fucking believe there’s no fucking script for tomorrow. I want some fucking answers! And I want a fucking script! [pause]I also want to know why nothing ever happens unless I use the word ‘fuck!’25

- Stephen Harper, June 2004

First, there were corrections to be made which were unrelated to control, or lack thereof,

over loose-lipped candidates. In 2004, the Conservatives released their platform on a Saturday

afternoon.26 Neither the Globe and Mail nor the National Post publish on Sundays. Indeed,

weekends are almost universally regarded as a news wasteland (hence the common strategy of

22 Wells, Paul. “What this election is about.” Macleans.ca: Inkless Wells. 25 June 2004. Accessed online 27 October 2007. <http://web.archive.org/web/20040629052537/http://www.macleans.ca/paulwells>.23 Clarkson, Stephen. The Big Red Machine: How the Liberal Party Dominate Canadian Politics. (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2005), p. 262.24 Flanagan, Harper’s Team, p. 284.25 Stephen Harper quoted in Wells, Right Side Up, p. 127.26 Flanagan, Harper’s Team, p. 164.

trying to bury bad news with a Friday release).27 More damagingly, as a result of the short lead-

up to the election, Conservative strategists were only able to script in advance, the first twenty-

five days of the campaign.28 With two weeks to go, the scripting ran out, leading to Harper’s

tirade quoted above. With the platform released, and the Leader’s tour flying blind, the

remainder of the campaign was conducted in a policy vacuum, leaving the media free to make

candidate eruptions the central theme of the final weeks.

These type of amateurish mistakes could not and would not be repeated in 2006, which

saw the much-heralded Five Priorities (modeled on Newt Gingrich’s Contract With America)29

used to great effect in blunting the Liberal cries of “hidden agenda.”30 The policy-a-day script

draped over these five pillars meant the Conservatives won a significant majority of the daily

news cycles, and Harper appeared as a competent, moderate campaigner.31

The second, major change in the 2006 campaign was the control exercised over

candidates. Socially conservative candidates like Gallant, Merrifield, David Sweet, Harold

Albrecht, and others refused interviews, did not fill out questionnaires from Campaign Life and

other social conservative organizations, and, frequently, avoided public meetings.32 At one point,

Albrecht hid in a kitchen to avoid journalists’ questions about a 2003 letter criticizing same-sex

marriage.33

27 Gross, Daniel. “Friday Night Blights.” Slate Magazine. 17 September 2004. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.slate.com/id/2106864/>.28 Flanagan, Harper’s Team, p. 156.29 Wells, Right Side Up, p. 155.30 Dasko, Donna. “Pledges of expedience.” Globe and Mail. 4 April 2006. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://erg.environics.net/media_room/default.asp?aID=602>.31 Geddes, John. “A Panic Attack?” Macleans.ca. 20 January 2006. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.sesresearch.com/news/in_the_news/Macleans%20January%2020%202006.pdf>.32 See e.g. LeBlanc, Daniel. “Remarks that hurt Tories last election absent this time.” The Globe and Mail. 18 January 2006. and Kennedy, Mark. “Martin challenges Harper.” The Ottawa Citizen. 21 January 2006. 33 Outhit, Jeff. “Dust clears in Waterloo region.” Kitchener-Waterloo Record. 25 January 2006. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.therecord.com/fed_election2006/fed_election2006_06012581441.html>.

In the first weeks of Canada’s New Government, it quickly became clear that this

approach was not reserved for the writ period. In April, one of the Conservatives’ least-

favourite34 journalists, Alexander Panetta, reported that “Ministers in the new Conservative

government have been warned they could be banned from travelling, publicly humiliated or even

fired for verbal gaffes.”35 Panetta noted that two ministers, Maxime Bernier and Peter MacKay,

and one backbencher, Colin Mayes, had already been forced by the PMO to issue embarrassing

“clarifications” of off-message statements.36 That trend continues today, and Harper’s iron-fisted

control has also been extended to ministers’ staff. In last August’s Cabinet shuffle, Bernier’s

highly regarded Chief of Staff, Michele Austin (who worked on Harper’s 2001 leadership bid)

was demoted to National Revenue, prompting her resignation. Many within Conservative ranks

believed this to be punishment for her previous challenges of PMO communications directives

which she felt undermined her boss’s interests.37

Not even public servants have been immune. In September of 2006, Andrew Okulitch, a

scientist emeritus with the Geological Survey of Canada was fired for his refusal to use the

“Canada’s New Government” phrasing in intra-departmental correspondence (a decision hastily

reversed after negative coverage).38 In May of 2007, Jeffrey Monaghan, a temporary employee in

the Department of the Environment was arrested by the RCMP and taken out of the building in

34 Wells, Right Side Up, p. 305.35 Panetta, Alexander. “PM relentless in keeping ministers, MPs, in check: could be punished for verbal gaffes.” The Hamilton Spectator. 15 April 2006. 36 Ibid.37 Campbell, Clark. “Tory insiders grumble as top aides shuffled.” The Globe and Mail. 16 August 2007. Bernier would later lose another key aide, his communications director Isabelle Fontaine, who was fired while recovering from a September 22nd car accident. See Woods, Allan. “Firing of Bernier’s key aide after accident stirs criticism.” Toronto Star. 4 October 2007. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.thestar.com/News/article/263530>.38 “B.C. scientist reinstated by Ottawa after phrase flap.” CBC News. 19 September 2006. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.cbc.ca/story/canada/national/2006/09/19/scientist-flap.html>.

handcuffs as a consequence of his alleged leak of vague details relating to the Conservatives

climate change plan. Despite the dramatic takedown, Monaghan was not charged with a crime.39

The final element of Harper’s strategy has been a controlling, confrontational approach to

journalists themselves. This has included: skipping the annual Press Gallery Dinner,40 refusing

(with one exception, earlier this month) to step foot in the National Press Theatre,41 holding

unannounced Cabinet meetings,42 withholding news of visits by heads of state or provincial

premiers,43 and employing the RCMP to evict reporters from the Charlottetown hotel where the

Conservatives were holding their annual retreat.44

The true symbol of the feud, however, has been Harper’s attempt to force journalists who

want to ask questions to put their names on a list controlled by his staff. It was this policy which

sparked an impromptu press walkout from an announcement on Darfur in May of 2006.45 In

response to the Gallery’s boycott of his list, Harper boycotted the Gallery. He took his message

to regional papers, to talk radio, to blogs, and even to the iTunes music store.46 He gave

interviews to sympathetic magazines like the Western Standard and Report Magazine.47 Out of

pure spite, he gave an exclusive interview to Brian Laghi of the Globe and Mail and

39 Weston, Greg. “RCMP, cuffs, threats were overkill.” Whitehorse Star. 14 May 2007.40 Lin, William and Tony Atherton. “Press Gallery undeterred by PM’s snub.” Ottawa Citizen. 28 October 2007. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.canada.com/ottawacitizen/news/story.html?id=a75c8ab4-973a-40d5-93ed-6778bf1e3282>.41 Akin, David. “PM to be at National Press Theatre for the first time…” CTV Politics Blog. 3 October 2007. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://politicsblog.ctv.ca/blog/_archives/2007/10/3/3268676.html>.42 Doyle, Simon. “Press gallery, PMO not talking, relations continue to deteriorate.” The Hill Times. 17 April 2006. 43 “Harper’s staff, media battle over access issues.” CTV News. 27 March 2006. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20060327/pmo_media_060327?s_name=&no_ads>.44 Cheadle, Bruce. “Mounties evict reporters from hotel lobby.” The Toronto Star. 1 August 2007. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.thestar.com/News/article/242159>.45 “Reporters walk out on Harper in question spat.” CTV News. 23 May 2006. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20060523/reporters_harper_060523?s_name=&no_ads=>.46 Wells, Right Side Up, pp. 307-9.47 Ibid.

demonstrated that the principles which kept the Globe off his scrum lists could be easily

discarded when convenient.48 By September, most media outlets had caved, abjectly.49

Mr. Harper has a style and he’s sticking to it – the most controlling, stifling, rigid style of any prime minister in memory.50

Jeffrey Simpson

We knew the Stephen Harper Conservatives could be mean, and we knew they could be dismissive, and we knew they had total contempt for the press and the public's right to know, and we knew they were run by a complete and total control freak, and we knew they'd say anything to score a political point…51

Linwood Barclay

But has it been worth it? Has the steady drumbeat of stories describing Harper as

controlling, secretive, stifling, rigid, dismissive, contemptuous and dictatorial damaged his

standing in the public’s eyes? Not at all. Voters seem to have correctly written off the issue as an

inside-the-Queensway story, of little consequence to their day-to-day existences.

Polls show that today voters are more comfortable with the prospect of a Harper majority

than ever before.52 His leadership numbers routinely dwarf those of Stephane Dion.53 Most

tellingly, the number of Canadians who believe that Harper has a “hidden agenda” has declined

dramatically.54 But the clearest benefits of his strategy can be seen in a string of dogs that did not

48 Ibid, p. 308.: “The calculated goal of offering the Globe an interview, a PMO source confirmed… was to make a moral pretzel of [Globe and Mail editor Edward] Greenspon’s policy. It worked a charm. The paper would have no part of wholesale selection of reporters’ questions. But when it came to retail selection of reporters’ questions, the Globe was happy to oblige.”49 Wilson, Jennifer. “Empty podium: Stephen Harper’s media tantrum.” King’s Journalism Review. 12(November 2006). Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://journalism.ukings.ca/journalism_3673_9591.html>.50 Simpson, Jeffrey. “It’s all about Harper and that’s the political beef.” The Globe and Mail. 7 July 2007.51 Barclay, Linwood. “How dumb are the Tories? Just the fax m’am.” The Toronto Star. 30 April 2007. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.thestar.com/Life/article/208658>.52 Greenaway, Norma. “Fears of Harper majority waning, polls show.” CanWest News. 20 October 2007. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.canada.com/topics/news/politics/story.html?id=93fdbc76-59e6-4198-9674-3059bc6b8737&k=97357>.53 Ibid.54 Greenaway, Norma. “Poll shows Harper Canadians’ pick for PM.” Calgary Herald. 21 February 2007. Accessed online 27 October 2007. <http://www.canada.com/calgaryherald/news/story.html?id=a4c3d704-0d23-4d07-8211-ae6e4bc6229e&k=292>.

bark. Harper quickly and quietly killed the same-sex marriage issue in December of 2006, and

declared the issue closed, without a peep from his caucus.55 He introduced, and passed a motion

recognizing the Quebecois as a nation within a united Canada. This sparked Michael Chong’s

resignation from Cabinet, but the rest of the caucus stayed quiet and the issue soon faded from

public consciousness.56 There has been no public criticism of Harper himself.

Even harder to quantify, but nonetheless, important, has been the lack of ‘gotcha’

moments. In 1985, Brian Mulroney decided to engage in unscripted conversation with a group of

seniors protesting his government’s description to de-index pensions. It was a brutal mistake.

“You lied to us,” Solange Denis reproached him, in one of the most well-known video clips in

Canadian political history, “you made us vote for you, then, ‘Goodbye Charlie Brown!”57 One

can only imagine the damage a similar encounter with, say, an income-trust protestor would have

done to Harper’s political fortunes. But, thanks to tight scripting, and rigid control, no such

encounter occurred.

It could be argued that Harper has sown the seeds of disaster for a future election

campaign. John Ivision worries, “The hostile mood at a recent press gallery meeting… suggests

any mistake by the Conservatives in an election will see Harper become the victim of summary

justice.”58 Perhaps Ivison is right. On balance, however, it is a risk worth taking.

Consider the recent John Tory campaign which inverted Harper’s media strategy to

disastrous effect. Harper in 2006, and Tory in 2007 were both running against incumbent Liberal

governments with serious accountability issues. Both men had political millstones around their

55 Galloway, Gloria. “Same-sex marriage file closed for good, PM says.” The Globe and Mail. 8 December 2006. 56 “Harper brings new life into Quebec debate.” Penticton Western News. 1 December 2006. 57 Wilson-Smith, Anthony and Edward Greenspoon. Double Vision: The Inside Story of the Liberals in Power. 2nd ed. (Toronto: Seal Books, 1997), p. 258. Of course, Denis had not actually voted for Mulroney – she was a life-long Liberal who was volunteering for Liberal MP Jean-Robert Gauthier at the time of the confrontation. See Ibid, p. 261.58 Ivison, John. “Harper’s media paranoia: MPs frustrated over Tory communications strategy.” National Post. 17 November 2006.

necks – Harper’s policy on same-sex marriage, and Tory’s promise to fund faith-based schools.

Harper raised the marriage issue on the first day of the campaign.59 Then he shut up about it, and

ensured his candidates did the same (see e.g. Albrecht’s kitchen adventures). He won a stable

minority government.

Tory, by contrast, answered reporters’ questions on faith-based funding day after day. His

candidates were permitted to voice their opposition to the policy with clockwork regularity.60

This had two consequences. First, as Warren Kinsella (who ought to know) writes, Tory

essentially turned the election into a referendum on his schools policy, “suck[ing] the oxygen”

away from any other issue,61 (which, in turn, led to Howard Hampton’s temper tantrum at an

October 5 press conference).62 Second, by continuing to answer questions, Tory ensured that he

would eventually add fuel to the fire by saying something dumb. And he did: “It's still called the

theory of evolution… they also could teach the fact to the children that there are other theories

that people have out there that are part of some Christian beliefs.”63

Tory gave journalists everything they have demanded of Harper. They returned the

favour by crucifying him. If Tory survives February’s leadership review, it will be interesting to

see if he modifies his approach to the media to more closely mirror Harper’s. I believe that if he

wants to win, he will.

The most important question, however, relates to the impact of Harper’s media strategy

on Canadian democracy. Here, the answer is less clear. Harper has shown a disturbing

59 “Harper reopens same-sex marriage debate.” CBC News. 30 November 2005. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.cbc.ca/story/canadavotes2006/national/2005/11/29/harper-smaesex051129.html>.60 Kinsella, Warren. “How we won: An Ontario Liberal strategist dissects McGuinty’s victory.” National Post. 11 October 2007.61 Ibid.62 Brennan, Richard. “’Flatlined’ Hampton lashes out at media.” The Toronto Star. 5 October 2007. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.thestar.com/OntarioElection/article/263914>.63 John Tory quoted in “Creationism can be taught with evolution: Tory.” CTV News. 5 September 2007. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://toronto.ctv.ca/servlet/an/local/CTVNews/20070905/creationism_schools_070905?hub=TorontoHome>.

willingness to use Mounties as glorified bouncers, hustling irritant reporters out of the way.64 The

RCMP has proven entirely capable of disgracing itself without help from its political masters and

Harper should not add to its troubles. His government is also slower to respond to Access to

Information requests, and more parsimonious in the content of those releases than previous

governments.65 This too is a worrying trend, and clearly breaches the promises of improved

transparency made in the 2006 election.

With respect to the infamous list, however, and Harper’s evident contempt for the press, I

believe most concerns are greatly overblown. Canadian democracy has survived this before. In

the 2004, and 2006 campaigns, Paul Martin used an identical procedure, requiring reporters to

sign up for a list maintained by his press aide. Says Paul Wells, “[W]e were letting a Liberal

decide who got to put questions to a Liberal prime minister… But for the life of me I couldn’t

get any of my travelling colleagues to show an ounce of concern about the practice.”66 In 1980,

Pierre Trudeau did not hold a single press conference for the first five weeks of the campaign.67

And, yes, in 1978, Trudeau had also tried to force reporters to sign up for a list maintained by

press secretary, Jean Charpentier.68 The sky dropped not an inch.

64 See e.g. Cheadle; “I’ve got a little list” The Toronto Star: Political Notebook. 26 July 2006. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://thestar.blogs.com/notebook/2006/07/ive_got_a_littl.html>.; Jalsevac, Philip. “Brawny bodyguard fails to deter reporter from chat with Harper.” Kitchener-Waterloo Record. 3 December 2005. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.therecord.com/fed_election2006/fed_election2006_0512038266.html>.65 LeBlanc, Daniel. “Conservatives tightening tap on flow of information, figures show.” The Globe and Mail. 22 October 2007. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20071022.waccess22/BNStory/National/home>.66 Wells, Paul. Inkless Wells. 28 March 2006. cited in Goldstein, Lorrie. “Media double standard: where was the outrage over Martin’s press policy.” Toronto Sun. 30 May 2006. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.torontosun.com/News/Columnists/Goldstein_Lorrie/2006/05/30/1605453.html>.67 Simpson, Jeffrey. Discipline of Power: The Conservative Interlude and the Liberal Restoration. (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada 1980), p. 289.68 Levine, Allan. Scrum Wars: The Prime Ministers and the Media. (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1993), p. 290. Cited in Dornan, Christopher. “The cool on the Hill.” The Globe and Mail. 20 October 2007. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.rbcinvest.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/ArticleNews/PEstory/LAC/20071020/PRESS20/Headlines/headdex/headdexComment/3/3/19/>.

Don Martin writes of feuding over the list, “Look, I know this sounds very much like

inside baseball by a whining journalist denied a daily spoonfeeding of news to substitute for

honest research.”69 He is right -- but to be frank, it is not simply that it sounds like that.

A number of observers, myself included, believe Harper’s approach will, in fact, improve

a lazy media’s watchdog functioning. Simon Doyle, of The Hill Times, argues: “it forces

reporters to fan out to find stories on their own… this can lead to less coverage in Ottawa of the

government's announcements and more analysis and criticism of its initiatives.”70 Charles Cobb

agrees, and believes reporters will be forced to go “off on digging expeditions rather than taking

what falls from politicians' lips.”71 It will force reporters to “get off their butts and do some real

journalism” says Antonia Zerbisias.72 James Travers, her colleague at The Star, says the

government is, in effect telling reporters: “'Don't expect to get your stories on the Hill every day.

Fan out and find them yourself.' Well, I think that's great for journalism and good for public

policy…”73 Who could argue?

69 Martin, Don. “PM can’t keep blaming messenger.” National Post. 22 February 2006. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.canada.com/nationalpost/news/story.html?id=c28e559a-0e77-445f-94b5-399ce1db3b4a&p=2>.70 See Paterson, Jennifer. “PMO vs. the Gallery: Final Round?” Ryerson Review of Journalism. 15 January 2007. Accessed 28 October 2007. <http://www.rrj.ca/online/654/>.71 See Ibid.72 See Ibid.73 Doyle, Simon. “PM Harper trying to avoid ‘dome disease’ with media: Conservative.” The Hill Times. 30 October 2006.

The press became the opposition, abandoning the objectivity of the media and acquiring the malice of the Opposition.Brian Mulroney74

We have one opposition – the media.Jean Chrétien75

Unfortunately the press gallery has taken the view they are going to be the opposition to the government.Stephen Harper76

An antagonistic relationship between the Prime Minister and the press is entirely natural.

Thus far, this particular PM’s war on the media has been politically effective. There are isolated

areas in which his desire for message control is crippling Canada’s democratic discourse, but, in

the larger sense, there is every reason to believe that Canadian journalism will emerge from this

period stronger than ever. As mainstream media outlets struggle to maintain their primacy in a

world of ever-expanding news options, they would do well to spend less time worrying about

Stephen Harper, and more time worrying about the quality of their own reporting.

74 Newman, Peter. The Secret Mulroney Tapes: Unguarded Confessions of a Prime Minister. (Toronto: Random House Canada, 2005), p. 261. 75 Wilson-Smith, Greenspoon, p. 402.76 “Harper to avoid national media, claiming bias.” CTV News. 24 March 2006. Accessed 27 October 2007. <http://www.ctv.ca/servlet/ArticleNews/story/CTVNews/20060524/harper_media_060524/20060524?hub=TopStories>.

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