movements in judaism_zionism-richard_jh_gottheil-ny-1914-258pgs-rel

MOVEMENTS IN JUDAISM

PUBLISHEDZIoNIsM. By Richard J. H. Gottheil, Ph. D., Professor of

Semitic Languages in Columbia University, NewYork City.

IN PREPARATIONHELLENISM . By Norman Bentwich, author of "Philo-

Judaeus of Alexandria," and " Josephus."

MYSTICISM . By Joseph H. Hertz, Ph. D., Chief Rabbi ofthe United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland .

PHARISAISM. By Solomon Schechter, M. A., Litt. D., Presi-dent of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America,author of " Studies in Judaism."

RATIONALISM . By Isaac Husik, Ph . D.

REFORM JUDAISM . By Samuel Schulman, D. D ., Rabbi ofTemple Beth-El, New York City.


ZIONISM

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frontispiece


ZIONISMBY

RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEILProfessor of Semitic . Languages in Columbia University, New York

Sometime President of the Federation of American Zionists

PHILADELPHIA

THE JEWISH PUBLICATION SOCIETY OF AMERICA

1914

i

COPYRIGHT, 1914,

BY

THE JEWISH PUBLICATION SOCIETY OP AMERICA

CONTENTS

V. THE JEWISH CONGRESS 108VI. THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD 143

9

PACEFOREWORD 13

I. THE PRE-H ERZLITES 17II . THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE 48

III . LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION 6oIV. THEODOR H ERZL 82

VII .

VIII.

IX.

SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY x65AHAD HA-AM AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY . 181

ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS198

NOTES 217BIBLIOGRAPHY 233INDEX 235

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONSTHEODOR HERZL (I86o-z9o4)Frontispiece

MOSES HESS (1812-1875)facingpage 36

LEO PINSKER (1821-1891)"

" 66THE SECOND CONGRESS, BASEL, AUGUST 28-31,

1898 following " 92

11

MEDAL STRUCK IN HONOR OF THE SECOND CONGRESS, facing " 124CERTIFICATE OF AN INSCRIPTION IN THE GOLDEN

BOOK OF THE JEWISH NATIONAL FUND 156SIX STAMPS OF THE JEWISH NATIONAL FUND"

" 188

FOREWORD

It was with much pleasure that I accepted themandate, offered to me by The Jewish PublicationSociety of America, to contribute an essay on Zion-ism as one of a series dealing with prominentJewish movements. Whichever side of the ques-tion appeals to us, we must all recognize that underthe name Zionism a solution of the Jewish problemhas been presented which must be of much momentfor the future of the Jewish people . I venture tothink that it is the only solution and to hold that theweal or woe of our race depends upon our espousalor rejection of it. In saying so much, I am prac-tically affirming my standpoint. I make no excusefor the trend of my thought . I have writtenfrankly as a Zionist, and I believe that the Publi-cation Society and its many members will be servedbest by the presentation of all such subjects at thehand of those whose sympathy for them has madethem able to understand their essence . Above all,I have been mindful of the advice given by the

2

13

FOREWORD

philosopher on the throne of the Caesars, " Letthere be in your speech an accent of heroic truth ."

It is sometimes held that an historian must beunbiased, and must stand vis-a-vis to his subjectmuch as a physician does to his patient . Such de-tachment may be valuable for a mere chronicler,to whom dry dates and lifeless facts are all-im-portant. But a people has a soul, just as individualhuman beings have . To understand that soul,something more is needed than mere dates andfacts. If evolution is creative, as Monsieur Bergsonholds, the attempt must be made to understand inwhat that creative spirit consists, and this can beattained only by active sympathy with the peculiarphase of the soul-life the historian has to depict .This need not prevent him from taking a broadview of the opinion of others who do not see thelight in exactly the same fashion . I have tried todo justice to the opposing view, and, if I have notsucceeded, the shortcoming is excusable from theearnestness with which the problem appeals to me .The reader will make his own deduction on thatscore .

I have omitted many minor details-small differ-ences of opinion that loomed large at certaintimes and became subjects of heated discussion-in

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FOREWORD

order to lay stress upon what seemed to me to be theleading lines of development . I have also respectedconfidences, due to my intimate relations with mostof the leaders, which might discover motives orplace certain facts in a clearer light. The time hasnot yet come for disclosing the inner history ofmany of the negotiations to which reference is madein the following pages .

RICHARD GOTTHEIL.COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEw YoRx,

October, 1912 .

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CHAPTER I

THE PRE-HERZLITES

In commenting upon a passage in the Book ofPsalms-so the Talmud relates'-two rabbis ex-pressed opposing views . One held that " the timeis adapted to the leader" ; the other, that "theleader is adapted to the time ." As is so often thecase when views diverge, both phrases are expres-sions of eternal truth." To very few men has itbeen given to be far ahead of the forces they wereleading. Such a faculty has been reserved for thethinker and the seer, for the more poetic nature,which can set itself above the demands of practicallife and measurable possibilities and soar into therefined atmosphere of pure thought .

Theodor Herz1 was not originally a man ofaction. A poet, a writer, a dreamer in the best senseof that term, he would seem to have been fittedpoorly by his early life, his education, his associa-tions for the role he was called upon to play . Yetthe circumstances in which the Jewish people wereplaced and the various converging currents of

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ZIONISM

thought were such as to force him to the leadershipof a people at a most critical period of its history .Since 1896 sixteen years have gone by . Some ofthe acuter controversies raised by the appearance ofZionism have passed away . As opposition has be-come less marked, and the dire results presagedhave not ensued, so also a certain inner evolutionhas taken place within the movement itself . Thefundamental principles upon which the wholeorganization rests have indeed remained intact andinviolate, but it was inevitable that the direction ofits conscious effort should change as the circum-stances changed in which it worked . Perhaps themoment has come when an estimate can be madeof the part played by Zionism in modern Jewishlife, of the clearer perception of Jewish problemswhich it has induced, and of the contribution it hasmade towards a possible solution of some at leastof these problems. With this purpose in view, thefollowing pages have been written .

I have taken the year T896 as the starting-point,not because historical movements of great momentcan be fixed within definite limits of time, but be-cause that date affords a convenient point of vantagefrom which to look both backward and forwardbackward, because it is necessary to see how " the

is

THE PRE-HERZLITES

time was adapted to the leader " ; forward, in orderto measure the degree in which " the leader wasadapted to the time."

One need not be biased towards any of the ex-isting expressions of Jewish feeling and thought tosay that to none of them could the situation haveappealed as satisfactory in itself or as promisingin the hope that it held out for the future . WesternJewry, and by that I mean the Jews who had beenborn and reared in contact with the more advancedcivilization of Central and Western Europe andof the United States, had staked its all upon thepolitical emancipation for which it had fought withsuch tenacity and with such eminent success . It istrue that there were many inner conflicts within thatJewry, but the larger mass of the Jews had beencontent to leave such matters for discussion amongthe learned and the religious leaders . The greatideals enounced by the prophets of old had foundan echo in the highest aspirations of some of theleading thinkers and statesmen of the century . TheJews, born optimists as they are, eagerly followeda lead that spoke in language to which they andtheir forebears had been well accustomed . As thewalls of the physical and constitutional Ghettoswere razed one by one, the Western Jews felt that

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ZIONISM

at last they had come into their heritage, that theycould take their place by the side of their non-Jewish fellow-citizens, and that both would moveforward and on to a higher level, leaving behindthem all the controversies and the struggles of thepast as unpleasant reminiscences of a time that wasgone forever .

It is quite certain that the Jewish Reformers andtheir followers were absolutely sincere in their the-ories and in their actions. They met the demandsof the newly-created situation with characteristicenergy. They were not merely shouting the lan-guage of patriotism . They knew that the enjoy-ment of new rights carried with it the obligation ofnew duties ; they had to fit Jewish thought and Jew-ish observance into the new grooves in which theirlives and the lives of their children were to run .Above all, they wished to save the Jewish religion,even at the expense of nationality and race, notrealizing that the two last were the chief bulwarksof the religion . They commenced to doff the Jew-ish gabardine, to shuffle off ways, habits, and ob-servances that seemed to run counter to the formsof modern conditions. For them, in very truth,the " East was the East and the West was theWest." They felt that they must do their share

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THE PRE-HERZLITES

in the tacit understanding they had come to withwhat they called the " modern spirit ."

It is not difficult to sympathize with the Re-formers in their attempt to save Judaism . Thiswas the kernel, for which rites, ceremonies, andobservances made up the husk. Nor did theyimagine that the kernel could continue and beshorn of its husk . But they did think that the huskwas unnecessarily thick ; even that its whole char-acter could be changed and still remain the husk ofthat particular kernel . In point of fact, a good partof the husk had commenced to be withered andblighted. Various forms had died a natural deathand had fallen by the wayside . Jews everywherehad bridled at some of the ancient customs, and hadsilently sunk them into oblivion . But no officialaction had been taken. Very few of the changesthat occurred in ritual matters during the MiddleAges had been made consciously or with delibera-tion . They had been accepted de facto and posteventum . Least of all had such action been takenin matters of belief or theory . But it had alwaysbeen a Jewish postulate that religion and life wereintimately bound up one with the other . The firstto break the rivet had been Moses Mendelssohn, theBerlin sage.' He had laid entire stress upon one side,

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Jewish life, and had allowed individual belief torange as wide as possible . " The Spirit of Judaismis freedom in doctrine and conformity in action ."But absolute conformity in action, both as regardsthe individual and his neighbor and as regardsthe present and the past, being impossible, the re-sult was inevitable . Jewish life became atrophied,and Jewish belief, having no hold and no stability,soon lost all distinctive character. The descendantsof the Mendelssohnian group have very largelypassed out of Jewry .

The German Reformers chose the other way tobreak through the attachment . They laid greatstress upon Jewish belief, upon the religious side .Jewish life as such did not appeal to them withmuch force, and, freed from what they consideredthe "trammels " of Jewish observance, Jewish be-lief became in time watered into a thinly-veiledtheism . The most serious renunciation was thatconnected with the great hope of Israel's restora-tion, the pivot on which Jewish spiritual life re-volved. The Jewish world had until then believedthat the dispersion was a punishment . To the Re-formers it became a blessing . Dispersion should beencouraged, " so that there might be worshipersof the one only and true God everywhere ." ' The

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THE PRE-HERZLITES

loss of Palestine signified progress, since Israel'sideals were carried into all lands . In conformitywith these views, the Frankfort Rabbinical Confer-ence of 1845 voted that "all petitions for thereturn to the land of our fathers, and for the restor-ation of a Jewish state, should be eliminated fromthe prayers." '

That the Reform movement has not fulfilled itsundertaking, and that the Reformers were mistakenin part of the theory on which they worked, must notbe laid to their discredit . They could not foreseethe general trend of the world's thought and aspira-tion ; they could not presage the effect of the neworientation upon their own descendants ; and, aboveall, they could not measure the influence themasses of Eastern Europe were to exercise in inter-national Jewry, when once their weight was put inthe balance .

At various times in the history of Europe, theprinciples of internationalism and of national par-ticularism have fought for predominance . In theMiddle Ages the Church dreamed of a universalChristian community, divided into nationalities itis true, but all under the sway of the acknowledgedhead of the Roman Church . Such dreams wererudely shattered by the inner development of the

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Church itself, by the resurrection of Paganism orof pagan ideals at the time of the Renaissance, andby the growth of national sentiments that refusedto submit even to spiritual domination. Again, atthe extreme end of the Middle Ages, a movementtowards internationalism was distinctly apparent,led by the encyclopedists and deists of France, andfed by the growth of the natural sciences and thediscoveries in the domain of exact knowledge . Thiswas soon followed, however, by a reversal in whichold races revived the consciousness of their separateexistence, and new national segregations wereformed, which tended to develop diversity in placeof unison. The first of such transformations maybe seen in the rebirth of the German Empire, inthe forward movement of the Slavs, and in thegrowth of the smaller Balkan states ; ° the second,in the vast growth of the United States and ofCanada in the northern half of the new world andof the newer republics in its southern half .

Amid such varying developments, the Jewishpeople occupied a peculiar, not to say dangerous,position . Even in the Roman state, tolerant as itwas of alien faiths, existence was always fraughtwith some danger to the Jews. Exceptional lawswere passed in their favor, but just because of these

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THE PRE-HERZLITES

laws and because of their refusal to enter the melt-ing-pot in which nationalities and races were fused,the Jews were liable at any moment to feel the pres-sure of exceptional treatment when Roman over-lordship was felt to be in danger ." And, after all,even in the Roman Empire citizenship was boundup with religion . However syncretistic that re-ligion might be, it was Roman and not Judaic.' Inthe evolution of a universal Christian communitythe Jews manifestly could have no share . As boththe motives and the objects of this evolution werereligious, no proper place could be found for them .All the legislation of the Middle Ages in regard tothe Jews turns about the endeavor to make someprovision for a people who had been omitted in thescheme according to which the statehood of the daywas built up. Again, both the Reformation andthe Renaissance were inner Christian movements .The revolt from Rome, as far as it affected theJews, was a revolt from a religious and a seculartyranny, and what resulted was a tyranny that wasreligious only . Protestantism did little better thanRoman Catholicism ; it could not assimilate the Jewsupon the only terms possible for the latter . Theyremained, no longer a proscribed people, one thatwas merely tolerated .

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ZIONISM

Had the universalistic and international ten-dencies of the early part of the nineteenth centurypersisted, the Jews would undoubtedly have foundtheir place as one of the many forces workingtowards that end . It is interesting to note that Jewshave not been backward in furthering movementsof a universalistic character. The founders ofSocialism were Karl Marx and Ferdinand Las-salle ; the inventor of a universal language wasLazarus Ludwig Zamenhof ; ` the projector of theUniversal Race Congress was Felix Adler. Withequal ardor, the Jews threw themselves into thenational movement of the peoples among whomthey dwelt . Not only did they wish to justify thegranting of equal rights ; in some countries theirstake was deeper down in the ground than that ofmany of their co-citizens, and it had been there fora much longer period . Their patriotism was quitewhole-souled . Unfortunately, the nationalist biasin Europe tended towards chauvinism, and chau-vinism led to a narrowing of the wider outlook .Church and Society joined hands, and once morethere was no place for the Jews, who held withtenacity to their separate existence and refused tolose their existence. In this way the ground wasprepared in which Bismarck, for political reasons,

26

THE PRE-HERZLITES

laid the seed of the modern anti-Semitic movement,which wrought so much havoc in Germany and inFrance, and which, in passing over to less culturednations, produced veritable cataclysms among theJews of Russia, Roumania, and Galicia .

How was the new danger of anti-Semitism to bemet? Some of the better elements in GermanChristian society thought that a league against anti-Semitism would be efficacious, and founded theVerein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus . Amongthe Jews, many were of opinion that if theydropped all customs that render them distinct as acommunity and all forms that differentiate Jewishpublic worship from that of the Christian Church,the foundations of anti-Semitism would be de-stroyed . In the same spirit, Salomon Reinachargues that the Jewish proletariat will have moresuccess in economic competition, if Jewish law is soamended as to permit the Jews to violate the Sab-bath and to eat pork.' Just as Reinach forgot thatsuch a course, quite apart from all higher considera-tions, would only increase competition, the ultra-Reform Jews erred in thinking that anti-Semitismwas based upon theoretical considerations, and argu-ments could avail where passion was the moving

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ZIONISM

spirit . The genuinely Jewish answer to anti-Semi-tism was yet to be given I

The effect upon the Jews themselves of thesechanges in orientation was formidable . The pas-sage from the Jewish Middle Ages, later in pointof time than the general European, to the modernperiod was naturally fraught with much difficulty .It meant a wrench with the past which was somomentous in many cases as to disorganize familiesand communities . Here and there excessive zeal inmodernizing led to deplorable results, and weak-ened the foundationss upon which Jewish cohesive-ness was based . Concessions are necessary on thepart of every unit ,in a state organization : ideaschange with increasing knowledge . But the smallerunit must always consider the length to which it maygo in making such concessions and the point atwhich concession loses all its grace and becomes anungainly rush towards complete self-obliteration ."Perhaps the most serious objection that can be raisedto some of the later developments of the Reformmovement is that they are destroying the unity thathas hitherto prevailed in the corporate expressionof Jewish practice and of Jewish hope. Violentchanges have been made in the ritual, and the Jew-ish perspective has been remodeled in such manner

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THE PRE-HERZLITES

as to make the remodeling a renunciation . Theone was apt to make the Jew a stranger amonghis brethren in many countries, the other to removethe fixed point in the future towards which allJewish endeavor pointed and converged . For, assurely as the old Hebrew prophets had a wide out-look embracing more than simply Jewish interests,so surely was this outlook centered upon Judea andupon the return of the Jews to some form of areconstructed common existence .' A people thathas no common physical center and not even aspiritual one is dependent upon its common outlookto hold it together and direct its efforts to some con-certed end . This once removed, disintegration isbound to set in .

In this respect, a study of ancient Judaism in itsrelation to Hellenism is most instructive . Nomovement with which the Jews have come in con-tact was so persuasive in its attraction and so se-ductive as Hellenism . It came to the Jews as therepresentative and symbol of culture and of art .It contained no political element, as did laterRoman culture. It was quite adaptable to varyingand differing civilizations ; its ideals insinuatedthemselves among men and peoples . Had it notbeen for the national ideals that animated the Jews

g

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ZIONISM

in Palestine, they might have gone the way oftheir brethren in Egypt, or have descended to acompromise which would eventually have producedsome form of hybrid civilization, like that of paganSyria. Despite all their Hellenizing, the Jews inthe Diaspora looked upon the city in which theydwelt as patris (native city), but upon Jerusalem asmetropolis (mother-city, home) ."

On the other hand, an unvarying persistence instereotyped formulae and an unmodified observanceare bound to get out of joint with the times . If theReform movement has weakened the supports oftraditional Judaism, and has facilitated egress fromthe community, certain forms of unbending Or-thodoxy have allowed dry-rot and putrefaction toenter into those supports, and have contributed tothe alienation of large numbers of the younger ele-ment, whose Jewish feeling failed to find expressionin the older manner. The result has been a decidedweakening of staying force and a capitulation, on asomewhat large scale, to the iniquitous demandsmade by social and bureaucratic anti-Semitism,especially in such countries as Germany andAustria ."

A new chapter in the history of modern Judaismhas been written by the forced exodus of large

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THE PRE-HERZLITES

numbers of Jews from Eastern Europe . As thesad human stream is still flowing, it is too early togauge its full effect upon their brethren in WesternEurope and in America . But even now it is easyto see that this effect must be deep and far-reaching .Forced by circumstances, the Jews of EasternEurope had lived more secluded from the outsideworld than those of the West . Segregated inthis manner, they had been able to preserve intactmore of the forms of Jewish life and to maintainan intenser Jewish spirit than had been possiblewhere contact with other ideals and the demands ofmore expanded social relations had drawn the Jewsinto other orbits . To them the Jewish questionpresented itself, not merely as a subject for indi-vidual speculation, but as a question of their col-lective life or death . The opposition against whichthey had to contend was not one of mere pin-pricks ;it threatened their whole existence . They werethrown back upon their own resources, and strength-ened in maintaining that which they felt instinc-tively was their sole hope of salvation . Into theirnewer exile they carried an intense Jewish spirit anda feeling of solidarity, which revived the waningspirit of Western Jewries .

In addition, the cry for help that went up from81

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the victims of a relentless persecution that refusedto disarm, awoke a responsive note in all the variouscommunities into which they came . The activework of making proper provision for the outcastsbrought Eastern and Western Jewry into close con-tact. To many Western Jews it suggested for thefirst time the thought that, though amongst them-selves there was to be found what they were pleasedto consider the best product of the amalgam ofJudaism and modern culture, the great mass ofJews lived elsewhere-in Eastern Europe ; that theJewish proletariat lived there, a proletariat thatwould outweigh themselves both numerically andJewishly in any settlement of the Jewish questionin which the Jews had a word to say . In short, themodern crusade waged against the Jews of EasternEurope had the result that must attend all suchcrusades . Instead of hastening the disintegrationand final disappearance of the Jews, which was itsobject, it retarded it . It introduced the EasternJews to their Western brethren : it drove them intoeach other's arms, so that a close bond of sympathywas established between two portions of a peoplethat had been estranged for so long a time .

The Jews emigrating from Russia, however,carried with them into their new homes an ideal

32

that had been fished leaders athat has been calbeen written tothat the Jews arthe dispute turnsame is true ofto " nation."Jewish race, ofsuffered during inot concern uswith other similanthropologists .tioned by physibe said : it is nowill acting as a" nation," whicfact . Men bancomplishment aWhether theymatters little .effort that is mcerted effort thathat animates thit is the commonintuition of dee

stered by some of their most cher-d widest-read writers-the idealed Jewish Nationalism . Much has.rove and to disprove the statementa "nation." In the last analysis,upon a definition of the term . Thehe word " race " and its relationhe question of the purity of thehe measure of intermixture it hass centuries of exile or before, doesere at all . It may well be left,r questions, to be determined byRace may or may not be condi-

al phenomena ; but so much maydue to the exertion of the humanfree agency. It is different withrepresents an ideal rather than athemselves together for the ac-

d achievement of certain ideals .each the end sought for or not,he heart of the business lies in thede . It is this common and con-binds men together : it is the idealm which makes of them a nation ;past of weal or woe, the collectives done or of experiences passed

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ZIONISM

through ; it is the combined outlook into the future .In other words, it is the common soul that segre-gates a nation and differentiates it from others .

It was in this sense that Perez Smolenskin under-stood the term Jewish Nationalism . Between theyears 1869 and 1884, his fruitful pen labored with-out cessation to the quickening of the Jewish con-science in Russia . The very title of his chief work,Am Olam (fln Eternal People), gives us thekeynote of all his endeavor : an eternal peoplemust keep an " eternal ideal " constantly in view .That ideal he finds expressed in the one word" Zion." Since the destruction of the Temple, ithas represented the hopes of the Jewish people .It stands for the peculiar culture after which theJews have striven ; it connotes the Hebrew lan-guage, the use of which must be cultivated anew,as the expression of that ideal ; and later in life itbetokened to him the physical goal for which theJews must strive in order to attempt the realizationof the ideal . Here, for the first time in Russia, a--

---- -view of Jewish nationalism was proclaimed thatwas civic and social, not religious . The old in-herited Messianic doctrine had become secularand profane. As we shall see, Smolenskin was notalone in his leadership . Many choice spirits were

34

to gather aroun him and follow him, and they notonly propagate the transformed doctrine amongtheir brethren i Russia, but in the persons of manyof the exiles fr m the Pale of Settlement sent itfructifying in th remotest corners of the Diaspora .

Though it received its most tangible expressionamong Russian Jews, it is wrong to suppose thatthis ideal of Jewish nationality was entirely strangeto the West. This will not surprise any one whois familiar with Jewish thought and history . Eversince the Second Jewish Commonwealth receivedits death-blow at the hands of Rome, the Jews as abody have lived an anomalous life . Driven west-ward, not only by the general trend of civilization,,but also by the special circumstances of their isolatedexistence, their religious and cultural ideals were soclosely connected with Oriental thought, so clothedin Oriental forms, they could sing with their be-loved poet Jehudah Halevi, mpz +z5l zwba +»,

" though I live in the West, my heart is in theEast." It did not need the formalizing genius ofa Maimonides to include the doctrine of the returnto Palestine in the Jewish creed . It had always beenpart and parcel of the belief of the Jew, and hadbeen expressed in countless sayings, prayers, andpoems."' It is true that this return was looked upon,

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HE PRE-HERZLITES

ZIONISM

not as a simple historic or human event, but as partof the divine scheme of governance . It was to bepreceded by certain superhuman 'foreshadowings ;it was to be made effective by some form of directcelestial intervention ; and as distant as such inter-vention seemed to be, so remote was the contingencyof the return. Any attempt to further that consum-mation by human beings and in a human fashionwould, in such circumstances, have appeared tobe blasphemy, an attempt at terrestrial interferencewith a divine process . In point of fact, such wasthe attitude adopted by the Synagogue towards anyone presuming to guide the community eastward,unless, as in the case of Sabbatai Zebi, he was undersuperhuman conduct . But even among those Jewswho had moved away from some of the traditionalstandards, the belief held its subconscious grasp,and with the advent of a more tangible view ofcosmic development, it is natural that it took on amore human and terrestrial form .

The most important, of these Western pre-Herzlites was undoubtedly Moses_ Hess, one of theearly German Socialist leaders and a propagator ofProudhon's anarchistic_ ideas . As early as 1840 u

and under the influence of the Damascus troubles,he had written these pregnant words, " We shall

36

always remainit is true, wilhumanity andus so long assecond rank, bibi patria .' "the Latest Nanot only laid dof that whichcontained a corejuvenation owe are not conplans formulaGuttmacher inthe strength ofGerman politicof advising hitheir much-prishould be founnationality . Feradicate the JeJewish type wa

Hess' wordswere, found litren." As one owhich, with its

THE PRE-HERZLITES

strangers among the nations ; these,grant us rights from feelings of

justice ; but they will never respecte place our great memories in thet in the first the principle, ` ubi bene,is great work Rome and Jerusalem,tonal Question, published in 1862,wn the historic and economic basesas not yet called Zionism, but alsoplete plan for the colonization andthe Holy Land. With this latterrned ; it was called forth by similar ;ed by Kalischer, Gordon, andRussia . But it is interesting to seeHess' Jewish consciousness . He, a t .I writer and leader, went the lengthJewish brethren to sacrifice evened emancipation, if emancipationto be irreconcilable with Jewishhe held that it was impossible toish national consciousness, and thebound to persist.ardent and thrilling though theyle echo among his German breth-his critics said, " It is an old ideapractical demands, has come too

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early."" Upon one man, however, Rome and Jeru-salem exercised a decided influence, the historianHeinrich Graetz . In an article entitled Die Yer-jiingung des jiidischen Stammes (The Rejuvenes-cence of the Jewish Race), published in 1864, herecognizes, as an historian should, the new forcethat was slowly making its way into Jewish life"The Jewish race is approaching, and under ourvery eye, a rejuvenescence which would formerlynot have been thought possible . The enemies ofthe Jews look upon it with implacable rage, theJews of cosmopolitan tendency secretly shake theirhead, the followers of the letter of the law associatedeceptive hopes with it-all are dumbfounded atits appearance." He goes on to compare this stir-ring of the dead bones with a similar agitationamong the exiles in Babylon, and leaves his readersto draw their conclusion."

It is true that in some of the proposals put for-ward the romantic and the fanciful outweighed allpractical possibilities ; but though the branches andthe twigs reached far out into the realm of imagina-tion, the roots were firmly grounded in facts and ina clear recognition of these facts . Even the some-what grotesque plan of Mordecai Manuel Noah, tofound a refuge for the Jews on Grand Island near

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Buffalo, was buacceptance in Ifor the Jews ofcultivation of tnumber of Jewsthe whole Jewisnecessary to cufinally, that hishalf-way housein which the Esented to the Zi

Nor were theish cause amonand from diversions similar tonationalists . Isome such prothe Moniteurinviting the Jewselves under his

It upon principles which have foundter days. He saw clearly the needome segregation, of a return to thee soil ; that though only a certaincould be benefited by a segregation,race would profit by it ; that it was

tivate the Hebrew language ; and,own scheme provided only for a

o Palestine-very much in the sensest African scheme was finally pre-nist Congress."wanting well-wishers of the Jew-

Christians, who, in different wayse motives, had arrived at conclu-those of the pre-Herzlite Jewishis even said that Napoleon hadect in mind, for he inserted inniverselle of 1799 a proclamationof Asia and Africa to place them-leadership for the purpose of re-

establishing anc'ent Jerusalem.' It is possible thatthe romantic sid of the idea appealed to him ; per-haps it was only n attempt to win the Eastern Jewsto his cause, as e was to win many of those in theWest by calling he " Sanhedrin " together in Paris .It is asserted th t at a later time Bismarck enter-

39

ZIONISM

tained similar projects,' though the evidence isnot at all clear on the subject. But that the re-estab-lishment of the Jews in Palestine -might becomea matter of general European interest was not with-out its advocates during the first half of the nine-teenth century. The French Jew Joseph Salvador,the historian of the Second Jewish Commonwealthand of the Pentateuchal Legislation, had publiclyadvocated the calling of a European Congress forthe purpose of reinstating his people in their oldhome, an idea that is supposed to have fired themind of Disraeli, who, in his novels Tancred,4lroy, and Coningsby, gives unwitting supportto the theory by his insistence upon the value ofracial endurance . In one passage he goes evenbeyond this, and speaks the language of the mostmodern of Zionists in the words he puts into themouth of the high priest in addressing Alroy :" You ask me what I wish : my answer is, the Landof Promise. You ask me what I wish : my answer is,Jerusalem. You ask me what I wish : my answer is,the Temple, all we have forfeited, all we haveyearned after, all for which we have fought, ourbeauteous country, our holy creed, our simplemanners, and our ancient customs .'" An English-man, Hollingsworth by name, went still further.

40

THE PRE-HERZLITES

In 1852 " he ublished a pamphlet wherein he ad-vocated the est blishment of a Jewish state, urging ,it as a matter o much moment to Great Britain, forthe purpose of safeguarding the overland route toIndia .

It cannot bsiderations forsimilar proposthe question awhich requiredas the premoniThe whole wotical procedureHaifa, was doIt is evident tlittle sympathbased, as theyThey naturallthough recognireal friends ofclosed their eaother and quitwhose analysisat all. I shall

Among thepsychological

denied that sometimes other con-ed an unwelcome background to

Is. In some quarters the solution ofsumed a purely theological aspect,the return of the Jews to Palestineion of the second coming of Christ .k of Laurence Oliphant, his prac-in Palestine, his own settlement nearmated and vitiated by such theories .a t the Jews of the West could feelfor these schemes of salvation,ere, upon Christ_o_logical theorems .looked askance at their authors,ing the perfect good faith of suchsrael in Exile. Unfortunately, theys, also to appeals made to them bydisinterested Christian writers, inf their ills theology played no partention three in particular.

.lays written by that great Frenchramatist Alexandra Dumas fils,

41

there is one entitled La femme de Claude . In thisplay a Jewish character, Daniel, represents devotionto race in contrast to the devotion to science of oneof the principal characters, Claude . Daniel char-acterizes the hope animating him in regard to thefuture of his people in the following wordsWe have come to an epoch when each race has resolved to

claim and to have as its own its soil, its home, its language, its

temple. It is long enough since we Jews have been dispossessedof all that-we have been forced to insinuate ourselves into theinterstices of the nations, and there we have taken up the interestsof governments, of societies, of individuals. This is a great deal,yet it is not enough . People still believe that persecution has

dispersed us ; it has merely spread us over the world . . . . Wedo not want to be a group any more, we want to be a people, anation. The ideal name does not suffice us ; the fixed territorialfatherland is again necessary for us, and I go to seek it and toobtain there our legalized birth certificate!'

More practical and more definite, but with equalwarmth, the Swiss Henry Dunant, the founder ofthe Red Cross and the inspirer of the Geneva Con-vention, tried, between the years 1863 and 1876,to awaken interest among the Jews for the coloniza-tion of Palestine . In vain he knocked at the doorsof the Alliance Israelite in 1863 ; in vain he ap-pealed to the Jews in Berlin in 1866, and finally tothe Anglo-Jewish Association in London . He even

42

THE PRE-HERZLITES

went to the length of founding an InternationalPalestine Society, and in 1876 a Syrian and Pales-tinian Colonization Society." The Jews of WesternEurope were still wrapt up in the seeming securitythat complete legal emancipation had brought them .In a few years they were to be awakened with arude hand and with a violent jar .

No Christia.i and perhaps no Jewish writer hasstruck the high note of pathos and enthusiasm ashas George E iot in her novel Daniel Deronda(1876) . Into the mouth of one of her heroes, therepresentative f the new Judaic nationalism, sheplaces words t at show how deeply she had pen-etrated into the Jewish soul

When it is rat! nal to say, " I know not my father or mymother ; let my ch ldren be aliens unto me, that no prayer ofmine may touch thsay, "I will seekGentile ; I will nonationality." Let thbe antiquarian triflrace . Yet let hiswhere he adjures hfought foremost atnoble in the Greek,the Jew has no methat his nation ismonuments of his I

m," then will it be rational for the Jew too know no difference between me and thecherish the prophetic consciousness of ourHebrew cease to be, and let all his memorialsdead as the wall-paintings of a conjectured

hild learn by rote the speech of the Greek,s fellow-citizens by the bravery of those whoMarathon ; let him learn to say, That wasthat is the spirit of an immortal nationl Butories that bind him to action ; let him laughegraded from a nation ; let him hold the

w which carried within its frame the breath43

ZIONISM

of social justice, of charity, and of household sanctities ; let himhold the energy of the prophets, the patient care of the masters,the fortitude of martyred generations, as mere stuff for a pro-fessorship. . . .

In the multitude of the ignorant on three continents whoobserve our rites and make the confession of Divine Unity, thesoul of Judaism is not dead . Revive the organic center : let theunity of Israel which has made the growth and form of itsreligion be an outward reality . Looking forward to a land anda polity, our dispersed people in all the ends of the earth mayshare the dignity of a national life which has a voice among thepeoples of the East and the West-which will plant the wisdomand skill of our race so that it may be, as of old, a medium oftransmission and understanding . Let that come to pass, and theliving warmth will spread to the weak extremities of Israel, andsuperstition will vanish, not in the lawlessness of the renegade,but in the illumination of great facts which widen feeling, andmake all knowledge alive as the young offspring of belovedmemories . . . .There is a store of wisdom among us to found a new Jewish

polity, grand, simple, just, like the old-a republic where there isequality of protection. . . . Then our race shall have an organiccenter, a heart and a brain to watch and guide and execute ; theoutraged Jew shall have a defense in the court of nations, as theoutraged Englishman or American, And the world will gain asIsrael gains . For there will be a community in the van of theEast which carries the culture and the sympathies of every greatnation in its bosom ; and there will be a land set for a halting-place of enmities, a neutral ground for the East as Belgium isfor the West . Difficulties? I know there are difficulties . But let

44

HE PRE-HERZLITES

the spirit of sublime achievement move in the great among our

people and the work

Let the torch of

Israel disclose itself i

great migration, ano

whose members may

as the sons of Engl

afar, but who still

national opinion . . .

the light will reach a

will learn to think of

beggary, to await de

where the Jewish spi

on the old, purified,

have gathered from t

have to choose, that

time is the time when

ensign . . . . Let us

better future of the w

"Let us be as if we

our full heritage, cla'

it into a new brother

vision is there : it will

Three yearsModern Hep!newed her appeal

There is still a g

Jew : not that he sho

knowledge can throw

4

will begin. . . .

isible community be litl Let the reason of

a great outward deed, let there be another

her choosing of Israel to be a nationality,

still stretch to the ends of the earth, even

nd and Germany, whom enterprise carries

ave a national hearth and a tribunal of

Let the central fire be kindled again, and

ar. The degraded and scorned of our race

their sacred land, not as a place for sacred

th in loathsome idleness, but as a republic

t manifests itself in a new order founded

nriched by the experience our greatest sons

e life of the ages . . . . The sons of Judah

d may again choose them . The Messianic

Israel shall will the planting of the national

elp to will our own better future and the

rld-not renounce our higher gift, and say,

ere not among the populations," but choose

the brotherhood of our nation, and carry

ood with the nations of the Gentiles . The

be fulfilled."

ater, in an essay entitled Theep! Hep! " George Eliot re-

to the Jewish peopleeat function for the steadfastness of the

Id shut out the utmost illumination which

on his national history, but that he should

45

ZIONISM

cherish the store of inheritance which that history has left him .

Every Jew should be conscious that he is one of a multitude

possessing common objects of piety in the immortal achievements

and immortal sorrows of ancestors who have transmitted to them

a physical and mental type strong enough, eminent enough in

faculties, pregnant enough with peculiar promise, to constitute a

new, beneficent individuality among the nations, and, by con-

futing the traditions of scorn, nobly avenge the wrongs done to

their Fathers.

It is surprising that this appeal failed to awakenmuch enthusiasm in the many Jewish readers of thenovelist. The chord of passionate sentiment seemedto have been struck in vain ; the time was not yetto mobilize the conscience of the Jewish people . Inone or two cases, it is true, intellectual assent wasgiven to the theory developed in Daniel Deronda .A noted English Review had this to say at the handof a Jewish reviewer : ' " And Mordecai's viewsof the resumption of the soil of the Holy Land bythe holy people are the only logical position of aJew who desires that the long travail of the agesshall not end in the total disappearance of the race."And a German Jewish scholar of the highest reputewrote : '° " All these objections [that Israel's finalmission is to be found in the dispersion] do nottouch this work of art ; if we look closely, not evenits central idea . For the establishment of a political

46

THE PRE-HERZLITES

center is not intended to prevent the spread of theJewish people n the earth, but rather to elevateand support the actions of the dispersed people, sothat they become conscious of belonging to a unifiedand acknowledged community."

The new life that was fermenting Russian Jewryhad not yet reached the West. Even the greatexodus that commenced in 1882 did not confoundthe prophets of peace ; the hands of Jewish men andwomen were filled with the immediate work of thehour, and few had the opportunity-if they had thedesire-to project relief on large and noble lines ."

[Notes, pp . 217-220]

47

CHAPTER II

THE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE

One of the consequences of the new interestshown among the Jews of Russia in the largeraspect of the Jewish question, and at the same timeits most valuable fomenter and fosterer, was theattempt made to resettle the Promised Land . Thismovement Palestinewards had its recrudescence atthe very moment when the more theoretic solutionproposed for the alleviation of the ills from whichthe Jews were suffering was engaging the mind andthe heart of those of them settled in the East Endof Europe . It thus fell upon fruitful ground ; thetheoretic and the practical met in one commoneffort.

All through the Middle Ages communities ofJews had lived in various parts of Palestine, makinga brave fight against political and economic odds,which, from time to time, threatened to become toostrong for resistance . The varying vicissitudes ofthe country's history had prevented any concertedaction on their own part . They had been equallymiserable under Arab, Christian, and Turkishdominion, and yet they had persisted . Ever and

48

THE C

i

anon their nu bers had been increased by indi-vidual and coil ctive additions, most notably fromRussia and Galicia . They had settled chiefly inJerusalem and in one or two cities of Galilee, suchas Safed and T berias, where Cabalistic activity hadformed an additional magnet. The connection ofthese communi ies with those of their brethren inother lands had not been intimate, and had beenpreserved larg°ly by the collectors of alms whogathered, in urope and later in America also,sustenance for he Talmudic and Cabalistic schoolsn Palestine . Two events were destined to work achange in these l relations .

In the year 1840 a Capuchin friar in Damascus,Father Thom* disappeared . At the instigationof an Italian, Ratti Menton, who had been ap-pointed French consul, the blame for his disappear-ance was laid uls on the Jews, and a case of " ritualmurder " was ade out . In conjunction with theCatholic cler , the instigators were successful ;many Jews w re tortured and imprisoned, someeven meeting t eir death . The tale of woe reachedEurope, led t many meetings of protest, and in-duced Sir Mo es Montefiore, Adolphe Cremieux,and Salomon unk to journey to Mehemet Ali ofEgypt, under hose power Syria at that time was

49

LONIZATION OF PALESTINE

ZIONISM

governed, and to obtain redress from him . It wasat Damascus that these public-spirited men firstbecame acquainted with their Eastern brethren, andsaw the real tale of their suffering.

Twenty years later, in 18 6o, Damascus was onceagain to focus the attention of Europe . TheDruses in the neighborhood of the city had fallenupon their ancient enemies, the Maronite Chris-tians, had massacred many, and had pillaged theirdwellings. The Jews were again falsely implicatedin these troubles .

The attention of the world being in this mannerdirected towards Palestine and Syria, the Jews inEurope began to see the duty that lay upon them inconnection with their brethren in the nearer Eastand to feel the bond that had held so loosely in timesgone by. This new interest in Palestine is connectedwith the names of three men, Albert Cohn, CharlesNetter, and Sir Moses Montefiore . That theirinterest was more than merely eleemosynary canfairly be deduced from the utterances and writingsof the first two, who, in conjunction with AdolpheCremieux, later a Minister of Justice in the FrenchCabinet of I87o, became the chief founders ofthe Alliance Israelite Universelle in i86o. Salo-mon Munk had as early as 1840 expressed the wish,

50


" Would that he sad Damascus incident might atleast serve to ake us take cognizance of our dis-organized con ition, which, though mournful tocontemplate, is unfortunately a fact ."' In view oflater developments in the conduct of the Allianceand of the di •tinctly anti-national tendencies in-duced by it, it i$ interesting to note that its foundersat least were animated by a different spirit. Itsvery name " Ijniverselle " is warranty sufficientthat its outlook'was wide and transcended the some-what narrow horizon of the French Jews . Indeed,the founders had based their action upon a senti-ment expressed in the following words : " Allother important faiths are represented in the worldby nations ; that is to say, they are incarnated ingovernments especially interested in them andofficially authorized to represent them and speakfor them alone. Our faith alone lacks this im-portant advantage ; it is represented neither by astate nor by a society, nor does it occupy a clearlydefined territory ." ' In his report on the MikwehIsrael Agricultural School near Jaffa, CharlesNetter, its real founder, wrote to the Central Com-mittee of the Alliance at Paris

You are preparing an asylum for whole populations, whoperhaps to-morrow will be forced to flee en masse because of the

51

ZIONISM

fanaticism of the Greek victorious over the crescent . . . . Youwill accomplish the pacific conquest of this sacred land where-neither Orthodox nor Reformer has forgotten it-the SupremeBeing was invoked by our fathers, while the rest of the worldwas plunged in paganism . . . . In this wise you will gain theHoly Land. The magnitude of the task need not frighten you.That which appears to be a revery to-day may to-morrow becomea reality.'

There were further tokens that even in veryOrthodox circles a new conception of the role Pales-tine was to play in the future had gradually asserteditself, that the hand of man was necessary for theproper achievement of the purposes of Providence .In a letter to Albert Cohn, Samuel David Luzzattoof Padua, the learned scholar, critic, and writer,wrote in 1854, " Palestine must be peopled byJews and tilled by them, in order that it flourisheconomically and agriculturally, and take on beautyand glory ." But perhaps no one insisted upon thechanged outlook which circumstances had com-pelled as did Hirsch Kalischer, rabbi in Thorn,Prussia. The title of his work, Emunah Yesharah,published in 18 6o, shows that he is more concernedwith religious dogmas than with the practical de-mands made by these dogmas . He concedes thata new interpretation must be given to the olderideas, that the divine purpose of the future in-

52


gathering of the Jews must come about in a naturalway, and that the Messianic idea can become a factonly in the slow working of historic events .Kalischer's book is, in a measure, a complete breakwith the past ; it represents a more human renditionof the old hope and promise, a change from theformer policy of laisser-aller to one of positiveaction and forward help . The first step in thatforward policy was to be the colonization of Pales-tine .

The ideas expressed by Kalischer in his EmunahYesharah, and completed by more practical sug-gestions in a little pamphlet entitled DerishatZiyyon, published in 1862, in which the definitefounding of a society for the colonization of Pales-tine was proposed, were the first rays of the newlight that penetrated from Eastern European toWestern Jewry . Hess thankfully records the incite-ment he received from this Orthodox source ; butwhile Hess based his argumentation upon social andeconomic considerations, Kalischer started fromreligious motives. It is evident that though Hessmight appeal to the reasoned judgment of choicerspirits, Kalischer would have the ear of the multi-tude. It was through Kalischer, then, that both inGermany and in Russia a certain zeal was en-

58

ZIONISM

gendered for that which, in later times, has beencalled " practical work " in Palestine .

In fact, it was Kalischer's written word thatbrought about the first attempt made by the Jewsto redeem the Land of Promise . He was the in-spirer of Charles Netter, under whose auspices theAlliance Israelite Universelle founded the MikwehIsrael Agricultural School referred to above . Itwas a strange irony of fate, still more pronouncedwhen we remember that a position in connectionwith the school was offered to Kalischer, which,however, he was unable to accept. The school wasintended to train scientific agriculturalists, who wereto lay the foundations for future colonization . Theinstitution, great in promise, has not played thepart its founders laid out for it . The leaders thatfollowed Netter and his co-founders in directing thepolicy of the Alliance gradually moved out of touchwith the mainsprings of Jewish life . It is the meritof the Alliance that it was the first Jewish body toapply itself seriously to the education of the Jewishmasses in the Orient, but in the course of time itturned its back upon the wider and higher aspira-tions of the Jewish people . The young men whoproceeded from the school near Jaffa emigrated toEgypt, to the United States, to Canada : they have

54


been of little service to Palestine and to the Jewishcause there . Instead of producing agriculturalists,the school has trained up agronomic specialists, whonaturally could find little field for their activity ina country so backward as Palestine .

Nor were the early attempts at actual coloniza-tion any more successful . It is true that a societyfor this purpose had been formed at Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and that in the early " seventies " of thenineteenth century a settlement had been effectedat Petah Tikwah near Jaffa, and again, by Kalischerhimself, near the Sea of Tiberias . But they weresporadic and probably unintelligent experiments,valuable rather as indications of a real interest inthe matter than as successful practical accomplish-ments .

As a concomitant of the revived nationalsentiment we must regard the awakened interest inthe Hebrew language . . It is wrong to suppose thatHebrew had ever become a dead language, in thefull acceptation of that term . It is true that it wasno longer used as the ordinary means of personalintercommunication ; that in the countries of mid-and Western Europe and America its place hadbeen usurped by the tongues of the various landsin which the Jews dwelt, and , that in Eastern

55

ZIONISM

Europe it had been superseded by the Judeo-Ger-man, or " Yiddish," a dialect based upon a sub-stratum of Middle Age High German with a largeadmixture of Hebrew. But it had persisted as theofficial language of the Synagogue and as the meansof literary intercourse among scholars . Its laterdevelopment has, of course, been retarded bythe fact that this development proceeded amongwriters and not among " livers." The Hebrew ofthe Italian school kept too rigidly to the forms andexpressions found in the Hebrew of the Bible ; thatof the German Jews suffered from being too oftena mere translation from the German ; and thatof the Russian Jews was largely newspaper-Hebrew, and, written in haste, was not over-scru-pulous in its adherence to standards . The breathof real life was wanting .`

Now, language is one of the most potent spursto national development . Our modern times haveseen striking examples of the rejuvenation of lan-guages supposed to be dead or cultivated merely forthe purpose of learned examination . One recallsto mind the revival of Cymric in Wales, of Gaelicin Ireland, of Bulgarian in the Balkan peninsula .The first of these was to all appearance dead, andmight have gone the way of its sister dialect in

56


Cornwall, but for . the resolute attitude of a fewenergetic Welshmen, who have made it chief amongthe forces to save Welsh culture from shipwreckand annihilation . The resuscitation of Gaelic, weare told by unprejudiced observers, has done morefor the betterment of conditions in Ireland thanthe speeches of a thousand agitators! And therecrudescence of Bulgarian has proved a powerfulweapon in the reconstruction of the Bulgarian state .

Hebrew, as a real living speech, had a harderbattle to fight than any of these . The Jews wholived in scattered communities had naturally littleuse for a common language different from the oneused by the people among whom they lived . Evenin the synagogue service, the vernacular threatenedto take the place of the sacred tongue . In thedenser and larger agglomerations of EasternEurope, Judeo-German had so completely asserteditself as to leave neither room nor time for thecultivation of Hebrew ; while in- the Semitic Eastthe Spanish of Castile, brought thither by the exilesfrom the Iberian peninsula in the sixteenth andseventeenth centuries, acquired almost the samestanding among the Sefardim that Judeo-Germanhas among the Ashkenazim . Indeed, Judeo-Ger-man had so gained the ascendancy among its adepts,

57

ZIONISM

and had produced so prolific a literature, that therewas danger of its becoming a national tongue in itsown turn ; and the fact that Hebrew was the lashonha-kodesh, " the holy tongue," predisposed a cer-tain section of Orthodox Jews to look with scantaffection upon its attempted use in the concerns ofeveryday life. This distaste was increased by theknowledge that some of the protagonists in therevival of Hebrew were not known for their adher-ence to Orthodox standards, and the movement wasbelieved to lead away from an insistence upon thesestandards .

It is agreed that a common language is a necessityfor the corporate existence of any body of men .Jewish tradition recognizes this. An ancient Mid-rash, recapitulating the merits of the Israelites inEgypt upon the basis of which they were foundworthy of redemption by the Almighty, mentions asone of these merits the fact that " they had not for-saken their national speech ."' Many of the newgeneration, who had been fired by the new nationalidea, eagerly took up the cultivation of the ancienttongue. Societies were established and text-bookswritten for the purpose of acquiring a knowledgeof Hebrew by a more natural method than theone hitherto employed . But it was especially the

58


new interest in Palestine and the founding there ofJewish colonies that gave a strong fillip to the move-ment. Coming from various countries, the col-onists found it necessary to develop a means ofcommon intercourse . In addition to the senti-mental considerations, which naturally served as anincentive,-the Jewish soil was so" intimately con-nected with the language of the Jews, practicalmotives made the demand imperative, especially inthe field of education . The only modern schools towhich the Jews of Palestine could send theirchildren had been founded by Jewish societies inFrance, Austria, England, and Germany ; and asthese schools made the language of the country oftheir origin the vehicle of instruction, the childrenof one and the same family ran the risk of becomingpolyglot collectively but individually strangers toeach other . Only gradually, and after much in-sistence, did the idea make its way, that the onlyrational course to pursue was to take Hebrew forthis purpose . And, in very truth, the Jewishschools in Palestine are becoming the trainingground for the renaissance of Hebrew as a livingtongue in the fullest sense of the term .

[Notes, pp. 22o-22i]

59

CHAPTER III

LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCI-PATION

The various influences which have been detailedwere brought to a head by the anti-Semitic move-ment of 18 81 and the following years . As we haveseen, it struck at the most cherished acquisition ofthe Jews in Germany and Austria, the social posi-tion which they supposed had been conferred uponthem by their emancipation . It is hardly to theirblame that they imagined that the granting of rightswould end the eighteen hundred years of mar-tyrdom. Was it not an era of constitutions, of con-ferences, of formal paper agreements? Had notthe Berlin Conference of 1878 secured equitabletreatment for the Jews in the newly-formed Balkanstates? However difficult the situation might beattimes for the Jews in Central Europe, in Russia thedifficulty became a tragedy . For, under a civiliza-tion that was both in form and in fact less advancedthan the civilization of the rest of Europe, anti-Semitism developed into pogroms and into aneconomic oppression that drove hundreds of thou-

60

LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION

sands out of the country in search of new homes .No one can measure the sum of human misery thathas been heaped up there consequent on the passingof the May Laws in 1881 and the administrativeregulations that followed them, promiscuously butonly too quickly. Nor was it different in Roumania .The paper-rights of the Jews there, forced upon thegovernment in 1878, had remained-as they re-main to this day-a dead letter. Thousands hadbeen forced to quit the country, fleeing in despairto save the little life that had been left in them .To these two must be added Galicia, where Aus-trian anti-Semitism, with more refined methods, hadinstituted economic pogroms quite as effective asthe physical ones in near-by Russia .

Of the various parties in Jewry who tried, byone means or another, to weather the storm thathad broken in upon them, few understood its realsignificance, or saw that the real significance of thewhole business lay in the fact that the present stateof the Jews was more parlous than the past, in thatthe Jewish position had grown worse, while theworld had progressed in its general ideas of inter-communal and international comity . Some ofthese few were to be found in Russia-men who,like M. L. Lilienblum, were keener-sighted and

5

61

ZIONISM

longer-headed than their brethren, and who scentedthe danger in the air, and as early as 1870 soundedthe alarm in the Jewish camp . Their words, how-ever, fell upon barren ground, perhaps becausethey were alarmists and had no constructive policyto offer. It needed a practical lesson not onlyto teach them the truth, but to set them to think-ing . In fact, they began to think furiously . Thelesson came in the years of terror 1881 and 1882 .Happily, in the advance guard stood a man like LeoPinsker, a physician, who, towards the end of theyear 1882, sent a warning note ringing throughRussian Jewry, which is still heard by all those whoseek a final healing of the old complaint .

Pinsker had grown up in the ideas prevalent dur-ing the mid-decades of the nineteenth century, andhe believed, together with his fellow-intellectuals,that the ideas of world-wide cosmopolitanism andinternationalism were the surest guarantees for thewelfare of the Jews . From these reveries, as hehimself relates, he was awakened rudely by the ex-cesses of the early " eighties ." He was an eye-wit-ness of the havoc created by the May Laws of 1881 .Although he was advanced in years, his soul wastouched to the quick . Using an interval in theforward movement of the scourge, he sat down

62


to study, not only the pathology of his own and hisbrethren's status, but also the necessary therapeu-tics . Whether Pinsker was aware or not of theearlier attempt of Hess seems uncertain . Thoughhis conclusions agree in the main with those of hispredecessor, he formulates them with greater pre-cision, but with no less warmth of feeling . Theroot of the evil from which the Jews are suffer-ing he finds to be the fact that, since the destructionof Jerusalem, the various peoples and rulers havenever had to deal with the Jews-as. a nation, but onlywith individual settlements of Jews . The blamefor this lies primarily at the door of the Jews them-selves. They have not only never felt the necessityfor national concentration, but, on the contrary,have actively denied that necessity. The conse-quence has been that, having attempted to commitnational suicide, they have been taken at their word,have been regarded as a dead nation-and treatedas such . They have walked the earth as a ghost,and, as allghosts do, have inspired fear and dislike .In addition, Jews have suffered from being strangersin a double sense : strangers in the lands to whichthey have been driven, and more than strangers because they had no land of their own in which the)and others could feel that they were completely at

68

ZIONISM

home. It is for this reason that emancipation in theeyes of the law has not carried with it the socialemancipation for which the Jews had hoped. Itis a duty which the Jews owe to themselves, to getrid of this alien condition, to find and to found a'home in which their superfluous population in thevarious countries can be settled .

It is worthy of note that Pinsker breaks, in ameasure, with the religious hope of the restorationas Judaism had always understood it. Such a homeis to be sought, not necessarily in the Holy Land,but wherever a fitting soil can be found for thehomeless people . He argues that it is the God-ideaand the Bible that have made Palestine holy, notJerusalem and not the Jordan, and these ideas .can be carried by the Jews into any land in whichthey may settle . He is thus a territorialist longbefore the rise of the Ito movement ; and as theRussian Jews were impregnated and fired byPinsker's arguments, we can understand why theyhave greeted the latest movement with so muchwarmth .

In one word, it is self-emancipation that Pinskerpreaches, as he calls it in the title of his work,llutoemancipation 1 It is this that he considersto be the true answer to anti-Semitism .' But

64


Pinsker went further, and sketched in broad outlinethe means that were to be adopted to reach thisend . His perspicacity and his clear vision areevident from the fact that, in a general way, thelines he foreshadowed, but was not destined tosee realized, are those upon which later develop-ments were to run . In one point, however, he wasmistaken. He looked to the various Jewish " Alli-ances " to head such a movement, thinking, nodoubt, of the Alliance Israelite, the Vienna Allianz,and the Anglo-Jewish Association of London, allthree of which had been established, during thetwenty years that preceded the first Russian po-groms, for the conservation and forwarding of gen-eral Jewish interests . He was spared the knowl-edge that these institutions proved to be among themost determined opponents of the ideas which hehad set forth . As if he himself half suspectedthat his hopes in this regard might not be realized,he suggested that a sort of general board (Direk-torium) should be formed, made up of men prom-inent in finance, science, and letters, in whose handthe leadership of the movement should be placed,though he failed to indicate in what manner and bywhat means the choice was to be made . In addi-tion, a company was to be launched to care for the

65

ZIONISM

financial side of the undertaking, the moneys forwhich were to be gotten partly from the sale of thelands acquired by the general board, partly from anational Jewish subscription, which Pinsker thoughtwould be carried through upon a large scale .

I have mentioned these few details of the mannerin which Pinsker imagined his scheme might becarried out, merely because they now seem almostprophetic in character. They have found expres-sion in the Zionist Congress, in the Jewish ColonialTrust, and in the National Fund . Nor was hewanting in political foresight. Though he did notdwell on the subject, he saw clearly that any fore-gathering of Jews would be impossible unless it hadat least the passive good-will of the political forcesthat control the fortunes of Europe . That he didnot insist upon this point is no doubt due to the verymodest program he had in mind . _Nowhere in thepamphlet do we find the word "__state" used. Hespeaks of a "home " and of a "colonist-com-munity " (Kolonistengemeinwesen) .

It is safe to say that many of the Jewish leadersin Russia at that time went through the same pro-cess of refinement as Pinsker . Moses Lob Lilien-blum is another characteristic example . Born in1843 in a village near Kovno, he had been drawn

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lacing p. 66

LEO PINSKER


into the Haskalah movement. His personal eman-cipation from the confining boundaries of the Tal-mudic education, the only education possible forJewish students in the Russia of his day, had ledhim far afield from the Jewish outlook, into amaterialistic view of life, which threatened himfor a time with intellectual shipwreck . A largesoul, however, which could not remain insensibleto the sufferings of his people, soon furnished thecounterbalance . As early as 1876 he had publiclydefended a project for buying Palestine from theSultan-a project that had been advanced by a cer-tain Hayyim Gedaliah. The persecutions of i88oand 1881 opened his eyes to the real question thatthe Russian Jews had to solve, and, throwing asideall considerations for his future, he gave himselfheart and soul to the new movement, HibbatZiyyon (Love of Zion) . Pinsker's Autoemancipa-tion made a great impression upon him. He be-came secretary of the society of which Pinsker wasthe inspiration and the head, and in his Return o fthe Exiles he has given us a history of the earlyyears of the society's work .

The passage of so many of his brethren fromRussia to America set Lilienblum thinking . Hecould see no real salvation in this exodus en masse .

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Though liberal America might offer very manymore advantages to the Jews than Russia evercould, the emigration was no real solution of theJewish question . It tended merely to create aJewish question in another country . It was withthis idea in mind that in 1883 he published hisRebirth o f the Jewish People in the Holy Land o fTheir Ancestors . His political insight was, ofcourse, not deep ; his chief concern was to see asmany Jews as possible settle in Palestine, with nothought as to their preparedness for the work thereor the readiness of the land to receive them . Weare, therefore, not concerned with the practicalmeasures which he suggests for colonization, butrather with the central idea, that, as the Jews areeverywhere considered to be strangers, a commonexistence with the native element in the variouscountries of the Exile is impossible, and therefore anational home is an imperious necessity!

Ideas similar to those of Lilienblum were setforth by 0 . L. Levanda. After a long period ofliterary activity, in which he had preached thetransformation of the Russian Jew into the Russiancitizen, in much the same manner as Jewish leadersin Western Europe had done for their own fol-lowers, he came to the conclusion that this step

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forward in state-citizenship carried with it irre-sistibly a diminution of Jewish sentiment . He isthe first perhaps to use the word " assimilation "-about which so much ink was to be spilled later on-and to make it clear that assimilation, to be reallyeffective, must proceed from the larger body inwhich the smaller one is placed . To Levanda, theroot of Jewish misery lies in the fact-misconceivedalike by Jews and by non-Jews-that the real op-ponents of assimilation are the various nationsamong whom the Jews live, who have no love forunion with them . The distaste for union does notcome from the Jews . .

It is perhaps remarkable that this whole move-ment, which had stirred so deeply the Jews ofRussia, failed to find a resonant echo in WesternEurope. If one excepts Doctor Rulf in Memel, onelooks in vain for an intelligent appreciation of theideas that were slowly transforming the Jewishmasses in Eastern Europe . It is probably due tothe ignorance of Russo-Jewish matters shown evenby those in the West who were supposed to bestudents of contemporary Jewish life . Besides,many of the articles by Lilienblum, Levanda, andothers were written either in Russian or in Judeo-German, and were not likely to fall into the hands

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of Western publicists or to be read by them . ButDoctor Rulf was situated in the northernmost cor-ner of Prussia, a stone's throw from the Russianfrontier . Memel had been a center of distributionwhen the Russo-Jewish exodus was at its height .Riilf had witnessed the tragedy at his very door,and Pinsker's work reached him at a psychologicalmoment, when his Western training was sufferingfrom the severe shock it had received by a returnto medieval barbarism . Riilf's llrukat Bat Ammi(The Healing o f My People) is not remarkable forthe closeness of its logical argumentation, but ratherfor the warm feeling and lofty idealism that per-vade it . Avowedly written under the influence ofPinsker's ,4utoemancipation, it formed in a measurea stepping-stone over which some ideas of theRussian leaders passed into Central Europe .

Only some of them . Jewish nationalism hadlittle attraction for the Jewish denizens of the restof Europe . Having been emancipated before thesecular law, most of them were concerned in emanci-pating themselves from Jewish law, or, where thiswas not sufficient, in proving their right to the newstatus by a complete abandonment of the old . Itwas only in certain Orthodox circles, notably inFrankfort-on-the-Main and Berlin, that one side of

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the Russian movement received sympathetic fur-therance, the side connected with the colonizationof Palestine. Now, the idea of Yishub Erez Yisrael(The Resettlement of the Land of Israel) was soclosely associated with Orthodox tenets that it maywell be said to be a part of the silent creed thatusually goes hand in hand with official and doctrinalpresentment of the principles of a religion : Thefurtherance of Jewish colonization in the HolyLand could not well be neglected by those who heldthat Jewish " custom " (minhag) when followedfor a length of time became invested with a religioussignificance and developed into a " commandment "(mizwah) . Many a conscientious Jew salved hisconscience by accepting this part of the new pro-gram, while resolutely denying the validity of therest.

But even in Russia itself the echo of DoctorPinsker's piercing cry was faint. There wereleaders sufficient in whom the larger spirit moved,but there were few regulars to assist in carrying outthe lofty ideas of the leaders, which were only dimlyunderstood by the people at large . It was butnatural . A broad view demands a position ofvantage from which it can be taken . The life ofthe Jews in Russia was too circumscribed and too

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cramped to afford them an opportunity to rise tosuch a position. It is, therefore, greatly to DoctorPinsker's credit that, being unable to achieve thefull measure of his purpose, he was content toaccept less and to become the head of the Cho-vevi Zion (Hobebe Ziyyon) . This movement,which had Odessa for its center, sought to givetangible expression to the newly-awakened interestin Palestine . Its ramifications reached out intoother parts of the Diaspora, notably into Roumania,where it received active support from such men asDoctor K. Lippe and L. Pineles . From Russia itspread to Austria, Germany, England, and theUnited States. Some of its daughter-societies werethe Kadimah in Vienna, the Ezra in Berlin, and theBnei Zion associations in English-speaking coun-tries. Indeed, in i 89o the attempt was made to weldthe societies together into an organic whole by theformation of a Central Committee in Paris, underthe direction of Doctor Haffkine and M . Myerson.Had it been possible to inform the movement withthe larger ideas of Pinsker and some of his imme-diate associates, a world-wide Jewish movementmight have resulted from the Chovevi Zion . Butthe Odessa Committee retained its preponderat-ing influence, and despite the excellent work it has

72


done in assisting colonization and furthering thedissemination of culture among the Jews of Pales-tine, it has, like the Alliance Israelite Universelle,failed to utilize the rare opportunity it had of mak-ing its program large, bold, and statesmanlike .And when Zionism started to occupy the positionthe Chovevi Zion societies should have taken, therewas noticeable discord between the two parties, andthe debate was carried on with much sound andfury . It is true that the London body acceptedthe Zionist platform in 1898, and the Odessa Com-mittee, in 19o6, acquiesced in the resolutionsadopted by the Seventh Congress . Nevertheless,Hibbat Ziyyon has remained, with its incom-plete policy, the program of many Russian Zionistsand of some friends of the movement in the West .The Chovevi Zionists must be regarded as spade-workers in a cause greater than they themselvesimagined ; for without the primal interest in Pales-tine which they generated and centralized in Russia,it would have been difficult for Herzlian Zionism topenetrate there!

I have said that Pinsker was willing to acceptless than he asked for rather than receive nothing .Among the Jewish apostles at that time there wasone, however, who refused to serve permanent

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interests by opening the door to passing moods .Pinsker was nearing the end of his life when AsherGinzberg came to Odessa. I shall have somethingto say later on in regard to Ginzberg's literarywork as a student of Jewish history . He rec-ognized at once how pusillanimous and mediocrewas the spirit that informed the Chovevi Zion ashe found it in 1889 . Envisaging the Jewishproblem in its totality, the calamitous destiny thatseemed to hang over his brethren in Russia, Ahadha-Am (to use his pen-name) sought to infuse newlife into the Chovevi Zion, to interject a wider anddeeper interpretation into the old Hibbat Ziyyon .In an article published in Ha-Meliz, entitled Lo zehha-Derek (Not This Is the Way) ' he tried to dis-cover for his readers in what manner the movementZionwards had failed to grasp the real significanceof the problem it had started out to solve . In asubsequent number of the same paper, he publisheda positive program, which he entitled, very char-acteristically, Derek ha-Hayyim (The Way ofLife) . In this pronouncement, Ahad ha-Ampleads for a more spiritual conception of HibbatZiyyon, which shall busy itself not only with theattainment of a certain goal, but also with the prep-aration of the Jewish people to be worthy of that

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goal . He suggests an association of the men ofthis true nationalist persuasion, who are to be " aninspiration to each other and a help in communicat-ing their own feelings to the people," so that per-haps " in the course of days and years they maysucceed in infusing their spirit into the people atlarge and in restoring those moral qualities to itwithout which a people cannot exist as such . Sucha society ought to be quite untrammeled in itsactivities ; it should not regard numbers as essential,but quality."

It will be seen that what Ahad ha-Am wassearching for was a breeding-place for leaders,where in company with others of like tendency thatmoral and spiritual strength might be developedwhich he wished to breathe into the whole ChoveviZion movement. A chosen few gathered aroundthe author of the Way o f Life, but though lishkot,or lodges, were formed in many Russian cities, andthough adherents were gained in some of the largercities of mid-Europe, the number of actual memberswas never much above one hundred and fifty. Andit was not merely fortuitous that this little band tookthe title Bene Mosheh (Sons of Moses) ; for toAhad ha-Am Moses was the protagonist of thehighest prophetical outlook developed in the Bible

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-the man of truth, the extremist, the example ofrighteousness in word and action .' Jewish nation-alism was to embody these great qualities of theprophet .

The Bene Mosheh failed of its greater promise .It remained a small group, whose members werenot of the necessary caliber to penetrate the wholeof the Chovevi Zion movement with their influence,much less to mobilize the conscience of the Jew-ish people and produce that " vitalized generation "which Ahad ha-Am demanded . Yet, during theshort period of its existence, it is said that there pro-ceeded out of the midst of that circle certain in-fluences that founded a number of institutions whichare among the best of the moving forces in Pales-tine Jewry to-day : the colony Rehobot, the CarmelWine Company, the publication society Ahiasaf,and the Hebrew magazine Ha-Shiloah .'

It was in the year IS 74 that the first attempt wasmade to found a Jewish agricultural colony inPalestine ; some Jews from Jerusalem laid the firststones of Petah Tikwah (=Melebbes) . Thesecond dates from 1882, when immigrants fromRussia and Roumania settled at Rishon le-Ziyyonand Wadi el-Hanin (=Nes Ziyyona) in Judea,Rosh Pinnah in Galilee, and Zikron Yaakob in

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Samaria. The real impetus to these attempts be-longs to the Chovevi Zion . It has often been saidthat the history of these early foundations is an ex-tremely sorry one and not auspicious for their futureprosperity! The fact is undeniable . Most of thenew colonists suffered dire necessity, and must havefound it difficult to decide whether their presentsituation was any better than that which had pre-ceded it. Yet it is characteristic of the high purposeand the incurable optimism that animated thesepioneers that few of them longed for the fleshpotsof Europe, and that, in spite of almost insuperabledifficulties, they kept manfully to the task they hadset for themselves .

But in nothing perhaps is the disorganization ofJewry at that time so evident as in the manner inwhich the whole movement was begun and carriedforward. East and West faced each other, if notas opposing forces, at least as brothers who wereat the same time strangers. The Eastern leaderswere not men of the world, but denizens of thestudy, students and university graduates. Thoseof the West were indeed men of the world, butthey had not the same Jewish feeling possessed bytheir brethren in the East . It was not merely theeternal conflict between the practical and the ideal

6

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that seems to have vitiated the whole Chovevi Zionmovement ; it was a sort of inner contradictionamong the members themselves . The Russianleaders were animated by a strong national senti-ment, which was the incentive and the backgroundfor their interest in Palestine. Colonization in thatcountry had a higher object for them than the pos-sible solution of a present and very pressing crisis .Among the Jews in the West, most of those whothrew in their lot with the Chovevi Zion felt con-vinced that religious considerations enjoined uponthem the furtherance of the movement, but refusedto allow any considerations of a Jewish nationalistcharacter to influence their action . And there wasa third group, whose association with the work waspurely philanthropic, who had as little sense for thereligious preoccupations of their Orthodox brethrenas they had for the more patriotic sentiments of thenationalists . It was fateful that just this latterclass was bound to have a preponderating influenceupon the course of events, because in its hands laythe means for any action on a large scale .

In the first category were the leaders of theOdessa Committee, Pinsker, Lilienblum, RabbiMohilever, Professor Shapira of Heidelberg, Pro-fessor Mandelstamm of Kiev, and S . P. Rabino-

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witz ; in the second the Ezra Verein of Berlin,with men like Doctor Hirsch Hildesheimer at thehead ; and in the third Baron Edmond de Roth-schild, the Jewish Colonization Association, and theAlliance Israelite Universelle . The third class, it istrue, never attached itself formally to the ChoveviZion movement. It was through Chovevi Zioniststhat their aid for Palestinian colonization wassecured . How was it possible for such disparateelements to combine in any common effort or togive proper and unified direction to so radical andnovel a movement among the Jews? No organiza-tion existed to which the nationalists could turn andin which they could find their proper place . Aleading mind was wanting that could effect such anorganization within their own ranks . They wereforced to ally themselves with the Chovevi Zion .But when Zionism with its larger outlook ap-peared, they immediately found their bearings andbecame its chief supporters .

The history of Jewish colonization in Palestinebetween the years 1882 and 1899 represents afurther attempt at a solution of the Jewish questionupon the old philanthropic basis . It was bound toprove abortive just because it was philanthropic .For to treat the needs of a whole people from so

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narrow a standpoint was to measure a country withthe tailor's yardstick . Had that philanthropy atleast been informed by a higher ideal, it might havestood a chance of laying the foundation, if nothingmore, for a greater effort . Philanthropy as a pal-liative for Jewish suffering has been tried so oftenduring the centuries that have passed that its bank-ruptcy in Palestine was a conclusion almost fore-gone. A bureaucracy can move only upon narrowlines, and the bureaucracy of this epoch of Palestin-ian colonization was further vitiated by all the evilconcomitants with what in practice was a species ofabsentee landlordism . That something was, in theend, saved from the wreck, and became the basisfor a newer and more wholesome development, wasdue to the good sense of the chief absentee land-lord and to the perseverance of the colonists them-selves . Baron Edmond de Rothschild deserves allthe credit and praise that has been meted out tohim for having been sufficiently open-minded torecognize a fault, when it was called to his attentionwith no uncertain voice. He had spent a large sumof money in the founding and the upkeep of manyof the Palestinian colonies ; rumor fixes the sum ashigh as sixty or seventy millions of francs . Itwas no easy matter to disengage himself from the

s0


responsibility this expenditure carried with it . Butin the year 1899 he handed over whatever interesthe still had in the colonies to the Jewish Coloniza-tion Association .

The change was perhaps for the worse. Itrendered the bureaucracy still more bureaucratic,and the absentee landlordism more pernicious .But even the Jewish Colonization Association wasnot able to resist for long the continued demands ofthe colonists themselves, nor combat successfully therising and ever-increasing dissatisfaction among theJewish masses . In 1907, the colonies were handedover to the colonists, and the duties of self-govern-ment were laid upon the shoulders of those who byrights were called upon to bear them. Bureaucracyand absentee landlordism fell at a stroke, and amore healthy spirit was engendered, which madeit possible for the colonists to strive for some ofthe ideals for the sake of which they had attemptedthe work. Material prosperity followed in thewake of the change . In 1911 the Wine GrowersAssociation of Rishon le-Ziyyon and Zikron-Yaa-kob were able to pay off nearly half a millionfrancs of their indebtedness to Baron Rothschild .

[Notes, pp. 221-222

S1

CHAPTER IV

THEODOR HERZL

On July 3, 1904, the many friends and the in-numerable followers of Herzl were shocked to hearof his death . Since then sufficient time has goneby to make both friend and foe calmer and moredeliberate in judgment . Perhaps to use the word" foe " in this connection is wrong. Herzl may wellhave had opponents and critics ; foes-if that wordconnotes enmity and hatred-he could not havehad. And if, in the following pages, the personalnote resounds too strongly and too persistently, itis because the personality of Herzl signified somuch in the unifying and upbuilding work that hedid. The doctrines he propounded in his Judenstaatwere not new. They had been set forth quite astranslucently by Pinsker in his Autoemancipation,perhaps even with warmer feeling, and certainlywith a more intimate acquaintance with Jewishhistory and Jewish life. They had been preachedwith the fervor of a prophet by Rulf ; they werethe foundation stones with which Lilienblum andLevanda had worked . Even the practical measures

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enounced by Herzl, by means of which the " JewishState " was to be built up, are all to be found inPinsker's pamphlet . The results are all the morestrange when we consider that Pinsker intendedto call forth a practical realization of his theories,while Herzl's pages were conceived and written asa sort of self-communing, not even destined for alarge circle of friends. The Judenstaat is the coolreasoning of the philosopher ; Jutoemancipation,the cry of the hunted stag that pants after some,haven of refuge . The one is the expression of noblesentiments touched by poetic fancy and of a keensense of injustice done to others ; the second, theprescription of the physician who has studied hisown disease, and is ready to plunge the scalpel intohis own flesh .

I have intimated that it was largely the person-ality of Herzl, when once it was forced out into theopen by various circumstances, that carried the dayand invoked a zeal and a passion perhaps uniquein modern history . He possessed in a largermeasure than most men intellectual grace and per-suasive enthusiasm . In a short time he was sur-rounded by a band of determined men, to whom hisword was almost law, his wish a command . Theyput themselves willingly under his somewhat auto-

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cratic rule, and gathered around his still unfurledbanner. No leader of men has ever been placed inexactly the same position . Herzl had nothingvisible or future to offer to those who immediatelyand intimately assisted him-no hopes of prefer-ment, no prospect of personal advancement .. Boththey and he were to be in the service of an ideal,and in that service they were to do battle togetheragainst skepticism within the ranks and oppositionwithout . With very few exceptions, they haveproved faithful to their trust. If the term " beauti-ful " can be applied to a man without derogatinghis manhood, it can be used of Herzl . But he wasno less beautiful in sentiment and in mind than hewas in person . He was fascinating intellectuallyand physically, so that he quickly drew all menwithin the charmed circle of his influence .

Nor was any one less prepared for the workhe was to be called upon to do than was Herzl .Born in Austria and educated for the legal pro-fession at the Vienna University, he had followedthe usual course of his Jewish fellow-students,whom larger and more secular interests had drawnaway completely from contact with Jewish affairs .He had taken no part in the Jewish revival thathad found its way among some of its students at

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his Alma Mater . He was practically a strangerto his people, and they to him . His exquisite andfacile pen had led him into literature and jour-nalism . As representative of the Neue FreiePresse, he had lived in Paris for a number of years ;and this voluntary exile had not served to counter-act the secular and universalistic tendencies of anature that was broad and free . But there wasslumbering in him, quietly and unobserved even byhimself, a great fund of Jewish feeling and senti-ment . I do not know that it was ever called forthduring his younger days, though anti-Semitism hadbegun to be rampant at the Vienna University andthe Vienna Rathaus . But his stay in Parissynchronized with the early period of the Dreyfusaffair . The anti-Semitic campaign, of which this" affair " was the expression and in the miasma ofwhich it flourished, made a deep impression on hissensitive nature, and awoke with a start his dormantJewish consciousness .The Judenstaat was written in Paris in the year

1895. 1 It was intended to be nothing more than aprivate confession of the author to himself and aphilosophico-political disquisition for a few intimatefriends. The circle in which Herzl moved at thattime may be gauged by the fact that when it was

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read by one of those friends, he declared unhesi-tatingly that the author was making straight forthe madhouse. That it ever became public was dueto the fortuitous circumstance that shortly after thisHerzl moved back to Vienna, where he becamefeuilleton-editor of the newspaper which he hadrepresented in Paris . Not only was Vienna more intouch physically and spiritually with the great Jew-ish centers of Eastern Europe . In the early" eighties " of the last century Nathan Birnbaumhad founded there, largely among Jewish universitystudents, the society Kadimah . This society wasthoroughly imbued with the Jewish nationalism thathad raised so high the hopes of the Jews in Russia .It was perhaps the first point of contact between theRussian Jews nationalistically inclined and theirbrethren in other parts of Europe . The Kadimahaddressed a letter to Herzl in which it acknowl-edged its adhesion to his views, and made a directproposition looking to the founding of a Society ofJews to take up the work Herzl had mapped out .It is significant that it was proposed to fix the head-quarters of this society in London . England wasone of the few great powers that had not capitulatedto anti-Semitism, and whose liberal tendencies con-tinually inspired the hope in Herzl that he would

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find a ready assent to his theories among the Eng-lish Jews .

And, indeed, the first just appreciation of thewhole scope of the scheme propounded in theJudenstaat was by an English Jew, Israel Zang-wili. This brilliant writer and lover of his peoplehappened to be in Vienna shortly after Herzl'sreturn . Zangwill, of course, stood much closer tothe immediate Jewish past than Herzl . He hadbeen born and bred in strictly Jewish circles,and, as he knew some part of the Jewish massesbetter than did his distinguished fellow-artist,he may have recognized many of the difficulties inthe situation more clearly than Herzl . But hispoetic imagination was fired by the novel conceptionand the daring solution proposed therein . Hereat least was a theory and an interpretation inspiringin their mettle and their audacity . The Jewishpublic ought to have a chance to hear them-toaccept or to refuse . It was through Zangwill'sinstrumentality that Herzl was invited to appearbefore the Maccabaeans in London, July 6, 1896 .'Herzl himself had inaugurated the public discussionof what has now become known as Zionism' by aletter to the Jewish Chronicle, in which he says" My pamphlet will open a general discussion on

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the Jewish question . . . . [The newly-formedsociety] will then find out for the first time whetherthe Jews really wish to go to the Promised Land,and whether they ought to go there ." The firstedition of the Judenstaat had been published inVienna in 1896 .'

I have had occasion to refer to the answer whichcertain sections of European Jewry had given tothe anti-Semitic attack . By his aloofness fromJewish affairs, Herzl had followed along similarlines, probably without much thought, and uncon-sciously led by his early surroundings and upbring-ing. But just as soon as the question became for-mulated in his mind, his native nobility of feelingrose in revolt against the supine attitude such acourse involved, and his clear-sighted vision sawthe fatuousness of such a program, if program itcould be called . He soon saw that the answer toanti-Semitism was not to be found in a dull resigna-tion that accepted an impossible situation, but ratherin a constructive policy that would remove someof the causes that had contributed to make thedisease possible, and would restore to the Jewsthe self-consciousness they were in danger of losing .The Judenstaat and what it represented were theanswer to anti-Semitism .

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In the whole pamphlet there was nothing reallynew. Both the underlying principles and the meanssuggested to make them fruitful of result are con-tained in Pinsker's flutoemancipation. I am as-sured that Herzl had never heard of this work untilseveral years had elapsed, as little as he had knownof Hess' Rome and Jerusalem or Rulf's ilrukatBat Jmmi . It is therefore the more remarkablethat the conclusions are so similar . Starting fromthe premise that anti-Semitism is a continually in-creasing menace, and that evidently it is eradicable,he comes to the conclusion that the outside worlddoes not desire to amalgamate with the Jews, ex-cept upon conditions that are subversive of the con-tinuance of the Jews as a people . Unless theJewish people is desirous of committing collectivesuicide, it must find some egress from a positionwhich, with every year, is becoming less and lesstenable. That which it needs is a definite and cer-tain home, and it is to the accomplishment of thisneed that Herzl devotes most of his attention . Hedemands the formation of a new organization, a" Society of Jews." No existing corporate bodyappeared to him to be sufficiently broad to serve asa sure foundation for so important a work . Thissociety is to make all the preliminary scientific and

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political investigations . Then a "Jewish Com-pany " is to be founded, with a capital of fifty mil-lion pounds and with its seat in London . Herzlobviously had in mind the great English trading-companies, which, half-political and half-mercan-tile, had administered, under the supervision of theCrown, vast territories in Asia and Africa . Forthis reason, too, he already adumbrated the ideaof a charter, which, in the years following, was toloom so large in Zionist discussions . The con-clusions come to by the " Society of Jews " are tobe put in practice by the " Jewish Company ", inwhose hands, too, was to be placed the organizationof the new community .

The distinguishing feature of Herzl's present-ment is the greater stress he lays upon the practicalconsummation of the plan as compared with that ofhis predecessors. His general political outlook waslarger and wider . He envisages the question inits totality . Notwithstanding a poetic foresightthat was native in him, he writes with the pen of apolitician and speaks the language of a statesman .The fire of the prophet, which lights up the writingsof his German and Russian precursors, never gainsthe ascendancy over the cooler judgment of thepractical legislator . Palestine exercises no fascina-

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tion upon him . He shows no trace of a knowledgeof the Chovevi Zion movement or of the variousattempts made to rebuild the waste places in theland of the forefathers. Palestine is but one ofvarious possibilities for Jewish settlement, as isArgentina or Canada . In the Judenstaat there areno dithyrambics . Everywhere cool pronounce-ments that capture the mind rather than transportthe imagination . It is for this reason perhaps thatHerzl was understood of the West, and his argu-mentative presentation had a greater chance ofsuccess than the more elaborate disputations ofprevious writers . In one word, he is a cool andmodern man of the world, speaking to modernslike himself.

From all the evidence it is plain that Herzl neverhad the slightest idea of placing himself at the headof a practical organization." He had been led byothers to give his ideas to the world at large . Thevery force of circumstances was to take him awayfrom his desk and from the quiet of his study intothe turmoil and ferment of public life . But justas chance had discovered in him the deep-set-racialJew, so it was to reveal the statesman . Even inexile the Jews had from time to time developedmen of large political views, men capable of leading

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the ship of state. One is led at once to think ofsuch men as Disraeli, Cremieux, Luzzatti, Sonino,and others, if only modern times are taken intoaccount. But, with the exception of Don Josephof Naxos in the sixteenth century and AdolpheCremieux in the nineteenth, none of these statesmenhad placed his abilities and his opportunities in theservice of his own brethren . Other nations andstranger peoples had profited of their gifts . Herzl'sspecial claim rests upon his unique devotion to theneeds and aspirations of the Jewish people .

Slowly but surely the consciousness deepened inHerzl's mind that his first step forward necessitateda second. The adhesion of the Vienna Kadimahand the request for a meeting at which the wholesubject should be discussed, soon determined himto proceed . He was not deterred by the some-what lukewarm reception he had met in London .Herzl's greatest fault perhaps was his besettingoptimism. As Nordau said of him in his memorialaddress at the Seventh Congress ; he imagined that

j he had behind him a multitude of Herzls, " thatvery many Jews had, like himself, determined nolonger to bear oppression, that they had his steelwill, his moral earnestness, his ideal inspiration,his unstinted unselfishness, his self-sacrifice ." But

92

following p . 92

THE SEC(BASEL, AU

JNGRESS-31 1898

THEODOR HERZL

such optimism is indispensable in any leader of men .The call for the First Congress, which was to be

the beginning of Herzl's constructive policy, wasissued early in 1897 . Another circumstance had,in the meantime, intervened, which was calculatedto induce him to persevere . The public discussionsof his pamphlet had penetrated far and wide .From the very first Herzl had desired this publicity.He believed that the Jewish question was one thatintimately affected certain political considerations,and the interests of various states demanded that itshould be settled ; and, especially, a permanentsettlement could be effected 'only if it were reachedto the satisfaction and with the assistance ofEuropean diplomacy. In__some manner, not as yetexplained, the publication of the Judenstaat and thetheories it contained, had been brought to the noticeof the Turkish Sultan. He dispatched to Herzl,in May, 1896, a secret emissary, the Chevalier deNewlinsky, with the offer of a charter for Palestine,in return for the cessation of the European presscampaign against him because of the Armenianmassacres.' The Sultan had the usual exaggeratedidea of the power of the Jews in the Continentalpress, and endeavored, in this manner, to buy offthe just criticism of the barbarities he had inflicted

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upon a race with a history somewhat similar to thatof the Jews in its tragedy and lonesomeness . Notonly were the Jews not so powerful in this respectas the Sultan supposed ; they were not so supineas to execute such a bargain and reach their owngoal over the dead bodies of another race. Un-fortunately, too, they were not sufficiently proud tomake a distinctively Jewish question their own .The Neue Freie Presse, of which Herzl was one ofthe editors, never once mentioned the word Zionismas long as the leader lived.

Perhaps the attitude of the Vienna newspaperwas the attitude the greater part of Western Jewrywould have desired to take in the premises, had thisbeen possible . To ignore the assaults upon posi-tions considered impregnable is good tactics, whenthe assumption that they are impregnable is correct .As long as the questions raised remained subjectsfor academic discussion within the Jewish camp,such a policy, though not one of the highest virtue,was possible . But the call for a Congress meantthe passage from discussion to deed, and the ardorand spirit with which the campaign for it wascarried on made it necessary that the various Jewishorganizations and certain public men should definetheir position towards the new movement. It must

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be admitted that their position was, in most cases,frankly hostile. This hostility came from the mostvaried quarters-from Orthodox, from Reform,from No-nothing Jews . Even the Chovevi Zionin Western Europe refused to join hands, and thelarger organizations, such as the Alliance in Paris,the Jewish Colonization Association, and theVienna Allianz, announced a determined oppo-sition. That this antagonism proceeded from suchdifferent spheres is evidence that the questionturned about some basal idea, and that the Jewswere lined up in two opposing forces on either sideof it . For the Reform Jews Zionism was too or-thodox ; for the Orthodox it was not sufficientlyreligious ; for the No-nothings it was too Jewish .

If we take the last class first, it is easy to see thatthe new pronouncement required of such Jews agreat mental and moral effort . I should not care tosay that many of them were incapable of such aneffort. To make such a demand for effort from theplain man of the street is perhaps asking too much,whether in the interest of Zionism or of any otheridea . He is accustomed to follow the line of leastresistance . He objects to being awakened some-what rudely. Especially in this case he was averseto being asked to take sides. It was a question from

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which he had hoped to escape ; and he feared forthe social position which he imagined he had se-cured at the cost of his own and his forefather'spast. If his circumstances were such as to renderhim free from all cares, Zionism came in as a sortof trouble fete, and the quicker done with it thebetter .

The religious difficulties scented by the Orthodoxin the new movement are readily intelligible . TheMessianic idea among the Jews, which was firmlycoupled with that of the Restoration, was opposedto a human realization of the hope, in strong con-trast to the Christian, which was based upon amore human accomplishment . But, even apartfrom such doctrinal considerations, many of theleaders of the new Zionism were indifferent toreligious sentiment and disassociated from Jewishpractices . Herzl himself belonged in this category,as also some of his principal helpers . Indeed, itmust be conceded that early there were currentsdiscernible in the movement that were definitelyanti-religious ; and, in general, the insistence uponthe view that the question was economic andpolitical rather than religious, was calculated tofill the Orthodox with alarm . The opposition fromthis quarter has never wholly disappeared, even

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though Herzl was compelled by the logic of eventsto become more Palestinian in his attitude, and eventhough the Second Congress passed a resolution de-fining clearly the official attitude of the movement,'without, of course, impairing the freedom of theindividual member. At a later period a break wasmade, and a section of the Orthodox camp, underthe name of Mizrachi, joined the Zionists, and hasvery noticeably made its influence felt. But, thoughone can understand the religious difficulty whichthe Orthodox apprehended, one fails to appreciatethe tactics of abstention . Zionism, whatever elsemight result from it, made for a deepened sense ofJewish solidarity, a profounder study of Jewishhistory, and a wider sympathy with all manifesta-tions of the Jewish spirit. It was in a line with apart at least of Orthodox aspirations . In truth,upon the appearance of Herzl's pamphlet, DoctorGudemann, Chief Rabbi of Vienna, wrote to theauthor, " I have read it through, and find nothingin it to criticise ."' In the same manner, DoctorJ. H. Dunner, Chief Rabbi of North Holland,a well-known Talmudic authority, welcomed theZionist program from the standpoint of traditionalJudaism, though carefully distinguishing betweenthat program and the fulfillment of Messianic

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prophecy,"' an opinion concurred in by Doctor M .Friedlander, the learned principal of Jews' College,London.'

The greatest opposition, however, came fromthe Reform wing of the Jewish Church . Underthis designation I comprehend all those Jews whobelieve that a certain evolution must take placein religious formulae as well as in religious forms,and who hold that in every age Judaism canand must fit itself to the changed conditions inwhich it finds itself . This opposition was to beexpected. The central thought of the whole Re-form movement had been the disassociation, in alarge measure, of religion and nationality, theinsistence upon the universality of the Jewish re-ligion, and the hope of Messianism (a term whichI use merely for want of a better), in the promul-gation of which the Jews were to take an activepart . It will be seen readily that such ideals mil-itated,itated, in some material points, against the funda-mental theories of Jewish nationalism and of;Zionism . Jewish nationality had no meaning forthose who held such views . In fact, the old Tal-mudic dictum, " The laws of the land in which theJews live are the laws that must be obeyed,""had been reiterated times without number, and

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had been stretched almost beyond recognition .Wherever a conflict occurred between the laws ofthe state and the Jewish law, there was a tendencyto decide in favor of the former . The dispersionof the Jews was held to be providential and neces-sary for the propagation of the monotheisticfaith. Any undue concentration, therefore, workedcounter to divine purpose, and, putting the handsof the clock back," delayed unduly the consumma-tion of the hope which was the well-spring ofJudaism .

Even in Russia this distinction between whatmay be called Jewish Jews and un-Jewish Jews wasapparent . While the chief Hebrew newspapers,Ha-Meliz and Ha-Zefirah, welcomed Zionism, theVoskhod, written in Russian, was violently opposedto it. Advanced Jewish Reform in Germany and inAmerica was fully prepared to take such an attitudeof resistance. It had removed all mention of Zionand Jerusalem from the official prayer book . Butin other centers the hope of the restoration stillremained as an integral part of Jewish doctrine asexpressed in Jewish prayers, and these had to beexplained away. The Chief Rabbi of Vienna hadrevised his former attitude ; he now declared that" Zion " was nothing but a symbol of the future

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of Judaism and of the world, that the role of theJews lies in the very opposite direction to thatpreached by Zionism-as solvers of nationalism andpreachers of internationalism ." Lucien Wolf con-cedes that the highest traditional ideal of Judaismis undoubtedly national, which he, however, quali-fies by adding, " It is not the nation of a keptprincipality but the holy nation of a kingdom ofpriests_." .' 16 This is also the central thought of---_Doctor K. Kohler, who characterizes the mission ofthe Jews to be " not only spiritual or religious incharacter," but also " social and intellectual," andhe opposes to official Zionism what he calls the" true Zionism," which " demands of the Jews to bemartyrs in the cause of truth and justice andpeace." '° Along similar lines, Claude Montefioreproclaims that the Jews must continue " to fightthe good fight, not to despair, but with self-purifica-tion and brave endurance to await the better timethat civilization will shortly bring, when theirfellow-citizens will claim them as their own." "And, as regards the immediate question, as it pre-sented itself in Eastern Europe, especially in Russiaand Roumania, a somewhat unhealthy optimismreigned. The parole was given out, " The Russo-Jewish question must be solved in Russia itself,"

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and various attempts were made to bring about thebetterment of the situation in Roumania by diplo-matic and economic pressure . In both instancesfailure waited upon the efforts .

But, in addition to the doctrinal considerationsnoted above, which held many critics of Zionism asin a vise, there was added a certain solicitude andmistrust, an apprehension that Zionism might bringin its wake a catastrophe boding evil to the politicalpositions won by the Jews in so many moderncivilized states. Continental anti-Semitism hadmade much of the charge that the Jews werestrangers in the various lands of the Diaspora, andhad urged that they be treated as such in all futurelegislation . It was feared by many that Zionismjustified such a charge, and would give a handleto all manner of obloquy that might be cast upon theJews as not being full-fledged citizens of the statesin which they lived .

They [the Zionists] are part-authors of the anti-Semitism whichthey profess to slay, wrote Laurie Magnu0 For how canEuropean countries which the Jews propose to " abandon " justifytheir retention of the Jews? And why should civil equality havebeen won by the strenuous exertions of the Jews, if the Jews 'themselves be the first to "evacuate" their position and to claimthe bare courtesy of "foreign visitors"?

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The same disquietude was exhibited in otherquarters, and a certain chauvinism which wasdeemed necessary as a counterblast to Zionist propa-ganda. In one part of the Jewish world the CentralConference of American Rabbis declared

Such [i. e . Zionist] attempts do not benefit, but infinitely harm,our Jewish brethren where they are still persecuted, by confirmingthe assertion of their enemies that the Jews are foreigners in thecountries in which they are at home, and of which they areeverywhere the most loyal and patriotic citizens ."

In another part of the world, Professor LudwigGeiger sounded the German note on the Jewishclarion

Zionism is as dangerous to the German spirit as are socialdemocracy and ultramontanism . . . . The German Jew whohas a voice in German literature must, as he has been accustomedto for the last century and a half, look upon Germany alone ashis fatherland, upon the German language as his mother tongue,and the future of the German nation must remain the only oneupon which he bases his hopes. Any desire to form together withhis coreligionists a people outside of Germany is, not to speakof its impracticability, downright thanklessness towards the nationin whose midst he lives-a chimera ; for the German Jew is aGerman in his national peculiarities, and Zion is for him the landonly of the past, not of the future ."

Indeed, the dissonance grew so great as to be-come dangerous. The opponents of Zionism were

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ready to appeal for outside help in order to putdown the unwelcome intruder . The inauspiciouseffect of such a course, when it had been tried inthe past, cried out aloud against a renewal of theattempt. One remembers all that happened at thetime of the Second Monarchy, when Hellenists andanti-Hellenists called in the secular arm in the solu-tion of internal difficulties ; the dangers to whichthe Prussian Jewish communities exposed them-selves in 1817,' when the Government was invitedto inhibit the introduction of reform services, oragain in 1843," when the Senate of Frankfort-on-the-Main was called in to inforce a ritual provision .Yet the suggestion of the same Professor Geiger,that " the withdrawal of citizen's rights appearsto be the necessary consequence of German enact-ments against Zionism, the only answer the Germannational conscience can give," can only be construedas an invitation to the German Government tocome to the aid of the opponents of Zionism .

Happily this was the expression only of an in-dividual, and fell flat because of the very exuber-ance of its chauvinism . Yet the feeling in Germanywas strong enough to bring forth a public pro-nouncement on the part of the Association ofRabbis in Germany (July 16, 1897), which de-clared "

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that the attempts of the Zionists to found a Jewish nationalstate in Palestine are contrary to the Messianic promises of Juda-ism as laid down in Holy Writ and in the later religious authori-ties ; that Judaism demands of its adherents to serve the state inwhich they live and in every way to further its national interests ;but that no opposition thereto can be seen in the noble plan tocolonize Palestine with Jewish agriculturalists, because that planhas no connection with the founding of a national state .

The limitation contained in the last sentences ofthe foregoing declaration evidently foreshadoweda compromise, or, at least, it suggested the pos-sibility of an entente. Not only would it removethe discussion from what was evidently a field ofbattle ; it squared the radical opponents of Zionismwith the Orthodox wing, and removed the taint ofindifference to the uplifting of Palestine. In allententes, of course, there must be a certain limita-tion on both sides ; but the limitation demanded ofthe Zionists was one which in good conscience theycould not possibly accept . It meant a return tosimple Chovevi Zionism, with just those elementseradicated which constituted the propelling forceand individuality of the new movement . It signi-fied a reaction to the older method of solvingJewish difficulties, and it took no account of thepalpable fact that all attempts at a philanthropicsolution had proved failures . It was Jewish nation-

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alism that offended the taste of these opponents .But nationalism was the very heart of Zionism .Without it all the other members would becomeatrophied. The contending positions were thusclearly defined : the two sides had joined issue .

The complaint has been raised in some quartersthat by insisting upon its propaganda Zionism hascaused a split and a division in the Jewish ranks ;that it has set community against community ; even,at times, house against house . The impeachmentis perhaps true, but a complaint on that accountis unwarranted. A large and dispersed community,such as the Jewish, is bound to exhibit much diver-sity as its opinions develop . It would mean spiritualdeath, were absolute uniformity to be its char-acteristic, more especially at a time when so largea proportion of its members were in sufferance, andwhen the outlook was so absolutely dreary . Thefirst three-quarters of the nineteenth century hadbeen fruitful of the great questions connected withthe attainment of civic freedom and politicalequality as far as concerned the relation of the Jewsto the outside world . Within the community,the battle had raged over the right of individual andcollective freedom in religious matters . In Western!Jewries the battle for civic and political freedom

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had been won. As regards religious freedom withinthe community, one cannot help feeling that thedebate had been " talked out," but with a sort oftacit understanding that the right demanded hadbeen conceded .

When we read the Jewish newspapers of the dayor peruse the reports of the various Rabbinical Con-ferences, we are struck with the meagerness andpaltriness of the questions at issue, when comparedwith the exhausting passions they called forth .But this meagerness is only apparent, not real .For the underlying idea was to make possible thefurther development of Jewish law, so that itshould not become petrified, as it had threatenedto become in the Shulhan ilruk. So uncompro-mising a radical as Samuel Holdheim was acknowl-edged, even by his fiercest opponents, to be a studiedTalmudist . His Makmar ha-Ishut, a memorabletreatise designed to advance the position of womenas members of the Synagogue, is a piece of fineTalmudic reasoning . At the various conferences,another Reformer, though less uncompromising,Abraham Geiger, made his demands from thebasis of Talmudic law ; as likewise did SamuelAdler, later minister at Temple Emanuel in NewYork . Without prejudice it may be said that an

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untoward fate prevented the two parties at theconferences from coming together and directingfuture development . But the more conservativewing evidently took fright, and, through their re-treat, not only emphasized the cleft between themand their opponents, but also drove the opponentsfurther and further afield from the traditional basis .

These interminable bouts in regard to minorpoints connected with the synagogue service andwith ritual observances palled upon the palate, andsome new vivifying force was necessary to gal-vanize the body politic. This new force was Zion-ism . In the face of this question all others paled,so that many wondered how the older questionscould ever have called forth the feeling and thefire they did . The national question became aninternational Jewish one in the highest sense of theterm . It set the Jews to thinking hard . I cannotsee that anything has been lost by the fiercenesswith which the battle raged . On the contrary,much has been won that will work permanent ad-vantage . A question has been put that is one oflife and death . It has called into the firing-line ofeach of the two parties the most experienced andthe best-tried warriors .

[Notes, pp . 223-224]

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CHAPTER V

THE JEWISH CONGRESS

I have said that the summoning of the Congresswas the first constructive work attempted by Herzl .Its importance lay in the fact that it was not onlyto be the means for concentrating various effortsthat were being .made towards a common goal, butin itself it was the announcement of a definite policy .That policy is intimately connected with all Zionistendeavor. It meant organization, and, what ismore, organization upon a democratic basis . It maybe said with truth that no such attempt had beenmade since the times immediately following thedestruction of the Jewish polity . For since thattime the Jews had lived as mere scattered com-munities . They had been held together in a looseand much disjointed brotherhood, a brotherhoodof bondage for the most part, informed by aspiritual ideal . But something more than this wasneeded in a world of hard fact. Common forms ofworship and a common ghettohood had been theclasp that kept the communities from going too far

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asunder. The walls of the Ghetto, however, hadfallen, and the forms of worship tended to differ-entiate more and more . The danger of completedisintegration was very real .

Even then no endeavor was evident to reunitethe scattered remnants for common action alongany one line . It is true that the Alliance IsraeliteUniverselle had had this purpose at its inception ;its name indicates this. But it never realized its-high aim . In the nature of things, it was impos-sible . The broad basis was wanting, upon whichalone such a fabric could be built up, and the leaderswere necessarily impotent to resist the claims ofFrench nationalism, which effectively mastered theirJewish feeling . In a short time, sister-societiesgrew up in Austria, England, and Germany, thatwere as naturally in the bonds of their own country'snationalism as the parent society.

Democracy, too, was at bottom dear to the Jew-isle heart . The Jews have always shown a strongindividualistic tendency . It can be followed right';through their history. It is evident in the sternerBiblical times ; according to one version, the very in-stitution of kingship was not really in accord withthe divine wish .' It comes to light during thestruggles of the Second Commonwealth . The

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i Jewish communities in Europe were democratic intheir form of government in the Middle Ages .With the passing of the priestly functions, the lastshadow of special prerogative vanished away .' TheSynagogue knew no priesthood ; no privileged classexercised functions that were impossible for thehumblest congregant. It is only in such deformedproducts of religious exaltation as Hasidism thatthe semblance of functional authority has made itsappearance . In Germany, the office of Landes-rabbiner was often forced upon the Jewish com-munities by the state for purposes of more activesupervision of the congregations . In England theChief Rabbi has gradually been shorn of all realpower . The Grand Rabbin de France has been" Grand " mainly from the government point ofview, notwithstanding the personal excellence of theholders of the position . In Italy, nearly everyrabbi of a large community is a Rabbino Maggiore .Every attempt to establish even a spiritual headshipseems to have failed. It is only in the nearer Eastthat a certain amount of power was always grantedto either the lay or the spiritual head of the Jewishbodies, from the Resh Geluta (Exilarch) in Baby-lon down to the Hakam Bashis of modern Moham-medan countries . And, indeed, it is one of the argu-

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ments usually brought forward against the Zionistplatform that the Jew is assumed to be unwilling tosubject his own will to that of other Jews . Yet,without any organization, no concerted action waspossible . Was it now to prove successful on abroad democratic and secular basis, and in a mannerthat made the leaders as it were responsible min-isters to the people at large?

r

Regarded from yet another point of view,the Congress idea was of significance. The Jewshad had no forum from the boards of which theycould speak to the world at large outside . Thenon-Jewish world has always known very little ofeal Jewish sentiment . Whenever it has tried to

understand, it has usually misunderstood it . Thiswas, in a measure, the fault of the Jews themselves,and various attempts have been made by rabbinicalassociations and by a modern vernacular press toremove this reproach . It is not belittling theselaudable efforts to hold them to have been insuffi-cient for the purpose. They neither spoke withincorporate authority, nor were their utterancesreceived as having been made in coram publicam .A Congress of Jews, speaking with a delegatedauthority in the name of a large body of the people,holding its deliberations in public, and in that way

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attracting the attention of Europe and America,was calculated to have a wide hearing and servethe cause of the Jews in general .

It has been argued that the Zionists arrogated tothemselves an office they did not in reality possess,that of speaking in the name of the whole Jewishpeople, though they represented merely a . sectionof that people . The arraignment is not withoutsome justification, which, however, on secondthought, is more seeming than real . It is truethat only a portion of the Jewish people stoodsponsor to the idea of the Congress, but it must notbe forgotten that in this respect a great part of thewhole body was quite inarticulate . It had littlethought for anything beyond its own individual andpresent needs. There were no means at hand tomake its voice heard, and, had it been possible totake a poll, it would be hazardous to presume theresult. In addition, of all Jews it was the Zionistswho had the lustiest wish to live, who desired actionthat would keep the Jews together as a people .This is said without prejudice to the non-Zionistcamp, and without any intention to brand those whodid not agree with them as less good Jews than theZionists thought themselves to be . Nor did theCongress ever hide, or seek to hide, the fact that it

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had its many opponents . But it felt that its composi-tion had a certain universally Jewish character .It was made up of delegates representing all thevarious phases of Jewish life and thought-Ortho-dox, Reform, indifferent in religious matters, andfrankly non-religious, Chovevi Zionists, and purenationalists . Looked at from this point of view,the assumption of the Congress to speak for whathas been well called Catholic Israel' was not thepresumption it seemed to be at first sight .

It had been intended to hold the First Congressin Munich. That it met in Basel was due to theopposition of the official Jewish community in thefirst-named city. When one reads the various pro-nouncements made at the time against the holdingof the Congress, even the lapse of years does notlessen one's astonishment, for the leading motiveseems to have been one of fear and of dread-fearof apublic discussion of Jewish problems, dread ofthe results likely to follow any success the Zionistsmight achieve . In the circumstances, Herzl andhis friends had the proper instinct in yielding . Itwould have been a disservice to the Jewish causeto have exhibited Jewish dissension to the world inso palpable a form. It would have been a calamity.for the new movement to have had its birth at-

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tended by strife and discord . Passive resistancemight be overcome and overwhelmed ; active . op-position, however, might have proven a death-blow .

The First Congress was, therefore, held in Basel,i in August, 1897 . It was, to a large extent, pre-paratory . It was a manifestation, not only to theJewish, but also to the non-Jewish world . But itschief import lies in the fact that it drew up adeclaration which, in its opening paragraph, hasbecome the watchword of the whole movement,and which is universally known as " the Basel Pro-gram." This paragraph affirms that " the objectof Zionism is to establish for the Jewish people apublicly and legally assured home in Palestine ."The terseness with which this expression is wordedmakes some explanation necessary. The words" blicly and legally assured " in themselves emphasize the broad view taken of the question . Inbringing it to the attention of the world, the Con-gress laid stress upon the fact that what was de-manded was a right and not a favor, and the Jewishmasses counted upon the assistance of more fortu-nate peoples in attaining the status which theseenjoyed . In a negative way it suggested that theroot of the whole business lay in the fact that theJews as a people had no home, and, such being the

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case, they became easily the play-ball of contendingfactions and of warring interests . But that home,to be effectively assured to the Jewish people, mustbe " legally " recognized as such by the forces thatcontrolled the forward movement of modern civili-zation . . . For a home under other conditions mightbecome as insecure as the present tenure in variouslands . International recognition was imperativelyneeded .

There were also added the important words " inPalestine." They mark a step forward in theprogram as originally laid down in the Juden-stoat . It will be remembered that there Herzl hadin mind Palestine or any other country that mightbe found suitable. The declaration evidently takesaccount of only one country, and as Herzl was theone who finally formulated it, the words denote a,distinct change in his mental attitude . What wasthe cause of this change? It is not far to seek . Notonly had he felt as it were the pulse of the Jewishpeople ; not only had he come to see that the Jewishheart was beating for one spot, and that the greatforward course he desired his people to take waspossible only if it was fired by a_propelling senti-ment. Not that alone . By reason of his closercontact with Jews and with Jewish affairs, Herz1

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had at last found himself, and had, of his own ac-cord, reached the view that the future of Israel wasbound up irrevocably with Palestine . Though thelarge majority of his followers either had pre-ceded him on this road of mental development,or were carried forward on it by him, a number re-mained behind. A strong minority in the organiza-tion and in the Congress insisted upon the olderstandpoint, and formed an active'opposition, whichled in after years to the exciting scenes of the Sixthand the Seventh Congress, and eventually to theformation of the Ito, or territorialist group .

Ten sessions of the Congress were held between1897 and 1911 ; from 1897 to 1901 yearly ; fromthat time forward biennially . I have said that acertain change had taken place in Herzl's attituderegarding Palestine . But it must not be forgotten-that he still held to the large political view of the

l whole question . He was, above all, endowed withthe qualities of a statesman, and it was from thestatesman's . angle that he mapped out the work heand the organization were to do . Above all, hewanted Zionism to move on a lofty and generousplane . He was, therefore, a determined opponentof the Chovevi Zionists, not so much because oftheir aims as because of their methods. In his vari-

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ous presidential addresses to the Congress, he em-

phasized this view sufficiently . He did not believeanything was to be gained by what he calledthe smuggling of a few families into Palestine .Such a policy was, he thought, unworthy off a greatcause, and a source of prejudice to the ultimateobject in view . He believed it was necessary toadvance on quite different lines, to secure, first andforemost, the political rights, without which anyextended colonization was practically useless, beforeproceeding with such colonization . In this mannerhe came to be looked upon, by a portion even of hisown adherents, as an opponent of Palestiniancolonization . , Those who were in his confidenceknew that this was a wrong interpretation to putupon his attitude ; and, in the state in which theTurkish Empire was at that time, Herzl's attitudewas probably right .

Under Abdul Hamid, Turkey had gone steadilyon the downward track. The continual interfer-ence of the Palace in the engagements of the Portehad brought about a state of affairs that renderedall things precarious, and Herzl felt that unlessthe political guarantees were first secured uponwhich any tenure of land in Palestine was held,the Jewish colonies there ran the risk of sudden

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annihilation at almost any moment . In fact, awarning note was heard in the year 1900 . Inthe month of November instructions were sent tothe Vali of Beirut not to permit Jewish visitorsto remain in Palestine longer than three months .They had also to be provided with a " red ticket,"as a sign that they were only transient guests .The regulations were not new. They had beenpromulgated some twelve years previously, butsince that time they had practically remained inabeyance. Their revival naturally struck consterna-tion to the hearts of all those concerned for the wel-fare and growth of the Palestinian colonies . Tothe honor of two of the great powers, Italy and theUnited States, it must be said that they made animmediate protest on the ground that they couldnot allow any distinction to be drawn between theirChristian and their Jewish subjects in so far astreaty rights_ were concerned.' The incident, how-ever, serves to show that there was some reason andmuchch around for Herzl's fears .

Herzl's negotiations with the Sultan, carried onin various ways between the years 1898 and 1903,seemed to lead to no definite result . Of thesenegotiations more will be said later on . It isperhaps idle to speculate now upon the good or

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bad faith of the Sultan in the various offers hemade. Even if they had been in good faith, the .Jewish people refused to give Herzl the meanswith which to close a" bargain . They we-re suffi-ciently unimaginative to decline the risk of a fewpaltry millions in getting at the heart of the evil,when so many were being spent yearly in trying tomake good its ravages . The foul-weather friendswere too numerous who scented danger in everytrial of strength . All such negotiations are long,arduous, and very tortuous . In addition, it wasimpossible to keep the Congresses fully informed oftransactions in their nature private and only Pre-liminary. Many in the organization itself grewrestless and, wanting something to fan their faint-ing courage, demanded a quicker tempo and moreevident results. This was especially true of twogroups in the Congress, one representing the olderChovevi Zion view, and composed of those whowere Zionists because they were Chovevi Zion-ists, and not the reverse, and to whom the nameZiyyone Zionists, or Zionists a outrance, was given ;the other made up of pure nationalists, whosespecific interest was directed to Palestine as a pos-sible center rather than the only possible one. Itwas this latter group that was most insistent . It

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reasoned-and the reasoning was logical from itspoint of view-that if the undertakings with theSultan were likely to prove abortive, it behoovedthe Zionist leaders to look elsewhere and findanother land in which the much-desired homecould be established . It is from this point ofview that we must regard the attempt made in1899 by Davis Trietsch and others to transferJewish colonization to the island of Cyprus. Hadthe economic conditions there been of a kind tomake success likely, such a settlement might have

~' been regarded as a stepping-stone to Palestiniancolonization, with the additional advantage of theordered life and circumstances which had been in-troduced into that island since the agreement be-tween England and Turkey had placed it underBritish administration . But the mere mention ofthe project at the Third Congress (1899) arousedsuch violent opposition that even its considerationwas rendered impossible

In a similar light the concession demanded fora Jewish settlement in El-Arish must be regarded .The land so called comprises a strip of territory ofabout one thousand square kilometers . It is sit-uated to the south of Palestine, and forms the con-necting link between that country and Egypt ; as

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it were, between Asia and Africa. One can almostsay that it is a no-man's land, in the sense that it ismost sparsely settled, and whatever natural ad-vantages it may possess have never been developed .It was under Anglo-Egyptian administration, andany tenure obtained there would be certain . Itwas also nearer Palestine, much nearer thanCyprus ; in fact, geographically it was a part ofthat country . The whole matter had originallybeen broached by the German Zionists at theiryearly meeting in May, I9oI . It was taken up byHerzl in the autumn of 1902, as he himself said," because of the unsuccess of the latest negotia-tions in Constantinople and in view of the increas-ing distress [among the Jewish masses] .'" Thenegotiations opened in London were pursued inCairo, and at the beginning of 1903 a scientific ex-pedition, accompanied by a delegate representingthe Anglo-Egyptian Government, was sent thitherto report upon the feasibility of the plan . The re-port of this commission has never been made public ;but it is generally understood not to have been un-favorable. The negative outcome, however, of thewhole business seems to have been due to personalconsiderations, albeit the official reason given out bythe Anglo-Egyptian Government was the lack of

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water there, which would necessitate the use ofsome of the Nile overflow for irrigation purposes,and this could not be spared by Egypt . In view ofwhat was to follow, it should be noted that theAnglo-Egyptian Government had manifested a wiseunderstanding and appreciation of Jewish needs, inshowing itself willing to accord to a Jewish settle-ment in El-Arish, should such be finally determinedon, a Jewish administration and certain extendedmunicipal powers. The failure is, therefore, deeplyto be regretted, as such a settlement would havemade possible an experiment in jewish self-govern-ment which would have been both profitable and in-structive .

The spirit in which the British Government hadtreated the proposal concerning El-Arish was partic-ularly pleasing and encouraging . The good-will andsupport of the statesmen of a land that often cham-pioned the rights of a minority, that was thoroughlyimbued with liberal ideas and tendencies, and thathad had such varied experiences in colonization, wasrightly looked upon by Herzl as a most valuableasset . The " Jewish Colonial Trust " had beenestablished in London, and, though the Zionistmovement has been most careful not to identifyitself with the national aspirations of any one of

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the great or small powers, the British Governmentmay have felt that it owed it some kind of friendlytutelage. It is probable also that the failure of theEl-Arish negotiations weighed in the balance, atleast with some of her statesmen . Joseph Cham-berlain was at that time the most powerful figurein the English Cabinet. The Boer War had justbeen ended, and Chamberlain set out to visit the

J`

English possessions beyond the sea in South and,*Eastern Africa . The East-African Protectoratestretches from the Indian Ocean, with Mombassaas the chief port, as far over as Lake Tanganyika .It was while visiting this country that Chamberlainconceived the idea that here might be found aconvenient place for the Jewish settlement Herzl .had proposed to him in El-Arish .

It seems certain that the proposal did not come,in the first instance, from the Zionists . The pos-sibility of such a settlement had been mooted inthe London Jewish Chronicle in July, 1903, bya correspondent, Robert P . Yates, who was entirelyoutside of the Zionist body.' The negotiationsculminated in an official letter dated, from theForeign Office, August 14, 1903, in which SirClement Hill writes to Mr. L. J . Greenberg in re-gard " to the form of an agreement which Doctor

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Herzl proposes should be entered into between hisMajesty's Government and the Jewish ColonialTrust Ltd., for the establishment of a Jewish settle-ment in East Africa." The letter goes on to saythat the Marquis of Lansdownehas studied the question with the interest which his Majesty'sGovernment must always take in any well-considered scheme forthe amelioration of the position of the Jewish race . . . . If a sitecan be found which the Trust and his Majesty's commissionerconsider suitable, and which commends itself to his Government,Lord Lansdowne will be prepared to entertain favorably proposalsfor the establishment of a Jewish colony or settlement on con-ditions which will enable the members to observe their nationalcustoms . . . . the details of the scheme comprising as its mainfeatures the grant of a considerable area of land, the appoint-ment of a Jewish official as the chief of the local administration,and permission to the colony to have a free hand in regard tomunicipal legislation as to the management of religious andpurely domestic matters, such local autonomy being conditionalupon the right of his Majesty's Government to exercise generalcontrol.'

It has been said in some quarters, and I thinkwith reason, that this letter marks an epoch inJewish history. No Government up to that time orsince has put itself on record as taking up the Jewishcause in so noble and so whole-hearted a manner.It is not concerned with individual Jews or with asmall community, but with the whole " Jewish

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MEDAL STRUCK IN HONOR OF THE SECOND CONGRESS

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race" ; and its offer contained a measure of self-government which might well tempt the mostsanguine nationalist : a grant of land, a Jewish headofficial, and practical autonomy under the generalcontrol of the home Government. Invitations tothe Jews to settle in various countries, it is true,have not been unknown . The case of SultanBayazid II of Turkey at the end of the fifteenthcentury is in point ; the more recent (191 2) offerof a tract of land in Angola by the PortugueseRepublican Government may also be cited . Butno Government has ever taken the step to invitethe formation of an autonomous settlement of theJewish people. It is as well to state here thatofficial Zionist hopes and aspirations had nevergone beyond that point. In a letter dated Decem-ber 14, 1903, Doctor Herzl had laid down theconditions upon which alone the scheme could beacceptable. These were

x . The territory has to be sufficiently extensive to admit of animmigration of such a character as should be eventually amaterial relief to the pressure which to-day exists in EasternJewry. 2. It follows that the territory has to be one colonizableby such a people as ours . 3 . The concession has to be investedwith such autonomous rights as would insure the Jewish character •of the settlement ; and 4i perhaps governing all, the enthusiasm ;`of our, own people in respect to the offer has to be of such a nature

9

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as will overcome all the obvious difficulties, which under mostfavorable conditions will be bound to arise in the creation of the

settlement!

It is true that, from time to time, some Zionistsof more stalwart than sober faith, have spoken ofa Jewish state fully independent, with all the accompaniments and appanages belonging thereto. Butthe more sober and deliberate judgment of thosewho spoke with authority has never gone beyondthe borders of reaso_ nable_ness. The " Basel Plat-form " speaks of a home, in which Jewish aspira-tions may be realized . A home demands securityand permanence ; and, under the aegis of a greatand liberal power and with a measurable amountof autonomy, such a home could be more readilyprocured and preserved than if independence werecomplete and unrestricted. Besides, where at thepresent day is such a land to be found which is notin the possession, or at least within the purview, ofone of the Powers?The position of Herzl was indeed difficult.

The letter of Sir Clement Hill had come to himalmost on the eve of the Sixth Congress (August23-28, 1903'). The delegates were tense with sup-pressed emotion. Herzl had just returned fromSt. Petersburg, where he had been in consulta-

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THE JEWISH CONGRESS

tion with Witte and von Plehve in the endeavorto mitigate the harshness of a secret circularwhich the latter minister had issued to the gov-ernors, city prefects, and chiefs of police, puttinga ban upon all Zionist meetings and forbidding allcollections for Zionist purposes. Though he had ina measure succeeded, and had obtained the promiseof a possible mitigation of the interdict, his actionhad been misunderstood, especially by many of theRussian delegates, whose natural indignation at thecruelties, for most of which they held von Plehvepersonally responsible, made them distrust the min-ister and any promise given at his hand . By pre-senting the letter of the English Government, heran the risk also of alienating the Chovevi Zionelement in the Congress, who were known to beintransigent on the subject of Palestine . On theother hand, it was quite impossible for him, as itwas impossible for the Congress, to ignore so gen-erous an action on the part of a leading Govern-ment. Even if the offer were not acceptable,courtesy-not to speak of political exigency-de-manded some decision .

In what light Herzl regarded the offer, it is im-possible to say. It would be indiscreet _to go be-hind his own public and solemn statements ; we

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must wait until his _Memoirs are published forcomplete light upon the subject . But it is permis-sible to conjecture that he recognized its value notonly intrinsically but also as a political weapon tobe used in other quarters . The negotiations whichhe had been conducting in Constantinople seemed tohave reached a blind alley . The offers made tohim by the Sultan at various times were such as hecould not accept. The proposition of the EnglishGovernment might perhaps open the eye of theSultan to the fact that places other than Palestinewere possible for a Jewish " home." And then hehad the hope that, should a suitable spot be found,other forces in Jewry might join in the effort, orperhaps do the work themselves after the wayhad been pointed out to them . In point of fact,the Jewish Colonization Association did at firstseem disposed to lend a helping hand . It withdrew,however, upon the specious plea that the EnglishGovernment had made too liberal an offer, andthat the political and economic autonomy suggestedvitiated the whole scheme .

Those who were present at the Sixth Congressremember well the mutterings that presaged thestorm. In his masterly and carefully-worded open-ing address, Herzl presented the offer with proper

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words of recognition . He tried to make it clearthat this was nott an alternative for Palestine, thatEast Africa could not be Zion, and Nordau coinedthe expression Nachtasyl as defining the use towhich such a settlement might be put. But the Con-gress, by a large majority, would have none of it .The opposition was made up of the DemocraticFraction, nearly all the Russians, the ChoveviZionists, and even some of the closest friends ofDoctor Herzl . The minority was composed ofsome nationalists in whom the old ideas still re-mained alive, and of benevolent Zionists who wereonly lukewarm political followers of Herzl . It wasperfectly evident that, if a vote on the questionitself had been taken at the Sixth Congress, theoffer would have been rejected with no uncertainvoice . But any decision at that moment wouldhave been ill-considered . An acrimonious agita-tion had arisen, and the judgment of both partisansand opponents was warped and prejudiced by senti-ment . Nor was there any assurance that the partof the Protectorate in view was at all suited forcolonization by Europeans. The country had beenimperfectly surveyed and studied from an agro-nomic and economic point of view . Manifestly,the one proper course to take was to send a com-

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mission of inquiry, upon the basis of whose reportan intelligent estimate could be made of the realvalue of the whole offer . Such a line of conductwould also comport with the dignity of all thefactors involved. It would stave off a brusquerefusal of a magnanimous proposal, and it wouldallow the hand of time to calm the impassionedenthusiasm of both sides . The proposition wasaccepted by a substantial majority, in spite of alarge number who abstained from voting at all .Provision was also made for a special meeting ofdelegates at the next Congress, at which the reportof the commission should be discussed .

It is necessary to insist upon the subject of thisvote ; for with the obstinacy of set purpose the seem-ing of things has been represented as a fact, andmembers of the Congress themselves have main-tained, that this was a vote upon the offer itself .Even after the Congress had gone apart, the con-fusion persisted ; and no less an authority thanIsrael Zangwill has affirmed that the sentiment ofthe delegates was clearly in favor of the proposition .The stenographic report of the Congress is sufficientevidence how mistaken this view is . The Congresswas, in its largest part, strongly opposed to ac-ceptance ; it marked its opposition by passing a

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resolution prohibiting the use of any Shekel moneysor of any property of the Trust for the purposesof the expedition . The Russian members of theCentral Committee (Actions Committee) wentstill further, and made a demonstration by publiclyquitting the Congress session together with someof their Russian fellow-delegates .

The commission which went out to East Africain December, 1903, made its report to the CentralCommittee in May, 1904. The territory examinedand delimited by the British Government at Herzl'srequest comprised an area covering some six thou-sand square miles, and was known as the GuasNgishu Plateau . Although the members of thecommission did not agree upon all points, the gen-eral view seemed to be that the territory would beinsufficient for any large number of Jewish settlers,and that the ground was fit rather for grazing thanfor agriculture . In addition, a strong opposition to,the grant had developed in the East African Protec-torate itself . Telegrams from Lord Delamere, theHigh Commissioner of British East Africa, fromLord Hindlipp, and from Sir H . H. Johnston ar-rived at the Foreign Office couched in terms thatshowed the difficulties such a settlement would have

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had to encounter.'° All this was meat for the Pales-tinian enthusiasts.

In addition several lines of cleavage were be-ginning to show themselves within the ranks of theCongressists . Perhaps it is wrong to put it in thisway. The lines had, in reality, existed from the verybeginning of the movement . It was the East Afri-can project that accentuated them and made themvery apparent. Under normal conditions, a strongand determined Opposition is as essential in a Par-liament, into which the Congress had developed, asis a Government party. It has the double functionof keeping a close watch upon the leaders in powerand of taking the rudder at the moment a changeis desired or becomes necessary. But Jewish con-ditions have never been normal since the suppres-sion of Jewish statehood, and the circumstancesunder which the Zionist movement had grownwould have made a change of horses while in thestream a most precarious undertaking. Zionismwas still in the formative period of its growth . Itsvery existence was at times dubious . For its build-ing up it needed the combined efforts of all parties .The East African project, acting as a divisor, wasmost unfortunate in its sequel .

During the sessions of the Sixth Congress, a132

THE JEWISH CONGRESS

Jewish Congress had been held in Palestine . Inordinary circumstances such a gathering would havebeen viewed by all Zionists with satisfaction, andbeen accompanied by their applause . But it hadbeen organized and it was presided over by MichaelUssischkin. He was one of the old Russian Zionistleaders, a man of much merit and with a consider-able following, but he had little sympathy with thepolitical and tactical methods of Herzl . He wasand he remained a Chovevi Zionist ; and the organ-ization which this Congress proposed, and whichwas to include representatives of Baron Edmondde Rothschild and of the Odessa Committee, theJewish Colonization Association, the AllianceIsraelite, and the Ezra, shows that its object wasantagonistic to that of the Zionist Congresses, andwas intended rather as a substitute than as a supple-ment.

Most of the Russian leaders went even furtherthan this. They broke out into what was practicalrebellion . Those of them who were members ofthe Central Committee met at Kharkoff in October,1903, and determined to found a committee oftheir own within the Central Committee . Theyfurther agreed to demand from Herzl a writtenpromise to relinquish the East African project

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prior to the convening of the Seventh Congressand, in his capacity of leader of the Zionists, toengage in no further territorial schemes . In addi-tion, he was to be required to make a formalpromise to take up the work in Palestine andfurther the acquisition of land there and in Syriawith the moneys of the National Fund . A threatwas also attached to the promises demanded-sup-plies were to be withheld from Vienna in case of arefusal . This was an all too evident attempt toforce Herzl's hand and, by means of caucus rule,to limit the free exercise of the will of the majorityin the Congress . When these various proceedingsbecame known, much indignation was expressed atthe methods that had been adopted and the wantof tact exhibited, due no doubt to a combinationof lack of experience and excess of zeal . Theexcitement made its way into other quarters, no-tably into England, where a cross-current of localEnglish patriotism in favor of the British offercame in to trouble the waters still more . By a sortof tacit understanding, however, the resolutions ofthe Kharkoff Conference were permitted to dropout of sight, and nothing further was heard of thenew organization projected in Palestine . In themeantime, the Zionist leader had closed his eyes,

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worn out by the struggles of the last years and ex-hausted by the storm of which he had been thecenter, one may say innocently . Though he hadbeen harshly and unjustly treated, his generousnature bore no malice . He was even filled withadmiration that those for whom in the first instancethe relief measure had been projected should spurnit because it seemed to involve a divergence fromtheir ideal.

The Seventh Congress, of 19o5, was to decideupon the East African offer. The Russians hadtaken time by the forelock, and, at a conferenceheld at Vilna (January 14, 19o5 ), had expressedthe view that any attempt at colonization outsideof Palestine " was opposed to both the historicalideal of Zionism and to the Basel Platform ." Theconclusion arrived at by the special Congress ofJuly 30 was foregone . The coalition comprisingthe Government Party, the Ziyyone Zionists, andthe Mizrachi Fraction were known to be in a largemajority . I quote in full the final resolution thatbrought to an end the discussion on the subjectwithin the ranks of the Congress

The Seventh Zionist Congress declares : The Zionist organiza-tion stands firmly by the fundamental principle of the Basel

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Program, namely, "The establishment of a legally-secured,publicly-recognized home for the Jewish people in Palestine,"and it rejects, either as an end or as a means of colonizing,activity outside Palestine and its adjacent lands. The Congressresolves to thank the British Government for its offer of a territoryin British East Africa, for the purpose of establishing there aJewish settlement with autonomous rights. A commission havingbeen sent out to examine the territory, and having reportedthereon, the Congress resolves that the Zionist organization shallnot engage itself further with the proposal . The Congressrecords with satisfaction the recognition accorded by the BritishGovernment to the Zionist organization in its desire to bringabout a solution of the Jewish problem, and expresses a sincerehope that it may be accorded the further good offices of the BritishGovernment where available in any matter it may undertake inaccordance with the Basel Program . The Seventh Zionist Con-gress recalls and emphasizes the fact that, according to article iof the statutes of the Zionist organization, the Zionist organizationincludes those Jews who declare themselves to be in agreementwith -the Basel Program.

The wound which had been inflicted could notbe healed by a simple resolution . The minority didnot disarm . Most of the territorialists had ab-stained from taking part in the final vote, and thePoale Zion, who were to a large_ extent advancedsocialists, marked their complete disapprobation byrefusing to participate further in the proceedingsof the Congress . It was these two bodies that

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formed the nucleus of the .first real and effectivesplit in the Zionist organization .

The premonitory signs of this secession wereseen in 1905, when the Zionistic Territorial Or-ganization in Berne first made its appearance. TheBritish offer in East Africa and the difference ofopinion in regard to its acceptance formed the oc-casion for its active manifestation . It gainedgreatly in importance by the fact that Israel Zang-will put himself at its head . By the power ofhis pen and by a devotion similar to that of hisfriend Herzl, he has been able to build it up in amanner not thought possible by those who witnessedits birth. The object of this organization, or Ito,'as it has come to be called, is

r . To procure a territory upon an autonomous basis for the Jewswho cannot or who will not remain in the lands in which theyalready live . 2 . To achieve this end, the organization proposes :to unite all Jews who are in agreement with this object ; to enterinto relations with governments and public and private institu-tions ; and to create financial institutions, labor, bureaus, andother instruments that may be found necessary .

One would wish to speak with all due reservein criticism of a writer and leader who has deservedso well of the Jewish people as Israel Zangwill .Yet the public utterances and the public acts of even

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the greatest are legitimate subjects for publiccriticism. The mental evolution of Zangwill inregard to Zionism has been peculiar. One is ledto doubt whether he was ever a real Zionist inthe full acceptation of the term . The enthusiasticselflessness with which he loved his people andtheir history led him to be a follower of Herzl uponpart of the road . He had come to the First Con-gress merely as a spectator, and was drawn intothe strong current that it produced." He followedthe leader's development into a Palestinian Zionist,and remained so up to the Sixth Congress . Hisbrilliant pen has written many an impassionedpraise of Palestine and of its possibilities under

~t

Jewish leadership . " He that owns no land is nolv'~a r

}C,.y 1

t, 1 man," he cited from the Talmud at the head of anarticle full of fine sentiments and careful statistics

. ; about Palestine :' He was of opinion that" GeorgeEliot, the great seer, pierced into the heart of the

t question with keener vision than any Jew," and hedescribed aptly the attitude of many Zionists whenhe wrote, " We have followed the largely uncon-scious evolution by which-even against his will-Israel's feet have been turned Zionwards at thevery moment in history it is possible for him to re-occupy the country for the world's benefit and his

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THE JEWISH CONGRESS

own." And he adds : " But the dullest imagina-tion must feel what a world of romance andspiritual hope, what a ferment of religious revivaland literary and artistic activity, must attend andfollow the home-coming of the Jew ." At the FifthCongress he uttered a noteworthy protest againstthe pusillanimous leaders of the Jewish Coloniza-tion Association and the Alliance Israelite Univer-selle, in the course of which he said :" " In theyear 68, when Titus hovered round Jerusalem,the father of anti-Zionism, Johanan ben Zakkai,escaped from the Holy City in a coffin, and fledto the Roman camp. He had persuaded himselfJews could live without a country, by Torah alone .To-night, eighteen hundred and thirty-three yearslater, I stand here and see the delegates from allthe lands of the Exile who still cry, ` If I forgetthee, 0 Jerusalem, may my right hand forget itscunning.'" And he has sent broadcast into theJewish world such cries as, " Give the country with-out a people to the people without a country."

At the beginning of the Territorialist propa-ganda, Zangwill still spoke well of Zionism, hold-ing that one could become an Itoist and remaina Zionist. Nevertheless he was sharply attacked byhis former colleagues ; but this attack does not

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excuse his ever-increasing opposition to a move-ment which he had helped to expand. Legitimatecriticism on his part degenerated into open antag-onism . He was the prime mover against the Jew-ish Colonial Trust when it attempted to carry outa resolution of the Congress and to change itsstatutes for the purpose of preventing the use ofZionist moneys for any other than strictly Zionistpurposes. Of course, Zangwill hoped that at sometime or other the moneys might become availablefor the purposes of the Ito, but the place to carrythrough such a project or to safeguard the futurewas in the Congress itself and not before a courtof law . The action was costly, and injurious tothe good fame of all concerned in it . It is asubject of reproach to him that, though in 1900and in 1904 he publicly labored the idea that theminority must perforce give way to the majority,"in 19o5 he acted directly contrary to such advice,and that, instead of stepping out quietly from amovement when he found himself no longer insympathy with it, he chose to become one of itschief opponents and critics .

It would be invidious to criticise any movementthat makes a serious attempt to solve some of theproblems that confront the Jew . In the present

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state of Eastern European 'Jewry, no endeavorought to be made to block any practical work thatis being done to lighten its burden . It is not withwhat the Germans call Schadenfreude that onerecords the repeated failure of the Ito to finda territory fit for Jewish colonization, whether inthe Cyrenaica, in Canada, in Australia, in Meso-potamia, or in Angola . It is with sincere regretthat the fact is borne in upon us that no land seemsavailable for such a purpose . But from the moreextended Zionist point of view Ito.ism is like theplay with the principal character taken out : it isZionism minus Zion . It has undoubtedly earnedmuch praise for its attempt to regulate emigrationfrom Eastern Europe and deflect part of it through,Galveston to the Southern states of North America .It has grouped around a distinctively Jewishstandard some of the best forces in English andContinental Jewry . But it is just these forces thathave led it further and further away from itsoriginal ideals . It does not insist with the samevehemence upon the autonomy of the colonizationit wishes to effect : indeed, some of its most ardentsupporters are determined opponents of autonomyin any form whatsoever. To the outsider, there-fore, it appears to be falling back into the old idea

10

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of helping Jewish wants and needs by benevolence .Well and scientifically though this benevolence maybe applied, it has yet emasculated the greater hopewith which Pinsker, Rulf, Herzl, and others hadfired the Jewish world .

But entirely apart from such considerations, itis pertinent to remark that the further and system-atic dispersion of Jews must act unfavorably on thewhole body, and can only be entertained as a lastresort-faute de mieux . This, of course, is a pointof view which may well appeal to those of us whodo not live under political and economic pressure,but which we cannot press upon those who do notenjoy the same privileged position . In a generaland somewhat theoretical way, it may be heldthat the Zionist organization as such ought to haveno official connection with movements based uponthe jrinciple_of _further dispersion . In this sense,the whole discussion on emigration at the TenthCongress was entirely out of place .

[Notes, pp . 225-226]

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CHAPTER VI

THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD

The death of Herzl robbed the young move-ment of the great personality around which it hadgathered ; it took away its foremost representativeto the outer world. No such eventuality had been.envisaged by Herzl himself, though some of hismore intimate friends had tried to_ induce him tolook for a successor. Their efforts had been abor-tive, the poetic optimism of the leader had calmedall suspicion in his own mind in regard to his phys-ical weakness. To his followers, his loss broughtconsternation ; from his critics and from opponentsof the cause, a flood of prophecies that the end ofZionism was close at hand . These propheciesmight have proved true, if Zionism had beensimply a one-man's theory and the work of a singleindividual. In that case, however spectacular itsexpression and however promising its outlook, itwould inevitably have crumbled to pieces and beenlost in the sands of time . But Herzl's work was

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merely the culminating point in a development thatwas the most determined expression of Jewish vital-ity. As he had not called Zionism into existence-however much he had aided its growth-his dis-appearance could not annihilate it. To fill his placein any adequate manner, it was clearly felt, wouldbe quite impossible : he united in his person certainqualities that do not often commingle in one andthe same individual . Various devices have beenadopted to fill Herzl's place by a commission, some-times of three, at other times of seven . The plainfact is that Zionism is still awaiting the appearanceof one man who by common consent is fitted to sitin his seat .

In another respect also Herzl's death produceda change. The center of Zionist activity had verynaturally been in the place of his permanentabode . Vienna possessed certain natural advan-tages even beyond this fortuitous circumstance . Itwas easy of access from Russia, the great back-bone of the movement ; it was a sort of half-wayhouse to Constantinople, the center of Herzl'spolitical negotiations. But it was snot a spot favor-able for active Jewish propaganda . The conflict ofnationalities in Austria had had a deleterious effectupon the Jews . They had been drawn, willy-nilly,

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THE POST-HERMAN PERIOD

into the maelstrom of inner Austrian politics ; inone district they had been forced to take sides withone grouping, in another, to flock to the opposingstandard. Nor must it be forgotten that the Jew-ish representatives in Vienna had been particularlyhostile to Herzl and to the other Zionist leaders,and that the atmosphere was decidedly unfriendly .Herzl had a " bad press " in his own city, and withhis passing the center of gravity was bound to moveelsewhere .

There could be little doubt to which part ofEurope the move would be made. For a shortwhile London was debated, but London was theseat of the Jewish Colonial Trust, and it was awise forethought not to concentrate all the Zionistinstitutions in one locality. In addition, Jewishnationalism and the modern Zionist movement hadbeen born on the Continent. To have given theman Anglo-Saxon coloring might have added stillanother difficulty and another subject of disunionto the many that existed already . German was stillthe language understood, in one form or another ;by the largest number of Jews. Germany wasclearly marked out as the future home of the move-ment. Not only was Cologne the home of twoof the leaders and closest friends of Herzl . Ger-

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many had, by a peculiar development, earned afully-written title to the distinction .

Nothing is perhaps so remarkable as the mannerin which this title was acquired . During the earlyyears of Zionism, the strongest protests and pro-nouncements had come from this very Germany .Laymen, clerics, and intellectuals had joined handsin condemnation . Germany was the cradle of theReform movement, the principles of which werethe antithesis of those upon which Zionism wasbased. To the Reformers, Zionism represented asort of lese majeste', and some of the leaders werewilling to go any length to stamp it out . But therewere many Russian and Roumanian Jewish stu-dentsdents at German universities ; a number of themwere nationalists, who interpreted their nationalismin a cultural sense . They commenced to studyJewish history, to get into touch with the Jewishpast, to sound the soul of their birthright . Modernin their way of thinking, they began to infuse aJewish spirit into their modernism and to havevisions of a Jewish culture of the future ; to dreamof Jewish art, of Jewish music, and the like .Vigorous in body as they were strong in mind, theyhad founded their own Verbindungen . Theiranswer to the attempt to keep them out of associa-

146


tion with the highest advances of German develop-ment in the arts and sciences was virile : it ledto self-communion and to self-concentration .

This whole movement had commenced in Ger-man Austria at the time of the first extensive po-groms in Russia, in 1882, when the Kadimah wasfounded at the University of Vienna . Its name in Eits double signification, " Onwards-Eastwards,"had been the suggestion of Perez Smolenskin . Its itext-book was Pinsker's flutoemancipation . At theoutset, its membership was composed largely ofRussian students ; these were joined by Galiciansand Roumanians. Very naturally, it was looked ataskance and with some suspicion by Jewish studentsof German Austria . Such a Jewish assertion as itrepresented was quite foreign to their own natureand to their surroundings . But Vienna soon be-came a hotbed of anti-Semitism, and the univer-sity its chief breeding-place . The emphasis withwhich the Jewish cause was defended by theKadimah soon brought it adherents from amongthe German-raised Jewish students. Above all, itbecame a meeting-ground for Jewish universitymen coming from different lands, on which theWesterners learned for the first time that their ownproblems were in reality similar to those of the

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Jewries further East. That the soil was amplyprepared for such student-societies is evident fromthe fact that the Kadimah became the model for anumber of similar organizations, not only at theVienna University, but also at Prague, Czernowitz,Brunn, Lemberg, Gratz, Bielitz, and Suczawa .Many of the societies undertook to cultivate theHebrew language ; some of them had a strongnationalist tendency ; and it was the Kadimah, aswe have seen, that was the first Jewish group toextend a welcoming hand to Doctor Herzl1

It was natural that the foundation of suchsocieties at the German University of Vienna shouldhave a repercussion in Germany itself . At aboutthe same time began the attempt to exclude Jewishstudents from the academic societies in Germanuniversities . The action - of the AkademischeLesehalle in Berlin was answered by the openingof the Judische Lesehalle. The first German Jew-ish Students' Society was formed in 1886 (Viadrina,in Breslau, now Thuringia) . Since then a sur-prisingly large number of such societies have beenestablished, in Berlin, Breslau, Darmstadt, Frei-burg, Konigsberg, Marburg, Munich, Bonn, andStrassburg . The variety and the multiformity ofthese societies are the best warrant that they satisfy

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an inner and irrepressible need . The first werefounded frankly with the purpose of combatinganti-Semitism by strengthening the Jewish con-sciousness of their members . They are united inwhat is called a Kartell-Konvent, and take no sidesin political or religious questions. The Kartell wassoon followed by the Bund judischer Korporationen(1900), which went one step further, and turnedthe rather negative program of the Kartell intoone more positive, for the purpose of " developinga living Judaism ." None of the societies in theabove-mentioned groups was distinctly Zionisticor even Jewishly national . The first official Zion-istic students' society was the Maccabaea, inBreslau (19o1) . It has been followed by severalothers, which have been gathered into a Kartellzionistischer Verbindungen, founded in 1906 . Tothese must be added the Academic-Zionistic SocietyTchioh, founded in Kothen, in 1903, which has,from time to time, instituted summer courses inthe history and geography of Palestine ; the FreieVerbindung Dahlemia (Berlin, 1905-1906), madeup of students of pharmacy ; and the Bund judischerAkademiker (1906) , in Berlin, Munich, and Strass-burg, whose object is to strengthen traditionalJudaism among university students! And, finally,

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mention must be made of the Bund judischerJugendvereine, a sort of by-product of the students'societies. Though this Bund is not distinctly Zion-istic in its program, most of its members come fromZionist circles . The organization is said to containthirteen thousand members, and is similar in itstendencies to the Young Judaea in America.'

I have dwelt somewhat upon these societies, be-cause they have brought into the bonds of theclosest ideal friendship a number of young men,who have acted as leaven both within the universityand without. That there was need of such astrengthened dike, upon which the waves of anti-Semitism were to beat, was all too evident . Manyof the older dikes had not held ; they had givenway gradually, either through pressure from with-out or through weakness from within . The alarm-ing number of conversions to Christianity that tookplace in Germany during the closing years of thenineteenth and the opening years of the twentiethcentury, show plainly the need for a deeper Jewishconsciousness . It will be remembered that at thetime of Germany's greatest political degradation,consequent upon the Napoleonic regime, the newspirit that was to bring freedom was born and nur-tured in the universities . Quite a similar idealism

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proceeded from among the Jewish students a littleless than a hundred years later, and prepared theway for the definite leadership assumed by the Ger-man Zionists in 1911, when the seat of the InnerActions Committee was fixed in Berlin, and whenProfessor Otto Warburg was chosen by his col-leagues to preside over the Committee .

This change in the place of the central governingbody denoted also a certain change in policy, or,to be more just, a greater accentuation of one partof Zionist activity. The old rivalry between thetwo lines along which the movement had been con-ducted had become accentuated as years went by .It had become somewhat stereotyped by the desig-nation of the one as " political " Zionism and of theother as " Palestinian " Zionism. The designationswere false, and therefore the stereotyping was amisfortune. At best, no essential antagonismexisted between the two policies, not even any appre-ciable gulf between one and the other. There were,of course, extremists on both sides, but the questionwas largely one of proportion only . The arch-" politicals " held fast to the formulae which Herzlhad laid down at the beginning of his Zionistcareer ; they still believed that it was wrong andunwise to forward colonization before full political

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guarantees had been secured ; they looked askanceat what was called " petty colonization " (Klein-Kolonisation) and at any extensive application ofthe funds of the Jewish Colonial Trust to thepurchase of land in Palestine . They conceivedZionism along large lines, and counseled a waitingpolicy until the time should come when really de-cisive and thoroughgoing action would be possible-unconsciously nearing, though upon quite differ-ent grounds, the position held by the ultra-Ortho-dox wing of the Synagogue . But to describe them asanti-Palestinians would be to mistake a method ofprocedure for a matter of principle. Again, therewere also extreme Palestinians, the so-calledZiyyone Zionists . These were impatient of de-lay in furthering what was called " practical work "in Palestine, and some even went so far as to de-mand the transference of the whole movement, bagand baggage, to the Promised Land .` It is truethat such showed a want of political perspicacity,but most of their leaders had in no way broken withthe political side of Zionism . They simply be-lieved that this feature was of secondary impor-tance, one which, in some unknown way, wouldtake care of itself .

It was these extreme Palestinians who were, in152


a measure, to carry the day. Originally, they were

a group composed mostly of Russians, at whose

head was M. Ussischkin. They were admirablyorganized, and they were among the most deter-

mined of those who had opposed the East Africaproposition. Ussischkin had been the moving spirit

at the all-Russian Zionist Congress at Minsk, Sep-

tember, 1902, at which the proposition was made

to invest in Palestine land the whole of the sums

collected for the National Fund . In the year 1903

he had convened a Zionist Congress in Palestine

itself, as related above, and during the last years

of Herzl's life he had been his opponent, antagoniz-

ing him secretly and openly. After Herzl's death,the Russian opposition grew in power ; their repre-

sentatives at the Congress were assisted by the Ger-

man contingent, much of whose interest lay moreexclusively .in Jewish developments in Palestine than

in the larger questions at issue . During the period1904-1911, when the Zionist organization was

under the leadership of David Wolffsohn, who had

taken the ungracious task upon his shoulders of

heading the movement in the most critical period in

its development, they had made rapid strides .

Wolffsohn's efforts were largely expended-and

necessarily so-in healing the many breaches made153

ZIONISM

in its walls . At the Congress of 19 11 the combina-tion of Russians and Germans won its final victory,and passed from the Opposition to the Governmentbenches . Its policy is expressed in the words usedby Professor Warburg at the Seventh Congress

1 " Their right to the land by reason of their havingpossessed it two thousand years ago is not a suffi-cient claim ; they must create a modern title, whichwould consist in the fact that Palestine dependedec_onom_ically upon the Jews, owing its progress toJewish initiative and resources ." " It is ProfessorWarburg who has given practical expression to thispolicy in his character as founder and chairman ofthe Palestine Commission . Under his auspices,the Commission has assisted various Palestinian en-terprises, and has encouraged the formation ofa number of societies that collect informationregarding the agricultural and commercial possi-bilities of the country! It is practically the Pales-tine Commission which now guides the Zionistmovement .

Though it has been felt by many Zionists thatthe work projected by the Commission-and now,presumably, to be followed by the organizationis of too varied a character, and sometimes be-yond the immediate means, the work of the Pales-

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tine Commission has always commanded interest .It provided opportunity for willing hands, andmaterial, other than pure theorems, with whichto fix on Palestine the interest of the ever-wideningDiaspora. It represented action, and the ordinaryman looks upon action, of whatever kind it maybe, as the final warrant of success . In addition, itmade it possible to rally to its assistance other ele-ments in Jewish life than merely affiliated Zionists :some whose attitude was one of sympathetic de-tachment, others who refused to follow the de-cadent lead of Jewish cravens . For the claim ofPalestine has always found more or less of anecho in the heart of the Jew, however much hemight be estranged from the current life of hispeople. Historical, sentimental, and benevolent in-stincts joined hands to produce this result . TheTechnical School at Haifa, the Hebrew Gymna-sium at Jaffa, the Jewish Agricultural ExperimentStation at Athlit, and the Bezalel School at Jeru-salem, though all the outcome of Zionist impulse,are cases in point. These would hardly have beenpossible without the substantial aid of many whowould object to being classed in any of the cat-egories into which Zionists may be divided . Thegreat danger, however, lies in the possible one-sided

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ZIONISM

insistence on this work as the quintessence of Zion-ism . Unless it is informed with the ideal repre-sented by the so-called " politicals," it is, indeed, indanger of falling back into the rut of ChoveviZionism and of running into the -sands of merebenevolence a movement that at one time quiveredwith national sentiment. It is the duty of the pres-ent Opposition to keep this larger view alive .

The new direction given to the Zionist movementhas been strangely favored by historic events inTurkey itself. The regranting of the Constitution,forced upon the late Sultan Abdul Hamid in 1908,and confirmed after the counter-revolution in 1909,

f was bound to have its effect in Palestine and reactupon the Zionist movement. During the absolutistregime of the former Sultan, it was possible forHerzl to treat with the Sultan alone . Nearly allthe power in the state had been concentrated grad-ually in the Palace, to the exclusion of the Porte andto the derision of so-called responsible ministers .The Constitution took this power _out of the handsof the Sultan, and gave it back to the people, orat least to their parliamentary representatives . Itis quite evident that a procedure that promisedsuccess under the old order, would require modifica-tion under the new . Different forces had to be con-

156

CERTIFICATE OF AN INSCRIPTION IN THE GOLDEN BOOK OF THEJEWISH NATIONAL FUND

ZIONISM

whatever claims the Jews might have to urge inPalestine, but simply to work there for the upbuild-ing of the country and for the economic and culturalstrengthening of the Jewish position in the land .In addition, it was necessary to clarify the situationand enlighten the leaders of the Committee ofUnion and Progress upon the real ends and aimsof Zionism .

Unfortunately, this enlightening process has notbeen carried very far, despite the fact that in 1907a daughter-institution of the Jewish Colonial Trusthad been established at Constantinople itself, theAnglo-Levantine Company, for the express purposeof facilitating such enlightenment. Certain currentshostile to the Zionists and to the Jewish colonistsin Palestine had commenced to make their appear-ance, with the evident intention to prejudice theminds of responsible statesmen in the capital. Someof the German colonists in the neighborhood ofJaffa had not seen with a welcoming eye the successof their Jewish fellow-colonists and the forwardmovement of the Jews in Jaffa and Haifa . Aseries of letters published in the OttomanischerLloyd at Constantinople' gave tongue to thesecomplaints, and the voice was heard in the highplaces . In addition, the Arabs were becoming, or

158


were said to be becoming, restless . Certain Syrianagitators thought to push their claims by means ofan anti-Jewish campaign in a penny-sheet pub-lished at Haifa .' More unfortunately still, a cer-tain support was given to this misconstruction byJewish bodies themselves . In characteristic fashion,the Jews in Constantinople and in other parts ofTurkey in Europe were for the most part ultra-Turkish in their sympathies, and, in a situation inwhich every nationality-Greek, Bulgarian, Kutzo-Vlach, Albanian, Servian, and Arab-was assertingits righteous (and sometimes unrighteous) claims,the Jews alone remained silent. They had bound'themselves hand and foot to the Committee ofUnion_ and Progress. Nor can certain elements'in West European Jewry be absolved from allblame for actions which can hardly be the result ofpure ignorance . In i9ro a deputation of the Com-mittee of Union and Progress had come to Paris .It was quite natural that the leaders of the AllianceIsraelite should seek to get into closest touch withthe Turkish authorities, in view of the many edu-cational institutions supported by them in theOttoman Empire . But they seem to have insin-uated into the minds of the members of the deputa-tion the idea that Zionism was incompatible with

159

ZIONISM

Ottomanism-an idea that was actively propagatedthrough Alliance channels in Turkey itself .' Inthis manner, an atmosphere of suspicion wascreated, in which all sorts of rumors had a chanceto take root and flourish. This was fully revealedin the Turkish Parliament, during the autumn of19 I o and the spring of I q 11, when the conduct ofDjavid Bey, the former Minister of Finance, wasunder review.

Djavid Bey is by birth a Donmeh, a descendantof those followers of Sabbatal Zebi who savedthemselves by conforming outwardly to Moham-medan rites ; in other words, an Islamic Marano .In order to discredit him completely, Europeanmethods had been imported into Turkey, and theJewish financial bogy evoked, of which he was saidto be the tool. This bubble agitation succeeded ina measure, and with fatuous credulity was pub-lished urbi et orbi by the correspondent of theLondon Times at Vienna." The severe attackleveled at the Hakki ministry issued often in thecharge of " Judaizing," savoring strongly ofInquisition days and Inquisition methods . Thewords " Zionism " and " Zionist " were used freelyin this harrying process, and, in defending them-

160


selves against any such suspicion, both Djavid Beyand Hakki Pasha displayed such ignorance of thefirst principles of the movement as to raise the suspi-cion that they had heard of it then and there for thefirst time . The charges were in a nutshell thatZionism was a world-wide Jewish intrigue againstOttoman statehood, behind which some great Jew-ish banking-houses of international fame were seek-ing to gain their own ends._ Such muddle-headed- iness might be excusable among the penny-a-linersof the daily press, but it was quite inexcusable atthe bar, of a nation's assembly. The one or two,Jewish deputies who intervened achieved the won-derfulderful performance of bemusing the confusion stillfurther."

Now, upon no point had so much insistence beenput by Zionist leaders as upon the relation of themovement to Ottoman sovereignty . In the pre-Herzlian period, Pinsker' had insisted upon aproper and faithful understanding with Constanti-nople . Ahad ha-Am had followed him in this."At the very first Congress, in 1897, Herzl had setthe seal upon an open and loyal intercourse withthe Turkish authorities, and his disapprobation ofany procedure that might awaken distrust led him

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ZIONISM

to object to Palestine-colonization as it had beencarried on previously. His words were : 14

The confidence of the state which is necessary for a settlementof large masses of Jews can only be gained by publicity and byloyal action . . . . The immigration of the Jews is an influx inforce of an unexpected wealth for this poor country, yes, evenfor the whole Ottoman Empire . His Majesty, the Sultan, has hadthe best of experiences of his Jewish subjects, just as he hasalways been towards them a kind sovereign .

At the Third Congress, Herzl again emphasizedthe point in his opening address : 16

Naturally we lay the strongest stress on giving proof of thisloyalty, above all to the Turkish Government . No step will betaken by us which even in a remote degree could arouse thejustifiable mistrust of the sovereign power of Palestine. We willand can confer the greatest advantages on the Ottoman Empire ;pire ;we may act altogether openly.

Again, at the Seventh Congress, Nordau reiter-ated, and in no uncertain words, the attitude of theZionist leaders : 18

In these citcumstances, the Turkish Government might realizethat it would be of great value to possess, in Palestine and Syria,a numerous, strong, and well-organized population, which, withdue regard to the rights of the indigenous peoples, would tolerateno attacks on the authority of the Sultan, but on the contrarywould repel them with all its power . And Europe would prob-ably regard it as a service if the Jewish people, by its peaceful

162


and energetic occupation of Palestine, prevents violent changesin the government of the country, and renders superfluous anintervention of the Powers, the dangers of which are only toowell-known in diplomatic circles .

At the Eighth Congress, David Wolffsohn againtook up the thread, and, addressing the Portethrough the Congress, spoke of the " loyalty of our,endeavors and the civilizing and peaceful characterof our movement which had been laid to the heartof the Porte : we have continually represented tothe Turkish Government the loyalty of our aspira-tions, the civilizing and peaceful significance of ourundertakings, and we hope that the Sublime Porte,which entertains great sympathy for our people,will find the correct measure for the estimate of ourintentions." 17

Such citations could easily be multiplied . Theyall show plainly that the Zionists conceived theirmission as in no way hostile to .Ottoman statehood.Considering the downward pace at which things-were going during the reign of Abdul Hamid, andthe probable break-up of the Empire that this fore-shadowed, it was natural that the largest possiblemeasure of autonomy figured in the Zionist pro-gram for the future Jewish home . Modern con- I

stitutionalism in Turkey_ has diminished the neces-163

ZIONISM

sity of insistence upon the political side of thisautonomy. It is true that the bloom of the newlife there has been somewhat hectic in its flush .It demanded too much . It attempted to sink all

j differences of race and nationality in the all-embra-cing arms of Ottomanism . Such a policy is impos-sible of success in Turkey . Nay, it is directlyopposed to the fundamental principles of Moham--medan political doctrines, which distinctly permitthe existence of separate entities, bound togetherby a common allegiance to the state power . Theonly hope for the future prosperity of the OttomanEmpire lies in a wise and wide decentralization, inwhich the various races, nationalities, and religionsshall be able to develop their innate powers, andalong their own peculiar lines . The second andsober thought of Turkish statesmen is veeringgradually to this policy-a policy put forward witha strong plea by Prince Sabaheddin at the Congressof the opposition parties held in Paris in 1907, andto advance which the party of the " Entente " hasbeen formed . As a member of such a reorganizedstate, a Jewish Palestine will take its due and properplace .

[Notes, pp . 226-227]

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CHAPTER VII

SOME PHASES OF ZIONISTIC THEORY

It is natural that a movement which made itsappeal to Jews in every land, and was consciouslymeant to be " all-Jewish " in its application, shouldreceive different and varying interpretations . Per-haps the very fact that it has been interpretedvariously might be cited in support of the conten-tion that it is the very heart of the Jewish questionas felt by the Jews themselves. With some of theseinterpretations we are already acquainted, especiallywith the two most important ones : that put forwardby Herzl and his immediate followers, and termed" political," and that represented by the so-calledPalestinians. Some phases in the development ofZionism were only momentary in their appearance,and due either to special circumstances or to per-sonal considerations . A few phases, however, areof larger import and deserve special mention .

The first of these phases is that represented bythe Poale Zion . As their name signifies, they repre-sent the Labor Party within the Zionist organiza-

165

i

ZIONISM

tion. The untoward condition in which Jewishlaborers live, not only in the modern Ghettos ofEastern Europe, but also in the large cities ofWestern Europe and America, has made their at-tachment to the Zionist cause somewhat natural .They have suffered along with others in the samesocial class under the rapid and haphazard develop-ment of our great modern industrial centers . Thefact of their being Jews has, however, added to theirdifficulties in Eastern Europe, and, when they em-igrated, the fact that they are strangers in the landof their adoption . The legislation of the MiddleAges had forced them into a few and definite occu-pations, and, as land-tenure by Jews was prohibited,agricultural employment was entirely impossible .An unhealthy one-sidedness was thus developed, ofwhich they themselves were only too well aware .At first, there was every indication that they wouldjoin hands_with the Socialists, and find-rest.-andrespite in their camp . For their attachment to theJewish cause, either religious or national, was notknown to be strong. Socialism has always beenmore or less of a revolt against the domination ofreligious influences, such influences having beenrepresented as one of the forces of capitalism. Norhave the Socialists anywhere been strong nation-

166


alists, despite the facts that individual Socialistshave expressed strong nationalist sentiments, andthe German Socialists have of late years refused tofollow their French colleagues in the endeavor tobreak down the barriers that separate one nationfrom another.' The Socialism of Marx, however,is thoroughly international in spirit ; the celebratedmanifesto of Marx and Engels (1848) says ex-pressly that the workman has no fatherland .' TheJewish Socialist and labor parties should have hadno reason to look beyond the party in which theirfellow-workmen were to be found .

That this has not been so, is only one of themany curious phenomena that accompany andsignalize the history of the Jews . The chieffounder of modern Socialism, Karl Marx, is aJew. Singer and Bernstein, to name only two ofthe more prominent leaders, are also Jews . Butthe Socialists were as unwilling as others to takeup the cause of their persecuted fellow-proletarians .Shortly after the Kishineff disaster, in 19oS, amonster-meeting of protest was held in Hyde Park,London . The Socialists, however, refused to joinin the demonstration,' just as the peasants andworkingmen in Russia have declined to makecommon cause with their Jewish fellow citizens.'

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ZIONISM

In Germany and Austria, the Christian-SocialistParty, evidently intended to turn Socialists awayfrom their international and anti-religious dreams,made a juncture with Jewish laborers impossible .In this manner, the Jewish workingman was forcedto throw in his lot with his own brethren . It isinteresting to note that Moses Hess, a staunchworker in the Socialist cause, was a_ prophet ofmodern Zionism .. .

The beginnings of the Poale Zion group goback to the so-called Democratic Fraction, whichwas formed at a time shortly preceding .the FifthCongress. Its members were in a certain sensefollowers of Ahad ha-Am, but they laid morestress than he upon the proper and successful devel-opment of the Palestinian center of which he wrote,more particularly in the direction of the broadestdemocracy. The grouping was short-lived, thoughrepresented at the all-Russian Zionist Congress heldat Minsk in i9oz . After the Fifth Congress, itsank its identity in the party of the Poale Zion .This latter had its origin in Russia, in i 9o i, whenceit spread into Austria, America, and Palestine . Ini9o9, the various territorial societies formedthemselves into an international combination, inwhich the attempt was made to square Socialism

168


with Zionism . As Zionists they take sides neitherwith the " politicals " nor with the " practicals," butlay stress upon what they call the social-economicside of the work in Palestine . They start from theprinciple that a people, whether in the majority orin the minority, can make its influence felt per-manently only when it is attached to the ground onwhich it lives, and actually tills this ground . Theybelieve that the great evil from which the Jews havesuffered in the Diaspora has been this estrangementfrom the land, not simply estrangement from land-ownership. The problem the Zionists have to solvein the first instance is therefore how to form aJewish peasant population, for they hold that allthe attempts at colonization made in Palestine arevitiated at the root by the fact that the old systemof land-ownership and landlordism has been pre-served . The., Jews have become possessors of cer-tain lands, but the real tillers of the soil are theArabs, as is the case with the Germans in certainSlavic portions of Austria .` The Poale Zion arethus followers of Franz Oppenheimer, in whosetheories regarding Siedlungsgenossenschaften (co-operative settlements) ° they see a possible reali-zation of their purpose, and they were amongthe first to suggest that such a settlement should be

169

ZIONISM

undertaken by the Zionist body .` That their in-fluence in the Zionist Congress must be consider-able, can be seen from the fact that at the NinthCongress their theories were officially accepted asworthy of a trial! A special fund has beengathered with which this trial is to be made, on landbelonging to the National Fund! Many of thedemands made in the program of the DemocraticFraction have likewise been accepted by officialZionism .

The formation of the Poale Zion and their recog-nition by the Congress as a special federation wasa novelty in the way of organization . The Zionistbody had been built up on the basis of groupingsaccording to territorial aggregations . The differ-ences of opinion between the so-called " politicals "and " practicals " had not gone the length of segre-gating either the one or the other into separateformations, nor had special economic needs andeconomic theories entered as contributing factors .With the Poale Zion the case was different . Thewoof was here cut into by the web, for the PoaleZion were not confined to any territory. Theywere to be found in all large Jewish centers, andthe special needs of a special class found expressionin the Zionist position they occupied . But, as

170


originally conceived, the Zionist organization hadmade no provision for such groupings . In thisrespect the Congress has had to grow through anevolution which none of the great Parliaments ofthe world has been spared . Great Britain is aconspicuous example . Up to the year 1886, thetwo great parties, Conservatives and Liberals,faced each other alternately on one side of the maceand the other . However much economic ques-tions might divide the country, the lines of economiccleavage ran parallel with those of political separa- .tion . The Liberals, as a body, were free-traders ;the Conservatives, protectionists . But with the ad-vent of the Irish Party and of the Laborites, thisdual hegemony lost its real being, and has beengiving way gradually to the Continental system, inwhich the economic interests of the various partiescondition the political complexion of Parliament .

The system has its drawbacks, but its comingwas inevitable . In the case of the Zionist Congress,its inadequacy is only too evident, and the dangeronly too actual . Were such a Congress beingheld in a Jewish land, the various divisions wouldrest upon a basis of fact ; they would coincide withactual everyday interests . With the Zionists, atthe beginning of their work in Palestine, they

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ZIONISM '

rested upon theory, i . e., upon ideal interests. Therewas therefore little to prevent other theories fromfinding expression in other groupings, and thewhole Congress from developing-or degenerating-into a meeting for theoretical debates, with anatural repercussion in the organization itself . Ifwe bear this in mind, we shall understand the manydebates on " organization " that have taken place,from the Second Congress onward. The formationof such groups was strongly opposed by DoctorHerzl and the " politicals," but it was impossibleto stave them off, and at the Tenth Congress thewording of the statutes was so . changed as to admitthem into full fellowship .

Another attempt to cross the Zionist movementby other theories of an economic character wasmade by the Bund, a name given to the GeneralJewish Workingmen's Union of Russia and Poland .The formation and the development of this groupis of more than passing interest, because it illus-trates forcibly the inevitable trend of any concertedJewish action . Just as the Poale Zion found thatthe question they were called upon to solve re-quired special treatment because of the fact that itdealt with Jews, so the Bund was compelled to goa certain distance on the road to Jewish nationalism .

172


At first, the Jewish intellectuals in Russia wishedto work hand in hand with the other leaders thathad put themselves at the head of the proletarianmovement. But they soon saw that, as they wouldhave to labor exclusively in the Pale and with a com-pact body that had other traditions and otheraspirations than their Russian fellow-workmen,other means and methods were necessary . TheBund was formed in 1897 . Shortly after this,the Russian Workingmen's Democratic Party wasfounded. Now, the leaders of the Bund had littlesympathy with the religious or national . ideals of theJewish people . Religion they considered to bemerely one of the means by which workingmen wereheld in subjection to the bourgeois class, and theirnational ideal was more Russian than Jewish . Itwas therefore quick to throw in its lot with thenewly-formed Democratic Party, and it endeavoredto find salvation in obliterating -any lines of demar-cation that might separate it from the general move-ment.

The Bund, however, had not reckoned fully withthe host whose hospitality it proposed to enjoy .The Democratic Party demanded complete as-similation . For this the Bundists were not yetready . Perhaps a spark of the old fire was still

12

173

ZIONISM

alive among them . Perhaps also the particularismof their fellow-proletarians of other nationalitiesshamed them out of complete acquiescence in suchdemands. For all the other oppressed nationalitieshad a claim upon the recognition of their nationalcharacter as part of their platforms . The Jewishworkmen were wooed first by one of the nationalgroupings and then by another, in much thesame fashion as the Jewish vote has been caressedin Austria and Hungary . The bride declared fornone of them, but proceeded to set up house forherself in single blessedness . At its fourth con-vention, the Bund declared that " a state likeRussia, which is composed of a number of differentnationalities, should in future be organized on fed-erative principles, each nation enjoying completeautonomy, irrespective of the territory occupied byit," and " that the idea of nationality is also ap-plicable to the Jewish people ." 10

After such a declaration, one would imagine thecourse of the Jewish Bundists to be ., clear. Butthey remained._a peculiar section of a peculiarpeople . The Social-Democratic Party had takenumbrage at the Jews' assuming a position it waswilling to accord to other nationalities, and in1903 it broke completely with the Bund . These

174


differences and dissensions lasted for three years,during which time the Bund coquetted with Zion-ism. The logical outcome from its demands was acomplete recognition by itself of its Jewish nation-alist character, but it evidently did not have thecourage to take the step. Its highest ideal re-mained a sort of cultural nationalism, which wasbound up with the use of Judeo-German (Yiddish),elevated for the nonce to the plane of a nationalspeech. It reproached Zionism for refusing to takeup the war against capitalism and for striving afteran Utopia. On the other hand, it must also be saidthat the Zionist organization had little real feelingfor the Bund . It had studiously avoided takingpart in any politics, local or national, in the statesin which its adherents lived. In course of time andunder the stress of circumstances, the Bund hadchanged its economic program, and become a revo-lutionary society . Any connection with it wouldhave proven fatal to Zionist work in Russia, andwould have been fraught with infinite harm to theJews in general . And it was evident that the Bundwished to make use of Zionism to its own ends . In1906, the opportunity was offered it to round offits national character, when the Poles succeeded insecuring recognition from the Workingmen's Dem-

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ZIONISM

ocratic Party as a national body irrespective ofterritorial limitations. But the Bund laid down itsarms and accepted the ignominious role of capitulat-ing to the Democratic Party, thus giving itself itsown death-blow.

I have referred above to the fear that the forma-tion of the Poale Zion would inspire and suggestimitation . That this fear was not unwarrantedwas proved by the constitution of the Mizrachigroup . At the Fifth Congress the radical-mindedyoung Zionists had banded together into the so-called Democratic Fraction. Though religiousquestions in no manner entered into the programof the Fraction, it was quite evident that its mem-bers were not attached to the Orthodox view ofJewish theory or practice, and, as they were verydetermined in their own views, and evidently pur-posed to effect an influence not only on the decisionsof the Congress, but also upon the character of thewhole Zionist organization, the orthodox Zioniststook alarm and commenced to gather themselvesinto a separate body. This alarm was heightenedby the proceedings of the all-Russian Zionist Con-ference at Minsk, in 1902, where the discussion onthe " Kultur " question seemed to show that thisKultur might become a dangerous weapon in the

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hands of the radicals . For the Mizrachi theZionist ideal is bound up with a strict adherence tothe ideas and forms of traditional Judaism . It istrue that at the Second Congress '= and as a result of.the Kultur debate, a resolution was adopted em-phasizing the point that it is the duty of the Zionistorganization to do nothing to offend the scruples ofthe Orthodox, or " Gesetzestreuen," as they preferto be called, and this resolution was reiteratedat subsequent meetings . For the Mizrachists thiswas not sufficient. They did not wish the ideasrepresented by the Fraction and other radical ele-ments to permeate the everyday life of the Zionistsocieties . They desired also to emphasize thepoint to those of their own particular persuasionthat Zionism was in no way opposed to Orthodoxy,but was in reality part and parcel of its religiousoutlook. This group was founded in Vilna, and itheld its first yearly meeting at Lida, Russia,February 23, 1903, under the leadership of itsspiritual father, Rabbi J. Reines of that place . Atthat time it claimed to have as many as eleventhousand members, and since then it has spread itsinfluence into the most disparate portions of theDiaspora . It maintains, at Jaffa and Jerusalem,model schools on modern lines but upon a Mizrachi

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basis . Its representatives at the Congress havebeen well organized, and, as it officially takes nosides on political and practical questions, it makesits voice heard only when it believes that the prin-ciples for which it stands specifically are in danger .

The Mizrachi have, in this way, run a strongreligious thread through the fabric of Zionism,and it has not at all times been easy to meet theirexigencies in the solution of other than purely re-ligious questions, for Jewish religious premisesare too closely interwoven with Jewish life . Thisdifficulty became acute at the Tenth Congress, andit was apparent how dangerous it was to allowsuch cross-currents to disturb the tide of a streamwhich in itself did not run all too smoothly. Thequestion of a grant in aid to the Jaffa HebrewGymnasium, which was supposed to set its teachingin a direction away from, rather than towards, tra-ditional beliefs, not only called for the oppositionof the Mizrachi, but threatened to drive them fromthe Congress and out of the organization . Theefforts at a compromise were only half successful,for the Mizrachi body as a whole refused to giveits vote of confidence to the work of its delegates,and the Mizrachi convention which dealt withthe matter a little while after the close of the

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Congress failed to heal the breach within its ownranks .'

The position of the Mizrachi, in its attitudetowards the Congress, is a difficult one, but that ofthe Congress towards the Mizrachi is no less em-barrassing . In the practical question at issue duringthe Tenth Congress, the position taken by theMizrachi, that no official recognition should begiven to the Jaffa Gymnasium, but that, if suchrecognition was accorded, a similar recognition wasdue to the Tachkemoni (Mizrachi) schools as well,was fully justified . If the Congress represents allthe various tendencies in Zionism, all have theright to demand equality of treatment . But thewhole discussion and the warmth of spirit en-gendered by it show how dangerous is this intermix-ture of religious considerations with official Zionistwork. Anything like a " Kulturkampf " would bemost unfortunate, perhaps even fatal . With wiseand felicitous foresight, Herzl had seen that Zion-ism can fulfil its undertaking only if it dismisses allsuch questions from its concern, and his immediatefollowers have always held that it was the duty ofthe organization to stand clear of such entangle-ments and simply prepare the ground which shall

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make possible various manifestations of the Jewishspirit in Palestine .

One further phase demands more than a passingnotice, for it has acquired much credit, not only inZionist quarters, but in Jewry in general . It hasnot gone the length of forming a party ; its funda-mental idea precluded such a practical outcome .But its subtle influence has been such that its adeptshave raised it to a certain prominence by giving itan appellation, Ahad ha-Amism .

[Notes, pp, 27,7-228]

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CHAPTER VIII

AHAD HA-AM AND THE PHILOSOPHY. OF JEWISH HISTORY

It was in the very midst of the upward movementof anti-Semitism in Germany that an attack wasmade upon Jewish historians in general througha criticism of the most complete account that hasas yet been written of Jewish history-the monu-mental work of Heinrich Graetz . This attackwas commenced by Heinrich von Treitschke,l thehistorian of modern Germany and a noted publicist .It was continued by Theodor Mommsen, 2 the his-torian of ancient Rome, himself a well-wisher ofthe Jews and their defender. The burden of thecomplaint seemed to be that the point of viewadopted was short-sighted and circumscribed, andthat events and movements in Jewish history wereregarded in their relation to Jewish interests ratherthan in connection with the history of the countriesin which the Jews lived or from the lofty pinnacleof universal history . It is not my purpose to

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discuss the pertinency of the charge or to pleadthat von Treitschke, in his various articles on theJewish question, adopts an uncompromising Ger-man attitude, and Mommsen champions the Ro-man cause against the Palestinian Jews in the fifthvolume of his history . But, apart from this, indefense of the Jewish historians it may be saidthat they were too much concerned in gathering thestones wherewith to build up the edifice, to thinklargely of the relation of the edifice to the buildingserected by others . This is true of Jost, Graetz,Paulus (Selig) Cassel, Steinschneider, Herzfeld,Gudemann, and even of Zunz, the founder of Jew-ish literary and historical criticism . One has onlyto think of the mass of conflicting testimony, theinaccessibility of many of the sources out of whichJewish history has to be written, and the precon-ceived notions accumulated during the centuries ofignorance, both wilful and undesigned, to appre-ciate the immense amount of work to be done be-fore a comprehensive presentation could be ac-complished .

Nor must it be forgotten that the earlier Jewishhistorians lay under the ban of a more pressing anddirect difficulty . They studied and wrote at amoment when the Jewish Middle Ages were on the

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AHAD HA-AM AND PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISH HISTORY

point of developing into the Modern Epoch, whenfor the first time since the Spanish-Arabic periodthe Jews had come into contact with a new world ofthought and with new aspirations . The real diffi-culty lay in the very fact that the Jewish historiansnot only wrote but also worked . Most of themstood in the very thick of the fight, and did much oftheir literary labor with a view to proving andstrengthening the religious position with which theywere affiliated . Zunz's Gottesdienstliche hortriigewas written in favor of the plea that a sermon in thevernacular should be introduced into the serviceof the Synagogue! The last volume of Graetz'shistory was nothing more than a long polemic, his-torical in character, against the Reform movement ;while Steinschneider's voluminous and minute in-vestigations were intended to prove that the Jewshad not been insensible to outside cultural influ-ences with which they had been brought in contact .From a certain point of view, then, all these writ-ings are vitiated by the fact that they are, in ameasure, Tendenzschriften ; but this does not de-tract from their value in other respects .

The ground thus prepared, it became possible forJewish scholars to survey the history of their peoplefrom a more general point of view. During the

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last twenty years, three attempts have been madeto write a philosophy of Jewish history . The firstis that of James Darmesteter,' written with all theelegance and charm with which that scholar waswont to inform whatsoever his pen touched . ButDarmesteter, although in his youth a student ofJewish theology, had become too far removed fromJewish life and from contact with his Jewish breth-ren to understand fully the forces at work amongthem. Jewish history was to him a dead body,into which he put the knife of the calm and coolinvestigator . He characterizes his own positionwhen he says : ` " Not yet have all those engagedin these studies [i . e., history of religion, etc.]reached that degree of serene impartiality wherefacts are studied for the sole purpose of beingunderstood, and where thought is carried to aheight that will not permit of conclusions dictatedin advance by the ephemeral prejudices of politics,of faith, or of metaphysics ." Hee had , a surer

..____ . .. .g. .

_knowled a of Zoroastriamsm than of Judaism .He probably looked upon the Jews as he did uponthe Parsees-a remnant that has survived fromtimes gone by, interesting to the historian, especiallyto one who had issued from them, and who wasconcerned that a decent tombstone should be set

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upon their grave . For in his concluding paragraphwe read

Does this mean that Judaism should nurse dreams of ambition,and think of realizing one day that " invisible church of thefuture," invoked by some in prayer? This would be an illusion,whether on the part of a narrow sectarian or on that of anenlightened individual . . . . And when the nation who madethe Bible shall have disappeared-the race and the cult-thoughleaving no visible trace of its passage upon earth, its imprint willremain in the depth of the heart of generations, who will, uncon-sciously perhaps, live upon what has been implanted in theirbreasts.

Evidently Darmesteter did not realize that inEastern Europe there were millions of these hisJewish brethren who were not ready for suicide orinterment, but had visions of Jewish life very differ-ent from those entertained by the elegant litterateurand versatile scholar in the French capital. InDarmesteter's presentation the personal note iswanting entirely . He is concerned chiefly .

'in show-

ing that the Jews have not been vagabons on theface of the earth, nor have they been held in the ;rigid vise of their own constricted circle ; that theyhave been present at all the great junctures in theworld's history, and have done as fair a share ofthe work as could in reason be expected of them ;and, finally, through the prophetic portions of their

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Bible they have sent a force into the world that willlast to the end of time . Darmesteter is concernedwith an honorable past ; he has no thought for thepresent, and no hope, at least no particularly Jewishhope, for the future . He is a Frenchman of theJewish race .

A somewhat different note is struck by SimonDubnow.' The painstaking historian of the Jewsin Poland and Russia was better situated than hisFrench predecessor to know the people of whomhe wrote. He had devoted a singularly fertile pento elucidating the political and communal life of hisbrethren living in the great East End of Europe .He was in daily intercourse with many of theirleaders, and was therefore in a much better posi-tion to know their mind and express their hopes .The more the wonder that one finds no mentionby him of the newer hope that had for fully thirtyyears-his essay was first published in 1893 -been transforming his Jewish countrymen . It istrue that he speaks of a " Jewish national soul " ;but this is merely the deposit of " a mass of similarimpressions which have cystallized." And as Jew-ish history is both national and universal, it is tothe universal side that we ought to bend our efforts ." Union with mankind at large, on the basis of the

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spiritual and intellectual, the goal set up by theJewish prophets in their sublime vision of thefuture, is the ultimate ideal of Judaism's noblestvotaries." Religion, race, and especially the com-munity of historical fortunes, are the elementsthat have held the Jews together in the past .Presumably these factors are to have the sameeffect in the future, though Dubnow does not dilateon this. The true significance of Jewish history, hefinds, lies in the role it has played of conciliator : ithas accomplished its end as far as the Biblical partis concerned, and he believes that the time is notvery far when " the second half of Jewish history,the record of two thousand years of the Jewishpeople's life after the Biblical period, will be ac-corded the same treatment ." A better knowledgeof this history will secure respect for the Jewishpeople, because it will be a source of sublime moraltruths. He ends with these words, " In this sense,Jewish history in its entirety is the pledge of thespiritual union between the Jews and the rest of thenations."

As an historian, Dubnow characterizes the inter-play of Jewish movements and uncovers the under-lying spiritual " motives " with a master hand . Butone who is historian and philosopher is not, of neces-

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sity, also a prophet. Dubnow seems to be a prophet .of soft illusions in a time of stern realities . Thereis a sort of nebulous uncertainty about the prophecywhich reminds one of the many beauteous peanson the Messianic time that grace the columns ofthe Western Jewish press . His message to hissuffering Jewish brethren is to continue to suffernobly and continue to demonstrate that they areworthy of their heroic past . In such advice thereis neither light nor leading.

Ahad ha-Am has delved far deeper into the Jew-ish conscience than either of the two preceding. Ido not know that he has ever written anything thatbears so ambitious a title as a Philosophy of JewishHistory. Darmesteter and Dubnow are, ex pro-f essio, historians . Ahad ha-Am is a student ofphilosophy, and his historical ken has a philosophicdepth entirely wanting in his predecessors . In ad-dition, he is in perfect sympathy with the people,for whose ills he is seeking a solution, and the causeof whose ills he proposes to study. In his own soulhe has felt all that his people has suffered ; and yethe has sufficient detachment to study its ills witha severity that does honor to his acumen, as hisfeeling does to his character. His main theory as

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g P. 188

SIX STAMPS OF THE JEWISH NATIONAL FUNDThe cancelled stamp Is a post-stamp used in the Jewish colonies In Palestine


to the cause of Jewish unrest is laid down in theopening paragraph of The Way of Life :The vicissitudes of Israel throughout the Dispersion, but par-

ticularly during these latter days of ours, make it plain that weJews cannot hope to lead the life of a separate nation amongstrange peoples and yet be as one of them, taking part in allthe activities about us as though we were full-blooded natives ofthe lands of our sojourn, and at the same time remain a nationpeculiar in views and distinct in character. . . . Misfortunesmaim our manhood, favorable circumstances our national spirit.The former make of us men despicable in the eyes of our fellows,the latter a nation despicable in its own sight. . . . Two pathslie stretched out before us : the path of life and the path of death .If our eyes are fixed upon the death goal, then let us disregardthe counsel of temporizing healers, let us await death with acalm spirit. . . . If, however, we choose life, then it behooves usto build us a house for ourselves alone and in a secure spot-andcan there be any spot securer than the land inherited from ourfathers?-then it behooves us to consecrate our noblest powers,material and spiritual, to the one purpose, the regeneration ofour people in the land of our forefathers .

The national feeling, Ahad ha-Am holds, hasnever really been dead among the Jews . It hasbeen overwhelmed and driven into a corner by thefeeling of self-love which has dominated so large asection of the people . He finds that this self-loveis prevalent even among those who have held aloftthe standard of Nationalism and of Zion ; that the

r3

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moral concept which the word " national " typifiesto him, has given way to a materialistic connota-tion . In fact, his continued cry has been that theWestern Jews have paid for their emancipation withmoral slavery, and that what he calls " the funda-mental morality of the Jewish spirit " affords thetrue historical basis for the ideal of the nationalrevival . In other words, the term " national " isto him no empty-sounding word, but it is expressiveof the very essence of the Hebraic spirit, and theHebraic spirit is the spirit of Prophetism . Inturn, the spirit of Prophetism is the spirit of right-eousness, righteousness not only in word but alsoin actions . If the Jews are really to follow theideal traced out for them by the greatest of, theirteachers, and become a peculiar people in the senseof " exemplars of righteousness," they must be en-abled to live unfettered and to " develop along theirown lines, as one of the social units of humanity."

Ahad ha-Am is insistent upon this, the real mean-ing, as he considers it, of the Jewish national senti-ment . His interest is centered upon somethingother than the political form of any resettlement ofJews in Palestine . He is not even interested thatsuch a settlement should be large in extent . His realconcern is for the form of Jewish culture that will

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be fructified there . In Palestine it would be pos-sible to revive the real spirit of Judaism, if-andonly if-those who settle there are fully imbuedwith the true sense of this spirit . Palestine is to be" a spiritual center." But in order that it may be-come this, the Jews in the Diaspora who are work-ing towards this end must also be regeneratedspiritually, so that " the spiritual center which isdestined to be created in our ancestral country "shall come as a " response to a real and insistentnational demand ."

The attempt has been made in various quartersto set up the postulate of a " spiritual center " asa negation of what is called Herzlian Zionism, orat least as a substitute for it. It is true that Ahadha-Am has been engaged at various times in ardentpolemics with Zionists, even with official Zionism!But the differences have often seemed to be ratherthe concomitant of violent discussion regardingone or the other phase of Zionist effort than opposi-tion to the movement as a whole . In the sameway, though he was one of the leaders in theearlier Hibbat Zion enthusiasm, he violently depre-cated the manner in which colonization in Palestinewas then attempted, a journey to Palestine in theearly " nineties " of the last century having con-

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vinced him of the false basis on which it was beingcarried out." Ahad ha-Am was a member of theFirst Zionist Congress, in 1907 . He has criticisedthe Basel Program as one-sided and as purely polit-ical and economic in character . He holds that thispolitical character narrows down the Zionist con-ception and robs it of half of its true meaning.But at the same time, he acknowledges it as a partof his own program . " On one side," he says, " wemust work for the creation of an extensive andwell-ordered settlement in our ancestral land ; but,on the other side, we are not at liberty to neglectthe effort to create there, at the same time, a fixedand independent center for our national culture,for learning, art, and literature ." 30 In fact, heseems to demand the formation of " a special or-ganization for cultural work," which shall marchhand in hand with the political Zionist body'

Ahad ha-Am is the great preacher of propheticalHebraism. 'According to his own analysis, one ofthe characteristics of the prophets was their extrem-ism . It is evident that he imitates them at least in

!' this particular. It must be conceded that a numberof the Zionist leaders, especially during the earlydays of the movement, had little sense for the higheraspect of the whole question . In excuse of them it

192


may be said that many had issued from surround-ings that were out of touch with the spiritual andreligious life of Judaism, and the economic andpolitical side of their work engaged so much of theirattention as to cover the whole field of their vision .But the moment Herzl came into real contact withthe Jewish people, he issued the parole : " Zionismmeans a return to Judaism prior to a return to aJewish land,"' even though he might not haveunderstood the word Judaism in the same man-ner as Ahad ha-Am or others . The various dis-cussions at the Congresses on the question of Kul-tur, far removed though they were at times fromthe kernel of the subject, showed that the idea wasgerminating in the minds of many of the delegates .In fact, at the very first Congress, Doctor Ehren-preis proposed the formation of a special organiza-tion for the study and the spread of the Hebrewlanguage,18 one of the measures which Ahad ha-Amspecifies as leading towards the rebirth of theHebraic spirit .

Indeed, it is a true sign that the spirit for whichAhad ha-Am pleads is still alive among the Jewishpeople that those who have gone to Palestine have,entirely of their own accord and without any sug-gestion from the outside, proceeded directly to the

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cultivation of the Hebrew spirit along lines thatlead to the goal envisaged by Ahad ha-Am . Thatspirit has been refreshed and refined by the sur-roundings in which it moves ; more normal condi-tions of life have had the natural effect, and anoble ideal has not been soiled for want of freeroom in which to develop . There the Hebrewlanguage is indeed being cultivated, and is graduallydriving Judeo-German and the European tonguesto the wall. It is being employed in schools and indaily intercourse. Art has commenced to find ahome there, due to the efforts of Boris Schatz andthe Bezalel School . The Hebrew Gymnasium atJaffa may be criticised in certain directions ; thesefaults are part of the residue brought from theGalut and will be removed by filtration . For theGymnasium and the Tachkemoni schools serveone and the same end-to train the young in thespirit of the fathers, in the rejuvenated idealsof the past. Jewish life cannot be unilateral in itsdevelopment . The Jews coming to Palestine willhave passed through the sieve of various civiliza-tions, will have acquired varied experiences, whichhave become a part of their being. Above all,the authentic voice of the Synagogue has spokenin various tones to its different members and in

194


diverse notes . They will come with divergent viewsof life, which they cannot be asked to relinquishwhen living together . Indeed, Zionism would failof its truest purpose-to insure surroundings ofsuch a nature as to permit the free developmentof minds that are themselves free-if it neglectedto take account of these divergences .

It is good to have one that cries out-let ushope, not in the wilderness-how inconsideratelysoever the crying may be done . The expression" spiritual revival " is not a mere catchword. Itcontains a heartening appeal, which is to prick thetorpid idealism of the Jewish public and bring backto it the full intent and meaning of Jewish nation-alism . But if the " local center " is to be estab-lished-and for this Ahad ha-Am pleads-it canonly be done by much spade-work . The buildingmust be erected from the ground up, and not fromthe top down . It must not be forgotten that, be-ginning with 1897, everything of a material kindhad to be created-Congress, bank, NationalFund, all the various instruments, paraphernalia,and trappings which are the outer shell of a national,revival. The prophets of old cried condemnationupon every part of the body politic-king, priests,and people, even on other, prophets . But the diffi-

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cult task of representing law and order, of keepingthe ship of state above the waters, rested with themen in command at Jerusalem. The prophets sawabove and beyond the heads of those whom theycriticised ; they often failed to see the ground uponwhich they trod . Isaiah could say that neitherAssyria nor Egypt was more than a broken reedupon which to rest ; but one was threatening fromthe north, the other was menacing from the south .A " splendid isolation" may have been morallyright ; it was politically unsound .

Ahad ha-Am's plaint, that Zionism leaned toomuch towards the political side, as Chovevi Zionhad leaned too much to the practical, may be justi-fied in theory. But neither the " politicals " northe " practicals " desired the Zionist movement toissue as did the Bene Mosheh ; and to say withAhad ha-Am, that " Zionism has need not only ofsubscriptions and shares, but even more of souls," "is to utter a platitude . For these souls werein the process of being won by the very methodsthat were being condemned . It was only by" subscriptions " to the Jewish Colonial Trust, tothe National Fund, and to many other Zionistfoundations, that many were able to show their at-tachment to the cause . Gathered within its ranks

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were many of " the poor and the needy," to whom" subscriptions and shares " meant a real sacrifice-a signal evidence of the very spirit for whichAhad ha-Am was contending. In the various clubs,societies, and meetings, the old bonds were beingreforged, and the gaze was being converged uponwhat was still an ideal center, but which, it washoped, would some day become invested withreality, and which Ahad ha-Am has so trenchantlydescribed as possessing " a strong attraction for allof them, not because of some accidental or tem-porary relation, but by virtue of its own right," andin which " all will find at once a purifying fire anda connecting link ." '°

[Notes, pp . 228-229]

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CHAPTER IX

ZIONISM AND THE WESTERN JEWS

Among the many misconceptions current in re-gard to Zionism, one of the most popular wouldconfine its function to some particular class of Jews,to some section distinguished either by its economiccondition or by its peculiar conception of the Jewishreligion, or to those living in a certain part of thegreat Diaspora . It has been said, and it has beenwritten, that such a concentration of Jews and sucha centralization of Jewish efforts as is foreshadowedby the Basel Platform, may be a means for mitigat-ing in part some of the Jewish misery that is onlytoo apparent in Eastern Europe, that it may wellprove another outlet for those unfortunate ones whoare forced through the Russian and Roumanianmill, that it may relieve the pressure which is soevident in the Ghettos of Galicia, and offer a furthermeans of livelihood to those who are in too activea competition in the great European and Americancenters . In a word, Zionism, regarded from this

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angle, has no real message to the emancipated Jewof Western Europe and America, and its solesignificance lies in the fact that it is another attemptto heal the wounds inflicted upon the Jews bymodern industrial developments .

On the other hand, the assertion is made thatZionism may have a message for those who haveremained within the four walls of OrthodoxJudaism, and is the logical outcome of the ideasand hopes that have been conserved wherever tra-ditional Judaism has retained its hold, but forthose Jews whose trend of thought and whosecourse of life have led them away from the beatentrack, it may be a matter of indifference what theultimate fate of Palestine is, and a Jewish centerhas no part in the conception they have of thefuture of the Jews and no religious worth intheir image of the future of the Jewish faith .This is very frankly the attitude of the Reformwing of the Synagogue in Western Europe and inAmerica. For them Zionism has no message, or, ifit has any, it is one of despair and an unworthy ac-quiescence-and a somewhat unwilling one at that-in circumstances which we have not religious andmoral power enough to overcome . The leaders ofAmerican Reform have gone even further than

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this, and look upon Zionism as the negation of thebest hope and promise of Judaism, as a wilfulabjuration of the role traced for Judaism by thegreatest of the prophets . The dissemination anddiffusion of the Jews throughout all parts of theworld is elevated by them to the position of doc-trinal sublimity, and stress is laid upon this disper-sion as the means-one might almost say, the onlymeans-for the proper fulfilment of the Jewish" mission."

Now, we may leave out of account any at-tempt to define the word mission when used of apeople . To do so would lead dangerously nearto religious speculations and to the discussionof questions which might raise the odium theo-logicum . But the question is pertinent : how issuch a mission to be carried out, if in the processthe bearers of the mission are bound to succumb?It is true that, until quite modern times, the var-ious communities of Jews maintained their exist-ence in a manner which at first sight seems to defyexplanation. Without any visible unity, withoutany physical or ideal center, at times without muchintercommunion, individual bodies of Jews haveexisted in all corners of the Diaspora . They havesucceeded in existing because of the ideal bond

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that held them together, a common past anda common hope for the future . This bond hasremained practically unchanged throughout theages . Judaism has been surprisingly free fromsectarian schisms . With the exception of that ofthe Karaites, none has come to disturb the unityof practice and aspiration that welded the differ-ent communities together into an_ unseen brother-hood. ,_, Living in agglomerations that were usuallysmall in extent, they have been able to keep upa similar communal life by means of a commonpractice . Territorial distinctions have been dis-regarded and almost obliterated . In the earlyMiddle Ages there wass little difference between thelife of the Palestinian and the Babylonian Jew, aslittle as there was between the Continental and theEnglish . Even the distinction between Sefardicand Ashkenazic Jew was not accentuated untilboth commenced to live outside the countries fromwhich they derived their nomenclature. An Asherben Yehiel could become an authority in Spain, aSolomon ben Adret an oracle in Germany . To thegreat world-movements with which they came incontact they were not insensible . They had a fairshare in their development, and were themselvesnot uninfluenced by the contact . But only in rare

201

instances was this influence allowed to drive deepdown into . their beings . If Philo was more of aneo-Platonist than he was a Jew, his example wasnot followed ; neither was Spinoza's. From Saadiato Maimonides, it was the non-Jewish systems ofphilosophy that were put into the strait-jacket ofJewish theology . In most cases the Jews retiredfrom this contact before the harm had become toogreat . Hellenism is the classic example of thereverse policy, a policy in consequence of whichlarge Lumbers must have become lost to the Jewishcause .

At the present day, however, the circumstancesin which the Jews live are very different . Theconstitution of European society during the MiddleAges was such as to favor individual groupings .Communities were disjointed from one another ;means of intercommunication were undeveloped ;news could not spread easily and rapidly ; cities werecomparatively small, and even in those in whichcontact with the larger world would have affected'adversely Jewish cohesiveness, compensating influ-ences were present in the Ghetto system and in thesteady, though scanty, infiltration from countrycommunities. The industrial development of mod-ern times has thoroughly changed conditions . The

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rise of national feeling has frowned upon other com-binations within the state, so that a general levelingprocess has been at work. Cities have grown toimmeasurable proportions . The race to these largecenters has been fast and furious. Thus, not onlyhave the Ghetto walls been cast down ; the smallercommunities outside of the large cities have beengreatly depeopled of their Jewish inhabitants .France is a classic example . We think of the flour-ishing communities in the Midi, in Avignon, Car-pentras, Carcassone, etc ., where now many of the,synagogues are closed, and Jewish centers are on theverge of disappearance, because most of the Jewshave gone to Paris, there to be swallowed up in thegreat army of the unchurched . Italy is anotherinstance . Bari, Otranto, Reggio, Ancona, Pesaro,and many other places that would constitute an" Italia Judaica," have become denuded of Jews,in-favor-of Rome and Florence . Similar conditionsin other countries could easily be cited .

In addition, the language and customs of theirsurroundings have pressed heavily upon the Jews .In the Middle Ages, documents concerning trans-actions between Jews and non-Jews were usuallydrawn up in two languages, of which one was He-brew. Such documents have come down to us from

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Spain, from Germany, and from England . Therewas nothing strange in this ; for even among non-Jews a literary tongue, the Latin, was still the lan-guage in which official documents of all sorts weredrawn up. In modern times, modern languageshave displaced the old literary tongue . Latin hasbeen relegated to the store-room of the university,and Hebrew to the study-room of the learned .Custom, social practice, and social life have beenunfavorable to the retention of peculiar Jewishobservances, which have been largely banished fromcollective gatherings and from the household .They have been relegated to the synagogue andconfined there. But even the synagogue has hadto give way to the unifying forces at work to-day .We may think that, in many instances, this hasgone too far, and an unwarranted desire for as-similation has found a pretext in what is called" the needs of the day ." But even where this hasnot been the case, many concessions have had tobe made . There is no doubt that such concessionsare bound to increase in the future, and in thismanner Jewish communities will tend to developaway from each other. The German Jew is not . s oapt to feel at home in Anglo-Jewish surroundingsor in the synagogues of English-speaking countries

204


as he was wont to formerly, nor the Italian Jewin Germany. " Deutsche Staatsburger judischenGlaubens " have commenced to lose touch withtheir French brethren, and in some circles in theUnited States we have heard mutterings about an" American Judaism ." The points of contact areevidently growing less in number and weaker instrength, and as Jewish unity tends to disappear,a consequent deadening of Jewish consciousness isbound to occur . There is, indeed, evidence thatthe process has already begun . It is true that atall times such a danger has been more or lesspresent. Many have been lost to the Jewish cause.This enables us to understand the relatively smallnumber of Jews existing at the present day, in spiteof the acknowledged fecundity of the race . But theravages occasioned by modern conditions-activeanti-Semitism on the one hand, passive social op-pression on the other-are nothing less than alarm-ing. As regards Western Europe and America, thisloss has been offset of late years by immigrationfrom Eastern Europe . But such immigration can-not continue indefinitely, and the continued depres-sion of the masses in Eastern Europe is having itseffect in making the material with which the recon-structive process in the West is being carried on less

14

205

ZIONISM

worthy of its purpose and less effective in carryingit out.

I have left out of all account the ignoble sug-gestion, made among others by Schopenhauer,' Ed-uard von Hartmann,' Mommsen,' and the Rouma-nian historian Xenopol,' that it would be a service-able act to the nations with which they live, if theJews would subscribe to the Christian creed, evenif they do not believe in it. It is sad to see soeminent and so truly liberal a scholar as ProfessorTheodor Noldeke in Strassburg' subscribe to asimilar view : that Jewish parents ought to bring uptheir children in the Christian faith, in order thatthese children may be able to become full Germans,and be released from the suffering the parents haveundergone, an idea ventilated also by a Jew whosigns himself " Benedictus Levita " (both of whichnames he besmudges in using them) in the Preus-sische Jahrbucher .' The whole idea must berepugnant to every right-minded Christian, as itmust be to any but a bloodless Jew .

From the foregoing observations it will be clearthat some means are necessary to counteract thecorroding influences to which reference has beenmade . From whatever point of view we regardthe situation, the unity of Israel must be restored .

206


A complete reversion to the unity of practice seemsimpossible, as modern conditions in the Diasporawill continue to increase disfavorably to the Jews .The Jewish hope must be reconstituted uponmodern lines . Embodied in a physical center, andthat center illumined by a rekindled light, it willserve as a point towards which the thoughts, aspira-tions, and longings of the Diaspora Jews will con-verge, and from which they will draw, each in hisown measure, that sufficiency of moral and religiousstrength that will better enable them to resist theencroachments of their surroundings . The knowl-edge that in some one place, in some one country-and that country the most hallowed by its recol-lections-Jewish life is possible without the un-natural restrictions that naturally hem it in else-where, will act as a centripetal force, the very forcethat is so much needed to-day .

It may be objected that this will constitute areligious life by delegation to others . But theerection of a Jewish center in Palestine would inno way carry with it the nullification of duties rest-ing upon Jews elsewhere . The Reform Jew, withhis ideal of a mission, could carry forward that mis-lion in the future as he has in-the past. The theorythat Zionism looks for the concentration of all

207

ZIONISM

Jews on one spot is a theory of windy unreality,which has loomed large in the minds of those onlywho do not understand, or who persist in mis-representing, its basal teaching . For Palestine, evenin the broadest definition ever thought of byprophet or singer, is insufficient to contain a largeportion of the Jewish population of the worldin addition to its present inhabitants . In very fact,a serious stimulus would be given to the spreadingof the very mission it is feared will be endangered .The closer Jews are kept within the fold, thegreater their interest in Jewish life and Jewishthought, the more propagators there will be forthat mission . The early Reformers at least wereinsistent upon the view that whatever divergencefrom received practice they favored was not dueto a simple love for divergence itself, but was theresult of the difficulties experienced in overcominga situation that demanded a greater sacrifice thantheir congregants felt able to make . Their spiritualdescendants might well welcome any movementcalculated to render the Jew more willing tosacrifice than he is to-day-

Another serious difficulty that seems to confrontthe Western Jew is the supposed conflict thatmight arise between his responsibility to a Jewish

208


concentration and his allegiance and fealty towardsthe state of which he is a citizen . The struggle forpolitical emancipation in European countries dur-ing the nineteenth century has left its mark behindin a certain nervousness on the part of the Jewconcerning the fruits of the victory gained . Thisis due to the fact that only in one country, France,,had the right been conceded freely . In otherstates, it had been won after a period of politicalstrife that had not been wanting in acerbity . TheJews felt that their claim to citizenship was stillquestioned by a not inconsiderable portion of theirfellow-citizens . They themselves seemed to con-sider it, not a right inherent in their status, but ;

the result of a barter in which they had to pay annexorbitant price . That exorbitant price was an'exaggerated nationalist ardor for the country oftheir adoption . This feeling was fed still further' ,by the charge of the anti-Semites, that the Jewsformed an imperium in imperio . The latter chargemight well be neglected, for it was advanced longbefore the rise of modern Zionism ; and anti-Semites, whose warmth is apt to be fed by theheat of passion, are not known to be overscrupulousin testing the veracity of their facts or the cogencyof their arguments . M. Theodore Reinach, re-

209

ZIONISM

garding the Jewish question in France from anotherpoint of view, makes the price to be paid a morallife unapproachable by large masses of men-" allour men of commerce must be honest, all ourmillionaires simple and charitable, all our learnedmen modest, all our journalists patriotic and dis-interested," T a degree of perfection not demandedof any other element in the French state . But quiteapart from such considerations, there are manyJews who are most sincere in their fear that Zionismand patriotic citizenship are somewhat incompatiblewith each - other. This is practically the burden of

..the official protest published by the council of theGerman Rabbiner-Verband two months previous tothe first Basel Congress, in 1897 . It was repeatedby the Union of American Hebrew Congregations

j' in 1898,' and it has continually reappeared as aghost that frightens and refuses to be laid .

Now, I have already hinted that this fear isbased upon an abnormal valuation of the contentsof citizenship . It is founded on the errors thatcitizenship is coincident with racial unity, and thata good citizen can have no other ties of allegiancethan those which bind him to the state of whichhe is a member . That this is not the case canbe seen by the most casual observer. Germany

210


and Austria-Hungary are examples to hand of thefalsity of the whole theory . In the one, we findDanes, Poles, Czechs, Wends, and Walloons, be-sides a number of smaller races, all owning fealtyto the German Empire. In Austria-Hungary wehave Germans, Poles, Magyars, Czechs, and Croatsdoing homage to the same emperor-king. No lessa German than the Emperor William II has said" The kingdom of Prussia is made up of manyraces that are proud of their past history andof their individuality [Eigenart] . This does notprevent them from being, above all [vor Allem]excellent Prussians ." Our own country has apopulation made up of the most diversified racialelements . Here the Germans have done excel-lently in preserving their own peculiar customs andnational traditions . They have their GermanSangerbund, their German societies ; they cultivatetheir national literature, and sustain German news-'papers and German societies. No charge has everbeen brought against them that, for this reason,they are less American than their co-citizens ofother races. The Irish-Americans have done thesame, and much more. They have intervenedactively in the social and political affairs of theirmother-land. No more fervent or devoted nation-

211

ZIONISM

alists exist to-day than the Americans of Irishextraction. In Canada, the French have gone evenfurther. They have to all real purpose remainedFrench, though they have become excellent Britishsubjects, just as the Boers persist the Dutchmenthey were before the year 1903, though loyally ac-cepting British citizenship .

The point need not be labored further, nor theexamples multiplied . They serve as the best refuta-tion of the view held by many Jews of the supposedconflict between Zionism and citizenship, and showthat this view is ill-imagined . The state cannotdemand that the individual shall relinquish hispeculiarities, his traditions, his family relationship .Nor can it ask of any group to give up its historicassociations, its connection with other groups of thesame race or of the same religion living elsewhere .It can only demand that as citizens all elementsshall put the needs of the state in which they livein the forefront of their thought and render to itand to the ideals for which it stands the besteffort they are capable of . Should a conflict everarise between the duties towards the state in whichthe Jew lives and his responsibility to the recon-structed Jewish home, he will be forced to makehis choice-in exactly the same manner as the Ger-

212


man-American or the Irish-American would be com-pelled to do in similar circumstances . But as theJewish home is not to be founded for territorial orother aggrandizement, such a conflict lies in thepenumbra of pure speculation .

In preparation for this home; Zionism has com-menced to lay the foundation stones . Its work inPalestine is a surety that the end can be reached,if only the will is there . But it has been less suc-cessful in organizing the Jewish communities inthe Old and New World for this or, in fact, forany combined purpose! And yet the convictionforces itself upon us that some such organizationof Jewry is necessary . I should have used the ex-pression " international Jewry," had not that ex-pression been seized upon in some quarters todenote a certain opposition on the part of the Jewsto the aspirations of the various states in whichthey live . If the Jewish interests at stake arepurely religious, as is often claimed, it stands toreason that some common direction must be givento these interests . Even as a religious body, wecannot measure our numbers with those of otherfaiths, and the losses we sustain by secession orbecause of indifference are hardly more than madegood by a birthrate that is also steadily decreasing.

218

r

ZIONISM

At one time the idea was cherished that the Alli-ance Israelite Universelle would serve as a unifyingforce, but the parallel societies founded in othercountries rendered nugatory the hopes that had beenset upon the larger program of the Alliance. Thenew societies are doomed to follow in the wake ofthe parent body. The very nature of their forma-tion, the help they are bound to demand from theGovernments under which they are organized, andupon whom they reckon for the furthering of theirend, vitiate them at their source, as far as their

general Jewish service is concerned .Nor have more ambitious attempts been more

successful. The Russian excesses in the " eighties "and "nineties" of the last century might haveled, and ought to have led, to a permanent poolingof Jewish interests . Unfortunately they did not,

probably because Jewish leaders in philanthropyand charity insisted upon regarding the sinisterRussian business as an event rather than as a state,and persisted in the fatuous belief that conditionscould be met as they arose . The same infirmityof purpose was evident in the conferences held atFrankfort (1904), London (i 905) , and Brussels(i9o6) . Some agreements were reached uponminor points, and measures were taken looking to

214


the regulating of emigration from Russia . Butthe meetings finished as they had begun, and werefruitless of permanent results . Evidently someother basis must be found upon which the futureof the Jews and of Judaism is to be built. Zion-ism proposes to offer that basis, one that is wide,inclusive, self-confident without boasting, and in-formed with an outlook courageous and undis-mayed .

To speculate upon the future of Zionism wouldbe absurd. To predict its success upon the linesof its modern development would be as reckless asto foretell its failure. The transmutation of values,to use a Nietzschean term, that is being accom-plished in these latter days makes a sober mindwary of prophecy. The situation of Turkey ismore distraught than ever ; the political status ofPalestine may suffer a change at any moment .However, the continuing dispersion of the Jewsinto yet new corners of the globe makes the Jewishpatriot, whether he be purely religious,_ or purelynational, or religiously national, fearful of theconsequences. The incessant pressure of the out-side world is having its slow and cumulative effect .They who do not see this are blind wilfully. Somesuch solution of the problem as that foreshadowed

215

ZIONISM

in the Zionist outlook seems necessary and desir-able-if there is to be any outlook left, and if the" remnant that returns " is to be worthy of itsissue. It has been said in another connection" thata people that hass had a great past, if it is to havea correspondingly great future, must also have agreat present . For this great present Zionism isworking, in order that Judaism may have a stillmore glorious future . And in this sense Zionismand Judaism become one and the same .

[Notes, pp. 230-231]

218

PP- 17-23]

NOTESCHAPTER I

THE PRE-HERZLITES

(PP. 17-47)' Arakin, 17a,'See the excellent presentation by Max L. Margolis, The

Mendelssohnian Programme, in Jewish Quarterly Review, xvii.531 et seq.'Jew. Quart. Rev. xviii. 273 . It is interesting to note that an

early Jewish philosopher was not insensible, however far hehad traveled from the beaten track, to the old Jewish hope. Inhis theological treatise, Spinoza remarks : "Indeed, unless thefundamentals of their [i . e., the Jews'] religion bring upon themeffeminacy of mind and character, I am inclined to believe that,with the opportunity afforded, since human affairs are notoriouslychangeable, they may again recover their empire, and God electthem to himself anew ." Tractatus Teol . Pol . iii. 53 ; in Englishtranslation, London, 1868, p . 87.

' Protokolle and Aktenstucke der Zweiten Rabbiner-Versamm-lung, Frankfort, 1845, p. 1o6. In somewhat similar spirit, butin cryptic language, the founder of the science of nationalpsychology, H. Steinthal-who, singularly enough, failed tounderstand the psychology of his own people-calls Zion "theinnermost kernel of the inner consciousness of modern nations "(quoted in Ahad ha-Am, Selected Essays, Philadelphia, 1912,p. 18o), and Adolphe Franck speaks of Jerusalem as "une villeid6ale qui n'existe que daps le passe et dans I'avenir, dans lesouvenir et dans l'esperance" (Nouvelles Etudes Orientales, Paris,1896, p. 302) . In a tone unworthy of a great philosopher, Her-mann Cohen says, "Weil wir Palastina allenfalls als eineReisegelegenheit betrachten" (Ein Bekenntniss in der Judenfrage,Berlin, 1880, p . 14) . See also, Greenstone, The Messiah Idea, pp .243 et seq.

2 17

NOTES (pp. 24-36

'The most significant is Bulgaria, with " a peasant people whohave been for five hundred years barely a name in the world atlarge or even to themselves ." Monthly Review, Jan . 19o6, p . 25 .

0 Mommsen, Romische Geschichte, v . 542 . The Earl of Cromer(Ancient and Modern Imperialism, p. 93) has a fine paragraphon the relation of Rome to the Jews, which he finishes with thefollowing sentence, "The Jews were vanquished and dispersed,but they never were assimilated."

° Vogelstein and Rieger, Gesch. der Juden in Rom, i. 26 ; JeanReville, Die Religion zu Rom, p . xo.'It is interesting to note that Zamenhof was originally a

nationalist Jew. In x881 he convened a meeting of his Jewishfellow-students at the Moscow University for the purpose of form-ing a Jewish colony in some part of the globe, which shouldbecome the center of an independent Jewish state . See JewishChronicle, Sept. 6, 1907, p . 17.

Orpheus, German trans] ., p . 192 ."On the modernization of the Synagogue service and the

danger of its becoming Christianized, see a fair criticism fromthe standpoint of incipient Zionism in the article by Margolis,already referred to, Jew. Quart. Rev. xvii . 534. Comp. alsoLouis Zangwill, Church or Synagogue, in Jewish Chronicle, Nov.29, 1907, p . 8 .

'See such passages as Amos ix . 14 ; Zeph. iii. 20 ; Zach. x . 1o ;Ps . xiv. 7 ; Is. ii . x-4 ; Dent. xxx . 1-5 ; and comp. Schultz, Aittesta-mentliche Theologie, Gottingen, 1889, P . 742 ."See Monatsschrift for Gesch. and Wissenschaft des Juden-

thums, liii. 534-" On Jewish conversions to Christianity, see N. Samter, Juden-

taufen im x9 . Jahrhundert, Berlin, x906 . Some data from thisbook will be found in Die Welt, x. no. 6, pp . 1o et seq . Comp . alsoRuppin, The Jews of To-Day, 1913, pp . 181 et seq ."A collection of such sayings will be found in Zisling, Yalkut

Erez Yisrael, Vilna, 1890 ; Baruch David Hakohen, Sefer Hibbatha-Arez, Jerusalem, 1897 .

"In 1540 an Augsburg Jew seems to have had Messianic ideas218

PP. 36-391 NOTES

in connection with the founding of a Jewish state . See the letterof Sebastian Theodoricus Windsheim to Dr . Vogler, in Anzeigerdes Germanischen National-Museums, 1894, p . 103 .

16 Revue . . . von Biihmen, Oct. 1903, P. 14-"It is worthy of note that the last edition of Hess' book was

burnt by order of his family, in order to remove this "offense."See Die Welt, ii . n o. 9, p . 16.

1` Simon Szanto, editor of the Vienna Neue Zeit. I have thequotation from the Zionistisches A-B-C Euch, Berlin, 1908, p . 66 .'The original essay was published in the Jahrbuch fur

Israeliten, 1863-1864, and has been republished with an intro-duction by Theodor Zlocisti in Judischer Volkskalender, Brunn,1903 -1904, pp. 9o et seq."See Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society,

viii . 106 et seq . ; xxi . 23o et seq. In France, too, a voice was heard,the owner of which deserves to be rescued from oblivion . LazarLevy-Bing of Nancy was a successful banker and later a memberof the Chambre des Deputes (1871) . He espoused warmly thecause of Jewish nationalism at a time and amid circumstances inwhich one would least have expected it. It was the heyday of theresuscitated monarchy in France, a time of much French chauvin-ism, in which the Jews took a considerable part. Levy-Bing wasfired by a pamphlet written by a Christian, Abraham Petavel .Though a Protestant minister and professor in Neuchatel and anoutspoken conversionist, Petavel had become a member of the Al-liance Israelite Universelle . In 1864 an anonymous pamphlet ap-peared in Geneva under the title, Devoir des nations de rendre aupeuple juif sa nationalite . Though, at a later time, Petavel deniedthe authorship, he is responsible for a poem, La flue de Sion, ou laretablissement d'Israel (Paris, 1864), which expresses viewsidentical with those in the pamphlet. It was the discussion inthe Archives Israelites on this pamphlet that brought Levy-Bingto the front with a warm plea for Jewish nationality and ademand that Jerusalem should be made the ideal center of theworld. See Die Welt, 1903, no . 51 .n No. 243, "Constantinople, le 23 Germinal . Bonaparte a fait

219

NOTES [pp. 40-51

publier une proclamation, dans laquelle it invite tons les juifs de1'Asie et de l'Afrique it venir se ranger sous ses drapeaux pourr6tablir l'ancienne Jerusalem ." See Max Kohler in Publ . Amer.Jew . Hist . Soc ., x. 172 ."See Max J. Herzberg in The Maccabaean, xiii. 4 ."See Arnold White in Newberry House Magazine, June, 1893 .Disraeli is also said to have supported Laurence Oliphant'sscheme for an autonomous state in Palestine. See Jewish Chron-icle, Dec. x6, 1904, p . 25 .

"Remarks upon the Present Condition of the Jews in Palestine,Kerleys, 1852."See Maurice Leon in The . Maccabaean, ii. 256." See Die Welt, i. no . 22, p . 7 ."Extracts from Daniel Deronda, vol . ii, book 1, have been put

together in the Publ . of the Fed . of American Zionists, no. 3,June, 1899, under the title, George Eliot as a Zionist .'Essay xviii of The Impressions of Theophrastus Such, re-printed in the Publ . of the Fed. of American Zionists, no . 5 ."Joseph Jacobs in Macmillan's Magazine for 1877 ; reprintedin Jewish Ideals, p . 8o.

'David Kaufmann in Monatsschrift, 1877, p . 266 .81 There were undoubtedly exceptions, but they kept their peacebefore the larger public . As such, I might mention Mr. GustavCohen of Hamburg, who, in 1896, published, but for privatecirculation only, a pamphlet, Die Judenfrage and die Zukunft,which he had written in 1891 under the double influence ofDaniel Deronda and the passage of the Russian Exiles on theirway to America.

CHAPTER IITHE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE

(PP. 48-59)' Graetz, Geschichte, xi. 554 ; the translation is from the

English ed ., v . 672.'Cited in Cohn, Some Problems of Modern Jewry, p . x5-

220

PP- 52- 64]

NOTES

' All . Israel . Univ. Bulletin, 2869, p. 64 .' In general, see Fabius Schach, Eine auferstandene Sprache,

Berlin, n. d. ; N. Slousch[z], The Renascence of Hebrew Lit .,Phila., x909, p. r9. For Palestine in particular, see David Yellin,Die Renaissance der hebraischen Sprache in Palestina, in DieWelt, xiv., xo8r et seq. ; English t ransl. in Zionist Work inPalestine, London, 19xr, PP- 14s et seq .

' I cannot refrain from adding, in a note, the reasoned judg-ment of one of the latest-let me say, also, one of the sanest-observers, Mr. Sydney Brooks. To the adept as well as to thecritic of Zionism the following words have a pregnant meaning :"The Irish party has consistently acted on the principle that thesalvation of Ireland is to be wrought by speeches and manoeu-vers in the House of Commons ; it has neglected the intellectual,moral, and, in a large part, the economic progress of the countryin order to devote its exclusive power to the constitutionalpanacea. . . . The New Ireland, on the other hand, relies forthe upbuilding of the country and its people upon the practicalwork of Irishmen in Ireland, scouts the notion that the Irish ques-tion is a question of politics merely, and insists that the task ofbetterment should no longer be postponed until an Irish Parliamentis able to take it in hand ." See his Aspects of the Irish Question,London, r9x2, p. 87. On the excellent work done by Sir HoracePlunkett in this connection, see an informing article in the MonthlyReview, Jan . x906, and in Sydney Brooks, The New Ireland,1907, P. 42 .'Lo shinnu .et-leshonam, Mekilta, § 5, beginning ; Shemot Rabba

to Exod. ii . xr, and parallels .

CHAPTER III

LEO PINSKER AND AUTOEMANCIPATION(pp. 6o-8r)

'First ed. 1882 ; 2d ed . Brunn, '1903 ; trans] . into English byAlbert A. L. Finkenstein, Self-Emancipation, London, x8gr ; andby David S. Blondheim, The Maccabaean, x. 9x et seq. Comp .

15

221

NOTES [pp. 64-77

Pinsker and His Brochure, by Ahad ha-Am, transl . by HenriettaSzold, Baltimore, n . d .'Compp the words of Nietzsche : "Valeur de 1'antis6mitisme :

d'amener les juifs a se poser des fins plus 6lev6es et it trouverr6pugnante l'id6e de l'absorption par les 6tats ." Oeuvres post-humes, xiii. 355.

be: n very thoughtful and sympathetic study of Lilienblum has

been made by Leon Simon, Moses Leib Lilienblum, Cambridge(England), 1912 .

' A somewhat remarkable collection of letters and opinions onthis subject has been put together by Abraham Jacob Slutzky, inhis Sefer Shibhat Ziyyon, 2d ed ., Warsaw, 1899.

s A short account of the activity of the Chovevi Zion will befound in an article by S . Ravikovitch, entitled The PalestineCommittee in Odessa : Its Origin, Development, and Activity,published in The Maccabaean, xiii . x6 et seq. See also M.Glucksohn, Das Werk der Chowewe-Zion, in the Palestine numberof Die Welt, xiv. xo88 et seq. ; in the English translation, ZionistWork in Palestine, pp . 157 et seq.

e 1889, Adar Sheni 312 ; republished in Al Parashat Derakim,Odessa, 1895, PP- x et seq .'See Selected Essays by Ahad ha-Am, transl . b y Leon Simon,

Phila., 31912, pp. 311 et seq. ; comp . pp . 125 et seq .'For the foregoing, see the illuminating presentment by Hen-

rietta Szold in The Maccabaean, viii. 207 et seq.° A faithful picture of the early colonies is given and a warn-

ing note sounded as early as 1878 by Fishel Rosenzweig, inHa-Zefirah, no . 33, August 27 of that year . The warning wasrepeated by the same writer in Ha-Asif, ii . 182 et seq., under thetitle We'alu Moshi im. A detailed history of the individualcolonies will be found in Curt Nawratzki, Die judische Kolonisa-tion Palastinas, 1914, pp . xio et seq.

222

pp. 85-98]

NOTES

CHAPTER IV

THEODOR HERZL

(pp. 82-1107)

'First ed. :896. Since then it has appeared in numerouseditions as well as in Theodor Herzl's Zionistische Schriften,Berlin, 11905 .

' See Jewish Chronicle, July ro, 1896, p . 3 . It was at thismeeting that Lucien Wolf declared the scheme to be practical,but not practicable (ibidem, p . 9) . At a later time Mr. Wolfjoined hands with Zangwill in pursuing the policy of the Ito,holding that Zionism had failed because it attached itself "toone territory." See Jewish Chronicle, Jan. 12, x906, p. 36.

' It is said that this designation was first used by Birnbaum(Matthias Acher) in his article Selbst-Emanzipation . See Ost andWest, 1902, p. 976 ; Ahad ha-Am, Al Parashat Derakim, Berlin,x903, P • 93.

" Eng. transi . by Sylvie d'Avigdor, London, x896 ; 2d ed. byJ. de Haas, New York, x904. Translations have appeared inFrench, Hebrew, Judeo-German, Russian, and Bulgarian .

" "I had not intended to commence a personal agitation for theJewish cause." Selbstbiographie, in Gesammelte Schriften, i . 318 ;Jewish Chronicle, Jan. 14, 1898, p . 20.

'Protokoll des Siebenten Zionisten-Kongresses, p . 9 ; English,in The Maccabaean, ix. 1113 . '

`The only authority I have for this statement is Lucien Wolfin his article, Zionism, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica .'Protokoll . . . des Zweiten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 222 : "Der

Zionismus unternimmt nichts, was dem Religionsgesetze desJudenthums widerspricht ."

' Oesterreichische Wochenschrift, April 23, 1897 ."Die Welt, ii . no. 48, p. 7-' "There are some theologians who assume the Messianic period

to be the most perfect state of civilization, but do not believe inthe restoration of the Kingdom of David, the rebuilding of the

228

NOTES

(pp. 98 -103

Temple, or the repossession of Palestine by the Jews. Theyaltogether reject the national hope of the Jews. These theologianseither misinterpret or wholly ignore the teaching of the Bible,and the divine promises made through the men of God." TheJewish Religion, 2d ed ., 1900, p . r6r .'Dina de-Malkuta Dina. Baba Kamma, x13a, etc ." "Zionism would have us return to the primitive stage of a

national religion ." Karpeles, Jews and Judaism in the NineteenthCentury, Phila., x905, p. 63 ."See his National-Judenthum, Leipzig and Vienna, 1897.1° See his article, with its suggestive title, The Zionist Peril,

in Jew. Quart. Rev. xvii. x-25 .le See his address in The Judaeans, 1897-1899, pp . 68 et seq.1' ibidem, pp . 86 et seq."Aspects of the Jewish Question, London, x902, p. x8 ." Year Book of the Central Conference of American Rabbis

for 1897-1898, p . xli .S0 See Die Stimme der Wahrheit, Berlin, 1905, pp . x65 et seq.'Jew. Quart. Rev. xv. 5o1 ; comp. also ibidem, xvi. 48 ." ibidem, xvii. 342 ."The protest was published in the Allgemeine Zeitung des

Judenthums, no. 29, July 16, 1897, and was signed by Maybaurn(Berlin), Horowitz (Frankfort), Guttmann (Breslau), Auerbach(Halberstadt), and Werner (Munich), as the Vorstand desRabbiner-Verbandes in Deutschland. It ought to be added thatthis action on the part of the Vorstand was taken without consulta-tion of the whole body which it represented . See Ralf, Erklarunggegen Erklarung, in Die Welt, i. no . 7. Assent to the "protest"was obtained from the Rabbinerversammlung at its meeting inx898 only by an unparliamentary stifling of the discussion. I maybe pardoned for citing the answer to this protest published by myfather, the late Gustav Gottheil, in the Allgemeine Zeitung desJudenthums for Sept. 3, 1897. See also Herzl, GesammelteZionistische Schriften, i . aii, Protestrabbiner .

224

PP- 109-132]

NOTES

CHAPTER V

THE JEWISH CONGRESS

(PP- 108-142 )' I Sam. viii.' Certain special honors shown in the synagogue to descendants

of priestly and Levitic families are merely reminiscent .'The expression is that of Doctor Solomon Schechter .' The protest had been made the first time by Mr. Ambassador

Straus; it was renewed on Nov. 19, 1898, by the same ambassadorto Tewfik Pasha in these words : "The United States does notmake any discrimination between its citizens based upon religionor race, nor will it concede to any other government the right orpo' er to make any such discrimination in respect to Americancitizens ." See United States Senate Reports, Foreign Relations,for 1898-1899, p . 1092. This protest is reasserted in a letter of Mr .Secretary Hay to Mr. Charge d'Affaires Griscom, dated Feb . 28,1901 . See Foreign Relations for that year, p. 517. The regula-tions, dated respectively Feb . 23, 1888, and Nov . 21, 1901, will befound in George Young, Corps de droit ottoman, Oxford, 1905,ii. 156 .

'On this Cyprus project see the notes I have gathered inJewish Encyclopedia, iv . 401, and Zionistisches A-B-C Buch,Berlin, 1908, pp . 165 et seq. It should be noted that Herzl himselfwas not unfavorably disposed and regarded it as an "ultimaratio, wenn wir nicht reussieren, and eine mitlaufende Kom-bination, wenn wir reussieren" ; ibidem, p . 167 .

° See Protokoll . . . des Sechsten Zionisten-Kongresses, Wien,1903, P . 6.'See issue of July 17, 19o3, p . 6."See the text of the whole letter in Die Welt, Aug . 27, 1903,

p . 1 ; English transl. i n The Maccabaean, v. 250.° See the Blue Book containing the Report of the Work of the

Commission Sent out by the Zionist Organization to Examine theTerritory Offered by H . M. Government, etc., London, 1905, P • 4-

"See the London Times, Aug. 28, and Sept . 2, 1903 . A little225

NOTES [PP- 137-154

later Sir H. H . Johnston in a measure changed his view. SeeDie Welt, x904, no. 42-'i e., Jewish] Territorial] O[rganization] in the Judeo-

German pronunciation ." See his Dreamers in Congress, in Dreamers of the Ghetto,

PP- 430 et seq."New Liberal Review, i . 615 ; from which article the two

following quotations are also taken .1'Protokoll . . . des Funften Zionisten-Kongresses, p . 325 ; Jew-

ish Chronicle, London, Jan . 3, x902, reprinted in The Maccabaean,ii . 64 et seq. See also Zangwill's speech at the Shoreditch TownHall, reported in Jewish Chronicle, Feb . 7, '1902-

" " Whichever way the next Congress decides, the real traitorwill be he who does not loyally accept the decision, and workheart and soul with the majority," he said on Shekel Day, x904 .In speaking at the Jewish Workingman's Club in London, headded, " What is necessary is that the minority should abide bythe vote of the majority ; that is peace ."

CHAPTER VI

THE POST-HERZLIAN PERIOD(pp. 143-164)

'See Werner, Die jadischen Studentenverbindungen in Oester-reich, in Ost and West, 1901, pp . 4x5 et seq. ; Zionistisches A-B-CBuch, p . 246 .'See Albert Friedenberg, Zionist Studies, New York, 19o4, pp .

23 et seq . ; Zionistisches A-B-C Buch, pp . 243 et seq . Note alsothe Jewish gymnastic societies in Munich, Berlin, Frankfort-on-the-Oder, Freiburg, Posen, Leipzig, Mannheim, and Breslau, andtheir publications, Jiidische Turnzeitung and Vereinsliederbuch .

'I give the figures on the authority of a correspondent in theJewish Chronicle, London, Aug . 9, 1912, p . 11 .

4 Protokoll des Neunten Zionisten-Kongresses, p . 239.'Protokoll des Siebenten Zionisten-Kongresses, p. 71 .

226

PP- 154-x67]

NOTES

s e. g., Palestina Handelsgesellschaft, Palestine Land Develop-ment Company, German-Levant Wool Company, Oelbaumspende,Siedlungsgenossenschaft (according to the plan of Doctor FranzOppenheimer) .

'Especially during the years 1909 and x910 .Carmel. The paper has since ceased publication . It is signifi-

cant that the author of Le reveil de la nation arabe (Paris, 1905),Negib Azoury, had in preparation a work entitled Le peril juifuniversel ."And by the editor of the leading Judeo-Spanish weekly in

Turkey. See, inter alia, Die Welt, xvi . 139.10 See the issues of the Times (London), July 11, 12, 13 ; Aug .

3, 15, 31, 1911. The editor of the Vienna newspaper Die Zeit wasevidently privy to the attack .

"See the Constantinople daily paper Stamboul, 19x1, nos . 52, 54,56, 91, 115, 267, etc."Autoemancipation, 2d ed., p . 28 ." See Sapir, Der Zionismus, p . 107 .14 Protokoll des Ersten Zionisten-Kongresses, 2d ed ., p . 18 ; Eng-

lish in Jewish Chronicle, Sept . 3, 1897, p . xr ."Protokoll des Dritten Zionisten-Kongresses, p . 6; English

in Jewish Chronicle, Aug . x8, 1899, P . 12."Protokoll des Siebenten Zionisten-Kongresses, p . 25 ; English

in Jewish Chronicle, Aug. 4, 1905, p. x6 ; The Maccabaean, ix . 88 ."Protokoll des Achten Zionisten-Kongresses, p . 9 ; English in

Jewish Chronicle, Aug. z6, 1907, p. 16.

CHAPTER VII


(pp . x65-x8o)

'Comp. the differing resolutions on anti-militarism proposed bythe Germans and the French at the International Socialist Con-gress of Stuttgart in 1907 in the official Report, p . 404, andVorwi its for April 26, 1907, for pronouncements in the Reichstag .

227

NOTES

[pp. 167-181

'Manifesto of the Communist Party, Chicago, n . d., p . 41 .'Jewish Chronicle, June 26, 1903, p . 10.`ibidem, Dec . 22, p. 29 ; Dec . 29, P . 14 .'The theories of the Poale Zion are well set forth in Protokoll

des Achten Zionisten-Kongresses, pp. 305 et seq . Comp. alsoPasmanik, Die Theorie des Poale Zion, Berlin, n . d . As anoffshoot might be mentioned the Ha-Poel ha-Zair, an organizationof workingmen in Russia and Palestine, who are perhaps moreZionistic in their tendency than the Poale Zion .

'See Oppenheimer, Die Siedlungsgenossenschaft, Leipzig, 1896 ;Li ndliche Kolonisation in Palastina, in Die Welt, xiii . 913 et seq.A fund of more than zoo,ooo francs has been subscribed in orderto carry out the project of a co-operative settlement .

' Protokoll des Achten Zionisten-Kongresses, pp . 234-328 .' Protokoll des Neunten Zionisten-Kongresses, pp . 195 et seq.,

509-' Situated in Galilee ; see Bericht des Actions-Comit€s . . . an

den Zehnten Kongress, p . 42-" I have the quotation from The Bund, published by the Central

Verband of the Bund in America, New York, 1905 (?), p. 9 .See also Die Tatigkeit des Allgem . judischen Arbeiterbundes,Geneva, 1904, pp . 23 et seq . ; Sara Rabinowitsch, Die Organisa-tionen des judischen Proletariats, 1903, passim ; Jewish Chronicle,Jan. 13, 1905, P . 24 ; Die Welt, x. no. 34, p . 6 .

u Protokoll, etc ., p . 222 .See Die Welt, xv . 953.

CHAPTER VIII

AHAD HA-AM AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF JEWISHHISTORY

(PP . 181 -197)

'Preussische Jahrbucher, xliv. 572 et seq. ; Herr Graetz andsein Judenthum, in Deutsche Kampfe, Neue Folge, 1896, p . 37-

'He speaks of the "talmudistische Geschichtsschreiberei von228

PP. 1$3 - 1971 NOTES

Graetz," Auch ein Wort uber unser Judenthum, 3er Abdruck,Berlin, 188o, p . 6 ; reprinted in Reden and Aufsiitze, Berlin, r9o5,pp. 41o et seq. See also the Memoir prefixed to the Index volumeof Graetz, History, in the English translation, p . 77-

8 See the preface to the first edition, p . x., and the last chapter,entitled Die Gegenwart.

'Coup d'oeil sur 1'histoire du peuple juif, Paris, 188x ; reprintedin his Les prophetes d'Israel, Paris, 1892, pp. 153 et seq. ; transl .into German by J . Singer, Die Philosophic der Gesch . des jiid .Volkes, Vienna, 1884 ; and into English by Helen B . Jastrow, inSelected Essays of James Darmesteter, Boston, 1895i pp. 241 et seq.It is singular that this treatise, the most Jewish of all his writings,is not even mentioned, in the article on him contributed by hiswife to the Jewish Encyclopedia, iv . 444-

'10c- cit., p. 243 .loc. Cit ., p . 275 .

' Chto Takoe Yevreiskaya Istoria, in Voskhod, 1893, PP- 9 etseq. ; German transl., Die judische Geschichte . . . autorisierteUebersetzung von I. F., Berlin, 1893 ; English transl ., Jewish His-tory, Phila ., 1903 . Comp. Israel Friedlaender, Dubnow's Theoryof Jewish Nationalism, in The Maccabaean, viii. 243 et seq.

'See, e . g., Die Welt, vii. n o . x, p . x ; xi . 1317.'See the translation of an article on the subject that appeared

in Der Jude, in Die Welt, v. 3o and 31-"' Selected Essays by Ahad ha-Am, trans]. by Leon Simon,

Phila ., 1912, p . 289.ibidem, p . 295 .

" See above, chap . iv., note 8 .1s Protokoll des Ersten Zionisten-Kongresses, 2d ed ., 191x, p.

208 ."Selected Essays, p. 300-" ibidem, p . 123 .

229

NOTES

[pp. 206-210

CHAPTER IX


(pp. 198-216)

' Parerga and Paralipomena, Berlin, 1851, ii . 223 : "Denvernanftigen Juden, welcher, alte Fabeln, Flausen and Vorurtheileaufgebend, durch die Taufe aus einer Genossenschaft heraustritt,die ihm weder Ehre noch Vortheil bringt (wenn auch in Aus-nahmsfalle Letzteres vorkommt), muss ich durchaus loben, selbstwenn es ihm mit dem christlichen Glauben kein grosser Ernstseyn sollte."

' Von Hartmann, though against any proselytizing on the partof Christians, thinks it a pity that certain classes of Jews inGermany have ceased to have their children baptized . See DasJudenthum in Gegenwart and Zukunft, 1885, P • 37 .

' Auch ein Wort uber unser Judenthum, 3d ed ., Berlin, 1880, p.15 : "Ausserhalb dieser Schranken [i . e ., des Christenthums] zubleiben and innerhalb der Nation zu stehen ist moglich, aberschwer and gefahrvoll . . . . Aber es ist eine notorische Thatsachedass tine grosse Anzahl von Juden nicht durch Gewissensbedenkenvom Uebertritt abgehalten wird . Sondern lediglich durch ganzandere Gefuhle, die ich begreifen, aber nicht billigen kann ."Comp. also von Treitschke, Deutsche Kampfe, Neue Folge, Leip-zig, 1896, PP- 37, 45 .

`Jewish Chronicle, Jan . 26, 1900, p. 21 .'See Strassburger Post, Unterhaltungsblatt, Jan . 6, 1907. It is

no wonder that Noldeke is unfriendly to Zionist aspirations . Seehis article, Semitic Languages, in Enycl . Brit. xi ed . p . 622b.

'Die Erl6sung des Judenthums, vol. cii, 1900, pp. 1 3 1-1 40-' See Actes et conferences de la Societe des Etudes Juives, 1887,

p. cxxxii.'At Richmond; see Twenty-fifth Annual Report, p. 403, and

American Hebrew, New York, Jan. 26, 1912, p. 384.

230

pp. 213-2t6]

NOTES

'In this connection the correspondence between the ZionistActions Comite and the president of the Alliance Israelite inreference to combined action is most instructive. See Die Welt,xv. 334 et seq.

"See Spectator, London, Oct. 6, 1906, p. 478 ,

281

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The literature on Zionism is very extensive, and is scattered in alarge number of general and special periodicals . A Bibliographyin Russian has been published by Belkowsky, Ukazatel literaturio Sionisme, St. Petersburg, 1903. A Bibliography of Hebrewpublications on the subject has been printed by William Zeitlin,Bibliotheca Sionista, in Zeitschrift fur Hebraische Bibliographie,xii . 52 et seq., and has been issued in the form of a reprint .

A general history of the movement has been attempted in theJewish Encyclopedia and in the Encyclopaedia Britannica ; in ashorter form also in the Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia. A goodreference work, alphabetically arranged, is the Zionistisches A-B-CBuch, herausgegeben . . . . von der Zionistischen Vereinigungfur Deutschland, Berlin, 1908. A history of Zionism (but onlydown to 1903) has been attempted by J . B. Sapir, Der Zionismus. . . . autorisierte Uebersetzung von A . Benjamin, Brunn, 1903 .For Russia, see E . Deinard, Dibre ha-Yamim le-Ziyyon be-Russia,2 parts, Kearney (N . J.), 1904 . The most trustworthy sources arethe files of the official Zionist pubTication Die Welt (since 1897) ;and -the _- "Protokolls" of the ten Con d t h' hhas been published by Hugo Schachtel, Register zu den Protokollender Zionisten-Kongresse i-vi., Berlin x9,oi; A collection of assayson a variety of subjects connected with the Zionist movement willbe found in Die Stimme der Wahrheit, ed. E. Nossig, Berlin,1905, and in the various brochures published by the Federation ofAmerican Zionists . Of the rest of the literature only a few titlescan be mentioned

Herzl, Theodor, Gesammelte zionistische Schriften, 2 vols .,Judische rer Verlag, Berlin, 1905 .

Nordau, Max, Zionistische Schriften, Koln, x909 .Hess, Moses, Judische Schriften, herausgegeben von Th . Zlocisti,

Berlin, 1905 .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Pinsker, Leo, Autoemancipation, 2d ed ., Brunn, x903 .Nawratzki, Curt, Die judische Kolonisation Palastinas, Munich,

1914.Neufeld, A ., Der Versuch einer Bibliographic fur die Zwecke

der wirtschaftlichen Erschliessung Palastinas, Vienna, x9ox .Zionist Work in Palestine, by various authorities, ed. by

Israel Cohen, London, 19xx .Heman, F., Das Erwachen der judischen Nation, Basel, x897 .JaffE, Max, Die nationale Wiedergeburt der Juden, Berlin, x897 .Kronberger, Emil, Zionisten and Christen, Leipzig, r9oo .Zangwill, Israel, Zionism, in Lippincott's Monthly Magazine,

October, x899 .Philippson, M., Neueste Geschichte des judischen Volkes, vol. ii.

Abdul Hamid, Sultan, in com-munication with Herzl, 93 ;Turkey under, 117 ; Herzl'snegotiations with, without re-sult, 118-119, 128 ; grantingof Constitution by, 156 ; al-luded to, 163.

Actions Committee. See CentralCommittee.

Adler, Felix, promoter of a uni-versalistic movement, 26.

Adler, Samuel, and the Jewishlaw, 1o6.

Africa, the Jews of, and Napoleon'sJewish nationalist plan, 39 .

Agricultural colonies in Palestine,76-77 ; suffering in, 77 ; underthe Jewish Colonization Asso-ciation, 81 ; opposed by theGermans, 158 . See also Pales-tine, the colonization of.

Ahad ha-Am (Asher Ginzberg),criticises the Chovevi Zionmovement, 74-75 ; adherents of,75 ; founds a society, 75-76 ;insists upon understandingwith Constantinople, x61 ; theDemocratic Fraction followerof, 168 ; a student of philoso-phy, 188 ; in sympathy with theJewish people, 188 ; theory of,on Jewish unrest, 189 ; on Jew-ish national feeling, 18g etseq . ; on Palestine as a cul-tural center, x9o et seq. ; op-poses Zionism, 191 .192, 195-197 ; advocates revival ofHebrew, 193, 194 ; criticismof, 193. 197.

INDEX

285

Ahad ha-Amism, a phase of Zionistthought, i8o. See Ahad ha-Am .

Ahiasaf, publication society, aBene Mosheh creation, 76 .

Akademische Lesehalle, Berlin, ex-cludes Jews, 148.

Albanians, the, in Turkey, 159.Alliance Israelite Universelle, the,

refuses to interest itself inPalestine colonization, 42 ; thefounders of, 5o ; motives un-derlying foundation of, si ;founds the Mikweh IsraelAgricultural School, 54 ; meritsand demerits of, 54 ; part as-signed to, by Pinsker, 65 ;purely philanthropic, 79 ; hos-tile to Zionism, 95 ; fails toorganize international Jewry,log ; to be represented in or-ganization proposed at Pales-tine Congress, 133 ; Zangwillon, 139 ; exerts influenceagainst Zionism, 159-160 ; ex-pected to be an organizingforce, 214 .

Allianz, the, of Vienna, part as-signed to, by Pinsker, 65 ; hos-tile to Zionism, 95.

Alroy, nationalist tendencies inDisraeli's, 4o ; quotation from,40•

Am Olam, work by Perez Smo-lenskin, 34.

America, Jewish emigration to, de-precated by Lilienblum, 67 .68.See also United States.

American Judaism, 205 .Ancona, alluded to, 2o3 .Anglo-Egyptian Government, the,

and Jewish colonization of El-Arish, 121-122 .

Anglo-Jewish Association, the, re-fuses to interest itself in Pal-estine colonization, 42 ; partassigned to, by Pinsker, 65 .

Anglo-Levantine Company, the, atConstantinople, 158.

Angola, Jews invited to settle in,125 ; colonization contemplatedin, by the Ito, 141 .

Anti-Semitism, modern, originatedby Bismarck, 26-27 ; how com-bated, 27-28 ; not founded ontheoretical considerations, 27 ;detrimental effect of, on Jews,3o ; strikes at the social posi-tion of Jews, 6o ; causes po-groms in Russia, 6o-6i ; causeseconomic distress in Galicia,61 ; effect of, on Jews in gen-eral, 61 ; self-emancipationtrue answer to, 64 ; Herzl sen-sitive to, 85 ; England not af-fected by, 86 ; Herzl's reply to,88 ; an increasing menace, 89 ;calls Jews strangers, xo1 ; ram-pant in Vienna, 147 ; at theGerman universities, 148 ; di-rected against Jewish histo-rians, 181 ; ravages of, 205 .

Arab dominion, in Palestine, hos-tile to Jews, 48.

Arabs, the, anti-Jewish campaignof, 158-159 ; in Turkey, 159 ;tillers of the soil in Palestine,169.

Argentina, alluded to, 91 .Armenian massacres, the, alluded

to, 93 .Art, in Palestine, 194.

INDEX

236

Arukat Bat Ammi, work by Rfllf,7o ; forerunner of the Tuden-staat, 89 .

Asher ben Yehiel, alluded to, 201 .Ashkenazim, the, use Judeo-Ger-

man, 57 ; alluded to, 201.Asia, the Jews of, and Napoleon's

Jewish nationalist plan, 39.Assimilation, Levanda on, 69 .Association of Rabbis in Germany,

the, on Zionism, 103-104.Athlit, alluded to, x55.Australia, colonization in, contem-

plated by the Ito, 141 .Austria, alluded to, 59 ; the Cho-

vevi Zion movement in, 72 ;home of Herzl, 84 ; German,originates the Jewish national-ist university movement, 147 ;students' societies in, 147-148.

Austria, the Jews of, harmful ef-fect of anti-Semitism on, 30 ;anti-Semitism strikes at socialposition of, 6o ; in Austrianpolitics, 144. 145 .

Austria-Hungary, lack of racialunity in, 210-21x .

Autoemancipation, work by LeoPinsker, 64-66 ; influences Lili-enblum, 67 ; influences Rfllf,70 ; forerunner of Herzl'sJudenstaat, 82, 83, 89 ; com-pared with Herzl's Judenstaat,83; text-book of the Kadimah,147.

Avignon, alluded to, 203.

Babylon, alluded to, 11o.

Babylonian Jews, the, alluded to,201 .

Balkan states, the, manifest na-tional consciousness, 24 ; in theBerlin Conference, 6o . .

Bari, alluded to, 203.

Basel, meeting place of the FirstZionist Congress, 113, 114.

Basel Program, the, 1,4.1,6 ; de-mands a home for the Jews,126 ; and colonization outsideof Palestine, 135 ; criticised byAhad ha-Am, 192 .

Bayazid II, Sultan, invites theJews to settle in Turkey, 125 .

Beirut, alluded to, 118.Belief, the Jewish, and the Re.

formers, 22 .Ilene Mosheh, the, society founded

by Ahad ha-Am, 75-76 ; daugh-ter institutions of, 76 ; alludedto, 196 .

Benedictus Levita, advises Jews toeducate children as Christians, .206.

Bergson, quoted, 14 .Berlin, the Jews of, refuse to be

interested in Palestine coloni-zation, 42 ; Orthodox Jews of,favorable to colonization ofPalestine, 70-71 ; alluded to,72 ; Jewish students' societiesat, 148, 149 ; the seat of theActions Committee, x51 .

Berlin Conference, the, and theJews of the Balkan states, 6o .

Bernstein, a Jew and a socialist,167 .

Bezalel School, the, at Jerusalem,supported by Palestine senti-ment, 155 ; for arts, 194 .

Bielitz, Jewish students' society at,148 .

Birnbaum, Nathan, founds theKadimah at Vienna, 86 .

Bismarck, author of modern anti-Semitism, 26-27 ; supposed toentertain Jewish nationalistplans, 39.40 .

Blood accusation . See Damascus.

INDEX

z6

237

Bnei Zion associations, connectedwith the Chovevi Zion move-ment, 72 .

Boer War, the, alluded to, 123 .Boers, the, remain Dutchmen, 212 .Bonn, Jewish students' societies at,

148.Bosnia, alluded to, x57 .Breslau, Jewish students' society

at, 148 ; first official Zioniststudents' society at, 149 .

British citizenship, and the Boers,212 .

British Government, the, good-willof, valued by Herzl, 122 .

Brooks, Sydney, on the New Ire-land, 221 .

Brunn, Jewish students' society at,148.

Brussels Conference, the, unsuc-cessful as an organizingagency, 214.215 .

Buffalo, New York, alluded to, 39 .Bulgaria, alluded to, 157.Bulgarian, the revival of, 56, 57.Bulgarians, the, in Turkey, 159.Bund judischer Akademiker, fed-

eration of Jewish students'societies, 149 .

Bund judischer Jugendvereine, fed-eration of juvenile societies,150 .

Bund judischer Korporationen,federation of Jewish students'societies, 149.

Bund, the, Jewish nationalisticsentiment in, 172 ; why formedas a Jewish section of the Rus-sian proletarian movement,173 ; cherishes the Russianrather than the Jewish nationalideal, 173 ; refuses to assimi-late completely, 173-174 ; breakswith the Russian Working-men's Democratic Party, 174 ;

recognizes its Jewish national-ist character, 175 ; reproach of,against Zionism, x75 ; capitu-lates to the Democratic Party,176.

Cabalistic activity, attracts settlersto Palestine, 49.

Cairo, alluded to, 121 .Canada, growth of, and national

consciousness, 24 ; alluded to,54, 91 ; colonization in, con-templated by the Ito, 141 ; anexample of racial diversity,212 .

Carcassone, alluded to, 203 .Carmel Wine Company, the, a

Bene Mosheh creation, 76 .Carpentras, alluded to, 203.Cassel, Paulus (Selig), alluded to,

182.Castile, alluded to, 57 .Center, a, value of, 207 .Central Committee, demonstration

of members of, against EastAfrican proposal, 131 ; reportto, 131 ; Russian members of,meet at Kharkoff, 133 ; seat of,in Berlin, 151.

Central Conference of AmericanRabbis, the, on Zionism, 102.

Ceremonial law, the Jewish, andthe Reformers, 21-22 .

Chamberlain, Joseph, and a Jewishsettlement in East Africa, 123 .

Charter, a, proposed by Herzl, 9o .Charterism, killed by the Turkish

Constitution, 157 ; character-ized, 157 .

Chauvinism, a mark of the newnationalism, 26 .

Chief Rabbi, the, of England, with-out power religiously, 110.

Chovevi Zion movement, the,headed by Pinsker, 72 ; spread

INDEX

238

of, 72 ; attempt to federatesocieties of, 72 ; superseded byZionism, 73 ; criticised byAhad ha-Am, 74-75 ; influenceof the Bene Mosheh on, 76 ;gives impetus to agriculturalsettlement in Palestine, 77 ;groups within, 78 ; enlists othersocieties in Palestine coloniza-tion, 79 ; not known to Herzl,91 ; in Western Europe, hostileto Zionism, 95 ; and Zionism,1o4 ; opposed by Herzl, 116-117 ; a threat to Zionism as anational movement, 156 ; toopractical, 196 . See also OdessaCommittee ; Hibbat Zion ; Pal-estine, the colonization of ;Palestinian Zionism.

Chovevi Zionists, the, insist uponPalestine work, it 9 ; East Afri-can proposal apt to alienate,127 ; opposed to the East Afri-can proposal, 129.

Christ, second coming of, andJewish nationalism, 41 .

Christian community, a universal,and the Roman Church, 23 ;and the Jews, 25 .

Christian dominion in Palestine,hostile to Jews, 48.

Christian-Socialist Party, Jewsnaturally barred from, x68 .

Christianity, conversions to, inGermany, xso ; conversion to,advised by writers and histo-rians, 206.

Christians, German, oppose anti-Semitism, 27 ; sympathizerswith Jewish nationalism, 39-47-

Cities, influence of growth of, onJewish unity, 203.

Citizenship, and religion in Rome,25 ; not coincident with racialunity, 210-212.

Claude, character in play by Alex-andre Dumas fils, 42.

Cohen, Gustav, influenced byGeorge Eliot, 220 .

Cohen, Hermann, on Palestine,217.

Cohn, Albert, interested in theJews of the East, 50 ; alludedto, 52.

Collectors of alms, link betweenPalestine and the Diaspora, 49.

Cologne, seat of Zionism, 145.Colonial Trust. See Jewish Colo-

nial Trust, the.Colonization, the, of Palestine .

See Palestine, the colonizationof.

Commandment, developed fromcustom, 71 .

Congress, the Zionist, an expres-sion of Pinsker's ideas, 66 ;indicates organization, 1o8 ; aJewish forum, iii ; ten ses-sions of, held, 116 ; parties in,17o et seq. ; theoretical de-bates in, 172 .

Congress, the Zionist (First), thebeginning of Herzl's con-structive policy, 93 ; takesZionism out of the sphereof academic discussion, 94 ;universal character of, 112-113 ; meets in Basel, 113-114 ; opposition to, 113.114 ;platform adopted by, 114 ; ad-vocates loyal intercourse withTurkey, 161 ; society for thestudy of Hebrew proposed at,193.

Congress, the Zionist (Second),defines attitude of movementtowards religion, 97 ; debateson organization in, 172 .

Congress, the Zionist (Third),frowns upon Cyprus coloniza-

INDEX

239

tion, 120 ; favors loyal inter.course with Turkey, 16z.

Congress, the Zionist (Fifth), al-luded to, x68 ; DemocraticFraction formed at, 176 .

Congress, the Zionist (Sixth), EastAfrican proposal at, 126 etseq., 128-131 ; an oppositionparty formed in, 132 et seq.

Congress, the Zionist (Seventh),resolutions of, accepted by theOdessa Committee of the Cho-vevi Zion, 73 ; address onHerzl at, 92 ; the East Africanproposal before, 135 et seq. ;Palestinian Zionism at, 154 ;favors loyal intercourse withTurkey, 162-163 .

Congress, the Zionist (Eighth),favors loyal intercourse withTurkey, x63.

Congress, the Zionist (Ninth),accepts theories of the PoaleZion, 170.

Congress, the Zionist (Tenth), dis-cusses emigration, 142 ; Pales-tinian Zionism victorious at,,54 ; admits groupings basedon theory. 172 ; Mizrachi de-mands at, 178, 179.

Coxingsby, nationalist tendenciesin Disraeli's, 40.

Consciousness, the Jewish, dead-ened in modern times, 205.

Conservatives, the, a party inGreat Britain, 171 .

Constantinople, alluded to, 121,158 ; the Jews of, ultra-Turkishin sympathy, 159 .

Conversion to Christianity, advisedby writers and historians, 206 .

Conversions to Christianity, . inGermany, x5o.

Cornwall, dialect of, extinct, 57 .

Cosmopolitanism, supposed guar-antee for welfare of Jews, 62 .See also Internationalism .

Cremieux, Adolphe, intervenes inthe Damascus blood accusa-tion, 49-50 ; one of the found-ers of the Alliance IsraeliteUniverselle, 5o ; example of amodern Jewish statesman, 92 .

Cretans, the, alluded to, 157.Croats, in Austria-Hungary, 211 .Cromer, Earl of, on Rome and the

Jews, 218 .Culture, Jewish, in Palestine, Ahad

ha-Am on, 19o et seq.Custom, developed into command-

ment, 71 .Cymric, the revival of, 56-57 .Cyprus, stepping-stone to Palestine

colonization, 120 ; for Jewishcolonization, 120, 121 .

Cyrenaica, colonization in, contem-plated by the Ito, 141 .

Czechs, in Germany and Austria-Hungary, 211.

Czernowitz, Jewish students' so-ciety at, 148 .

Dahlemia. See Freie VerbindungDahlemia.

Damascus, center of Maronitemassacres, 5o .

Damascus blood accusation, the,influences Moses Hess, 36 - 37 ;history of, 49-50 .

Danes, in Germany, 211 .Daniel, character in play by Alex-

andre Dumas fils, 42.Daniel Deronda, novel by George

Eliot, on Jewish nationalism,43-45 ; Jewish opinions of, 46-47 .

Darmesteter, James, a philosophyof Jewish history by, 184-186 ;how disqualified for his task,

INDEX

240

184 ; quotation from work of,185 ; personal note lacking inwork of, 185-186 ; alluded to,188.

Darmstadt, Jewish students' so-cieties at, 148 .

Delamere, Lord, telegram of, onEast African proposal, 131.

Democracy, cherished by Jews,109-111 .

Democratic Fraction, the, of theCongress, opposed to the EastAfrican proposal, 129 ; givesrise to the Poale Zion party,168 ; follower of Ahad ha-Am,168 ; represented at the MinskCongress, 168 ; merged intothe Poale Zion, 168 ; demandsof, accepted by official Zion-ism, 170 ; formation of, 176 ;effect of, 176 ; and the Miz-rachi, 177.

Derek ha- Hayyim, article by Ahadha-Am, 74- 75 .

Derishat Ziyyon, pamphlet, byHirsch Kalischer, 53-54.

" Deutsche Staatsbfirger jddischenGlaubens," 205 .

Diaspora, the . See Dispersion, theJewish .

Discoveries, and internationalism,24.

Dispersion, the Jewish, as viewedby the Reformers, 22-23 ; andJerusalem, 30 ; held by Re-form to be providential, 99 ;favored by the Ito movement,142 ; to be feared, 215-216 .

Disraeli, as a Jewish nationalist,40; example of a modern Jew-ish statesman, 92.

Djavid Bey, said to be tool of Jews,16o ; ignorant of Zionism, 161 .

D6nmeh, follower of SabbatalZebi, 16o .

Dreyfus affair, the, Herzl in Parisduring, 85.

Druses, the, massacre MaroniteChristians, 5o.

Dubnow, Simon, a philosophy ofJewish history by, 186-x88 ;qualifications of, for task, 186 ;lays stress on universal aspectsof Jewish history, 186-187 ;message of, 187-188 ; alludedto, 188 .

Dumas, Alexandre, fils, on Jewishnationalism, 41-42.

Dunant, Henry, founder of theRed Cross, sympathizer withJewish nationalism, 42-43.

East African proposal, the, com-pared with Noah's, 39 ; howoriginated, 123-124 ; an epochin Jewish history, 124-125 ;tempting features of, 125 ; ac-ceptable terms of, defined byHerzl, 125-126 ; made on theeve of the Sixth Congress, 126 ;apt to alienate the ChoveviZionists, 127 ; as viewed byHerzl, 127-128 ; attitude of theJewish Colonization Associa-tion toward, 128 ; presented tothe Congress by Herzl, 128-129 ; opposition to, 129, 130-131, 131-132 ; commission ofinquiry on, 129-130, 131 ; re-port on, 131 ; produces lines ofcleavage in the Congress, 132et seq. ; before the SeventhZionist Congress, 135 et seq . ;causes split in Zionism, 136-137 .

East, the Jews of the, interesttaken in, by the Jews ofEurope, 5o ; Spanish used inthe Semitic, 57 . See alsoEastern Jews.

INDEX

241

Eastern Europe, ascendancy ofJudeo-German in, 57 - 58.

Eastern Jews, exodus of, 30.31 ; in.fluence Western Jews, 31-34 ;compared with Western Jews,77-78. See also East .

Economic questions, parties formedon the basis of, 171 et seq .

Egypt, alluded to, 54.Ehrenpreis, Doctor, proposes so .

ciety for study of Hebrew,193 .

El-Arish, proposed Jewish coloniza-tion of, 120-122, 123.

Eliot, George, on Jewish national-ism, 43-47 ; Zangwill on, 138 ;influences Gustav Cohen, 220 .

Emancipation, political, and West-ern Jews, 19-20 ; and the Re-formers, 20 ; Moses Hess on,37 ; does not include socialemancipation, 64 ; Zionism sup-posed to be incongruous with,1g8-1gg ; cost of, 209 .

Emanuel, Temple, New York, al-luded to, xo6.

Emigration regulated by the Itomovement, 141 ; at the TenthZionist Congress, 142.

Emunak Yesharah, work by Kali-scher, 52-53.

Encyclopedists, the French, favor. internationalism, 24.

Engels. See Marx and Engels.England, alluded to, 59, 204 ; the

Chovevi Zion movement in,72 ; not affected by anti-Semitism, 86 ; Herzl looks toJews of, for support, 87 ; andCyprus, 120. See also GreatBritain ; London .

Eternal People, An, work by PerezSmolenskin, 34.

Exilarch, lay head of the Jewishcommunity in Babylon, 1so.

Extremism, a characteristic of theprophets, 192 .

Ezra Verein, the, of Berlin, con-nected with the Chovevi Zionmovement, 72 ; religious insentiment, 79 ; to be repre-sented in organization pro-posed at Palestine Congress,r33.

Florence, alluded to, 203.France, alluded to, 59, 203 .Frank, Adolphe, on Jerusalem,

227 .Frankfort Conference, the, unsuc-

cessful as an organizingagency, 214-215.

Frankfort-on-the-Main, OrthodoxJews of, favorable to coloniza-tion of Palestine, 7o-71 ; Sen-ate of, 203 .

Frankfort-on-the-Oder,

Palestinecolonization society formed at,55.

Freiburg, Jewish students' societiesat, 148 .

Freie Verbindung Dahlemia, Ber-lin students' society, 249 .

French, the, in Canada, 222 .Friedlander, M., on Zionism, 98.

Gaelic, the revival of, 56.Galicia, Jews from, settle in Pales-

tine, 49 .Galicia, the Jews of, effect of anti-

Semitism on, 61 ; affected byanti-Semitism, 27.

Galician Jewish students, in Vien-na, 147.

Galilee, alluded to, 76 ; Jews in,during the Middle Ages, 49.

Galveston, emigration directed to,by the Ito movement, 141 .

Geiger, Abraham, and the Jewishlaw, ,o6.

INDEX

242

Geiger, Ludwig, on Zionism, roe,103 .

General Jewish Workingmen'sUnion of Russia and Poland.See Bund, the .

Geneva Convention, the, inspirerof, 42.

German patriotism, and Zionism,roe ; leadership of Zionism,251.

German Empire, the renewed, amanifestation of national con .sciousness, 24 .

German universities, the, andZionism, 146 et seq. ; nurtureJewish idealism, 250 .252 .

Germans, in Austria-Hungary, 211 ;the, in Palestine, prejudicedagainst Zionism, 258 ; the, inthe United States, 211 .

Germany, anti-Semitism in, 27 ;alluded to, 59, 204 ; the Cho-vevi Zion movement in, 72 ;hostile to Zionism, 1o3 ; ad-vantages of, as seat of Zion-ism, 145-146 ; Zionist develop-ment of, 146 et seq. ; students'societies in, 148-150, 150-151 ;conversions to Christianity in,150 ; lack of racial unity in,210-211 .

Germany, the Jews of, harmfuleffect of anti-Semitism on, 3o ;use Teutonized Hebrew, 56 ;anti-Semitism strikes at socialposition of, 6o.

Ginzberg, Asher. See Ahad ha-Am.

Gordon, Moses Hess influencedby, 37 .

Gotlesdienstliche Vortr5ge, workby Zunz, 183 .

Graetz, Heinrich, historian, in.fluenced by Moses Hess, 38 ;quoted, 38 ; history of, at-

Jewish state, 41 ; party linesin Parliament of, 171 . Seealso England; London.

Greeks, the, in Turkey, 55g.Greenberg, L . J., and the East

African proposal, 523.Guas Ngishu Plateau, territory

concerned in the East Africanproposal, 131 .

Giidemann, M., on the Judenstaat,97 ; hostile to Zionism, 99-500 ;alluded to, 182.

Guttmacher, Moses Hess influ-enced by, 37.

Gymnasium, the Hebrew, at Jaffa,supported by Palestine senti-ment, 155 ; grant to, opposedby the Mizrachi, 178, 179 ;faults of, 194 ; purpose of, 194.

Haflkine, Doctor, organizer of theChovevi Zion movement, 72.

Haifa, alluded to, x55 . 158. x59.Hakam Bashi, spiritual head of

Eastern Jewish communities,510.

Hakki ministry, the, in Turkey,charged with Judaizing, x6o.

Hakki Pasha, displays ignorance ofZionism, 16r.

Halevi, Jehudah, quoted, 35.Ha-Meliz, alluded to, 74 ; welcomes

Zionism, 99 .Ha-Poel ha-Zair, offshoot of the

Poale Zion, 228 .

INDEX

248

Healing of My People, The, workby Riilf, 70.

Hebraism, prophetical, Ahad ha-Am preacher of, x92-193.

Hebrew language, the, in Noah'snationalist scheme, 39 ; Jewishnationalism awakens interestin, 55-59 ; superseded by vari-ous languages, 55-56, 57-58 ;official and literary use of, 56 ;development of, retarded, 56 ;secularization of, discounte-nanced, 58 ; cultivated by Jew-ish nationalists, 58-59 ; culti-vated in Palestine, 59 ; culti-vated by Jewish students' so-cieties, 148 ; revival of, dis-cussed at the First Congress,193 ; in the Middle Ages, 203-204.

Heidelberg, alluded to, 78.Hellenism, in relation to Judaism,

29-30 ; alluded to, 202.Hellenists, alluded to, 103.Herzegovina, alluded to, 557.Herzfeld, alluded to, 182.Herzl, Theodor, how qualified as a

leader, 17 .18 ; death of, 82,134. 135 ; forerunners of, 82-83 ; personality of, 83, 84 ; fol-lowers of, 83-84 ; education of,84-85 ; career of, 85 ; returnsto Vienna, 86 ; looks to EnglishJews for assistance, 86-87 ; andZangwill, 87 ; in London, 87 ;

tacked, 181-182 ; alluded to, Hartmann, Eduard von, advises182; on the Reform move-ment, 183 .

Grand Island, New York, a refugefor Jews, 38-39.

Grand Rabbin de France, a govern-ment office, Iso.

conversion to Christianity, 206 .Ha-Shiloah, magazine, a

Mosheh creation, 76 .Hasidism, alluded to, 51o.Haskalah movement, the,

to, 67 .

Bene

alluded

Gratz, Jewish students' society at,148.

Hayyim Gedaliah, advocatespurchase of Palestine, 67.

the

Great Britain, interest of, in a Ha-Zefirah, welcomes Zionism, 99.

I

and anti-Semitism, 88 ; de-mands formation of a Societyof Jews and a Jewish Com-pany, 89-90 ; a practical states-man, go-9x, gx-92 ; why suc-cessful in the West, 9, ; de-voted to the Jewish people, 92 ;Nordau on, 92 ; constructivepolicy of, 93 ; in diplomatic re-lations with the Turkish Sul-tan, 93-94, x56 ; indifferent toreligious sentiment, 96 ; growsmore Palestinian in attitude,97, 115-116 ; political view of,xx6-xx8 ; negotiations of, withTurkey, without result, 1x8-xxg ; and the colonization ofEl-Arish, 121 ; values good-willof British Government, 122 ;alluded to, 124, 142 ; on theEast African proposal, 125-126; difficult position of, 126-x27 ; in Russia, 126-127 ; opin-ion of, on East African pro-posal, 127-128 ; presents theEast African proposal to theCongress, 128-129 ; oppositionto, at the Kharkoff Conference,133-134 ; generosity of, 135 ;effect on movement of deathof, 143-144; hostility to, inVienna, 145 ; the Kadimahfirst to join, 148 ; doctrines of,espoused by the " politicals,'151 - 152 ; Ussischkin antago-nizes, 153 ; favors loyal inter-course with Turkey, 16x-x62 ;opposes groupings in the Con-gress resting upon theory, 172 ;opposes introduction of re-ligious considerations in offi-cial Zionist work, 179; onJudaism, 193 .

Hess, Moses, as a Jewish national-

INDEX

1st, 36-38 ; quoted, 36-37 ; work

202 et seq.244

by, 37.18 ; on political emanci-pation, 37 ; influences Graetz,38 ; acknowledges indebtednessto Hirsch Kalischer, 53 ;Pinsker in agreement with,63 ; forerunner of Herzl, 89 ; aSocialist, 168.

Hibbat Ziyyon, Palestine coloniza-tion movement, 67 ; finds noresponse in Western Europe,69; espoused by Riilf, 69 ; inRussia, 71 - 72 ; the program ofsome Russian Zionists, 73 ;Ahad ha-Am seeks to enlargeidea of, 74-75 ; Ahad ha-Amleader in, xgx . See alsoChovevi Zion ; Palestine, thecolonization of.

Hildesheimer, Hirsch, leader ofthe Ezra Verein, 79 .

Hill, Sir Clement, and the EastAfrican proposal, 123-124, 126.

Hindlipp, Lord, telegram of, onEast African proposal, 131 .

Historians, Jewish, attacked, x81 ;the task of, 182-183 .

Ilobebe Zion. See Chovevi Zion.Holdheim, Samuel, and the Jewish

law, xo6 .Holland, alluded to, 97.Hollingsworth, Christian sympa-

thizer with Jewish national-ism, 40-41 .

Holy Land, the. See Palestine.Hyde Park, London, Kishineff pro .

test meeting at, x67 .Immigration, counteracts ravages

of anti-Semitism, 205 .India, overland route to, and a

Jewish state in Palestine, 41 .Indian Ocean, the, boundary of

East African Protectorate, 123 .Industrial system of modern times,

the, breaks up Jewish unity,

INDEX

Inner Actions Committee. SeeCentral Committee .

International Palestine Society,founded by Henry Dunant, 43 •

Internationalism, and the RomanChurch, 23-24 ; at the end ofthe Middle Ages, 24 ; and theJews, 26 ; supposed guaranteefor welfare of Jews, 62 ; andSocialism, 167. See also Cos-mopolitanism.

Ireland, alluded, to, 56, 57.Ireland, The New, Sydney Brooks

on, 221.Irish-Americans, the, nationalists,

211-212 .Irish Party, the, in Great Britain,

171 .Italy, protests against the "red

ticket," x18 ; alluded to, 203 ;the Jews of, use stilted He-brew, 56.

Ito movement, the, origin of, xx6 ;a secession from Zionism, 137 ;Zangwill leader of, 137 ; ob-jects of, 137 ; difficulties en-countered by, 141 ; a philan-thropic movement, 141-142 ;promotes dispersion, 142. Seealso Zionistic Territorial Or-ganization.

Jaffa, alluded to, 51, 55, 155 . 158 ;a Mizrachi school at, 177 .

Jerusalem, how viewed by the Jewsof the Diaspora, 3o ; Napoleonplans to re-establish, 39 ; Jewsin, during the Middle Ages,49 ; a Mizrachi school at, 177.

Jewish Agricultural ExperimentStation, the, at Athlit, sup-ported by Palestine sentiment,1 55 .

Jewish Chronicle, the London, let-ter by Herzl in, 87-88 ; andthe East African proposal, 123.

245

Jewish Colonial Trust, the, an ex-pression of Pinsker's ideas, 66 ;established, ,z2; and the EastAfrican proposal, 124 ; moneysof, withheld from use in con-nection with the East Africanproposal, 131 ; action against,14o ; London seat of, 145 ; useof funds of, 152 ; alluded to,196 .

Jewish Colonization Association,the, purely philanthropic, 79 ;as a factor in Palestine colon-ization, 8, ; hostile to Zionism,95 ; attitude of, towards EastAfrican proposal, 128 ; to berepresented in organizationproposed at Palestine Con-gress, 133 ; Zangwill on, 139.

Jewish Company, a, proposed byHerzl, 9o.

Jewish history, three attempts ata philosophy of, 148 et seq.

Jewish National Fund, the, an ex-pression of Pinsker's ideas,66 ; proposition to invest,wholly in land in Palestine,153 ; gives land for the Sied-lungsgenossenschaft, I7o ; al-luded to, 196.

Jewish question, the, viewed opti-mistically, Too.

Jewish Territorial Organization,the . See Ito movement, the.

Jewish vote, the, in Austria andHungary, 174 .

Jews, the, in Rome, 24-25 ; and auniversal Christian community,25 ; and Protestantism, 25 ;and internationalism, 26 ; andnationalism, 26-27 ; under themodernizing process, 28-29 ;since the destruction of theTemple, 35 ; attitude of, to-wards return to Palestine, 35 -

36 ; and Christian sympathizerswith Jewish nationalism, 41 ;of Europe, interested in theJews of the East, 5o ; anom-alous position of, analyzed byPinsker, 63-64 ; and assimila-tion, 69 ; individualistic, log ;invited to settle in variouscountries, 125 ; interested inSocialism, x67 ; compared withthe Parsecs, 184-185 ; united,20o et seq. ; unity of, brokenunder industrial system ofmodern times, 202 et seq. ; theneed of unity for, 207 ; dutiesof, in the Diaspora, 207-208 .

Jchanan ben Zakkai, Zangwill on,139.

Johnston, Sir H. H., telegram of,on East African proposal, x31 .

Joseph of Naxos, example of amodern Jewish statesman, 92 .

Jost, alluded to, 182.Judaism, modified by the Reform-

ers, 20-23 ; in relation to Hel-lenism, 29-30 ; free from sec-tarian schism, 201 ; equivalentto Zionism, 216.

Judaizing charge, a, against theTurkish Hakki ministry, 16o .

Judea, alluded to, 76 ..Iudenstaat, by Herzl, doctrines in,

not new, 82, 83 ; comparedwith Pinsker's Autoemancipa-tion, 83 ; when and how writ-ten, 85-86 ; reception accordedto, 86 ; alluded to, 87 ; first edi-tion of, 88 ; Herzl's reply toanti-Semitism, 88 ; forerunnersof, 89 ; calmness of, 91 ;brought to the notice of theSultan, 93 ; Gudemann on, 97.

Judeo-German, the, supersedes He-brew, 56 ; ascendancy of, inEastern Europe, 57-58 ; almost

INDEX

246

a national tongue, 58 ; worksin, not known in WesternEurope, 69-70 ; the language ofthe Bund, 175 ; superseded byHebrew in Palestine, 194.

Jildische Lesehalle, the, Berlin, aproduct of anti-Semitism, 148 .

Kadimah, the, of Vienna, connectedwith the Chovevi Zion move-ment, 72 ; founded by NathanBirnbaum, 86 ; Jewish nation-alistic in sentiment, 86 ; ad-herent of Herzl, 86, 92 ; origin,aims, and influence of, 147-148 ; model for similar organ-izations, 148.

Kalischer, Hirsch, Moses Hess in-fluenced by, 37 ; on the colo-nization of Palestine, 52- 54 ;in -spires Hess, 53 ; inspires Net-ter, 54 ; offered position inMikweh Israel AgriculturalSchool, 54 ; forms colony nearSea of Tiberias, 55 •

Karaites, the, a Jewish sect, 201 .Kartell-Konvent, federation of Jew-

ish students' societies, 149.Kartell zionistischer Verbindungen,

federation of Zionist students'societies, 149.

Kharkoff, Russian members of theCentral Committee meet at,133-134.

Kiev, alluded to, 78.Kishineff protest meeting, Social-

ists do not participate in, 167.Klein-Kolonisation, deprecated by

the " politicals," 152 .Kohler, K ., on Zionism, loo.Konigsberg, Jewish students' so-

cieties at, 148 .KEthen, Zionist society at, 149.Kovno, alluded to, 66.

Kultur, the debate on, 176-177 ;and Judaism, discussions on,193.

Kulturkampf, the, danger con-nected with, 179 .

Kutzo-Vlachs, the, in Turkey, 159 •

Laborers, Jewish, situation of, 165-166 .

Laborites, the, a party in GreatBritain, 171 .

La femme de Claude, drama byAlexandre Dumas file, 41-42.

Land-tenure, forbidden to Jews,166.

Landesrabbiner, a state rather thana synagogue office, 110 .

Language, a universal, a Jew in-vents, 26.

Language and nationalism, 56-57.Lansdowne, Marquis of, and the

East African proposal, 124 .Lassalle, Ferdinand, promoter of a

universalistic movement, 26.Latin, compared with Hebrew, 204.Law, Jewish, Reform desires de-

velopment of, 1o6 .Legislation concerning Jews, in

Rome, 24-25 ; during the Mid-dle Ages, 25.

Lemberg, Jewish students' societyat, 148.

Levanda, 0 . L., on assimilation,68-69 ; not known in WesternEurope, 69 ; forerunner ofHerzl, 82 .

LEvy-Bing, Lazar, espouses Jewishnationalism, 219.

Liberals, the, a party in GreatBritain, 171 .

Lida, first annual meeting ofMizrachi at, 177 .

Lilienblum, Moses Lob, alarmed bythe spread of anti-Semitism,61-6a ; favors Palestine colo-

INDEX

247

nization, 66-67 ; influenced byPinsker, 67 ; works by, 67, 68 ;on emigration to America, 67-68; not known in WesternEurope, 69 ; leader of theChovevi Zion movement, 78 ;forerunner of Herzl, 82 .

Lippe, K ., supporter of the ChoveviZion movement, 72.

Lo seh ha-Derek, article by Ahadha-Am, 74.

London, Herzl in, 87 ; lukewarmreception of Herzl by, 92 ; al-luded to, 98, 121, 167 ; underconsideration as Zionist cen-ter, 145.

London Conference, the, unsuc-cessful as an organizingagency, 214 .215 .

Luzzatti, example of a modernJewish statesman, 92.

Luzzatto, Samuel David, quoted onPalestine, 52 .

Madmar ha-Ishut, work by SamuelHoldheim, 1o6 .

Maccabaea, the, first official Zion-ist students' society, 149 .

Maccabaeans, the, London, inviteHerzl, 87.

Magnus, Laurie, on Zionism, 1o1.Magyars, in Austria-Hungary, 211 .Maimonides, Moses, and the return

to Palestine, 35 ; alluded to,202.

Mandelstamm, Professor, leaderof the Chovevi Zion move-ment, 78 .

Marburg, Jewish students' societiesat, 148.

Maronite Christians, massacred bythe Druses, so.

Marx and Engels, manifesto by, in-ternational, 167.

Marx, Karl, promoter of a uni-versalistic movement, 26 ; aJew, x67; socialism of, inter-national, 167 . See also Marxand Engels.

May Laws, the, in Russia, 6,, 62.Mehemet Ali, sultan of Egypt,

urged to intervene in theDamascus blood accusation,49-50 .

Melebbes. See Petah Tikwah.Memel, alluded to, 69 ; a center of

distribution of Russo-Jewishemigrants, 70.

Mendelssohn, Moses, attitude of,towards Judaism, 21-22 ; thedescendants of, 22 .

Mesopotamia, colonization in, con-templated by the Ito, 141 .

Messianic idea, the, secularized bySmolenskin, 34 ; and Zionism,96-97.

Messianism, in opposition to Zion-ism, 98.

Middle Ages, the, ritual changesduring, 21 ; and international-ism, 23-24 ; legislation of, re-garding the Jews, 25, 166 ;Jews in Palestine during, 48-49 ; favpr individual group-ings, 202 ; Hebrew in, 203-204.

Midrash, the, on a national lan-guage, 58 .

Mlkweh Israel Agricultural School,the, near Jaffa, alluded to, s1 ;founde. by Charles Netter,54 ; fails to fulfil purpose, 54-55 .

Minhag (custom), developed intomizwah (commandment), 71 .

Minsk Zionist Congress, dominatedby the practical Zionists, 1so ;the Democratic Fraction at,168 ; the Kultur question dis-cussed at, 176-177 .

INDEX

248

Mission, the Jewish, said to be inopposition to Zionism, aoo etseq.

Mizrachi, the, Orthodox Zionists,97, 176 ; and the East Africanproposal, 135 ; the demands of,177 ; foundation of, 177 ; in-stitutions of, 177-178 ; well or-ganized, 178 ; influence of, onZionism, 178 et seq.

Mizwah (commandment), developedfrom minhag (custom), 71 .

Modern Hepf Hepf Hepf, The,essay by George Eliot, onJewish nationalism, 45-46.

Mohammedan political doctrines,164.

Mohilever, Rabbi, leader of theChovevi Zion movement, 78.

Mombassa, port of East AfricanProtectorate, 123.

Mommsen, Theodor, attacksGraetz's history, 181-182 ; ad-vises conversion to Christian-ity, 2o6.

Moniteur Universelle, alluded to,39-

Montefiore, Claude, on Zionism,Too .

Montefiore, Sir Moses, intervenesin the Damascus blood accusa-tion affair, 4g-5o ; interested inthe Jews of the East, 5o.

Moses, Ahad ha-Am on, 75-76.Munich, chosen as meeting place

of First Zionist Congress, 113 ;Jewish students' societies at,148, 149.

Munk, Salomon, intervenes in theDamascus blood accusation, 49-5o ; quoted, on the Jews of theEast, 5o-51 .

Myerson, M., organizer of theChovevi Zion movement, 7s .

Nachtasyl, term coined for EastAfrica, x2g.

.Napoleon, Jewish nationalistscheme of, 3g .

Nation, definition of, 33 - 34.National Fund. See Jewish Na-

tional Fund.Nationalism, revived, 24 ; and the

Jews, 26 ; marked by chauvin-ism ; 26 ; and language, 56- 57 .

Nationalism, Jewish, and race, 33 ;as defined by Smolenskin, 34-35 ; civic and social, 34 ; in theWest, 35-4x ; Christian sympa-thizers with, 39-47 ; and thesecond coming of Christ, 41 ;Alexandre Dumas fils on, 42 ;Henry Dunant on, 42-43 ;George Eliot on, 43-47 ;awakens interest in the He-brew language, 55-59 ; notfostered in Western Europe,7o; Ahad ha-Am on, 76, 18g etseq. ; the Kadimah imbuedwith, 86 ; in opposition to Re-form, 98 ; the heart of Zion-ism, 1o5 . See also ChoveviZion ; Hibbat Zion ; Zionism .

Nationalist sentiments, and Social-ism, 166-x67.

Nationalists, Jewish, 36-41 .Natural sciences, the, and inter-

nationalism, 24.Nes Ziyyona . See Wadi el-Hanin.Netter, Charles, interested in the

Jews of the East, 5o ; quoted,on relation of Jews of Europeto Palestine, 51-52 ; inspiredby Hirsch Kalischer, 54 .

INDEX

249

New York, alluded to, xo6.Newlinsky, Chevalier de, emissary

of the Turkish Sultan, 93 .Nile, the, alluded to, 122 .Noah, Mordecai Manuel, as a Jew-

ish nationalist, 38-39.Noldeke, Theodor, advises Jews to

educate children as Christians,2o6.

Nordau, on Herzl, 92 ; favorsloyal intercourse with Turkey,x62-x63 .

Not This Is the Way, article byAhad ha-Am, 74.

Observances, Jewish, influence ofthe modern spirit on, 204 .

Odessa, center of Chovevi Zionmovement, 72 ; alluded to, 74-

Odessa Committee, the, of theChovevi Zion, influential inthe movement, 72-73 ; national-ist in sentiment, 78 ; to berepresented in organizationproposed at Palestine Con-gress, 133 . See also ChoveviZion movement, the.

Oliphant, Laurence, Christiansympathizer with Jewish na-tionalism, 41 .

" Onwards-Eastwards." See Kadi-mah, the.

Oppenheimer, Franz, the PoaleZion followers of, x6g.

Organization, an achievement ofZionism, 1o8-1og ; debates on,in the Congresses, 172 ; ofJewry, Zionism fails in, 213et seq. ; of Jewry, philanthropicagencies fail in, 213 et seq.

Neue Freie Presse,

Herzl feuilletonParis representative

Vienna,

editor

Herzlof, 85 ;of, 86 ;

Orthodoxy,on Jews, 3o ;

' of Hebrew,

detrimentaland58 ;

effectsecularizationfavorable

of,

toattitude of, toward Zionism, colonization of Palestine, 70-94 71 ; hostile to Zionism, 9S ;

opposes Zionism for religiousreasons, 96-97 ; Zionism notopposed to, 177 ; congruouswith Zionism, 199-aoo.

Otranto, alluded to, 203 .Ottoman statehood, Zionism in no

way hostile to, x63-164 . Seealso Ottomanism .

Ottomanischer Lloyd, the, Constan-tinople, expresses German op-position to Jewish colonists inPalestine, 158.

Ottomanism, Zionism representedas incompatible with, 16o ; saidto be endangered by Zionism,161 ; Zionist leaders insistupon, x61 et seq. ; the excessesof, 164 ; future prosperity of,conditioned on decentraliza-tion, 164. See also Ottomanstatehood.

Padua, alluded to, 52.Paganism, and a universal Chris-

tian community, 24.Palestine, the loss of, as viewed by

the Reformers, 23 ; return to,in the creed, 35 ; attitude ofJews towards, 35-36 ; Jews in,during the Middle Ages, 48-49 ; Charles Netter on, 51-52 ;'new conception of place of, inJewish life, 52 et seq . ; SamuelDavid Luzzatto on, 52 ; theschools of, 59 ; why holy, inPinsker's view, 64 ; the pur-chase of, advocated, 67 ; agri-cultural colonies in, 76-77 ;Herzl not fascinated by, go .91 ; charter for, offered toHerzl, 93 ; place of, in theBasel Program, 1,5-116 ; studyof, under the Tchioh, r49 ; in-stitutions in, supported bygeneral Jewish sentiment for,

INDEX

250

x55 ; the general sentimentfor,fostered by the Palestine Com-mission, x55-x56 ; prejudice to-wards Zionism in, 158 ; in adecentralized Turkey, 164 ;tilled by Arabs, 169 ; culturalaspects of resettlement in,Ahad ha-Am on, xgo-xgs ; aspiritual center, xge ; the re-vival of Hebrew in, 193-194 ;general revival of culture in,194-195 ; too small for a largeportion of the Jewish race,2o8 ; Zionist work in, 213 ;political status of, dependenton that of Turkey, 215 .

Palestine Commission, the, placeof, in the Zionist movement,154 ; criticism of plans of,154- 155 ; value of work of,x55- 156.

Palestine, the colonization of, earlyadvocates of, 37 ; Jewish or-ganizations refuse to be in-terested in, 42 ; stimulated byRussian-Jewish troubles, 48 ;Samuel David Luzzatto on,52 ; Hirsch Kalischer on, 52-54 ; early attempts at, unsuc-cessful, 55 ; and the cultiva-tion of Hebrew, 59 ; Pinsker athead of society for, 67 ; Lilien.blum on, 68; associated withOrthodox tenets, 71 ; advancedby the Odessa Committee ofthe Chovevi Zion, 72-73 ; asviewed by Eastern Jews, 78 ;supported by various organiza-tions, 79 ; as a philanthropy,79-81 ; participation of BaronEdmond de Rothschild in, 8o-8x ; participation of JewishColonization Association in,8, ; a generally acceptableelement in Zionism, 104-105 ;

Herzl's attitude toward, 117-x18 ; deprecated by the "polit-icals," 151-152 : objected to,for the sake of Turkey, x62.See also Hibbat Ziyyon ; Cho-vevi Zion ; Palestinian Zion-ism ; Ziyyone Zionists ; Agri-cultural colonies in Palestine.

Palestine Zionist Congress, organ-ization proposed by, 133 ; al-luded to, 153.

Palestinian Jews, the, alluded to,201 .

Palestinian Zionism, emphasized,151 et seq. ; advocated by theZiyyone Zionists, 152 ; Ussisch-kin leader of, x53 ; advancedunder Wolffsohn, 153 ; victo-rious at Congress of 1911,154; Warburg on, 154; andthe Palestine Commission, 154 ;danger in, 155-156 ; favored byrecent events in Turkey, 156et seq. ; a phase in the develop-ment of the movement, 165 .See also Chovevi Zion move-ment, the ; Palestine, the col-onization of, etc .

Paris, alluded to, 39, 203 ; Herzl in,85.

Parsecs, the, alluded to, 184 .Parties, in Great Britain, 171 .Patriotism, and Zionism, 208 et seq.Pesaro, alluded to, 203 .Fetah Tikwah (Melebbes), early

colony in Palestine, 55, 76 .P6tavel, Abraham, on the restora-

tion, 219.Pharmacy, Jewish students of,

form society, 149 .Philanthropy in the colonization

of Palestine, 78 . 79 . 79-8x.Philo, alluded to, 202 .Pineles, L., supporter of the Cho-

vevi Zion movement, 72 .

INDEX

251

Pinsker, Leo, alarmed by the ef-fects of anti-Semitism on Jews,62 ; analyzes the situation withreference to the Jews, 62-64 ;agrees with Moses Hess, 63 ;a territorialist, 64 ; work by,64-66 ; influences Lilienblum,67 ; influences Rnlf, 70 ; in-fluence of, in Russia, 71 ; atthe head of the Chovevi Zionmovement, 72, 78 ; alluded to,72, 73, 74 . 142 ; forerunner ofHerzl, 82, 83, 89 ; alluded to,1 4 2 ; Insists upon understand-ing with Constantinople, 161 .

Plehve, von, Herzl in consultationwith, 127.

Poale Zion, the, and the EastAfrican proposal, 136-137 ;Zionist labor party, 165 ; originof, 168 ; spread of, 168 ; Zion-ist principles of, 169 ; followersof Franz Oppenheimer, x69-170 ; new form of Zionist fed-eration, 170-171 ; alluded to,172 ; offshoot from, 228 .

Poles, in Austria-Hungary, 211 ;in Germany, 211 ; the, securenational recognition in theWorkingmen's

DemocraticParty, 1 75 -1 76 -

Political Zionism, in abeyance, 151et seq. ; principles of, x51-152 ;a phase in the development ofthe movement, 165.

Pork eating advised by SalomonReinach for Jews, 27.

Portuguese Government, invitesJews to settle in Angola, 125 .

" Practical work " in Palestine,colonization of Palestine, 54 .See Palestine, the colonizationof ; Ziyyone Zionists, etc.

Prague, Jewish students' societyat, 148 .

Prayers, the, modified by the Re-formers, 23, 99.

Pre-Herzlites, Western, 36-41 .Preussische Jahrbiicher, the, refer-

ence to, 206.Proletarian movement, the, in

Russia, 173 et seq.Promised Land, the. See Pales-

tine.Prophets, the, extremists, 192.Protestantism, and the Jews, 25 .Proudhon, Moses Hess adherent

of, 36 .Prussian Jewish communities, al-

luded to, 103.Psalms, the, commentary on,

quoted, 17, 19.

Rabbiner-Verband, the German,holds Zionism and patriotismto be incompatible, 210.

Rabbinical Conference, the Frank-fort, on the restoration of theJewish state, 23 .

Rabbino Maggiore, a title withoutreligious significance, rio .

Rabinowitz, S. P., leader of theChovevi Zion movement, 78.

Race, and Jewish nationalism, 33.Racial unity, citizenship not coin-

cident with, 210-212.Ratti Menton, French consul at

Damascus, raises blood accusa-tion, 49•

Rebirth of the Jewish People inthe Holy Land of Their An-cestors, work by Lilienblum,68 .

Red Cross, the, founder of, 42."Red ticket," the, revival of, 1x8.Reform movement, the, destroys

unity of Jewish practice andhope, 28-29, 30 ; hostile toZionism, 95 ; hostility of, toJudaism, 98-99 ; desires de-

INDEX

252

velopment of Jewish law, ro6 ;antithetic to Zionism, 146 ;Graetz on, 183 ; Zionism incon-gruous with, x99-2oo ; the mis-sion theory of, not incompati-ble with Zionism, 207 .208.See also Reformers, the .

Reform services, Prussian Govern-ment asked to inhibit intro-duction of, 103.

Reformation, the, and the Jews,25 .

Reformers, the, and political eman-cipation, 20 ; and the cere-monial law . 21-22 ; and Jewishbelief, 22 ; and the Jewish dis-persion, 22-23 ; theory of,superseded, 23 ; advise abro-gating Jewish customs to meetanti-Semitism, 27. See alsoReform movement, the.

Reggio, alluded to, 203.Rehobot, Palestine colony, a Bene

Mosheh creation, 76 .Reinach, Salomon, advises modifi-

cation of the Jewish law, 27.Reinach, Theodore, demands civic

perfection of the Jew, tog-21o.Reines, Rabbi J., founder of the

Mizrachi, 177 .Religion and citizenship in Rome,

25.Religious considerations in Zion-

ism, 176 .Renaissance, the, and a universal

Christian community, 24 ; andthe Jews, 25 .

Resettlement of the land of Israel,the. See Palestine, the colon-ization of.

Resh Geluta, lay head of Jewishcommunity in Babylon, rlo.

Restoration, the, of the Jewishstate, Reformers on, 23 ; Pinsk-er's view of, not religious, 64 ;

Spinoza on, 217 ; Steinthal,Franck, and Cohen on, 217.See also under Palestine.

Return of the Exiles, work byLilienblum, 67 .

Rishon le-Zion, early agriculturalcolony in Palestine, 76 ; al-luded to, 8z .

Ritual changes, made by Reform-ers, 21, 28.

Roman Church, the, and a uni-versal Christian community,23-24-

Roman culture, compared withHellenism, 29.

Rome, the Jews in, 24-25 ; alludedto, 203 .

Rome and Jerusalem, the LatestNational Question, work byMoses Hess, 37-38 ; how re-ceived,

37-38 ;

influencesGraetz, 38 ; by Hess, forerun-ner of the Judenstaat, 89 .

Rosh Pinnah, early agriculturalcolony in Palestine, 76.

Rothschild, Baron Edmond de, in-terested in Palestine only asa philanthropist, 79 ; large par-ticipation of, in Palestine col-onization, 8o-81 ; and the WineGrowers' Association, 81 ; tobe represented in organizationproposed at Palestine Con-gress, 133.

Roumania, the Jews of, affected byanti-Semitism, 27 ; the ChoveviZion movement in, 72 ; Jewsfrom, settle in Palestine, 76 ;Jewish question in, viewedoptimistically, 100 .

Roumanian Jewish students, inGermany, 146 ; in Vienna, r47.

P.i lf, Isaac, espouses the HibbatZiyyon movement, 69 ; connec-

INDEX

17

253

tion of, with Russo-Jewishexodus, 7o; influenced byPinsker, 70 ; work by, 7o ; fore-runner of Herzl, 82, 89 ; al-luded to, 142.

Russia, Jews from, settle in Pales-tine, 49, 76 ; Jewish questionin, viewed optimistically, loo ;the proletarian movement in,173 et seq .

Russia, the Jews of, affected byanti-Semitism, 27 ; interestedin colonization of Palestine,48 ; use unliterary Hebrew, 56 ;effect of anti-Semitism on, 6o-61 ; why inclined to territorial-ism, 64 ; and the HibbatZiyyon movement, 71-72.

Russian Jewish students, in Ger-many, 146 ; in Vienna, 147.

Russian Workingmen's DemocraticParty, the Bund a section of,173 ; demands complete assimi-lation, 173 ; the Bund breakswith, 174 ; recognizes the Polesas a nationality, 175 .

Saadia, alluded to, 202.Sabaheddin, Prince, favors Otto-

man decentralization, 164 .Sabbatai Zebi, alluded to, 36 ; Don-

meh followers of, 16o.Sabbath violation, advised by Salo-

mon Reinach, 27 .Safed, Jews in, during the Middle

Ages, 49.St . Petersburg, alluded to, 126 .Salvador, Joseph, historian, as a

Jewish nationalist, 40 .Samaria, alluded to, 77 .Shngerbund, a German contribu-

tion to American life, 211 ." Sanhedrin," Napoleon's, 39 .Schatz, Boris, founder of the

Bezalel school, 194.

Schopenhauer, advises conversionto Christianity, 2o6.

Second Jewish Commonwealth, his-torian of, 40.

Sects, Jewish, fewness of, 201 .Sefardim, the, alluded to, 2o ; use

Spanish, 57 .Self-emancipation, preached by

Pinsker, 64-65 ; means forsecuring, 65-66 .

Sermons, in the synagogue, a pleafor, 183 .

Servians, the, in Turkey, 15g .Shapira, Professor, leader of the

Chovevi Zion movement, 78.Shekel money, the, withheld from

use in connection with EastAfrican proposal, 131 .

Shulhan Aruk, the, threatens petri-faction, xo6 .

Siedlungsgenossenschaft, form ofsettlements in Palestine, sup-ported by the Poale Zion, 169-170.

Singer, a socialist and a Jew, 167 .Slavs, the, manifest national con-

sciousness, 24.Smolenskin, Perez, on Jewish

nationalism, 34.35 ; names theKadimah, 147 .

Social-Democratic Party. SeeRussian Workingmen's Demo-cratic Party.

Socialism, Jews founders of, 26,167 ; anti-religious and anti-national, x66-167 ; and Zion-ism squared by the Poale Zion,168.169 .

Socialists, the, refuse to espousecause of persecuted Jews, 167.

Society of Jews, a, demanded byHerzl, 89-90.

Solomon ben Adret, alluded to,201.

INDEX

254

Sonino, example of a modern Jew-ish statesman, 92.

Sons of Moses. See Bene Mosheh .Spain, alluded to, 204.Spanish, the, supersedes Hebrew

in the Semitic East, 57.Spinoza, alluded to, 202 ; on the

restoration to Palestine, 217 .Statesmen among modern Jews,

91-92 .Steinschneider, alluded to, 182 ; in-

tention underlying investiga-tions of, 183.

Steinthal, H ., on Zion, 217.Strassburg, Jewish students' so-

cieties at, 148, 149 ; alluded to,206.

Students' societies, in Austria, 147-148 ; in Germany, 148 .150 ; inGermany, bulwark against anti-Semitism and conversion, 15o-151 .

Suczawa, Jewish students' societyat, 148 .

Synagogue, the, democratic, iro ;in modern times, 204 .

Syrian and Palestinian Coloniza-tion Society, founded byHenry Dunant, 43 .

Tachkemoni schools, the, of theMizrachi, make justified de-mands, 179 ; purpose of, 194.

Talmud, the, quoted, 17, 19, 98,138 .

Tancred, nationalist tendencies inDisraeli's, 40.

Tanganyika, Lake, boundary ofEast African Protectorate, 123 .

Tchioh, Zionist society at Kothen,149 .

Technical School, the, at Haifa,result of Palestine sentiment,155 .

Tendenzschriften, characterizationof works of modern Jewishhistorians, 183 .

Territorialism. See Ito movement,the.

Thomas, Father, disappearance of,causes Damascus blood accusa-tion, 49,

Thorn, alluded to, 52 .Thuringia, the, Breslau Jewish

students' society, 148.Tiberias, Jews in, during the Mid-

dle Ages, 49.Tiberias, Sea of, early Jewish set-

tlement at, 55 .Times, the London, alluded to, 16o .Trading-companies,

English,Herzl's model, go.

Traditional Judaism, society forstrengthening, 149 . See alsoOrthodoxy .

Treitschke, Heinrich von, attacksGraetz's history, 181-182.

Trietsch, Davis, advocates Cypruscolonization, 120 .

Turkey, under Sultan AbdulHamid, 117 ; and Cyprus, 120 ;recent events in, favorable toPalestinian Zionism, 156 etseq . ; awakened patriotism in,157-158 ; prejudice towardsZionism in, x58 et seq. ; Zion-ism favors loyal intercoursewith, 161 et seq . ; distraughtstate of, 215 .

Turkish dominion in Palestinehostile to Jews, 48.

Union and Progress, Committee of,and Zionism, 158 ; influencedby the Alliance Israelite Uni-verselle, x59 .160 .

Union of American Hebrew Con-gregations, the, hold Zionism

INDEX

255

and patriotism to be incom-patible, 210 .

United States, the, growth of, andthe national consciousness, 24 ;alluded to, 54 ; the ChoveviZion movement in, 72 ; protestagainst the "red ticket," xx8 ;an example of racial diversity,211-212. See also America .

Unity, Jewish, threatened in moderntimes, 204-205 .

Universal Race Congress, the,projected by a Jew, 26.

Universalism. See International-ism ; Christian community, auniversal .

Universalistic movements, pro-moted by Jews, 26 .

Ussischkin, Michael, presides overa Congress in Palestine, 133 ;a Chovevi Zionist, 133 ; leader

semitismus, founded by Chris-tians, 27 .

Viadrina, the, Breslau Jewishstudents' society, 148 .

Vienna, alluded to, 72, 88, 97, 16o ;in touch with Eastern Sews.86 ; the center of Zionist activ .ity, 144 ; advantages and dis-advantages of, 144-145 ; hostileto Herzl, 145 .

Vienna University, the, Herzleducated at, 84 ; anti-Semitismat, 85 ; and the Kadimah, 147,148.

Vilna, the Mizrachi formed at, 177.Vilna Conference, the, on the East

African proposal, 135 .Voskhod, the, opposes Zionism.

of Palestinian Zionism,antagonizes Herzl, 153.

153 ;

Verbindungen, at German uni-versities, nationalistic, 146 .

Verein zur Abwehr des Anti-

Wadi el-Hanin (Nes Ziyyona),'early agricultural colony inPalestine, 76.

Wales, alluded to, 56.Walloons, in Germany, 211 .Warburg, Otto, presides over Cen,

tral Committee, 151 ; on Pales-tinian Zionism, 154 ; chairmanof the Palestine Commission,154.

Way of Life, The, article by Ahadha-Am, 74-75, 78, 189 .

Welsh culture rescued, 57 .Wends, in Germany, 211.Western Jews, and political eman-

cipation, 19-20 ; effect ofexodus of Eastern Jews on,31-34 ; the, not acquaintedwith Judeo-German works, 69-70 ; not interested in Jewishnationalism, 70 ; compared withEastern Jews, 77-78 ; the, inmoral slavery, 190 .

William II, of Germany, on citizen-ship and racial diversity, 211 .

Wine Growers' Association, the,prosperous, 81 .

Witte, Herzl in consultation with,127.

Wolf, Lucien, on Zionism, too .Wolffsohn, David, Herzl's suc-

cessor, 153 ; advances Palestin-ian Zionism, 153-154 ; favorsloyal intercourse with Turkey,163 .

Workingmen's Democratic Party.See Russian Workingmen'sDemocratic Party.

Xenopol, advises conversion toChristianity, 206.

Yates, Robert P., and the EastAfrican proposal, 123 .

Yiddish. See Judeo-German.

INDEX

256

Yishub Eros Yisrael. See Pales-tine, the colonization of.

Young Judaea, alluded to, x5o .

Zamenhof, Lazarus Ludwig, pro-moter of a universalistic move-ment, 26 ; a nationalist Jew,218 .

Zangwill, Israel, accords apprecia-tion to Herzl's scheme, 87 ;secures Herzl's appearance inLondon, 87 ; affirms delegatesto Sixth Congress to have beenin favor of East African pro-posal, 130 ; leader of the Itomovement, 137 ; as a Zionist,138 ; on Palestine, 138- 139 ;protests against policy of Jew-ish philanthropic societies, 139 ;on Zionism, 139 ; opposition of,to Zionism, 140 .

Zikron YaSkob, early agriculturalcolony in Palestine, 76 ; al-luded to, 81 .

Zionism, proper time for estimateof, 18 ; Moses Hess forerun-ner of, 37 ; the platform of,accepted by the Chovevi Zion,73 ; supersedes the ChoveviZion movement, 73, 79 ; publicdiscussion of, inaugurated byHerzl, 87 ; attitude of NeueFreie Presse towards, 94 ; hos-tility to, 95 ; effect of, on in-different Jews, 95-96 ; religiousdifficulties connected with, 96-97 ; deepens Jewishness, 97 ;J. H. Dimmer on, 97 ; M.Friedlander on, 98 ; hostilityof Reform to, 98-99 ; welcomedby the Russian Hebrew press,99 ; Russian Jewish press hos-tile to, 99 ; M. Gudemann on,99-100 ; Lucien Wolf on, loo ;K. Kohler on, zoo ; Claude

Montefiore on, too ; feared asanti-patriotic, tot ; LaurieMagnus on, tot ; Central Con-ference of American Rabbison, roe ; Ludwig Geiger on,102, 103 ; Association of Jew-ish Rabbis in Germany on,103-104 ; place of Palestinecolonization in, 104-105 ; theheart of, 105 ; cause of strifein Jewish communities, 105-io6 ; a vivifying force, 107 ;a policy of organization, ,o8-tog ; objection to, in democ-racy of Jew, iii ; accused ofspeaking for the whole Jewishpeople, though it representsonly a part, 112-113 ; uni-versalism of, 113 ; object of,defined by the Basel Program,114 .116 ; political view of, x16-118 ; and a fully independentJewish state, 126 ; split in, 136-137 ; compared with Itoism,141 ; how affected by death ofHerzl, 143 ; not a one-manmovement, 143-144 ; commis-sion leadership of, 144 ; re-moval of seat of, from Viennato Germany, 145-146 ; develop-ment of, in Germany, 146 etseq . ; German leadership of,151 ; danger to, from Palestin-ian work, 156 ; Charterism notequivalent of, 157 ; and theCommittee of Union and Prog-ress, 158 ; prejudice towards, inPalestine and Turkey, t58 etseq. ; represented as incom-patible with Ottomanism, 159-16o ; Turkish officials ignorantof, 161 ; accused of being aJewish intrigue against Otto-manism, 161 ; leaders of, in-sist upon Ottoman sovereignty,

INDEX

257

161 et seq. ; in no way hostileto Ottoman statehood, 163-164 ; phases in the develop-ment of, x65 et seq. ; squaredwith Socialism, by the PoaleZion, 168.169 ; and a Jewishpeasant population, 16g ; ac-cepts certain demands of thePoale Zion and the DemocraticFraction, 170 ; the Poale Ziona novel grouping under, 170-171 ; reproach against, by theBund, 175 ; why junction of,with Bund impossible, 175 ; re-ligious questions in, 176 .177 ;effect of the Mizrachi on, 178et seq . ; Ahad ha-Am's opposi-tion to, 1g1-192 ; takes accountof Jewish diversity, 194-195 ;necessity for the instrumentsof, 195-196 ; idealism of, 196-197 ; supposed to have no mes-sage for the emancipated Jew,198-r99 ; supposed to have amessage for the Orthodox Jew,199.2oo ; supposed to be inopposition to the Jewish mis-sion, 200 et seq . ; fallacies con-cerning, 207 et seq. ; the Re-form mission theory compati-ble with, 207-208 ; and patriot-

of Jewry, 215 ; speculations onthe future of, 215-216 ; equiv-alent to Judaism, 216 .

Zionism, political .

See PoliticalZionism.

Zionism, practical . See Palestin-ian Zionism.

ism, 208 et seq. ; no conflictbetween citizenship and, 212-213 ; work of, in Palestine,213 ; small success of, in or-ganizing Jewry, 213 et seq . ;offers basis for organization

a sign of the secession at theSeventh Zionist Congress, 136 ;Zangwill leader of, 136. SeeIto movement, the . See also

INDEX

.Cot $orb (9aftimort (Preg6BALTIMORE, MD., a. S. A.

258

Zoroastrianism, alluded to, 184 .Zunz, alluded to, r8a ; work by,

183 .

Zionist activity, change in, x5i etseq.

Ziyyone

Palestinian Zionism ; ChoveviZion ; Palestine, the coloniza-tion of .

Zionists, the, insist uponZionist character of the German

juvenile societies, 150.Zionist meetings and collections, Palestine work, sxg ; and the

forbidden in Russia, 127 . East African proposal, 135 ;Zionist students' society, first of- . gxtreme Palestinians, 152 ;

ficial,Zionistic

1 49 .Territorial Organization,

mostly Russians, 153 .also Palestinian Zionism,

Seeetc .

movements in judaism_zionism-richard_jh_gottheil-ny-1914-258pgs-rel

Education

jewish congress

jewish people

jewish problem

prominent jewish movements

jewish national fund

judaism zionism

philosophy of jewish

reform judaism