MAY SUPPLEMENT TO

THE NEW AGE Edited by PROFESSOR PATRICK GEDDES

VOL. VII. No. I. THURSDAY, MAY 5, 1910.

Notes. ALBEIT but the most inexperienced and callow of editors, and even that but for the nonce, I may in some ways all the more magnify my day of office. Assum- ing, then, at once the august plural, feeling, indeed, as if sociology were getting its majority at last, we con- gratulate THE NEW AGE and i t s Super-Editor upon this departure. It may indeed mildly alarm, though we trust not positively displease, some of his old friends and readers; for in every change-so much truth. must we recognise in all conservative forebodings-the drawbacks are manifest, and the disadvantages are paid promptly, cash down, while such advance as there may be is but slow, and advantages are commonly de- ferred. Still, for a paper concerned with the diffusion of leavens, the setting up of thought fermentations of many kinds and in all directions, the policy of issuing special Supplements, addressed to various groups and interests, is surely a good one, and likely to deepen and strengthen its appeals to active minds as well as widen them. Art was no doubt one of the best subjects to begin with, for artists and art lovers are many, and they never weary of the discussion of their Protean tasks and themes. but welcome each new voice, each fresh criticism and interpretation, even where they may not wholly agree. Drama and current literature may appeal even more widely when their turn comes; but what shall we say for Sociology, that Cinderella among the sciences, especially when we have no compelling enchantments to bring her before the world, but are wont mainly to gaze with her into the ashes of the past, or at ‘best dream with her of the future as she peers into the present’s fire? To the two proud sisters--the elder in this case Politics, and the second Socialism- she has as yet too little to say, as they commonly still less to her. Enough, therefore, for the present, if we bring together i n these few pages such thoughts and suggestions as the past week or two of preparation have given us. From their very independence, the variety of sociological enquiry wiIl be the more obvious;, its range and possibilities more clear. More syn- thetic presentment, more practical appeal, may each come in their season.

***

First and foremost, let THE NEW AGE return its thanks to that veteran of the social sciences, Sir Francis Galton, for the cordial letter of encouragement he has sent from his sick-room. And pending the personal paper we may still hope to elicit from him, when health and strength return to his hale and vetran frame, let u s meantime point to himself, in personality and in achievement, as affording one of the best answers to these oft-asked and not easily so briefly answered ques- tions, “ What is a Sociologist? ” “What is Sociology? ” Here at any rate is a sociologist. Hom came he so?-a fertile one--What has he done? To answer these questions with any fulness would be to summarise his own recent “ Memories of My Life,” and to abstract and appreciate his many volumes and papers as well ; but in briefest outline something may still be done to illustrate some of the ways in which Sociology has begun growing. As the grandson of Erasmus Darwin and the cousin of Charles Darwin, he has, in his own way, illustrated and utilised their family traditions, of medical and biological studies, of eager evolutionary enquiry, and wide concrete observa- tion, and, in a word. of alternating thought ‘in the study with activity in the field. Not alternating merely;

say rather, of using each to illuminate the other, re- flection ever interpreting observation, and thus, anon, sending it forth anew. Beyond school and college edu- cation, with some useful physico-mathematical initia- tion and medical beginnings, mostly naturalistic, . his wander years of travel brought him an experience of wild nature and simple nature and simple nature-folk which was an ideal approach to those essentially naturalistic fields of sociology which he later came to cultivate ; while his well-known “ Art of Travel ” ex- presses similarly an admirable apprenticeship towards the great practical question of Sociology, to which he has been so actively contributing through his later years-the question, “ How can we make the best of our situation, the best in life? ” In such ways the meteorologist, geographer, and anthropologist ,of many years past has grown up into the sociologist, above all the eugenist, of to-day. A yet more obvious progress is traceable amid his professedly sociological works, from the touch of natural pride in perhaps the most gifted as well as illustrious of living families, which tinges his “ Hereditary Genius ” (1869), to the progressive democracy, yet critical insight, of his “ Natural In- heritance” (1889), and thence to the fully social outlook and re-moralising appeal of his latest papers, those dis- tinctively opening up the various fields of eugenics,, on one hand, as a subscience at once biological and social, and on the other as an art, extending the triumphs o f Nature and of human selection amid simpler species to our own. Here at any rate is one point, therefore, at which Sociology is becoming not only definite, but practical, with its word to say to politicians o f all colours, warlike or pacific ; to Socialists ‘of all schools also. Hence, though we have not Galton-to head bur Supplement, we may still best begin. it with hid sub- ject. Thus we are fortunate in being able t o open with a forcibly stated and clearly summarised paper from Dr. Saleeby, who has so fairly worked for and won his present position as Galton’s foremost disciple and as îhe most vivid exponent and strenuous expositor o f the new doctrine and practice that the Sociological Society, and its well-grown off-shoot the Eugenics Education Society, can put into the field. We start, then, with Saleeby’s “ Progress of Eugenics.” If further argu- ment be needed for eugenic action, Dr. Jones’s paper on Insanity may incidentally afford this, .apart from its independent interest as aiding us to view insanity in its widest sociological aspects.

***

As these different sociological writers cross our ‘page, we see more clearly how to answer the question ‘‘ What is a sociologist ?” Galton’s development has been, 2s we saw, along various lines, mainly naturalistic in prin- ciple; Br. Saleeby’s and Dr. Jones’s are especially medi- cal, in the wide hygienic and preventive sense; and our next author, Miss Freire-Marreco, especially takes up and sets forth the definitely anthropological and ethnographic approach, first with Oxford. and Tylor and the Pitt-Rivers Museum, and next with Cambridge and its recent explorers, Professor Haddon and his pro- ductive group of pupils and continuators, who are now succeeding, where even Spencer failed, in giving definite scientific order and lucidity to their collections, and with at length some corresponding recognition and respect from the cultivators of the older and more exact (because simpler) sciences of nature.

***

Before long the anthropologists will have much- to say to the politicians of Empire, whose alternate panaceas

2 SUPPLEMENT T O THE NEW AGE

of “ strong govemment ” and weak (but either way un- skilled, because unobservant and uninterpretative) surely alike need to be replaced by rational. policies Based upon sympathetic understanding of the peoples concerned, and this in their whole environment. As yet, however, we are but in the day of small things. Happily, however, though w e must postpone our attack upon the politicians, Mr. St. George Lane Fox-Pitt, the many-sided son of one of the foremost antropologists and archaeologists of the last generation (whose name would have been more permanently as well as widely known. had it mot been changed by family circumstances in mid-career from Lane-Fox to Pitt-Rivers, whom many naturally therefore .suppose to be two distinct authorities). is here, with what we trust may b e felt not indeed as an attack, but as a gentle appeal to our -friends, the convinced and active Socialists, Fabian and others. For àis life is not organic only, nor mental. only but both in one: the conduct of life, the art of living; are plainly not economic only, nor ethical only, as Satur- day and Sunday have so long ‘drilled us to believe,. but both in one, and the more inseparably the better. True. there is a large and prominent aspect of life in which environment determines not only body; but mind ; still, what makes life most worth living is surely the con- verse, that reaction of mind, through body, upon en- vironment, which is life at its highest. Witness-music and every other art. And even in the everyday world, with its to-day’s contrast between yesterday’s all capi- talistic world and to-morrow’s increasingly socialistic one is there not plainly the strife of an individualistic moral and ideal of “ success in life ” ?-no doubt with a more social and therefore more moral idea of associated as well as individual ‘success in living; --two different economic systems, indeed, yet each but the expression of contrasted ethical systems, and each with a long philosophic and religious pedigree and kinship of its own.

* * Y

Here, in fact, we are a t once upon old ground and upon new; and for THE NEW AGE let us insist rather upon this latter aspect. The evolutionary biology from which Darwinian. and Spencerians hoped so much, and withi them. indeed, the whole scientific com- munity net. wholly specialised within the mathematical physico-chemical or mechanical fields, has not, it must be confessed, yielded all that was hoped of it towards education or social progress And why ? largely, mainly indeed because of its dissociation from psychology Now,. however, the re-interpretation of life--life organic, life individual, life sacial-in terms not only organic, but psychic. has fully begun : and this, not only from the side of literature, but also from that of. science. Witness, therefore not only. on the one .side. Maeterlinck on flowers or bees, but also .the rigorously trained biologist like Principal Lloyd Morgan, the whilom physiologist like Stanley Hall, the ex-physician like William James, and many more. To express this movement simply and clearly i s one of the greatest wants of. the times, so that plain and busy folk who have neither time nor opportunity nor taste far, the long and difficult and. technical. initiations into biology whish, (despite good beginnings of nature study and the like) are all we can yet provide, can enter easily and yet substantially into possession of the essen- tial concepts of life and its evolution. Of this direct approach, by way of a psychology which is neither the old pre-biological .teaching, nor yet the recently pre- dominant sounding of brass instruments .alone, but which combines the essential results of both; and .which broadly and boldly links up the organic and the indivi- dual life with the social, we plainly need some simple yet clear and convincing outline. The recent introduc- tion to social psychology which we owe to Macdougall and to Wallas, excellent in complementary ways as they are; reed- an introduction to themselves in turn. And by good has, here this desiderated outline lies before me, a masterpiece of lucidly graduated exposi- tion and condensation a veritable book within the bulk of an essay--” The Factors of Conduct ’’ by Dr. Louis Irvine, of Johannesburg, one sf the ablest Edinburgh

post-graduates of my memory of now over thirty-one years’ crops. But alas, it is a n essay not a paper ; and so (despite its ,relevance and. value, I have no choice but to keep it back; space simply does not allow, and it is useless to attempt to condense a condensation. But if these supplements a re t o go on, here is the basis and bulk of an excellent one devoted to psychology, indivi- dual. and social, and thus preparing in turn for future sociological numbers also, more systematic than this one And with Dr. Irvine’s. we keep back also a paper by his and my old fellow-worker, Prof. Arthur Thom- son, of Aberdeen, whose contributions towards the linking up of biology and sociology we hope to utilise before long. * * *

Still, what most people ask from sociology is not lucid. demonstration nor system, but applicability to practice. What :practice .then can be more :definite, .after the. recovery of the vitals- a n d the essentials of the long-retained yet largely. lost traditions of the Family, than that of the City ? . .The old individualists still too common, we now see were not the irrefragable thinkers they took themselves for, illuminated practically for the first time in. human annals by the dry light of reason. on the contrary, we begin to see them as very darkened and disordered minds indeed; in fact, for. clear criticism and comparison. we cannot do much better towards understanding them. than by imagining an epidemic of mania. to run through our, bee-hives whereby their in- mates should mistake. themselves for so m a n y solitary wasps. There might indeed be a certain evolutionary use, an intellectual stimulus at least, in such an epidemic to bees, whose socialism may, from. the ’human p i n t of view, be considered overdone; but men have not as yet often incurred such dangers. At any rate, whatever may be the results of the advantages of the reformation and the revolution in their almost exclusive emphasis of the Individual, it is plainly time, and more than time, to be re-emphasising the larger groups of which he is but the Dividual after all. This is what the humanitarian seeks to do with “ the species,” and the Positivist with “ Humanity,” the politician with “ The People “ and “ The State,” with “ Nationality ” and “ Empire ” by turns, and the Socialist with “ Labour.” But all alike have fallen into abstractness, and even the Sociologist with his “ Society “ has often been, and often is, no better; indeed, sometimes, if passible, worse; hence, largely indeed, the low estate of socio- logy, especially i n England. Hut whenever our terms become definite and concrete, they corne home, as Nationality means something working and fighting for as soon as men get it within each particular circle of frontiers. Yet the nations, established as they seem, are for the most part but of yesterday; it is their cities which are the permanent aggregates, the effective inte- grates and centres also; for even nationality itself is in the vast majority of cases essentially but the stamp (too often even the chain) of some dominant and metropoli- tan city, while civilisation, as its very name implies, is the vast resultant of past cities and city regions, their historic heritage. Here, then, is one of the capital concepts of sociology indeed the master-key to much of its contemporary advance; and the sociological num- ber would indeed be but incomplete without some paper on that -present cleansing stir and incipient -renewal of the city-hive which is now happily aImost everywhere beginning, but which has to be carried further still if either civilisation or. health, morals, o r even sanity, are to be assured to our successors. Hence the paper by Mr. C. R. Ashbee, who peculiarly needs no intro- duction from me to emphasise his a t once vital grasp and constructive intelligence.

* * * Yet for rational unity, and not merely intellectual

symmetry, we must end as we :began. “ Our life, “ a great, physiological teacher, Michael Foster, was wont to say, “ is but the by-play sf ’ovum-bearing ,organ- isms a n d though this statement; of course, needs the complemental individualist perspective also, it may be used to express the needed recovery, by a here too individualistic there too abstractly socialistic age; of that direct vision of continuous heredity which is of the

SUPPLEMENT TO THE NEW AGE 3

essence alike of eugenics and civics. These are thus no independent specialisms but have a common factor; or say rather they are the warp and the woof of a single web, that alike of Thought and Life. Here, then, is the stuff of morals, no abstract system nor sexless dream, here of moral philosophers, and there of curates, for the most part mere buzzings unworthy of decent neuters or even active drones, but the concrete and continuous yet selective care of family-stocks in their generations throughout their city’s life, their city- aggregates, or nation’s, etc., also so far, of course, as may be. * * *

Hence, then, our number may fitly conclude with the characteristically practical paper by one of our most active moral educators, Mr. Gould’s “ Children and Civics.’’ For is it not by the resultants in these two -the Child and his City-and in the relation between them, that we must all ere long be judged, each accord- i n g to his works? Politician, Socialist, o r Sociologist -what will each and all of us soon matter, save in so far as we have or have not been Eugenists, Education- ists, Citizens ?

[ D r . Louis Irvine’s paper will probably be issued with plates as an extra supplement. Dr. Harrison’s paper was received too late f o r mention in Professor Geddes’s editorial notes. Mr. Ashbee’s paper has been unavoidably held o v e r . ]

The Progress of Eugenics. By C. W. Saleeby, M.D., F.R.S.E., F.Z.S.

(Author of ” Parenthood and Race-Culture ” ; “ An Outline of Eugenics.”)

THE modern interest in eugenics may be said to date from the ’sixties of last century, when the august pioneer now known to all men as Sir Francis Galton showed that ability is frequently transmissible by in- heritance. He was thereafter led to formulate the pro- position that the worthy and able members of the community should contribute more than their share to the next generation. As regards genius, the proprosals of which we now call positive eugenics are of more than dubious promise; as regards ability, the case for them is proven; but the practice of positive eugenics is soon seen to be attended with manifold difficulties and disappointments under anything at all resembling our existing social sanctions and economic institutions.

In any case, we are at present faced with a matter which Sir Francis Galton himself has admitted to be more urgent than the proposals hitherto considered- the fact of the rapid multiplication of the defective members of the community. As I have frequently pointed out, to interfere with such multiplication is as certainly eugenics as to encourage parenthood else- where. All selection involves rejection, and to choose is also to refuse. Some years ago I therefore gave the name of negative eugenics to any discouragement of the parenthood of the unworthy, and positive eugenics to that encouragement of the parenthood of the worthy which Sir Francis Galton has so long advocated.

It must be clearly laid down that eugenics is a practice. The word means good-breeding, and is not the name for any branch of natural science, though many sciences serve and well serve the art and practice of eugenics. The proper name for research in heredity is certainly genetics, as suggested by Professor Bateson, its greatest living exponent. Eugenics must and will avail itself of genetics, of dietetics, embryology, obste- trics, .economics, and many sciences more, and the last thing we must do is to confound this great practical religion with any particular branch of science, least of all with the statistical study of vital processes. The

proper name for that study is biometrics, and if and when it can serve eugenics, the eugenist will of course avail himself of it. Meanwhile, eugenics must not be held responsible for the methods which lead to such remarkable conclusions as that the influence of parental alcoholism is to favour the physique and, intelligence of children.

It may be well to define the terms which I have for some time employed in the discussion and advocacy of eugenics as I understand it.

Eugenics may be most briefly defined as the practice based upon the natural principle of selection for parent- hood. He who believes in this principle we may call a eugenist. When selection occurs in the’ wrong direc- tion we may call the p r e s s dysgenic. We may recognise three subdivisions of eugenics-positive, negative, and preventive, which are respectivlely en- couragement of parenthood on the part of the worthy, the discouragement of parenthood on the part of the unworthy, and intervention between healthy stocks and what I call the racial poisons-those substances, inor- ganic, organic, microbic, or other, which produce blastophthoria or damaging of the germ-plasm.

I t will be seen that this scheme differs very con- siderably from the older eugenics, but not, I think, in the direction of less practicability or comprehensiveness. In order that we may see what these proposals amount to in concrete form there may here be transcribed the list included in a lecture on the “Methods of Eugenics” which I recently prepared for the Sociological Society, which will appear in full elsewhere.

THE METHODS OF POSITIVE EUGENICS. A . REJECTED. The stud-farm, mating b y police, and

anything else that involves the de- struction of marriage.

B. QUESTIONED. Bonuses for children. C. ACCEPTED. Marriage duly reformed by law and

by public opinion, this including Divorce Law Reform.

Education for parenthood of youth of both sexes, appealing to both through religion, to boys especially perhaps through patriotism and to girls especially through the ideal of womanhood.

Transvaluation of existing social values.

THE METHODS OF NEGATIVE EUGENICS. A. REJECTED. The lethal chamber, the permission of

infant mortality, the production of abortion. Eugenics is selection for parenthood, not selection for life. Every human life is, to be con- sidered sacred from its beginning, which is the moment of conception. These proposals all miss the point of eugenics.

Mutilative Surgery, rejected because superfluous.

B. QUESTIONED. Marriage certificates.. C. ACCEPTED. Sterilisation of the unfit: (1) by Ren-

toul’s method; ( 2 ) by the Rontgen Rays ?

Segregation of the unfit. Sterilisation will be employed as the most humane

measure where segregation is unnecessary. Segrega- tion will be employed whenever an individual, .even apart from, possible parenthood, is unfit to form a member of the community.

W e must distinguish between marriage, and parent- hood. To. the responsible person who, for one reason or other, is eugenically unworthy, marriage without parenthood may be permitted. There are many such

4 SUPPLEMENT T O THE NEW AGE

contemporary instances. But marriage even without parenthood must be forbidden in cases, for instance, of uncured venereal disease.

T H E METHODS OF PREVENTIVE EUGENICS. Measures preventive against the

racial poisons, especially alcohol, venereal disease and lead. Such measures partly educative and partly legislative. Above all,

' ' Protect parenthood from alcohol." The foregoing list of methods makes no attempt to

be comprehensive, and many of its items involve much more than there is any explicit mention of. Thus, no reference has been made to the economic question. When asked to become a Socialist or an Anti-Socialist I always reply that I am too busy being a eugenist. In the last resort the eugenic criterion will prevail, and whatever fails to satisfy it will disappear with the race which it has destroyed. Thus, to take a n instance, I know of no answer to the contention of Mr. A. R. Wallace that the inheritance of property works out dysgenically, as indeed Theognis declared two thousand five hundred years ago. And the social state in which property is not inherited will be something very much nearer than we are yet to what Socialists demand. On the other hand, no eugenist, nor yet anyone else who has the smallest acquaintance with everyday facts, can assent to the ingenuous notion that all our social evils are due to economic causes, and that an economic re- construction will immediately involve the production of a community all the members of which are healthy, beautiful, and good.

I t is legitimate to speak of the progress of eugenics, for progress is being madle. As one who must have spoken on eugenics during the last five years much oftener than all other people put together, I know that public opinion is being educated. Comments on the necessity for segregating defectives such as were re- ceived in dead silence a few years ago are now assented to before the words are out of one's mouth, and this not merely in Scotland and the North, but even in the South. Again, the curious may observe that prominent critics are changing their minds--perhaps without being aware of it. Mr. H. G. Wells used to make all sorts of contemptuous remarks about " Gal- tonian eugenics," but in a contribution to " T.P.'s Weekly " last Christmas he is to be found heartily- assenting to the propositions which Mr. Chester- ton, for instance, still quotes him as having refuted.

Eugenics has passed the stage of ridicule and of ignorant abuse ; it will shortly reach the stage when people say that this is what they have been preaching all their lives--recent Neo-Malthusian comment is a case in point; and when we have persuaded the public and our critics that this is really their own notion, some- thing substantial will be done.

I t is quite certain that approaching legislation will take eugenic form. On whatever lines we decide to deal with pauperism, they are certain to be in some measure eugenic, and the long overdue legislation re- garding the feeble-minded and the inebriate will cer- tainly be eugenic in effect. As for what I have here called preventive eugenics, which was wholly ignored by the older eugenists a s if alcohol and syphilis did not exist, I believe that real advance will shortly be made.

It is the custom of mankind, as Emerson remarked, to " pair off into insane parties," and there are some eugenists who illustrate this m o t by declaring that heredity or nature counts for everything and environ- ment or nurture for nothing. Some recent statistical inquiries are supposed to support this view. Sometimes one is almost inclined to suppose that biometrics is so called because it measures everything but life. The contention that nurture is negligible is egregious folly, and I have every sympathy with the Socialist who, hear- ing it advanced as a eugenic postulate, finds himself forced into the opposite and all but universal insanity of supposing that nurture is everything. Only by the amelioration of both nature and nurture can we achieve the end for which all good men strive.

The Sociological Aspect of Insanity. By Robert Jones, M.D.

THE question of insanity is inevitably associated with social progress and evolution. Indeed, civilisation is especially numbered as among the circumstances predis- posing to it, and it is well known that insanity increases as man evolves from the savage and semi-civilised state and approaches the highest civilisation

Even among savage and primitive races there are mental abnormalities, but the only forms met with a re those common to man and the lower animals such, for instance, as those connected with arrest of development --found mostly among " the last of the litter "-and associated with physical deformities. These elementary mental defects are evidenced by idiocy imbecility, and the lighter forms, of congenital weakmindedness. True, insanity as such is rarely found, and when occurring appears to be of the toxic varieties, such as a re our alcoholic or septic insanities, conditions brought about mainly by the use of fermented maize, rye, tubers, rice, or some other grain, by the use of hachish, the betel nut of India and other parts of Asia, the guarana of Brazil, the coca of Peru, the kava of the Fijis the cola nut of the Guinea Coast and other parts of West Africa, together with amanita, datura, tobacco, opium, and even koumiss.

In nearly every country in the world and among all races there exists a toxic form of insanity, from the practice of taking certain stimulant or narcotic sub- stances, which yield some vague enjoyment, thought- lessness, or transient exhilaration and even among the most savage races which are unable to obtain these for themselves there is a dormant desire or a subtle liking when the opportunity occurs for acquiring them, and for the use of which some penalty in the shape of mental alienation is always exacted

There are some who deny that insanity, as a patho- logical mental affection, has any relation to sociology, but a study of the census reports shows the relation of certified insanity to the various social groupings, and, apart from statistics, it demonstrates the antagonism of its members to the group-interests, but it would be well for us to define our terms before proceeding to discuss these relationships.

Considerable attention has of late been given to the term sociology, and Mr. Frederic Harrison in a recent address defines it as the science of the entire series of the fundamental laws which apply to social phenomena, and in an interesting discourse he states its purpose, its limits, and its relation to other sciences. He agrees to its being " the science of society,'' and in effect the study of the origin, functions, development, and even decay of the ideas and institutions of mankind in the successive stages of society. The general study of these is a condition necessary to the understanding of any particular one of them. The term sociology was first used by Comte in 1838, when he formulated a system of social order and progress a s a branch of his Positive Philosophy. Herbert Spencer, apprehending the adaptation between the cells of a plant or a n animal and their environment, suggested a similar analogy for the social system, and taught that an individual unit which helps to compose the organisation of a group in society--as well as the group itself--was just as much adapted or adjusted to its environment, and the methods for the investigation of the one were 'equally suitable for working out the details of the other.

These details have been variously grouped as the bio- logical, relating- to vital changes, the limitation of mar- riages, the questions of variation, heredity and natural selection; as the psychological, reflecting changes in the minds of persons constituting society, in their beliefs, sympathies, or the reverse, yielding results into the nature of society and into social progress from a full , accurate, and thorough analysis of mental states, such as the mental condition of crowds or communities of men, the mental activity of certain aspects of social pro- gress, the meaning of social judgment, and the moral results of organisation. Then there is the ethnological method, basing its conclusions upon the origin of cus- toms and upon the gradual development of society, and

SUPPLEMENT T O T H E NEW AGE 5

lastly, the anthropological, statistical, and the historical. In the investigation of the entire field of social

phenomena, social states, social laws and social evolu- tion, groups of workers have arranged themselves as advocating one or other of the foregoing methods, and we are justified in our investigations of insanity upon the same basis. Just as in the practice of medicine, disease has shown how physiological laws may be modi- fied, united or combined, and how functional activities may be maintained, and as in mental pathology we find how the disturbing mental effects of disease or arrested development can give information as to psychological laws and give us knowledge in regard to fatigue, over- stimulation, adaptability, concentration of attention, memory, etc., and guide us in child-study and educa- tion, so the study of insanity, its origin, the perverted biological influences which are active in its production, the contributive factors in its causation-predisposing and exciting-and its evil effects upon the group or order, can give us information of supreme sociological interest and value in the dynamics of social develop- ment. The egotistical effects of insanity in the indivi- dual, the refusal to conform to the usages of society or to submit to its laws, to decline its authority and the consequent disorganisation of its constitution are aspects which sociology cannot disregard.

Let us briefly consider t j e historical method of inves- tigating insanity, and see in what manner it comes under the study of Sociology In the savage, the brain as the organ of the mind is of comparative simplicity. It responds to few stimuli compared with that of civi- lised man. The savage is moved by few complex emo- tions, and the stimuli reaching the brain are mainly of the simplest sensorial kind--sight hearing, smell, taste, and common sensation being all equally instructive to the individual; the conduct of his life is guided mainly by instincts of self-preservation or that of the tribe or group to which he belongs, rather than by reason and ethics. His daily wants are simple and easily gratified, the soil is fertile and the fauna are at his disposal. He has no conventions and no restraints, and he holds his life in his hands. Nevertheless he suffers no mental stress, no worries or anxieties, and has no need for mental concentration. If the need arises for mental effort and concentration his pent-up energies find a ready outlet in muscular exercise. At night he sinks to rest, sleeps a sound and natural slumber during which his brain recuperates and he wakes up refreshed and fully restored, each day being but the successive satisfaction of simple needs in the routine of a healthy and natural existence.

Compare with this, highly civilised man of the twen- tieth century whose social evolution and progress are so advanced in diversity, complication and range that he finds it a serious struggle to live, and competition for him is to the death. What is the state of society at such a period compared with the primitive life, how has it been attained and by what force or forces? Men in such a civilised society have arranged themselves in definite groups for certain special ends or purposes, and this organisation or relation among the different mem- bers or individuals implies that these groups have ar- rived at some voluntary agreement by general consent, or by consent on the part of the minority to be governed by the majority. As to how this has been attained i t is acknowledged that the groups or communities con- duct themselves for certain ends--conduct is the pur- suit of ends--and they exist by virtue of this voluntary agreement, which means the self-restraint of its com- ponent individuals. In order that the community may hold together and continue, each member must act for the common welfare and must do those things which, if he lived alone, he might without detriment leave un- done. In such an organisation he voluntarily restrains his activity so as not to impair or endanger the safety, the property and the self-respect of his neighbours, and he voluntarily undertakes his share of the com- man burdens for the privilege of living in a protected community. Some there are, like Sir Henry Maine, who maintain that a governing group has developed out of tribal life by the power of outside force, and the recent rise and growth of militarism in the Australian

Commonwealth is probably a case in point. The superior forces of Japan, China and the millions of India have forced the community to preserve a " White Australia." The social force which causes progress and evolution is believed to indicate some intrinsic or im- manent principle of determination within the social organism or within the order of its phenomena.

This determining principle is no other than the mind of man and its effects through intercourse upon other members of the group. When these effects are ade- quately established and sufficiently stable to group they are described as an " organisation."

I t is the penalty of such an organisation to suffer poverty, to develop crime and to produce insanity. The conditions of life in a complex community imlply a certain standard of conduct, this again implies self- control, but there will always be the unfortunate ones who cannot conform to the standard, and society by fixing a n ever-varying and progressive requirement for i ts component members must of necessity manufacture its own lunatics, criminals and paupers. There are, of course, other conditions connected with education., national crises and public calamities which bear on t h e sociological aspect of insanity, but if we take the indi- vidual we find that the highly civilised man of to-day has to respond to innumerable cortical stimuli compared to his early ancestors-he has the bell, the telephone and telegraph to rouse him, he has to consider quickly and yet seriously to weigh his mental reactions. He has to inhibit his natural propensities, to suppress his waywardness, curb his emotions and control their out- ward manifestations, and these efforts have to be daily and hourly repeated. His mind is a kaleidoscopic com- pound of thoughts, emotions and voluntary adjustments requiring adaptation, to a most complicated ,environ- ment. Sleep for him is a temporary lull in a continuous campaign of competitive battles, and the morrow is a repetition of the struggles of yesterday; the traditions of a long past have to be stored up, and with these are compared the ever-advancing knowledge and require- ments of to-day. His mental tension is not only con- tinuous but also increasingly pressing, his wants are many and complex-and they are mostly ungratified ! His appetites and desires are varied, often artificially created, and his brain compared with that of the savage is as different as the high class chronometer is from the hour glass or the " Waterbury w a t c h !

Is it strange therefore that such a delicate mechanism should be liable to derangement, with its thousand and One par t s to get out of order as against the rough and ready simple instrument of primitive days?

Civilised man, as we know, has to contend against a n environment of ever-increasing complexity to enable him to keep his place in the life struggle. His eager hand, more often than not, finds the prize he desired and struggled for snatched away by some more successful competitor in the "social evolution,” and he is left alone to mourn his fate, his disappointment and the over- strain of unsuccessful effort causing mental and phy- sical exhaustion so profound that the wreckage ends in permanent incapacity Such is this aspect of our social evolution which proceeds at the expense of those who are physically, mentally and morally incapable of adaptation to the higher plane of occidental civilisation.

Having pictured the incompetent and the inefficient, who must be a burden upon the more fit, let us see what are the general symptoms of a case of developed insanity. Such can only be properly estimated by a n analysis of conduct, for it is conduct alone which must be our key of interpretation as to the meaning of in- sanity, a condition which in i t s evolution and develop- ment affects first the latest acquired social attributes. The mind in insanity is diseased in the inverse order of the development of its various faculties. There is firstly an affection of the instincts of social life : no longer is there regard for others, the "three C's "- courtesy, convention, and ceremony--give way to the “ three P's "-persiflage, paradox, and prurience, tolerance and forbearance give way to quarrelsome irritability, modesty to aggresive boastfulness, reti- cence to expansiveness, refinement and culture to coarseness and violence. In fact the indirectly self-

6 SUPPLEMENT T O T H E NEW AGE

conservative instincts which helped to form and cement the community in which the person was protected and to whose authority he submitted are the first to .become impaired and are afterwards destroyed. But the more directly self-conservative instincts also disappear in their turn : the search for food, exemplified in the voca- tion upon which the individual depended for support and sustenance, is either given up o r more probably is lost, and he often refuses food; his desire for warmth goes, his clothing is neglected often stripped off or torn, and his home is broken up, his personality is squandered and prudential considerations make no further appeal to him ; even the instinct of self-preser- vation itself becomes reversed and he makes attempts a t suicide. Such disslolution and regression are the exact opposite of those which go to build up the indi- vidual and to organise a community, and the study of its reversal throws light upon the static and dynamic sequence of states upon which the fundamental laws "

of Sociology a re founded. The whole tendency in in- sanity is anti-social, and there is endless conflict and antagonism between its victims and the group or com- munity-interests.

I have touched upon the subject of insanity, firstly, because of all the ills which can afflict humanity it is the most painfully, interesting and strikes more terror into a family or group than any other, secondly because its economic aspect is of far-reaching importance, and its significance, for the total number of the insane to-day is over 120,000, amounting .almost to I in every 250 of the general population, and the cost of its main- tenance is an ever-increasing burden already amount- ing to over 3 1/2 millions, and thirdly because in a family or a community it is a symptom of decay and retrogres- s ion

Social Anthropology as a Science. By Barbara Freire- Marreco

(Research Fellow of Somerville College, Oxford).

ANTHROPOLOGY is the science of Man. More explicity, it is a discipline founded on the assumption that Man in all his varieties, with all his qualities and modes of behaviour-arts, language, society, religion, and ethics-is a proper subject for that kind of investiga- tion which aims a t discovering truth through fact. To acquire a knowledge of Man in order to live a t peace with him, to trade with him or to convert him is not anthropology, however much it involves the handling of anthropological material; and since the subject matter of anthropology is almost infinite it is the more necessary to define it by insisting on the point of view,

I t is a point of view essentially European!, and essen- tially connected with the progress of the natural sciences. The Semitic races, who have been talking and thinking about men for all these centuries while we Europeans, as they say, have been ('thinking about things"-to whom our science seems a merely i r re le vant (departure from the proper study of mankind--are thereby only the farther removed from Anthropology, which, for its special purpose, includes Man in the category of Things to be investigated scientifically.

If there is such a thing as a pre-Renaissance anthro- pology it centres in the work of Herodotus and Hip- pocrates; and if so, it was the fruit (as Professor J. L. Myres has lately shown) o f the great Ionian advance in physics and biology which marked the sixth and fifth centuries before Christ. “ The sudden expansion of the geographical horizon of the early Greeks, in the seventh and sixth centuries, brought these ,earliest and keenest of anthropologists face to face with peoples who lived for example in a rainless country, or in trees, or who, ate monkeys, or grandfathers, or called themselves by their mothers’ names, or did other disconcerting things; and this set them thinking, and comparing, and collecting more and more data, from trader and traveller, for an answer to perennial problems, alike of their anthropo- logy and of ours. Can climate alter character, or change physique, and if so, how? Does the mode of life or the diet of a people affect that people's real self,

or its value for u s? Is the father, as the Greeks be- lieved, or the mother who bore them the natural owner and guardian of children? Is the Heracles whom they worship in Thasos the same god as he whose temple is in Tyre? Because the Colchians wear linen and prac- tise circumcision are they to be regarded as colonists of the Egyptians? or can similar customs spring up in- dependently on the Nile and on the Phasis? Here in fact are all the great problems of modern anthropology, flung out for good and all, as. soon as ever human reflective reason found itself face to face with the facts of other human societies, even within so limited a re- gion as the old Mediterranean world." (Address to the Anthropological Section of the British Association, Winnipeg 1909.)

However that may be, our modern anthropology is certainly the fruit of the Renaissance, the outcome that is, of a second period of geographical expansion and scientific activity, not unlike the first in kind, but on a larger scale, and inspired by a new formulation of the inductive principle. In this second phase of anthro- pological history there was a parting of the ways for cultural and physical anthropology both in France and in England ; the former, developing in connection with the political theories of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, became somewhat estranged from scientific method; while the latter, in the hands of the eighteenth- century anatomists shared the advance which their science was making

The third anthropological period, beginning half-way through the phase of exploration and Colonial expan- sion from 1780 to 1860, belongs to the general scientific revival which centres in Charles Darwin. It was in- augurated by the geological work of the early nine- teenth century, which had an immediate effect in the first place on physical anthropology, where the geolo- gists' study of the succession of plant .and animal forms in time was bound to raise this question : What place does Man hold in that succession of forms? And what is man's relation to those other animal forms? is it a relation of descent? And secondly when the geologists were proving that the earth was immeasurably older than had been supposed, they could not fail t o raise the question of the Antiquity of Man. How long has Man existed on the earth? for tens of thousands or millions of years? or for the four thousand years of Archbishop Usher's chronology ? This was no new questionl, but the geological work of the nineteenth century gave it new life; and the answer was sought, among other ways, in that historic controversy over the earliest speci- mens of human work then known--the stone tools found by M. Boucher de Perthes, about 1847, in French Pleistocene gravels--which opened up a new study of Prehistoric Man.

So anthropology stood at the half-century, with talk of evolution everywhere in the air, Then came 1859, and the "Origin of Species.'' Anthropo,logy felt the stimulus a t least as much as any other science : it was within the next four years that the society began t o meet which is now represented by the Royal Anthropo- logical Institute. But while the problem of man's phy- sical and mental relationships with the other anthro- poids became one of the earliest battlegrounds of Dar- winians and anti-Darwinians, cultural anthropology was not so soon brought into the movement; there was a danger of its remaining doctrinaire. From this it was saved by Edward Burnett Tylor. The most obvious significance of his earlier work beginning in 1865 with “ Researches into the Early History of Mankind," con- tinued in various essays and lectures, and culminating in 1871 with the publication of " Primitive Culture : Re- searches into the development of Mythology, Philo- sophy, Religion Art, and Custom"--is that it was an attempt to bring the study of the most characteristir cally human activities into line with the natural sciences by interpreting them on the lines of evolution. W h a t Tylor aimed a t may be judged from the first chapter of “ Primitive Culture." “ On the one hand, the uni- formity which so largely pervades civilisation may be ascribed, in great measure, to the uniform action of uniform causes; while on the other hand its various grades may be regarded as stages of development or

SUPPLEMENT T O T H E NEW AGE 7

evolution, each the outcome of previous history, and about to do its proper part in shaping the history of the future . . . A first step in the study of civilisation is to dissect it into details, and to classify these in their proper groups . . . What this task is like may be almost perfectly illustration by comparing these details of culture with the species of animals and plants as studied by the naturalist. To the ethnographer, the bow and arrow is a species, the habit of flattening chil- dren’s skulls is a species, the practice of reckoning numbers by tens is a species. The geographical distri- bution of these things, and their transmission from re- gion to region have to be studied as the naturalist studies the geography of his botanical and zoological species.” Obviously the strong points of this scheme were those which Tylor himself emphasised : the evolu- tion of the material arts and the geographical distribu- tion of both arts and customs were being traced with a degree of actual success to which the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford is a monument. But this means no more than that the anthropologists’ work had been brought, in 1871, somewhere near the level of the imme- diately pre-Darwinian “ naturalists.” Nor can it be said that English anthropology in the latter part of the nineteenth century kept pace with the progress of .scien- tific method in general. It has sometimes seemed as if it were fated to be “ a day behind the fair ”; or perhaps it has only waited to take advantage of experience gained elsewhere, just as so many anthropologists have done their first work in other sciences Tylor’s great theory of survivals in culture, for instance, continued long after 1871 to be almost the sole inspiration of masses of comparative work, in times when the study of vestigial characters was (to put it mildly) no longer the sole concern of morphologists and there were at- tempts, on the line where cultural anthropology borders on sociology proper, to make it “ scientific “ by apply- ing the hypothesis of Natural Selection to account for the rise of all human institutions, some time after the biologists had admitted that there were large classes o f facts to which that explanation was inappropriate. English anthropology was suffering from a very dan- gerous division of labour, between the self-made anthro- pologists in the field---travellers, traders, missionaries, administrators--who were acquiring fragmentary de- tails of savage life, and the literary anthropologists working them into theories at home. Work of very great interest and value was being. done, but the fact remains that it was not scientific in any strict sense, because the class of evidence supplied by untrained col- lectors did not constitute the right material for scien- tific induction.

To see contemporary work in perspective is not easy; but it seems possible to say that English anthropology is passing, or even that it has passed, out of this third stage, and that it is entering on a fourth period of which the achievement will he to make cultural an- thropology genuinely scientific, not by fitting ready-made conclusions from other sciences to its problems, but by collecting and treating the raw material--the facts of human behaviour-. with as much conscientious thoroughness as biological or chemical research is known to demand. The anthropologists must solve their own problems, they will develop a method not less their own for being scientific. The opening of this phase has been conditioned by two contemporary move- ments; a revival of geographical study, especially in the form of “regional geography “; and the rise of the French school of sociology represented by M. M. Hubert and Mauss, Emile Durkheim, and the other writers of the Année Sociologique. But important though these influences have been, particularly in the direction of defining the ethnic group in its regional setting as the immediate object of study, it seems never- theless true that the internal development of method lies at the core o f the matter; and therefore I am almost inclined to date the new age of anthropology from the Cambridge Antropological Expedition of 1898 to Torres Straits and New Guinea as the starting point, for English work at least , of the demand that the scien- tific anthropologist should be his own collector in the field. This demand involves consequences of two

kinds; for the next few years we shall have more special ethnography, more monographs on ethnic groups, less comparative work-perhaps a postpone- ment of the larger inductions, certainly a great pre- liminary work of classification : and secondly, in pro- portion as it is realised that each ethnic group has an irreplaceablevalue for science, there must be a desperate effort to give a training to sufficient men to investigate such, native societies as still remain before they are fatally modified by contact with European civilisation. On this practical work of training Oxford and Cam- bridge have already entered and London is on the point of undertaking it, with the prospect of a very hopeful co-ordination of sociological, geographical and ethnographical teaching

A world must be said about the popularisation of cul- tural anthropology. Dr. Tylor’s books have done a great work in that respect and are still doing it. Another public, distinctively learned and literary, has been reached by Dr. J . G. Frazer, of whom a critic lately wrote, from a standpoint perhaps too exclusively classical, that he “had brought anthropology from the backwaters into the main stream.” But now there is a new demand for information almost entirely on the cultural side of the science, from teachers of geo- graphy, history, literature, and the natural sciences- from missionaries and civil servants--from students of every kind : and it is not certain that we are ready to give them what they want. W e have not enough books of the right kind; we want a sound “popular ”

monthly magazine; we have not yet trained enough teachers who can speak with authority. And this demand comes just when many of the real anthropolo- gists have left off producing popular material; they have retired from public view, so to speak, to set their house in order, to develop their methods, to fix their terminlo-. logy; more and more they tend to write for each other and not for the general reader It is a situation full of difficulty, full of interest, and full of encouragement for new s tudents

The Trend of Anthropology. By H. Spencer Harrison, D.Sc., F.R.A.I,

OCCUPYING the habitable regions of the earth are races and peoples presenting differences in physical and mental characters, living under diverse conditions of material and social culture, and manifesting unequal pow-ers of progressive development. Between the lowest and the highest, intellectually and culturally, the gap is wide, but it is amply bridged by the numerous intermediate types and conditions of men. More interesting to the anthropologist than the civil- ized members of the race, are those backward peoples whose ancestors have played but an insignificant part in the onward march of humanity. The native Aus- tralian, with beetling brows and protruding jaws, reminiscent of the ape, fights with a wooden club, a boomerang, or a stone-pointed spear, gains a pre- carious livelihood by hunting, fishing, and collecting miscellaneous food, and wanders from place to place as his needs direct. How long his race has remained at this level cannot be said, but there is nothing to indicate that the condition is other than primitive. The culture of the prehistoric men of the Paleolithic (or Old Stone) Age in Europe was as low as that of the Australian aborigines of the present day, and there are impostant resemblances between the skulls of the two races, widely separated though they are in space and time. Of the existence of our remote predecessors -perhaps our ancestors-in our own region, there is abundant evidence in the form of their rude flint im- plements, and also of a few osseous remains. Dis- coveries made within the last year of two in the Dordogne district of France have added greatly to our knowledge of the skull of the men o f the earlier part of the Old Stone Age, and although the type is sometimes classed as a distinct species of man (Homo neander thalensis) it appears to have been no nearer the ape than are some existing races. In skull capacity, indeed, Paleolithic man ranks with the

8 SUPPLEMENT T O THE NEW AGE

average European of to-day. That it should be possible to g o back so many thousands of years- tens of thousands, at the least-and find that man was still unmistakably human, is evidence of his great antiquity, and in no way disturbs the evolutionary view of his ancestry. The circumstantial proofs of his simian origin are conclusive, and the burden of disproof rests upon those who regard him a s a n alien in the animal Kingdom. It is for them to show that he is a counterfeit of a natural product-an un- paralleled forgery.

The kinship of man with the several species of anthropoid apes, and the bearing of the resemblances and differences that exist upon the origin of man, are subjects that have long been under investigation by the physical anthropologist, as have also such questions as the determination of criteria of race, and the application of these to problems of fusion and affinity. It cannot be said that any revolutionary changes of opinion in this field have occurred within recent years, but there has arisen a tendency to exer- cise greater restraint in the formation of theories of racial connections. Even the grouping of mankind as of high or low physical type must be done with caution, since the sum of the qualities of .a race or people must be taken into consideration, and not a few characters alone. The correlation between shape of head o r size of brain and mental aptitudes is not so obvious as was once believed ; a small brain is not necessarily associated with small brain-power, nor are heavy brow-ridges and a protruding jaw sufficient guarantees of an animal intelligence. The comparison of the form .and proportions of skulls in the study of types, is also less relied upon than in former years, though the craniometer is by no means obsolete. Within the last few months, indeed, an instrument for measuring the internal form of skulls has been devised by Dr. Arthur Keith, and the errors arising from the variable thickness of the walls of different skulls may now be avoided.

In the development of man's implements or of his arts and crafts, upon which his material condition depends, the evolutionary principle has been shown to have prevailed in the past as in the present, and the main outlines of the development of culture can be indicated. At first merely a hunter and collector of food, then in some regions a herdsman and cattle- breeder, often a cultivator of plants, and finally an agriculturist man passed through many stages in the unconscious striving which led progressive peoples from savagery to civilisation. At all grades of cul- ture, the weaker or less fortunate brethren were left behind in the struggle, and they now represent for us past epochs in the history of our own ascent. In such a fundamental activity as the cultivation of plants, the evolution of which, in the civilised regions of the old world, can only be traced in a fragmentary way, the general line of advance may be deduced from the practices of some backward races. The sole achieve- ment of the Australian aborigines in the direction of agriculture consists in replacing in the ground the tops of wild yams whose roots have been taken for food. In parts of North America the treatment of a species of wild rice by some Indian tribes is sugges- tive of the steps by which our prehistoric forefathers first began to utilize the grains of wild grasses, and thus originated the cultivation of the cereals upon which civilizations are based.

The discoveries of the archaeologist aid in the re- construction of the cultural history of civilized peoples, and we are indebted to classical and other ancient writers for valuable records of their own times. Especially noteworthy amongst archeological results are the recent discoveries in Egypt and in Crete, where the growth of culture has been traced backwards from states of high civilization to primitive Stone Age con- ditions, such as those under which some existing Aus- tralian aborigines are still living The civilization of Europe has long been known to have developed from such beginnings as these, and there is sufficient evidence to convince u s that at one time no members of the human race were on a higher cultural level than the

lowest peoples of to-day. Further back still, the only implements of primitive man-and it is by his imple- ments that we are compelled to judge him-were so roughly made that we should not recognise them when found, and finally there appears the ancestral ape-man, with his teeth and hands as his only tools and weapons, and his instincts as his only guide.

The evolution of the implements and appliances which are the tangible results of man's inventive powers may be studied by the aid of the material sup- plied by the archaeological supplemented by that pro- vided by the untutored savage, who comes to our aid with his stone-bladed axe, his digging stick, and his dug-out canoe. Evidence is also derived from imple- ments found in use in backwaters of civilization which the later currents of human progress have failed to disturb. The development of the aeroplane is an illus- tration of the step-wise course of human invention, proceeding a t a pace incomparably more rapid than was the case with much simpler appliances in earlier times. I t is more than probable that the first fixing of a stone implement in a wooden haft was a device which was only arrived at after an experience extend- ing- over a long series of generations.

Many striking and obvious examples of the evolu- tionary process are to be found in these physical and material aspects of the study of man, but the vast field which includes his social habits and their regula- tion, his beliefs, and the general nature of his mental life, is of even greater importance from many points of view. Although the study of physical and cultural anthropology is not neglected, it is in the investigation of the sociological side of the life of backward races that anthropology has of late years developed its in- dividuality. The conservatism of uncivilised man is a valuable asset to the anthropologist, and it is fortu- nate that the quality is especially strong with regard to manners, customs, and beliefs. It is easier to induce a savage to exchange his stone knife for a steel one, than to persuade him to give up his own god for an- other. In the absence of experimental proof of the advantages of the latter transaction, his fetish or his idol is not readily relinquished. Anthropologists are now subjecting the social life of these backward peoples, so tenacious of their ancestral endowment, to an intensive study which gives results differing widely in reliability from the casual observations upon which many theories of the last two centuries were based. Although there remain but few native races uncontaminated by civilization, opportunities are still available in Australia, New Guinea, Africa, and other regions, for the rescuing from oblivion of the unwritten social and moral codes of these human relics of by- gone ages.

The comparative method, in this as in other branches of anthropology, is carried to its highest point, but it is recognised that the concentration of investigations upon the individual tribes or groups of a limited area is essential for the foundation of a broader basis of com- parison than is yet established. The larger divisions of mankind are very far from homogeneous so much intermixture having taken place that the problems of racial affinities are of extreme complexity. It is only by the detailed study of the life and activities as well as the physical character, of cultural or social units, that light can be thrown upon their origin and history. From a knowledge of such units a more accurate analysis may be made of the races or peoples of which they are the component parts. In the absence of written history, whether with regard to the backward races of to-day or the peoples who lived before the age of writing, the anthropological comparative method is the only one available for the tracing of migrations and dispersals, contacts, conquests, and fusions. The belief in a particular myth or theory of tribal origin, the prevalence of a characteristic style of art, the practice of a special industry or method of manufac- ture, or the relics o f an obsolete language in place names, may afford important evidence of kinship or contact. It is no longer permissible, however, to argue from China to Peru, on the basis of fortuitous resem- blances in customs or in arts.

SUPPLEMENT T O T H E NEW AGE 9

I t is not the science of anthropology alone that bene- fits by the application of modern methods. The infor- mation acquired is of value to the sociologist, who seeks for light upon the origin and development of society, and it is of still more importance to those members of the ruling races whose lot it is to govern the native peoples of a vast empire, and to administer justice amidst unfamiliar codes of moral and social law.. How many " little wars " have arisen through the flouting of a firmly-rooted belief, or the disregard of a tribal custom, cannot be told, but i t is certain that the British nation has paid dearly for the official neglect to provide for the study of the native races of the empire.

As an example of the scope of enquiry of a well- organised anthropological -expedition, brief reference may be made to the Cambridge expedition to the Torres Straits Islands, between New Guinea and the north of Australia, conducted by Dr. A. C. Haddon in 1898. The natives of these islands are Papuans, a negroid race, who were a few years back in their age of stone, and have not yet outlived their original con- dition. The members of the expedition formed an exceptionally strong band of inquisitors, and the list of subjects treated in the reports which are now ap- pearing is evidence of the thorough nature of their work. In addition to the study of the physical charac- ters of the people, tests were made with reference to their physiology and psychology, their colour-vision and their visual acuity Their hearing, smell, taste, and other senses, their reaction time, and even their varia- tions in blood pressure were the subjects of detailed experiment and enquiry. Their weapons implements, utensils, and their arts a n d crafts were studied, and specimens were collected. Systematic investigations were made into their folk-tales and myths, their magi- cal practices and religious beliefs, their totemic sys- tems; their customs in courtship and marriage, at births and deaths; their personal names, their genealo- gies and rules of kinship, their laws of property and inheritance ; their morals and their social organisation ; their quarrels and their mode of warfare ; their lan- guages and their systems of trade.

In other parts of the world similar investigations a r e in progress and have been completed, though the Cambridge expedition mus: be regarded as the best qualified of any that has yet undertaken the study of a native race. Upon the data obtained by such exhaustive researches the generalisations of the future will be based. The many problems concerning the origin, migrations, and fusions of the races of man will be brought nearer to solution, and our knowledge of the evolution of the arts and crafts, of religions and beliefs, and of social organisations, will be built upon a founda- tion of the only kind that science can recognise-a foundation of ascertained fact.

The Proper Subordination of the Economic Element in Social

Reforms. By St. George Lane Fox-Pitt.

THAT the economic factor of social problems is of great importance is undeniable, but is there not a strong tendency among modern reformers to exaggerate this importance and to exalt it to ;I position of absolute supremacy? I shall endeavour to show that th i s is a fatal error, and that the most vital question in all true social reform is the discovery of the best way of rele- gating money matters to their proper position of sub- ordination, and to make sure that we are dealing with a servant and not a master. First let us inquire what it is tha t we mean when we speak of the economic sphere of human activity. The science of economics deals with the production of " wealth " and its ex- change for a " consideration." In other words it deals with individual relationships on the basis of a quid pro

quo. Strictly speaking the science excludes from its province all those higher human efforts, in which work is done and services are rendered as the outcome of spontaneous love of knowledge and of our kind. Yet this latter sphere of life and thought is, I maintain, im- measureably the more important; and not only so but it in fact supplies the very basis upon which our civiliza- tion rests. what, then, we must endeavour to do is to examine and analyse the mainsprings of human action and to discover the incentives to effort, and to interpret the beliefs which lie at their root, whether they are held consciously or subconsciously. The word " wealth " is ambiguous, and is too often confounded with welfare. In its strictly economic sense it means merely such things and services as are in general demand, and which have, by reason of certain traditions and conventions, an exchange value. Thus the idea of wealth does not properly belong to those illimitable regions of human activity occupied by our various needs, spiritual and material, which are not capable of being held a s personal property. John Stuart Mill instanced the air we breathe as a case in point, for here we have a sub- stance, eminently useful and desirable, which cannot be monopolised. Similarly friendship, freedom of thought and conscience, perhaps the most valuable of our possessions, cannot be classed as economic wealth. A noble character, beneficent, wise and modest, assuredly a most important factor in estimating a people's wel- fare, is from an economic standpoint utterly valueless, for it is not a commodity which can be bought and sold. Such statements may be called truisms, but they are too often forgotten.

Now, as already stated, the mainspring of human action are certain deep rooted instincts, the outcome of primitive beliefs, held both consciously and sub- consciously Broadly speaking, they may he classed under three heads :--1st, the instincts of self-preserva- tion ; and, the instincts of self-surrender ; and 3rd (in- termediate between these two extremes), is a class of instincts which may be described as a n intellectual compound of the first two. To the first and third class belongs the economic sphere. While in the second class, complementary to and balancing the first, are instincts which rise on occasion to the surface of con- sciousness and tend to drive the individuality out of its limitations into the regions of universality. The intermediate class of instincts are such as lead us to a conscious recognition of our mutual i n terdependence, sometimes spoken of as "the long view," o r " en- lightened self-interest." Let us now examine more closely the ideas and beliefs to which are due the in- stincts of self-preservation. First we have all those thoughts and feelings which pertain to the " neces- sities of life " - - the means of " physical subsistencc " ; but these are closely associated with all those more subtle forms of intellectual selfishness such as the love of power and dominion, the craving for approbation and praise, the longing for the in- dependence of our individuality from any responsi- bility to, or control by, our fe l low, while conversely there is the egoistic dread of material privations, dis- comforts and indignities. Growing out of all these instinctive feelings we have the bare-faced worship of " money " as the supposed supreme power and safe- guard. It would seem hardly necessary to point out that such instinctive feelings and cravings cannot in themselves be regarded as safe guides to conduct, for though ample means may be found to gratify them, they can never be truly satisfied inasmuch as they tend to grow by what they feed on. It is evident, therefore, that our prospects of real welfare would he quite hope- less were it not that we have higher instincts, whether active or potential, by which the baser are counteracted and balanced. My immediate point, however, is that the whole conception of economic wealth arises out of, and is determined by, this first class of primitive in- stincts. I insist, moreover, that the fundamental pur- pose of social progress and reform can only be advanced and directed towards a higher and more stable state of things by the del-elopment of what I have called the i n - termediate class of instincts. This development must

10 SUPPLEMENT T O T H E NEW AGE

take the form of the drastic subordination of the whole sphere of economics to an awakened consciousness of the oneness of life. In other words we must decrease our tenacious belief and fond absorption in the apparent separateness of our lives, and at the same time develop and organise our reliance upon and belief in the bene- ficence, the supremacy and inexorable nature of Moral Law.

How is this great purpose to be achieved? In the first place greater attention must be paid to the syste- matic moral education of the young, and I strongly combat the notion that we must " begin " by " improv- ing conditions." Conditions must, of course, be im- proved and will be improved, but if there is anything in my argument such improvement should not be given the first place. Ideas and beliefs engender desires and volitions. Right ideas must, as far as possible, be sown and cultivated as early as opportunity allows. Next, systematic efforts must be made to get the higher awakened moral consciousness reflected and manifestcd in our manifold laws and institutions. I would not, however, for one moment deny that the various political and philanthropic efforts which are constantly being made by innumerable organisations and public-spirited individuals for the betterment of the conditions of the people, may have great educational value, nor say that such experiments are undeserving of encouragement. All I am contending is that the value of this work will be enhanced in proportion to the success with which economics are subordinated to moral truth.

Children and Civics. By F. J. Gould.

UNDERSTANDING by civics an intelligent appreciation of history and of the duties and possibilities of muni- cipal and national life, and an honourable pride in the service of the ,social order and progress, I propose to make a brief inquiry into the relation between civics and the education of the children of the masses. I shall produce no original ,observations on sociology, but I shall ask 'how far the children may be made effective auxiliaries in the enterprise of the philosophic politician and the moral reformer. Not with " bated breath and whispering humbleness " do I here represent the children, nor do I timidly suggest that the sociolo- gists might permit the young people to come into their august academy as a sort of interesting side-show. The children are an indispensable factor in civic evolu- tion and planet building, and I affirm that it should be the moral business of reformers (Plato's kings and philosophers) to include a n educational section in all their ,schemes. Plato was careful to do so in his republic, and the Commonwealth-makers of the twen- tieth century must be at least as shrewd as the Greek. Teacher of many years' standing as I am, yet am I desperately aware of my limitations in such a study, but there is the poor consolation that we are most of us wretchedly incompetent in dealing with the problem. If I grope towards the solution, at any rate nobody else runs.

Children should gradually develop a sense of mem- bership in the body politic along two lines; one, the line of spontaneous co-operation; the other, the line of political co-operation. They should be taught how civilisation has largely depended, and still depends, on many kinds of voluntary union, such as trade guilds, trade unions, friendly societies, philanthropic associa- tions, churches, and such reform leagues as the early Protestants, Young Italy, and the rest. The Hanseatic League is an example full-charged with social interest and adventure. Boys' cricket and football clubs, or girls' hockey clubs, reading circles, dramatic circles, etc., a r e then seen to be an organic part of an historic activity. The conventional history teaching treats the guild or the league as curiosities; whereas they are normal features of human evolution, and every right- minded citizen takes his share in some such function of order or progress. Even under the coming Socialism, when the State aegis will cover an enor-

mously increased area of life and industry, it is probable that spontaneous associations will multiply rather than decrease. The children should be en- couraged to train for this field of self-government, self- betterment, and recreation.

So also with political history and development. Party politics will be obviously ruled out of the State schools, though I for one feel no nervousness at the prospect of a Conservative or Socialist zealot now and then rousing local excitement by an impromptu confes- sion of faith in the class room. Such explosions tend to annul one another and are not uninstructive to the scholars. The science of politics can be illustrated by lively sketches of history and biography, from ancient Greece and Rome, through the Middle Ages, to the French Revolution and the threshold of the present century. Plutarch is peculiarly rich in political sug- gestion; and stories from the history of London, Florence, Paris, etc., will vividly present the frame- work of modern municipal life. Religion itself can be readily subsumed under these heads of instruction. The story of the faiths can be given in simple outline even to children in their teens, not, of course, as doc- trinal systems, but as embodies in the careers of Buddha, Confucius Mohammed, and so forth, or in the sacred Indian epics, or in Homer's Iliad and Odyssey. And if any Marxian should happen, half contemptuously perchance, to read these proposals, I would placate him by saying that the rudiments of economics may be con- veyed in the same graphic method. Plutarch's pages contain hints on the land question, and the "dismal science " may be prettily gilded by the aid of Zeno- phon's chatty " Oeconomicus." EngIish history will yield adequate notions of serfdom and peasants' risings and, with the aid of Gibbins and the Webbs and Graham Wallas's " Life of Francis Place,” a faint but useful conception may be gained of the general indus- trial evolution.

For the past twelve years the Moral Education League has advocated the introduction of systematic civic instruction into all schools The State may and does respect the methods of the religious communions, but cannot adopt them; and while it no doubt welcomes the aid of the churches in the production of honourable citizens, it can itself only appeal to the civic sense pure and simple, apart from theological sanctions. In direct moral and civic instruction, the child is n o longer, as during the lesson, on history, a spectator of the drama. His good instincts, his imagination and his awakening judgment are appealed to, and he is called upon to play a part in the social life. For this purpose the teacher will draw inspiration and example from history, biography, art, legend, travel; in short, from the whole round of human emotion and achievement so far as it is apprehensible by the child-mind. Civic instruc- tion is rather a dramatic interpretation of life than a code which awaits illustration. It does not mean etiquette. We have to-day an over-production of etiquette in some classes of society, and a n under- production of true courtesy in all. By courtesy I mean the considerateness which grows out of a sentiment of civic fellowship and without this fundamental virtue not even Socialism would be worth the expense of main- tenance.

Moral instruction needs reinforcement by activities that carry children away from book and desk Manual training has a place in this connection, though its, sig- nificance is not yet understood The attributes of accuracy and skill that are supposed to be its special recommendations cannot be accounted intrinsically moral. An expert pickpocket is a master of both skill and accuracy. Manual training should be employed to foster a spirit of practical service, and the things made by the senior scholars should be definitely devoted to some neighbourly purpose. The capacities called out in such exrecises should be fore-ordained and appren- ticed to the public service. Then again, the Scout Movement, in spite of its lurking militarism, is full of promise; and the counter movement under the guidance of Sir Francis Vane may help its transformation into a young citizen army (of both sexes) dedicated to wholesome athletics and industrial ability, and directed

SUPPLEMENT TO T H E NEW AGE 11

to mutual, aid. School journeys. will. more and more draw the scholars from a confined atmosphere to con- tact with the going concerns of civic life, institutions factories, workshops, etc., as well as t o - historic spots and eloquent ruins.

Civics, even i n China, ceases to be significant unless the way is kept open for progress. In effect, the child is the only true vehicle of progress. His education should be framed with a view to the progress mapped out by statesmen a n d . pioneers. Not only therefore should school-taught history tell of past advances; the young scholar should be accustomed to the expecta- tion of progress in the future. Even militarists are not quite prepared to say that children should not be told of the Utopia of Peace. ’The child may be invited to regard industrial reorganisation as one of the most vital issues which it will be his duty to study as he assumes his citizenship. ’Town-planning itself can be brought within the range of a young comprehension. Municipal improvements (I speak as a former town councillor) often .take years to mature owing to lack o f means for developing local taste. Let the interest of the children be ‘kindled in possible reconstructions. The very variety of the suggestions which would be a t the disposal of the teachers would prevent undue bias towards this or that scheme. Professor Geddes has lately revealed the higher uses of the town museum as a mirror of industries and even spiritual achievements past and present, and as a centre for the collection’ of plans for t h e future. To the museum the children should go on frequent pilgrimage.

The nineteenth. century placed science, or pretentded to place science, in authority over the school system. It has not been well taught. It can only be well taught by teachers philosophically trained, and our training colleges are nut yet on more than flirting terms with philosophy. Till the period of puberty, indeed, scientific principles are beyond the child’s conception. Of late years, the school itself has given up much of its pretension to impart “ Science,” and it is now usually content with the claim t o teach Nature know- ledge. The current tepid enthusiasm for technical edu- cation is a poor relation of the grand Spencerean ideal o f popuIar scientific discipline. Some of us are not going to submit to the rule of the mere scientist. Comte foretold that art, not science, would dominate the civics and education of the future. I mean no disrespect t o science, i.e., the ordinary .series of physical sciences. Logical training, now fearfully neglected, and the systematic teaching of the sciences will always occupy a high rank in the programme of adolescence (14 to 21 years). But the “aesthetic revelation of the world,” as Herbart aptly phrased it, will be deemed a nobler function of the teacher who serves the civic end. W e a r e all painfully aware of the monotony of industrial labour in factories and workshops, and Morris and Ruskin have pointed out the way of salva- tion. Ugliness still continues its reign of terror over the proletarian mills and workrooms. It will ultimately retreat before an intelligent and organised determina- tion of the wage-earners to substitute decency and beauty for the present grime. But such a renaissance i s impossible until the citizen of the future is prepared by an artistic and moral training. Under the head of a r t is, of course, included poetry. Now poetry is usually treated a s a sort of dainty set-off to the prosaic but necessary utilities of arithmetic and the like. As a matter of fact, a vast amount of the so-called arithmetic is, absolutely futile and brain-deadening, and the sooner it is abolished the better, both in the interest of com- monsense and in order to make way for really forma- tive influences such as poetry and history. I do not here dwell on the more obvious sides of artistic disci- pline, such as appreciation of fine pictures, sculpture and architecture. It seems to me that the beautifying of industry is the crucial question. When the Muses have free entry into the factory and triurnph over the Machine, the day of their pre-eminence over science a n d the general civic life will have a r r ived

Education must be drastically delivered from the hands of “educationists,” in the nineteenth century Sense of the term. Ladies a n d gentlemen who have

spent years within school buildings and i n Education Committees and the like, and who, on the strength o f this record, pose as experts on the civic destiny of the child, must be ousted from their ridiculous authority.

of twenty, thirty or more years’ standing are also quali- fied to adjudicate on the social aspects of education,. Both these classes o f experts (1 belong to both !) must learn to subordinate their views to a higher synthesis. An artisan, a manufacturer, a merchant, an .artist can often give a sounder judgment on the value of school work and the direction of necessary reform than the honest functionary who has stood before his class for half a century. The school must not be regarded as a cloister into which we pack the children to g-et them out of the way of the community till they can emerge into real life. ’The school is rather an organic part of the civic being. Its administration should he guided by the best available philosophy and world-knowledge of citizens who are free from “expert ” narrowness. Such counsellors should doubtless be associated with colleagues who are familiar with the interior working of the schools, so that progress may he rendered a convenient development of existing order. My prac- tical suggestions in this field of public affairs. are two : -(I) That teachers. should systematically confer with men and women representing all the phases of the civic world, from industry at the one end to philosophy at the other ; (2) That Education Committees should be strengthened by the co-operation of such representa- tives of civic activities, who will sit in the Committees in a purely advisory capacity, and with complete facili- ties for visiting the schools, but not possessing the power to vote on finance and the merely administrative machinery.

The superstition still rules school circles that teachers

REVIEWS, History.

History repents itself in wars of aggression, and in the apparent inability of the English nation to profit by the disasters attending such wars. It repeats itself in the case of the two disastrous Afghan wars. “ His- tory nowhere presents a closer parallel than that which exists between the causes, conduct, and consequences of the Afghan wars o f 1878-80. Both had their origin in the fear of Russia, yet neither had Russia for its object. Each was begun under a fatal misconception of its character, cost and probable duration. Each, though i n intention directed solely. against a Prince, became in its progress a struggle with a people. Each ran a long and chequered course, and was marked by incidents little creditable t o British honour and humanity. Each closed with a march which surrounded political failure with a halo of military success, and gave an air of freedom to an inevitable retreat. Each left behind it, to the people of India, a legacy of indebtedness and poverty ; to the people of Afghanistan, a legacy of bitter memories and deep distrust of British promises. Each failed o f its object.” Thus Colonel Hanna con- cludes the third volume of his exhaustive work. In this volume he follows the final events of the war, the massacre of the Kabul mission, the march upon, and occupation of, Kabul, and the indiscriminate and whole- sale massacre of villagers by the British. He follows, too, the subsequent disasters to the British force, to which he maintains the weakness of Roberts’s strategy largely contributed. And he follows the course of the army in its final evacuation of Afghanistan. In a very forcible way this book presents an admirable specimen of our political system of wars of aggression and annexation, and of our glorious manner of muddling through such wars. W e a r e so disposed to be proud of our conquests and apt to-boast of our wise and politic governors, so inclined to believe that we do nothing but un i te the peoples of the earth, and spread the blessings of order and civilisation throughout the universe, that a book of this kind comes as a wholesome corrective, especially seeing that it is in favour of a moral substi- tute for war virtues. Written in good English, printed on. good paper, and containing clear and adequate

12 SUPPLEMENT TO THE NEW AGE

strategical maps, though a little over-technical, it is a book for all readers, from the soldier to the politician. The Second Afghan War. By H. B. Hanna: (Con- stable, 15s.)

Biology and Pathology. The “ Last Words on Evolution ” is a brief

retrospect and summary of Haeckel’s evolution theories. I t is a reassertion of his biological teachings and his materialistic beliefs, and a view of his merciless, brutal scepticism concerning the spiritual life, ideas of im- mortality and God. To him evolution implies fatalism. He tells us “ the belief in man’s free-will is inconsistent with the truth of evolution.” This is true if the law of causation which underlies evolution impIies fatalism. Mr. McCabe’s translation is admirable, and the tables and plates add value to this interesting exposition of Haeckel’s monism. “ The Nature and Origin of Living Matter ” is an exposition of the scientific views of the author of the theory of spontaneous generation-a theory which has left Dr. Bastian standing alone.

There are many persons who do not desire to hear the truth. Apparently Mr. Clay is one of them. He has undertaken to explain a disease which needs an expert to deal with it, and though he himself is not an expert, yet he pits himself against some of the greatest men of the world-men who have not hesitated to neglect lucrative professions in order to give their time and energies to investigating a most terrible disease. The dedication of Mr. Clay’s book is in bad taste. Some of the illustrations are in the worst taste, bad in anatomy and drawing. The chapters are headed by poetical trimmings. I t is an irresponsible book on cancer, unjustifiable from every standpoint. It ought never to have been published. Last Words on Evolution. By Ernest Haeckel. The Nature and Origin of Living Mat-ter. By H. C.

The Nature of Cancer. By John Clay. (Sonnenschein,

?

Bastian. (Watts, 6d. each)

3s. 6d.)

Economics. This important hook aims to inquire as to the

system of land tenure in Belgium in its relation to the problem of poverty in Britain. The ground covered is wide and varied It includes a brief description of Belgium and her people, of the history of her system of land tenure and of the system itself, a consideration of the questions of industry and agriculture and three matters vitally affecting them, namely, transport facili- ties and the systems of taxation and education ; whilst questions of the si-andard of living, housing, and desti- tution are fully dealt with in the fifth and concluding sections. ’Throughout the author employs an economic standard of measurement and his conclusions all seem to be the result of the application of economic doctrine. He notes with satisfaction the rapid increase of affores- tation ; the nationalisation of transport facilities, and the great advantages therefrom ; the efficient system of housing the working classes, and the low percentage of unemployment And he deplores the low wages and standard of elementary education ; the large consump- tion of alcohol ; the badly organised poor relief ; and that many of the taxes tend to check enterprise. Sur- veying conditions o f the industrial population, he refers to the advantages to the worker that might result from the compulsory reduction in the hours of labour ; the raising of the standard of education and the reform of the present system of charitable relief, as well as from the creation by the workers of a spiritual ideal.

The main fault of the book is that i t puts forward certain arguments in favour of reform which are drawn from a comparatively small country, and which it is difficult te apply to a large one like our own. For instance, though it was comparatively easy to nationalise the railways of Belgium, it is not so easy to nationalise those of this country, seeing that the governing class forms an insuperable obstacle, and therefore the immense advantages enjoyed by the work- ing classes of Belgium from the nationalisation of

transport facilities may never be attained by the workers in this country. Another fault is that many of the author’s conclusions are based on purely economic grounds, and would not stand biological tests.

The work, however, as it stands, is packed with economic facts, and it is impossible to do it complete justice in the short space a t our disposal. I t consti- tutes a complete and careful inquiry into the social and economic conditions of Belgium. Nothing in it is hap- hazard, nothing is set down carelessly. It is, indeed, a valuable contribution to that class of sociological inquiry inaugurated by Charles Booth’s “ Survey.” Maps, charts, and indices complete a work indispensable aIike to the economist and sociologist. Land and Labour. By B. Seebohm Rowntree. (Mac-

Mr. Mayer has brought together articles by the late Major C. B. Phipson, presenting his economic doctrine as taught eight years ago. The value of this doc- trine may be gathered from the two following extracts. “ The unemployed, this is a word which in all civilisa- tions is becoming one of the most fateful meaning, for more clearly expressed it means simply the ‘ unfed,’ or the ‘ insufficiently fed.’ ” “ The Science of civilisation, better known under the name of Political Economy, is that science which seeks to reduce to intelligible and universal laws the action of the various social forces which compel, facilitate, and increase the sale of manu- factures.” This was written in 1902. Since then we have advanced in biological and sociological knowledge, and we believe that such definitions are valueless. The author presents his facts and figures clearly, and his views on the currency problem arc interesting, if not convincing. British Social and Economic Problems. (Palmer, 6d.)

In his brief work, Mr. Smith puts forward proposals for securing conditions of economic security for the Proletariat similar to those enjoyed by the Patriciat His main proposal is, “ The legal creation of property in favour of employers, to the maximum extent of one- half o f the net profit, surplus produce, or dividend re- maining over, as the result of the co-operation of the proletariate and patriciate sections of the population in the work of the production and exchange of wealth.” The author has the conception of a social organism composed of three fully developed organs o f national providence the State (physical), t h e School (intellec- tual), and the Church (moral). Above these, uniting, directing and controlling them. are the TemporaI (House of Commons), and Spiritual (House of Lords) powers. The supreme head is the King. We are unable to say that Mr, Smith’s vision stimulates in u s any hope of practical activity. If the economic security of the proletariat depends upon the realisation of Mr. Smith’s dream we do not believe it ever will be attained There is. indeed, more promise than achieve- ment in this thoughtful treatise on economic science.

Mr. ‘Tribe is for doing away with Interest. He brings forward the testimony of certain great teachers to show that it is an undesirable evil. But he does not m a k e it clear i l l what sense he uses the term interest, whether in that of Proudhon as business rent, or Henry George and Ruskin as wages, or of Ricardo as business profit. He, like other economic writers, seems to con- found i t with usury. Again, he has no practical means of abolishing it. I t is useless to appeal to those who benefit by it to give it up. Canute’s self-imposed task o f stopping the sea was comparatively much easier. There are many persons who would abolish money altogether, but what means of exchange is to replace i t ? That is the problem awaiting solution. The pamphlet, which contains a brief examination by the author of some of the economic principles of the secre- tary of the Fabian Society, may be obtained from the author on receipt of a postcard.

The National Providence Essays. By James C. Smith.

The Morality of Interest. By the Rev. Odell W. Tribe.

millan, 10s. 6d.)

(Kegan Paul, 3s . 6d.)

(St. Anne’s, Brondesbury.)