marrakech - the forgetting of air

8/22/2019 Marrakech - The Forgetting of Air

1/49

M A R R A K E C HSASHA NASH


2/49

Figure 1 - Satellite view of the Medina showing typical

narrow alleys and courtyard gardens of the Riads


3/49

Introduction

Marrakech in central Morocco is a walled city over a thousand

years old, its Medina1

is a densely packed, almost homogenous,urban fabric and the ancient city ramparts have, until recently,

limited and outward city sprawl. Since its origins in 1069 the

city plan has remained fairly consistent and conned within the

ramparts. In 1912, when Morocco became a protectorate of

France, a new urban area was developed beyond the ramparts

- Marrakech Gueliz.

The traditional urban grain of the Medina is very ne, a mazy warren

of narrow streets, tightly knit alleyways and derbs2(g. 1). The narrow

streets render 93% of the Medinas 632 hectares inaccessible to

motorcars3, and although scooters and motorbikes are a popular

form of transport it is a city where pedestrians dominate. Riads4

are densely clustered together, each one built around its own leafy

and shady courtyard garden. This type of urban organisation andvernacular architecture has created a city wide microclimate that

keeps the air in the streets and buildings considerably cooler than

surrounding areas, both suburban and rural.

Planned by French colonialists the urban arrangement ofGueliz

is in stark contrast to the Medina (g. 2). A European radial grid

system dictates the city plan its streets and boulevards are wideand open, built for motorcars rather than people and exposed to

the regions baking sun (g. 3).

1 Ancient walled town

2 Narrow, cul-de-sac/dead end alleyways

3 Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in Africa Cities p. 201

4 Traditional Moroccan house with an interior garden or courtyard

3


4/49

Figure 2 - Map ofMarrakech in 1935 with the Medina

on the right and Guelizon the upper left.


5/49


6/49

What lessons can we learn from studying these two differing

urban morphologies located side by side in the same metropolitan

city? How does the microclimate of Gueliz compare with theMedina? Do the newly formed suburbs of Marrakech support

Moroccan social culture and lifestyle?

Climate

The climate in Marrakech is semi-arid with hot dry summers

and mild wet winters. While this climatic pattern mirrors thatof the much of the Mediterranean there is signicantly less

precipitation during the wet season in Marrakech. Year round

there are major swings in temperature between day and night

- on average the daily high is 20C warmer than the daily low.

6


7/49

Figure 3 - Photograph of Boulevard Mohammed

Zerktouniin Gueliztaken in 1981. Kathy Dady

7


8/49

Formation of the City

Marrakech was founded by the Almoravids5 in 1069. At the

time many regional tribes were vying for the honour of hostingthe Almoravid chieftains on their territory but in the end, the

Almoravidleaders agreed to set up camp on neutral territory to

avoid creating disharmony amongst local tribes.

The determined site was an area on the plains of the RiverTensift

at the edge of the northern foothills of the Atlas Mountains and at

the banks of a small tributary called the Wadi6

Yssyl. Strategicallythe exposed location on the plains not only thwarted the threat

of surprise attacks but also allowed the Almoravids to occupy

a central location from which they could control all small towns

and settlements in the foothill valleys.

TheAlmoravids were an alliance of several nomadic Berber tribes

originating from the Sahara. Traditionally they lived in tents madefrom camel hair and would travel with the seasons, farming in the

mountains and herding their ocks. Initially Marrakech would have

existed as a military encampment - an agglomeration of campsites,

different tribes, clans and families clustering together. Tents would

be arranged to form an exclusive, centrally enclosed space, often

covered in woollen carpets that provided a communal living and

gathering space for the family (g.4). Families from the same tribesand clans would pitch their tents in the same area, creating tribal

districts - it is this type of family oriented spatial conguration that

formed the underlying urban layout of the Medina.

5 A dynasty of several nomadic Berber tribes unied under Islam

6 A mountain torrent

8


9/49

Figure 4 - Woven tapestries of a typical Berber camp

9


10/49

10

A souk7 formed at the encampment and Marrakech became

a convenient place to set up camp and trade goods for tribespassing through the area. This in turn attracted more merchants

and traders and the camp began to function like a small, regional

trading town.

The surrounding plains were blessed with natural resources, an

easily accessible high water table, excellent clay and soil rich in

lime. This provided ample material for the early xed dwellingsof the city. The rst houses built would have been simple cob

gourbis8(g. 5), badly made and in need of frequent maintenance.

7 Market stall

8 Small shacks

Figure 5 -A simple cob gourbi. Many of the earliest buildings in

Marrakech would have been built like this using earth, clay, lime

and sticks.


11/49

11

The arrangement ofgourbis would have been the same as the

tents which they replaced with the tribal districts maintained.

The most signicant buildings in the city at this time would have

been the Jami Masjid9 Mosque and the Qasr el-Hajar10.The

Qasr el-Hajarwas the rst building to be constructed. It was

built from stone byAlmoravidleaders to safeguard their growing

haul of gold, silver and jewels plundered as they continued to

expand their empire. Although the Mosque was constructedafter the Qasr el-Hajarand built of simple cob it was much more

signicant as it formally symbolised Marrakech as a town rather

than a transient encampment.

The Mosque provided the opportunity to exercise religion and

was the decisive factor that saw many of the tribes abandon

their nomadic life and set up permanent residencies in the newcity.

A natural urban axis began to form between these two buildings

and created the rst urban core of the city with souks lining the

route.

In Islam the denition of ground space is always done by theconstruction of a wall - the enclosure is a symbolic action of the

appropriation. This is true across all scales, from gardens and

homes to entire cities. It is likely at this point that theAlmoravidrulers

9 A mosque where all males are gathered to pray communally,

on the Day of Assembly - every Friday

10 Castle of Stone


12/49

would have begun to enclose the city behind ramparts. Speaking

of Islamic Medinas in general, not specically Marrakech

Abdurhiman explains the importance of city walls:

The creation of a perimeter wall around the Medina

dates from the foundation of the Mosque. The

two acts constituted the founding of the city: the

denition of an area in contrast to the surrounding

countryside, and that of an inner sanctum for the

construction of the Great Mosque. This oppositionbetween a single centre and a linear perimeter

forms the basis of the Medinas primary structure:

the relationship between the centre and the

periphery regulates the citys internal functions and

determines the positioning of the different economic

and cultural agents within it.11

Gradually a whole host of industries began to form along the

banks of the WadiYssylconsuming its water, but also polluting

it. Tanneries appeared rst, followed by the lime kilns of potters

and adobe brick makers. Loggers, who previously operated

from another town were attracted to the opportunities afforded

by the growth ofMarrakech and also set up their own district

in this agglomeration of manufacturers. To the west, the urbancentre ofMarrakech continued its growth as a residential district

clustered around the Mosque and central well, sheltered from

the smells of the polluting industries by the dominant winds.12

11 Abdurahiman, S.,Climatic Design in Arab Courtyard Houses, p 4

12 Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech, p. 218

12


13/49

13

To the south of the city palm groves, orchards and gardens were

planted to maintain a local supply of food.

By now Marrakech was home to around 120,000 inhabitants

and a prosperous and wealthy city dotted with luxurious palaces

Figure 6 -A sketch map ofMarrakech in 1100


14/49

and luscious gardens - it was a bastion of Islamic civilization

and an intellectual centre where the most famous scholars and

philosophers of the age converged13

.

During the early years of the Marrakechs urbanisation the

Almoravid leaders executed a city wide master plan (g.

7), aligning the city ramparts, city gates, and building a new

Jami Masjid Mosuqe based on astronomical and geometric

calculations made at the time. As you can see the orientation

of the Mosques qibla14

has been rotated between Figure 6and Figure 7, this would have been due to new astronomical

discoveries and methods found at the time.

Construction of the ramparts was only to begin when a series of

astronomical conditions where met to ensure their solidity and

strength. The exact date when the ramparts where constructed is

unknown, however the astronomic conditions were chronicled inancient documents allowing modern day astronomers to calculate

the exact date when construction would have begun. Using

simulation methods it is possible to reconstruct the alignment of

stars and planets at any place on earth, at any moment in time

- hence astronomers have concluded that construction begun

on the 25th June 1126, when all the chronicled astronomic

conditions would have been fullled (g. 8).15

As the city grew water became increasingly scarce and although

there were many shallow wells, the sheer number of inhabitants

13 http://www.dar-sirr.com/Patron_Saints_of_Marrakech.html

14 axis pointing towards Mecca

15 Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech, p. 229

14


15/49

Figure 7 Marrakech Masterplan circa. 1120

Figure 8

Astrological chart

for Marrakech on

June 25th 1126

15


16/49

producing waste water and sewage, which disposed of in

absorbing wells, was making the availability of consumable

groundwater extremely limited. In addition the increased needfor food meant that the orchards and gardens were in need of

an efcient irrigation system.

It was the Almoravids who installed the rst khetteras16

in Marrakech, with the various following dynasties further

developing and expanding the network.

[Khetteras are a system] that involves the tapping of

the aquiter or water table in high ground or hillsides,

and bringing the water down through man made

underground channels to cultivated areas in the

valleys and plains. Vertical shafts are dug to allow

access to the channel [like wells], and used in the

original excavation and for the maintenance of the

horizontal channel. By using a horizontal channel,

the water is easily brought to the areas of settlementand agriculture. The underground channels are

noted for their reliability. (g. 11)17

The khetteras were an inuence the social order of the city. The

point at which water rst enters the city ramparts is when it is

at its purest. Once inside the city and gardens (g. 10) it was

common forkhetteras to become an open and accessible channelwhich were increasingly soiled as they penetrated deeper into the

city centre. Therefore in the Medina the supply of water made it

desirable for the wealthy to build theirriads as close to the city

16 Man made underground waterways, originally developed in Iran

17 Afshar, F. , Architectural Design, vol. 45 no. 4, Apr 1975, p. 223-224

16


17/49

Figure 9 -A dried up khettera

17


18/49

ramparts as possible, to ensure not only purity, but priority of water.

In Marrakech the water was initially fed to the palaces and then

into the food producing gardens and orchards, only surplus waterwas passed on into residential areas, with those at the bottom

of the pecking order often receiving no water at all in times of

drought (g 9).

Figure 11 - Typical khettera section

Figure 10 - Open khettera in apalmerie

18


19/49

Figure 12 - Map ofKhetteras in the Medina from 1900

19


20/49

20

Housing

Looking at a satellite photo of the Medina today we see a

continuous fabric of roofs punctuated by hundreds of squareholes - the courtyard house. This type of house is one of the

oldest known urban housing types in the world.

At least three factors have contributed to its

apparently unchanged popularity: rst, the relatively

economical use of land, as this house type does not

require large building sites; second the courtyardhouse guarantees, even in crowded urban

conditions, maximum security and privacy, which are

of paramount importance wherepurdah is imposed

by the household head; and third this house type,

which frequently has a planted courtyard, is well

adapted to the conditions of hot urban climates.18

All houses are formed on the same model - an open air patio

or garden surrounded by internal habitation. All rooms open

onto this central space with sleeping and living quarters usually

located alongside the courtyard and the corner rooms reserved

for kitchens, stores, stairs and toilets (g. 13).

The rooms themselves are long and narrow, their shapedetermined by the span of available timber roong beams, usually

between 2-3 metres. Blinded on three sides by party walls, the

elevation facing the alleyways of the fourth side is usually blank

and windowless which provides an intriguing contrast to the

18 Schwerdtfeger, F., Traditional Housing in African Cities p. 215


21/49

enchanting atmosphere found within. It is this private central

space which serves the house with light and ventilation and acts

as a central circulation space between rooms.

In Marrakech there are several variations of the courtyard house:

the Riad, the Darand the Foundouk- although they are all fairly

similar. The Riadis the most desirable with an interior courtyard

large enough for fountains, planted trees and gardens. The Dar

(g. 15) is very similar in terms of layout, but has a much smaller

courtyard without any planted area - perhaps a small fountain

Figure 13 -A typical Riad Plan

21


22/49

and some potted plants. Finally a Fondouk (g. 14) is an old

merchants warehouse that has been converted into cheap

habitation. They are also formed around a central courtyardbound by habitable rooms. At the beginning of the 20th century,

as the trans Saharan trade route died out, many Fondouks in

the Medina where converted into tenements.

It is reasonable to order these dwellings into socioeconomic

groups, Riads are the home of the most afuent, Dars are

occupied by the middle classes and Foundouks by lowerincome groups and immigrants. Overcrowding, poor sanitary

conditions and lack of regular maintenance are the main feature

ofFondouks.19

Households are often inhabited by several generations of the

family, with an average of 12 people per house in the Medina.20

Much like the Medina itself, courtyard houses have often grownorganically to suit the needs of their inhabitants, expanding over

time.

Figure 16 shows the growth ofRiadover a fourteen year period

from a single room inhabited by three people to a two story

house inhabited by seventeen.

Houses in the Medina are vernacular and are still built using

basic, local materials in the same manner as a thousand years

ago: foundations of stone, walls of either earth bricks laid in lime

or rammed earth. Roofs are at and structured from a skeleton



22


23/49

Figure 14 (above)

Plan of a typical Fondouk

Figure 15 (right)

Plan of a typical Dar

23


24/49

24


25/49

Figure 16

Evolution of Riad to suit family needs.

Key

25


26/49

of timber beams which are then lined with bamboo, grass

matting, a layer of mud and then nally several layers of lime

mortar which require annual maintenance to remain leak free.

None of the materials used are particularly durable and houses

needed frequent repair and renovation.

In a city that is constantly being rebuilt, one notices

that the layout of its streets and the breakdown of

its plots remain relatively stable. One may assume

26

Figure 17

Interior side of typical roong system


27/49

that many houses in Marrakech are built according

to the layout of the houses that preceded them.

Because of the accumulation of trash in the streets,the average level of the ground in the Medina

is ve metres above where it was when the city

was created. Some very old houses have [central

courtyards] so deep that sometimes one has to go

down a staircase to get to them. These burried

houses are probably older than those whos [central

courtyard] is at street level.21

The courtyard conguration also forms a microclimate that aids

the cooling of the house. This can be broken down into three

stages:

During the rst cycle, the cool night air descends into

the courtyard and lls the surrounding rooms. Walls,

oors, columns, roofs, ceilings and furniture are

cooled at night and remain so until the late afternoon.

The courtyard loses heat by irradiation to the sky.

The second cycle usually starts around noon

when the sun directly strikes the courtyard oor.

Some of the cool air begins to rise and also leaks

out of the surrounding rooms. This action sets up

convection currents in the rooms which may afford

further comfort. The courtyard now begins to act as

21 Wilbaux, Q., Marrakech - The Secret of Courtyard Houses, p. 54

27


28/49

a chimney. At this hour the ambient temperature is

very high outside, but the thick earth walls do not

permit the external heat to penetrate to the inside ofthe house. The adobe walls are excellent insulators,

and the time-lag for an external wall of average

thickness may be as much as twelve hours. Three

out of four external walls on an average are party

walls; thus the house remains enclosed on all sides

and is insulated from heat gain during the day.

During the third cycle, the courtyard oor and the

inside of the house get warmer and further convection

currents are set up by the late afternoon. Most of the

cool air trapped within the rooms spills out by sunset.22

The courtyards are often planted with lush gardens (g. 18)

arranged around a central fountain which also help lower the

temperature - as moisture from plants or water from fountains

evaporates it cools the surrounding air.


28


29/49

29

Figure 18- Typical Riad interior courtyard


30/49

While the courtyard houses of the Medina are built around the

concept of privacy and are insular in their design, the principle

streets ofMarrakech form a city wide theatre of public humanencounter. This type of street life and human exchange naturally

forms social bonds amongst the inhabitants.23

The very ne urban grain of the Medina is characterised

by narrow winding streets that appear labyrinthine in their

complexity, and together with Riads and Dars form an important

part of the Medinas microclimate. The meandering streets whichtwist and turn have closed vistas and perform the same function

as a courtyard by retaining any cool air that is deposited during

the night from being swept out by the rst puff of wind as would

occur in a gridiron plan.24

The street pattern is hierarchical. The main

thoroughfares and secondary streets are reservedfor trading activities, public buildings and amenities;

they constitute the main arteries of the Medina. The

narrower side streets andderbs, whose essential role

is to provide access to the houses, are perpendicular

to the thoroughfares and secondary streets, their

private aspect creates a strong contrast with the

principal streets. The groups of houses hemmed inthe side streets constitute blocks to which access is

provided by derbs leading to the houses.25

23 Salat, S., Sustainable Arabic Urban Design at neighbourhood scale, p. 14

24 Fathy, H., Natural Energy & Vernacular Architecture, p. 64


30


31/49

European Infuence

For almost a millennia the city of Marrakech had remained

conned by walls of the Medina, but after Morocco became a

protectorate of France in 1912 this began to change.

At the time there was a Colonial urban policy that sought to

protect ancient and indigenous towns and cities from changes

made by European newcomers and it was thus that the district

Guelizrst appeared near the northwestern edge of the Medina.

The town layout was based on a distinctively French radial

street plan (g. 19) with wide streets and boulevards which

was a stark contrast to the meandering alleyways found in the

Medina. (g. 20-23)

[In the Medina] under the canopied streets the

Arabian Night came to life. The smells and poverty

Figure 19 - Plan ofGuelizin 1919

31


32/49

Figure 20 -Aerial view of the Medina

Figure 22 -Aerial view of Gueliz

32


33/49

Figure 21 - Typical street of the Medina

Figure 23 - Typical street of Gueliz

33


34/49

receded into the darkness of the night and in the

glare of naked gas lamps and electric bulbs the

fantasy of colours and cloths and beaten copperand pottery sent the head spinning. This riot

of colour and noises is met in every one of the

twisting intertwining souks and the maze of left

and right angle bends and turns. After the Medina

the European town ofMarrakech-Guelizis visually

depressing. Like the old town it is mostly two stories

in height, but whereas the Arab streets are narrowand winding, and appropriate to the broiling climate

the streets [here] are very, very wide and help much

in creating the impression of a huge sprawl.26

In 1919 Marrakech Municipal Services published a review on

the new and growin city ofGueliz, which offer some interesting

insights into the European attitude at that time.

For reasons of a political and social order Europeans

and Moroccans are required not to live side by side,

to avoid daily friction and misunderstanding, we are

individuals of different mentalities and manners, not to

say opposite; reasons of a commercial and industrial

nature with regard with the layout of the indigenouscity and the narrowness of its streets; aesthetic

reasons in order to leave intact the picturesque city;

and last but not least for hygienic reasons.

26 Oakley, D., Housing and town planning in French Morocco, AA Journal, Dec 1954, p. 131

34


35/49

Marrakech is like a big foundouk. There is a oating

population of somewhere around 30,000 and

conceived to be extremely badly educated. We mustadd that cattle, camels and donkeys wander the town

loaded with eas and ticks ying about in the wind.

The method of construction underfoot, the amount

of ruined buildings as the city gradually disintegrates

and resolves to turn itself incessantly into dust.

During the summer the slightest breeze raises

opaque clouds of sand and pulverized rubbish of anykind; winter, on the other hand, produces torrential

rains which turn the squares and streets into swamps

and small lakes. The city has almost no slope and

the old sewers date back several centuries being

half lled and impossible to visit, the only method of

wastewater disposal consists of multiple absorbing

wells that horribly pollute the groundwater.

If indeed we want to attract Europeans, and many

natives are certainly not without charm, Guelizmust

provide attractive and comfortable housing where

the water ows at will and bath and shower facilities

are possible as a result. Housing is to be more

comfortable and enjoyable, indigenous houses areoften cold and wet winter, although generally well

protected against the scorching heat.27

27 Aimel, G.,French Morocco - Birth of a City

35


36/49

Indeed the microclimate created by the urban structure of the

Medina is far more favourable than that ofGueliz. A recent study

of the city of Fez, which has a similar climate to Marrakech,reveals the difference in temperature between the Medina and

a modern European development similar to Gueliz.

Two streets, typical of their urban morphologies, were analysed

(g. 24), a narrow alley in the Medina and wider road in the

European town, and their ambient temperatures thematically

compared with that of surrounding rural areas.

Results (g. 25) clearly show the morphology of the Medina

provides a far more stable environment for habitation. On the

hottest day of the year ambient street temperatures are 10Ccooler than in the European town, and 8C cooler than the

surrounding countryside.

The main reason for this cool island effect in the Medina is

related to the height and width of the of the streets. During

the day they remain mostly shaded minimising solar gain and

Figure 24 - Cross sections of analysed streets

36


37/49

Medina

European

Rural

Medina

European

Rural

Hotest day of the summer

Coldest day of the winter

Figure 25 -Analysis results

37


38/49

staying cool. Additionally during the day warm air above the

roofs is unable to reach street level because the main airow

skims over the deep and narrow alleys - the warm air is morebuoyant than the cool air in the alleys and cannot descend.28

The relatively cool nights (in comparison to day time

temperatures) in Marrakech allow roof tops to cool down

efciently during the night through radiative cooling after which

the cool air packets may descend into the alleyways below,

refreshing them for the day ahead.

Conclusion

Since the creation of Gueliz many new areas have been

urbanised around Medina (g. 26) . The plan of these new

areas is generally based on an wide, auto centric, grid system

- an extremely limited approach in terms of climatic urbandesign. Like many cities in the developing world Marrakech

has experienced a surge in population over the last century

and urban sprawl is having huge implications on energy

consumption and social integration. During the 1950s French

housing developers complained:

One of the major problems facing the housedesigners is that the Moslem seems unable to cook

unless he lights an open re on the ground. Those

who have been forced by events to live in multi-

storey dwellings have lit res on the balconies and

28 Johansson, E., Building & Environment 41, p. 1333

38


39/49

Almoravids 1069-1147

Alawites 1669-1912

French Protectorate 1912-1956

Almohads 1147-1269

Merinids + Sadians 1269-1669

Independence 1956-

Figure 26 - Growth of Marrakech since 1069

39


40/49

cooked on them, ignoring the kitchen equipment

provided. It is mathematically impossible to house

all the immigrant families at the present density ofone-storey development.29

Given that the buildings within the Medina are of vernacular

technology they were designed to provide a maximum level of

comfort in a world without fossil fuels, they provide examples of

complete urban complexes based on zero energy bioclimatic

urban morphologies.30

It is estimated that their will be 100 million new inhabitants living

in cities in hot and arid regions like Marrakech by 2030, therefore

it is vital that issues such as urban sprawl, consumption of

energy, consumption of water are confronted with renewed

vigour. The social fabric of society in Marrakech is woven in the

ne urban grain of the Medinas streets. The construction of carcentric suburbs renders the public arena of the streets empty,

and soulless by comparison. The suburbs are uncomfortable

in the heat and inhabitants remain indoors in air conditioned

bubbles whenever possible only venturing outside to scuttle

into their air conditioned cars that transport them from one air

conditioned bubble to another. The ancient ways of society are

forcibly being eroded in these new developments.

If we compare the Medinas centre, the pulsating square of

Djemaa el Fna to the central square in Gueliz, Place du 16

Novembre, it is simply depressing. (g. 27 & 38)

29 Oakley, D., Housing & town planning in French Morocco, AA Journal, Dec 1954, p. 127-137

30 Salat, S., Sustainable Arabic Urban Design at neighborhood scale, p. 14

40


41/49

Figure 27 - Djemaa el Fna

Figure 28 - Place du 16 Novembre

41


42/49

It is difficult situation that policy makers in these areas

must address boldly and head on. The fundamental issue is

how to integrate design scaled for the motorcar and designscaled for human beings. The social and climatic advantages

of narrow street system is clear, but cars are a reality of

modern society and it is probably unrealistic to imagine a

city built without any accessibility for motorcars. Perhaps an

urban block should be scaled in such a manner that allows

further breakdown of many smaller human scaled urban

blocks to exist within, but of course this creates the problemof connectivity between blocks.

However, one such scheme has been built in suburban

Marrakech, taking a wealth of inspiration from the social and

climatic function of the Medina. The Anbar Housing Project

is a large urban block 560 social apartments, a mosque and

a public garden.

While at first the sheer scale of the urban block looks slightly

galling (fig. 29), upon closer inspection it is possible to see

that the apartments are assembled around a network of

narrow, alleyways and courtyards inspired by the Medina (fig

30 & 31).

A standard apartment has three rooms, and much like a

traditional riadthe central space is used to connect the different

rooms. In the ground oor apartments the kitchen is connected

to a traditional open air loggia - traditionally a place to sit and

relax in the evenings.

42


43/49

Figure 29 - Aerial view

Figure 30 - Alleys revealed

43


44/49

Figure 20 - An interior alleyway of the Anbar Block

44


45/49

Architect Elie Mouyal says of the project:

The conguration and arrangement depend on thecourt and covered alleys have created a special

microclimate for the huge site. Courtyards serve as

a reservoir of cool-fresh air; just as dominated in

the city plan [of the Medina]. Performing the same

function, narrow winding alleys retain any cool air

that may be deposited during the night from being

swept away by the rst puff of wind.

The layout characteristics is meant to encourage

residents to walk, increase sociability, foster a

distinctive community identity and maintain strong

connective links to the surroundings and city

centre.31

This pioneering modern housing project is clearly taking a step

in the required direction, but it is now up to planners to propose

and enforce citywide plans that offer a far more holistic approach

to urbanism.

31 Eldeen, H., Ethical Reasoning, Architecture +, vol. 4, 2003, p. 46-47

45


46/49

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKSOliver, P. ed., Shelter in Africa, Barrie & Jenkins Ltd., London, 1971

Schwerdtfeger, F. W., Traditional Housing in African Cities, John Wiley

& Sons Ltd., Chichester, 1982

Listri, M & Rey, D., Marrakech: Living on the edge of the desert,

IdeArte srl, Viareggio, 2005

Lichtenstein, R., On Brick Lane, Penguin Books Ltd., London 2008

Wright, G., The politics of design in French colonial urbanism,

University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1991

Conti, F., Architecture as environment, Cassell, London, 1979

Fathy, H., Natural energy and vernacular architecture: principles and

examples with reference to hot arid climates, University of Chicago

Press for the United Nations University, Chicago,1986

Messier, R. A., The Almoravids and the meanings of Jihad, Praeger,

Santa Barbara, 2010

Schneier-Madanes, G. ed. & Courel, M., Water & Sustainability in

Arid Regions: bridging the gap bewteen physical and social sciences,

Springer, Berlin, 2009

Rudofsky, B., Architecture without architects: a short introduction to

non-pedigree architecture, Museum of Modern Art, New York, 1964


47/49

Wilbaux, Q., Marrakesh: The Secret of Courtyard Houses, ACR

Eddition Internationale, Paris, 1999

Wilbaux, Q., La Medina de Marrakech: Formation des espaces

urbains, Harmattan, Paris, 2001

JOURNALS

Johansson, E., Inuence of urban geometry on outdoor thermal

comfort in a hot dry climate: a study in Fez, Morocco, Building andEnvironment, vol. 41 no 10, Oct 2006, p. 1326-1338

Eldeen, H., Ethical Reasoning, Architecture +, vol. 4, 2003, p. 46-47

Bonine, E., The sacred direction and city structure; a preliminary

analysis of the Islamic cities of Morocco, Muqarnas, vol. 7, 1990, p.

50-72

Hensens, J., Moroccan architecture and town planning, Connaissance

des Arts, Nov 1969, p.90-99

Ecochard, M. M., Town planning and housing in Morocco, Werk, no.

5, 1957, p. 178-186

Oakley, D., Housing and town planning in French Morocco, AA Journal,

Dec 1954, p. 127-137

Unknown Author, Special issue. Morocco, devoted to town-planning

and architectural problems, Architecture Francaise, no. 131-132 1952,

p. 3-89


48/49

Bourgeois, V., First impressions of Moroccan town planning on

occasion of 2nd Congress of the International Union of Architects,

Maison, Nov 1951, p. 369-371

Beazley, E., Sun, shade and shelter near buildings: the forgotten art of

planning with microclimate in mind, Landscape design, no. 197, Feb

1991, p. 46-50

Bradley-Hole, K., Marrakech masterpiece, Country Life, vol. 201 no.

13, Mar 2007, p. 70-73

Seymour, W,. A city of uctuating fortunes: Marrakech, Country Life,

vol. 162 no. 4175, July 7 1977, p. 44-45

Berardi, R., Special issue. Urban fabric, Environmental design, vol.7

no. 8, 1989, p. 5-107

Cheeba, M., Contemporary Moroccan architecture, Mimar, no. 22,

Oct/Dec 1986, p13-47

Breitman, M., Special issue. Maghreb: from colonialism to a new

identity, Environmental Design, no. 1, 1985, p. 6-65

Unknown Author, Almoravides, Marrakesh, Morocco, Architecture

Francaise, no. 355/356, Mar/Apr 1972, p. 32-34

Zahmul, D.A. & Diasty, R., Thermal performance of a typical house in

a hot semi-arid region, International journal for housing science & its

applications, vol. 13 no. 2, 1989, p. 109-125


49/49

Ettoumi, F.Y., Temperature variations in a housing of the semi-arid

region of Djelfa (Algeria), Building & environment, vol.38 no. 3, Mar

2003, p. 511-519

Aboul-Naga, M., Impact of city urban patterns on building energy use:

Al-Ain City as a case study for hot-arid climates, Architectural science

review, vol 43. no. 3, Sep 2000, p. 147-158

Afshar, F., Water supply: the Falaj or Qanat method of obtaining water

in Middle Eastern countries, Architectural Design, vol. 45 no. 4, Apr1975, p. 223-224

Lightfoot, D. R., Moroccan Khettara,

NTERNET

http://www.lowcost-morocco-travel.com/index.php?ref=marrakech-history

http://www.khiruna.com/index.php?move-abroad-live-in-africa_19/

living-working-moving-to-marrakech-morocco_55/

http://yuriawanohara.blogspot.co.uk/2008/08/morocco-marrakesh-to-

zagora-22-25-july.html

http://mangin2marrakech.canalblog.com/archives/photos_

anciennes__cartes_postales_et_photographes/index.html

http://www.caseyobrienblondes.com/category/eating-drinking/

marrakech - the forgetting of air

Documents