122

CHAPTER - IV

KURICHIAS: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

This chapter in a large sense is a continuation of the preceding chapter.

While the preceding chapter dealt with all other tribes of Wynad, in the

present chapter focus is given exclusively to Kurichias. The Kurichias are one

of the oldest inhabitants of Wynad. They manifest a complex culture in their

rituals and beliefs. The Kurichias are well-known for their matriliny,

extensive joint families, marriage and kinship pattern, leadership and family

management, better status for women, high chastity, economic self-

sufficiency, hard-work, observation of social distance and pollution,

proverbial honesty, skill in archery-cum-hunting, collective farming and

orthodox primitive religious practices. No other tribal community in India

has such a complex, colourful and rare features like the Kurichias. So they

are an exceptionally interesting tribe possessing a rare culture and following a

commune type of living. Regarding social superiority, certain tribes like the

Muthuvans and Mannans are superior to others, but of all these tribes the

Kurichias are the elite one. It is believed that they are superior not only to the

tribes of Wynad but to all human beings.1 It seems that there is no similar

tribe in India.2 The Kurichias were the first migrants into the Wynad hills

from the plains.3 Although the period of this migration is not clear in

literature, in all probabilities they migrated to Wynad at least before the 9th

century A.D.4 But there are possible reasons to believe that they were shifting

cultivators and hunters.

1 P.K. Balakrishnan, Jathivyavasthayum Kerala Charithravum (Mal.), Kozhikode,

1982, p.320) 2 A. Aiyappan, et al, Ecology, Economy Matriliny and Fertility of Kurichian, New

Delhi, 1990, p.30. 3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

123

Since 1881, looking at the various census reports in Kerala, we find

that the Kurichia population varies from census to census. 1881 (7887), 1981

(9876) 1901 (9642), 1911 (9722), 1921 (7465) 1931 (7112), 1941 (1214),

1951 (8529), 1961 (11849), M.6108, F.5741) 1971 (15000, M.7704, F.7996)

1976 (15683, M7984, F 7679).5 The total number of members in Kurichia

families in Kerala by sex and literacy rate by 2001 census are given below:

TABLE 7

Tribe Kurichia Person (Nos.) Male (Nos.) Female (Nos.) Literacy rate

%

Total 32746 16474 16272 78.21%

Rural 32202 16167 16035 77.93%

Urban 544 307 237 94.70%

Source: Census 2001 – Kerala.

Their District-wise distribution in Kerala is as follows:

TABLE 8

Sl.

No. Districts

Person

(Nos.)

Male

(Nos.) Female (Nos.)

1 Kasargod 2 1 1

2 Kannur 8028 3927 4101

3 Wynad 22939 11625 11314

4 Kozhikode 1570 783 787

5 Malappuram 16 10 6

6 Palakkad 4 1 3

7 Trissur 15 8 7

8 Ernakulam 86 59 27

9 Idukki 5 2 3

10 Kottayam 5 3 2

11 Alappuzha 37 37 --

12 Pathanamthitta 2 2 --

13 Kollam -- --- --

14 Trivandrum 37 16 21

Kerala 32746 16474 16272

Source: Census 2001 – Kerala.

5 As quoted in A.A.D Luiz, Tribes of Kerala, New Delhi, 1962, p.110 and Bureau

of Economic and Statistics 1971, Trivandrum.

124

In 2001 census the total Kurichia population was, 32746 in Kerala, i.e.,

they constituted 9 percent of the total ST population in the state (364189 M,

180169, F. 184020). In Wynad District the Kurichias are 22939, i.e., 16.8

percent of the total ST population of that District. It is also accounted that the

Kurichias are 2.93 percent of the total population (780619) of the District.

About these fourth of total Kurichias in Kerala are in Wynad. They are

scattered in about 454 colonies in 3 Block Panchayats in Wynad, largely in all

the seven Grama Panchayats of Mananthavadi Block such as Edavaka,

Thirunelli, Thavinjal, Panamaram, Thondrnad, Vellamunda and

Mananthavadi. The Kurichias of Mananthavadi are presumably taken as an

educationally, economically and politically upcoming tribal group6 in the 10

Panchayats of Vengapally, Kottathara, Kaniyampatta, Muttil, Padinjarathara,

Vythiri, Meppadi, Moopainad, Thariyod and Pozhuthama of Kalpetta Block.7

But in Sultan Batteri Block they are unevenly distributed. In the 8

Gramapanchayats there are only 4 Kurichia colonies in 4 Panchayaths such

as Pulachikuni in Meenangadi, Ayevankolli in Ambalavayal, Chenchadi in

Poothadi and Cheruvayal in Mullamkolli Panchayath of Sulthan Batheri

Block.8

Many tribes in Kerala have legends and various traditions to explain

their origin. These legends and traditions either attribute their origin to some

supernatural circumstances or derive it from mythological characters.9 But

Kurichias of Wynad refer to their affiliation or association with royal

personages and speak of their glorious past. The legends and traditions in

connection with them constitute a significant aspect of this study, because the

6 Source from Panchayath-wise ST list of Mananthavadi Block

7 Source from Panchayat wise ST list of Kalpetta Block.

8 Source from Panchayat wise list of ST Sultan Batheri Block.

9 K.N. Sahay, Dynamics and Dimensions of Tribal Societies, New Delhi, 1998,

p. 62.

125

writers and scholars have popularised various mythologies which trace their

origin from the highest castes within the Hindu caste hierarchy.

Some anthropologists and writers have given the etymological origin

of the Kurichiyars.10

A discussion of self image and identity of the Kurichias

can start with the etymological meaning or the appellation which they used by

themselves or given by others to them. In dealing with the etymology of a

tribal name, it may be noted that many tribes have two sets of names – a

popular name by which the tribe is known by its neighbours and a name

which the tribe uses to identify itself. The Kurichias of Wynad is also known

by another name like Karinair or mala nair. Both types of names generally

refer to certain characteristics or qualities of the tribe. In many respects the

name might have been given to them by their neighbours according to their

occupation or other characters. Certain physical features and social

characteristics prove that the Kurichias have an image of a glorious past in

which they fought against colonial power in support of Pazhassi Raja. They

consider themselves related or at least in some way associated with important

ruling dynasties.

The writers have repeated various speculations regarding the meaning

as well as the origin of the Kurichias. Their name is said to have derived

from 'Kurichi', the name of a day on which they have decided to hunt, or

perhaps from 'Kuri' ie, the external mark, on their chests and foreheads with

bhasmam (holy ashes ).11

But Thurston has observed that this must have been

the production of a highly imaginative person.12

By quoting the words of Dr.

Gundert he viewed that it was derived from or allied to Canarese Korach

10

A.A.D Luize, Tribes of Kerala, New Delhi, 1962, p.III. He has discussed the

etymological meaning of all tribes of Kerala. 11

Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. IV (Reprint), Delhi,

1975, p. 126. 12

Ibid., p. 126.

126

(Korava). He would rather say it is allied to that word, and that both are

derivatives of Kuru, a hill (of Tamil Kurichi), Kurunilam, etc. and Malayalam

kurissi, a suffix in the names of hilly localities.13

The same view was also

expressed by Luize as the name might be the combination of the Kanarese

word 'Kuri' (hill) and 'chian' (people), to connote people of the hills'.14

Whereas Gopalan Nair viewed these in a different way that the name Kurichia

was given by the Kottayam Raja to this class of people as they were adept in

archery. The expression is 'Kurivechavan' (he who took aim).15

The Kurichias of Wynad occupy a high social status in the tribal

hierarchy of Kerala.16

What makes them elite among the tribes is the

legendary story of their origin from the Nairs of Travancore, who had helped

the Kshtriya Raja to terminate the rule of Veda king of Wynad. On their

return to Travancore they were refused admission to their original caste and

homes. They came back to Wynad, and on arrival discovered that the low-

lying arable land had already been occupied, and were, therefore, forced to

take up abode in the high mountains. Since then the Kurichias claim to be the

'Nair of the hill' and call themselves Nair agriculturists.17

Many of the cultural traits, e.g. the forelock of hair, tuft, house pattern,

ornaments, style of offerings, observances of purity were used to prove that

they were close to the rest of Kerala community.18

The Kurichias have much

13

Ibid. 14

A.A.D. Luize, n. 10, p. 109. 15

C. Gopalan Nair, Wynad: Its people and Tradition (Reprint), New Delhi, 2000,

p.59. 16

P.R.G. Mathur, 'Tribal Movement in Wynad' in K.S. Singh (ed.) Antiquities to

Modernity in Tribal India, Vol. IV, New Delhi, 1998, p.329). 17

T. Madhava Menon (ed.) A Handbook of Kerala, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 2002,

p.724. 18

A. Ayappan, Tribal Culture and Tribal Welfare, University of Madras, 1998,

p. 118.

127

in common with the early nairs.19

These similarities and connections of

Kurichias with early nairs are substantiated by their expertness in archery.

They claim that the Kurichias were the descendants of the Thekku

Perumbadam Villoli Kurinairs who brought them from Perumbadom in the

south by the Raja of Kottayam to fight against the Veda king of early Wynad.

The Villolikari nair means experts in archery and from that term the name

Kurichias may have been derived.

Thus Kurichias in connection with archery are described by H.A.

Stuart as the hunting caste of Malabar,20

whereas in the District Gazetteers of

Malabar, they are described as a 'Jungle tribe of punam cultivators‟ found in

Wynad and the slopes of the Ghats north of Calicut.21

In Malabar, the bow

and arrow was used not only by the Kurichias but also by the Mullukurumans,

the thachanadans, the Malayars, the Kadars of Wynad, the Arandans and the

Kattunaikkans.22

Then what was special of Kurichias is that they were

„compulsive hunters and expert trackers‟. For them hunting was more

religious and it was in the name of Malakari, God. It is believed that the gods,

kings and chieftains were expected to participate in the ceremonial hunt on

the 10th

of the month of Thulam,23

whereas Gopalan Nair recorded these

hunting for three days of 10th

, 11th

and 12th

of the month of Thulam

(corresponding to September – October).24

Even today this hunting

19

S.S. Shashi, Encyclopaedia of Indian Tribe Series – Tribes of Kerala (ed.), New

Delhi, 1995, p.161. 20

As quoted in Edgar Thurston n. 11, p.125. 21

C.A. Innes and Evans (eds.), Madras District Gazetteers – Malabar (Reprint),

Government of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1977, p.136. 22

L.A. Krishna Iyer, Social History of Kerala, Vol.I, New Delhi, 1968, p.76. 23

Aiyappan et al., n. 2, p.79. 24

C. Gopalan Nair, n. 15, p.63.

128

programme in the second week of Thulam is done on behalf of the nair

chieftain by the leader of Kurichia families.25

Although, the Kurichias show such similarities with Nairs they have

not entered into marriage relations with them as they are not Nairs.26

But in

the social milieu of Wynad the Kurichias are a polluting tribe to Nairs.27

Ayyappan states that the Kurichias represent the unsanskritized,

undifferentiated stock of proto-historic Dravidians, comprising both Nairs and

Ezhavas.28

Although both Negrito and Proto-Australoid elements are seen

among the Kurichias, they are not easily identified by their physical

appearance and dress pattern like the Paniyas and Adiyas. Unlike other tribes,

the Kurichias do not publicly participate in festivals. Neither do they go to

the festivals in groups.29

That is why, Murkot Ramunny has mentioned

Kurichias of Wynad as a sophisticated tribe in Kerala.30

Thus some modern

amenities are availed of by the Kurichias.

A peculiar trait that can be found among the tribes of Wynad is that

most of them have connected their lineage with the Nair community. Like the

Kurichias, the Kunduvadians, a small tribe of Wynad also connect their past

with a proud Nair lineage.31

By following matrilineal system, it is probable

that the Kunduvadians are early Nairs who were attached to the Perumal at

25

Interview with Kunhan, Edamana Tharavad,13.10.2008 26

D. Chacko Kannathumodi, Kurichiarude Lokam (Mal.), Trivandrum, 1994, p.2. 27

Interview with K.Vasu, Mananthavadi, 23.3.2008. 28

As quoted in T. Madhava Menon (ed.) n. 17, 2002, p. 724. 29

Interview with Suresh,driver,Valat, 32.3.2008. 30

Murkot Ramunny, 'Land Tenure systems and Land Alienation Among the Tribal

people of Kerala and Tamil Nadu' in S.N. Mishra (ed.) Ántiquity to Modernity in

Tribal India, Vol. III, New Delhi, 1998, p. 126. 31

Raghavan Payyanad, Tribal Folklore – An Introduction, Trivandrum, 2005,

p. 231.

129

Kundival (near Kannoth) and later moved to the forests of Wynad.32

But in

the case of Kunduvadians, the writers have not popularized them as they were

a landless and disappearing community.

Whether the Nair theory regarding the origin of Kurichias is accepted

or not, historically the Kurichias became the tenants of Nair overlords of

Wynad and were obliged to perform various duties for them. The Kurichias

were also recognized as a warrior community like the Nairs under feudal lords

and naduvazhis.33

They have equally participated with Nairs in the

management of many temples of Wynad.34

The Kurichias are the first agricultural tribe from the plains of Malabar

to colonize Wynad, when the caste system had not acquired complex form of

rigidity fixed by pseudo-religious prescriptions.35

As agriculturists they used

to have their own land and worked as independent farmers.36

Formerly they

were shifting cultivators in the land made available to them by the Forest

Department.37

The British allowed them to retain the hill sides for shifting

cultivation and their right to hunt in the forest were not severely curtailed.38

So they mainly settled on hill slopes and raised paddy in the valley, but kept

most of the hill sides under natural forest vegetation because they depended

on these species as the source of bow and arrow. But later the British issued

an order on 12th

April, 1870, by which the shifting cultivation in Malabar

32

A.A.D. Luiz, n. 10, p. 105. 33

As quoted in O.K. Johny, Wayanad Rekhakal, Kozhikode, 2001, p.85. 34

D. Chacko, n. 26, p. 3. 35

T. Madhava Menon (ed.), n. 17, p. 724. 36

A. Aiyappan, Report on the Socio-economic conditions of the Aboriginal Tribes

of the Province of Madras, Madras, 1948, p.93. 37

A. Sreedhara Menon (ed.), Kerala District Gazetteers - Kannur District,

Trivandrum, 1972, p. 200. 38

T. Madhava Menon (ed.), n. 17, p. 726.

130

Forests was prohibited.39

Presently they are engaged in both wetland and dry

land cultivations. They are the first among the tribes of Wynad to start cash

crop cultivation.40

In cash crop cultivation, like Mullukurumans, they

employed a somewhat advanced technology by which they could control and

manipulate the natural resources. Moreover, this also enabled them to make a

balanced relationship with nature. This helped them to raise their level of

adaptation with the surrounding eco-system.41

Traditionally, Kurichias as landholders do not work outside their joint

family field and they maintain a separate natural identity. 42

In the British

records there are some mixed ideas about the Kurichias.Baber in his

description of Wynad mentioned the four castes of agrestic slaves or

conditioned labourers: koorcher (kurichias), kooramer (kurumans) ,kader and

the pannie(paniyans)43

.The Malabar Gazetteers also included them as one of

the agrestic slaves of jungle tribes.44

How did the Kurichias become land

holding community in Wynad is a matter to be historically explained. To

begin with, it was through their relationship with Pazhasi Raja. With settled

cultivation, Kurichias considered the land as their own and were the first to

think about owned land before the migrants and encroachers of land in

Wynad. Above all the Kurichias as fighters were recognized by the Nairs and

natuvazhis. So they were given land for cultivations on the basis of

39

O.K. Johny, n. 33, p. 90. 40

P.K. Prakash, Annyadheenapedunna bhoomi- Adivasiprasnathinte charithravum

rashtreeyavum (Mal.), Kozhikode, 2002, p.35. 41

Bindu Ramachandran, 'Adaptation of Resource Constraints and Displaced

Economy – Tribal Situation in Wynad – Kerala' in Man in India, 2007, p. 291. 42

J.R. Raghu Ramdas, Occupational mobility among the Kurichians of Kerala in

R.C. Swarankar (ed.). Indian Tribe – Health Economy and Special Structure,

Jaipur, 1995, p. 215. 43

Select Committee Reports, Part I, Archives Kozhiode. 44

C.A Innes,et al., n. 21, p. 21.

131

Pāttakarar (leases). Later they enjoyed permanent rights on this traditional

land they possessed.45

Som Kurichia Tharawad might have encroached the

forest land for the purose of cultivation.46

Wynad taluk has been resettled by

C.S. Souter.47

These settlement records shows that some Kurichia Tharawads

in Wynad possessed much land. But the survey works in Wynad has already

been started in August 1920 and was finished in March 1922.48

The name of

Kurichias in the register of land holders in Periya Desam is 'Neeliyottil

Karimbichi Kurichian Raman.49

The name of Kurichian in the Register of

Landholders in Thavinhal Desam is 'Edachola Palodan Kurichian Kunkan'.50

Their lands were commonly owned and cultivated by the members of the joint

family and they were not paid but lived together under the head of the

family.51

It is said that they had a natural aversion to work as coolies or

seldom worked as hired labourers, and did not do so except when they

became quite helpless. But now in the changed situation, due to contact with

others, the youngsters who are seeking economic independence are made to

accept jobs in plantations as labourers and watchers.52

The Kurichia workers

are better paid and largely involved in the National Employment Guaranteed

Scheme (NEGS) in Wynad.53

45

K.K. Annan, "Swantham Mannilum Abhayarthikal' in Malayalam Vaarika, 14

March 14, 2008, p. 37. 46

Interview with Palliyara Raman, Kambalakad, 18.04.2007. 47

Settlement Record, para 3 of G.O. No. 1902, Revenue, dated the 1st Nov. 1926.

48 H.L. Braidwood, Introduction Report on Settlement-Resettlement – The Nilgiri

and Malabar, Wynad – Proceedings No. 105, 1928, p. I. 49

Resurvey and Resettlement Register of Periya Desam, Wynad Taluk, 1928, p. 12

– Revenue Files State Archives, Calicut. 50

Ibid., p. 14. 51

J.R. Raghu Ramdas, n. 42, p. 215. 52

Interview with P. Balakrishnan, a tribal social worker, Mananthavadi,

11.12.2007. 53

Kerala Kaumudi – Flash, 3 November 2007.

132

K.S. Singh states that the Kurichias have a reputation for fearlessness

and truth-worthiness.54

Traditionally, they were simple and religious, the key

'emic' factor explaining the peculiarities of their life style is exceptional

honesty and truthfulness.55

This honesty permeates all aspects of their life.

There are a number of examples shown by various writers like K. Panoor,

Aiyappan, etc. to prove these qualities. In their view it is instilled into them

from infancy by "association with the elders, through their folk songs and the

fear of punishment by the karanavar and the God," at their rituals and

ceremonies, through their taboos and the entire process of socialization. 56

Their folk songs are full of such concepts. They are very rich in their oral

tradition in the forms of songs and stories, etc. “Naripattu” and

“Kumbhampattu” are their folk songs. They speak, a North Malabar dialect

of Malayalam within communities and with others, though with a distinctive

accent and intonation.57

Aiyappan states that because of their sense of equality within the

community there is a total absence of any beggars among them as “they were

generous to a fault; "flatter them a little and they would give anything they

can."58

Thus Kurichias as a tribe are so honest and simple that they can fall

an easy prey to any exploitation. It is stated that even well-to-do Kurichias are

at the hands of the clever Moplas who advance them small sums of money

until their paddy crops find their way to the Mopla's shop and until in the

course of two or three years, they also part with their lands to satisfy their

54

K.S. Singh, People of India – Kerala, Vol.XXVII, Part I, New Delhi, 2002,

p. 720. 55

A. Aiyappan et al., n. 2, 1990, pp.74-75. 56

K. Panoor, Keralathile Africa (Mal.), Kottayam, 1963, pp. 36-56. 57

K.S. Singh (ed.), n. 54, p.713. 58

A. Aiyappan et al., n. 2, pp. 74-75.

133

creditors. 59

Although their social norms had prevented their alienation of

land to a certain extent they were not free from the clutches of settlers. A

number of them have transferred their right of possession to settlers

particularly to money lenders and merchants. 60

The Kurichias identify themselves throughout their life with

matrilineage.61

Historically among them we find matrilineal descent and

virilocal residence.62

Their Joint family under the matrilineal system was

known as Tarawad. Every individual member of the family lived for the

betterment of Tarawad or Matrilineal Joint family.63

Matrilineal descent is

the key rule to their social organization because it is the basis of localized

organization known as mittom which constitutes the clan.64

So they prefer to

live in large matrilineally extended families as a group in a cluster of huts as

mittom under the authority of a maternal uncle. 65

Each mitton had

constituted itself as an economically self-sufficient unit of Kurichia Society.

These matriliny was also widespread among many communities, tribes

and nontribes including artisans and it would be wrong to say that the tribes

borrowed it from the other dominant nontribal communities.66

Many of the

59

C. Gopalan Nair, n. 15, p.64. 60

Interview with V.Soman,tribal activist ,Kalpetta,11.4.2009. 61

T. Madhava Menon (ed.) Encyclopaedia of Dravidian Tribe, Vol. II,

Trivandrum, 1996, p.164. 62

P.R.G. Mathur, Tribal Situation in Kerala, Trivandrum, 1977, p.78. 63

P.V. Balakrishnan, Matrilineal System in Malabar, Cannanore, 1981, p.8. 64

J.R. Raghu Ramdas, n. 42, p. 209. 65

Raghavan Payyanad, n. 31, p. 16. 66

K.S. Singh, (ed.) n. 54, 2002, p.xix.

134

Dravidian tribal communities like the Adiyan, the Karimbalan, the

Kunduvadian, the Kadars and the Thachanad Muppan are matrilineal.67

The Kiruchias are one of the most obstinately matrilineal communities

in the midst of the rising tide of nuclear families with patrilineal succession in

the rest of the state. It is found that there is no much differences in the

matrilinees of Kerala except the Kurichias of Wynad.68

Their commitment to

matrilineal system has been reinforced by a myth. Every Kurichia by birth is

a member of his mother‟s mittom and has his domicile there. 69

The kinship

idea of the Kurichias is based on the principle that everything descends

through the female.70

There is no relation between the status of women and

their matriliny system.71

It is observed that although the Kurichias are

matrilineal their life style is fully patrilineal. Property among them is

inherited in the female line, but a male must be there to manage it.72

The case

of a widow is different, she returns to her natal mittom and her husband‟s

property will be inherited by his sister's children. A woman and her children

may live with her husband in his mittom while he is alive. The Kurichiya

children stay with their parents till 8 or 9 years old, then they are taken to

their mother‟s mitton, where they look after the cattle and other domestic

matters73

. None is there to take care of their education.74

So an unadulterated

67

P.R.G. Mathur, n. 62, p.155, K. Velappan, Adivasikalum Adivasi Bhashakalum

(Mal.), Trivandrum, 1994, p. 25. 68

K.T. Ravivarma, Marumakkathayam – Gothramarumakkathayavum Vadakkan

Sambradayangalum (Mal.), Trivandrum, 2004, p.158. 69

Interview with Kopi,Kakkottara,13.10.2007. 70

P.R.G. Mathur, n. 62, p. 56. 71

K.T. Ravivarma, n. 68, p. 203. 72

Interview with Kannan, Mananthavadi, 23.5.2009. 73

Interview with Rathees, tribal promoter, Kalpetta, 14.4.2009. 74

Presently the Kurichia children are largely sent to schools instead of the

Tharavad.

135

Marummakkathayam (inheritance to nephew) is now found only among the

Kurichias of Wynad. It necessitates them to have the institution of the

mooppen (headman). The office of the headman is not hereditary as in the

case of other tribes.75

This headman can be identified by the knife with a

silver handle in an engraved sheath which he always carries. He is elected by

divination.76

In Wynad these headmen are known as Pittan, the eldest member in the

Tarawad. The property of the Tarawad is managed by him. Only he has the

right to sell, mortgage or lease the property. Since the Pittan is old all the

matters of the Tarawad are probably managed by another able and educated

one, Karyastan. 77

He also looks after the official and economic matters of the

Tarawad. Stephen Fuchs has viewed this as they have two headmen, a senior

one and a junior one.78

The role of Pittan is important in all affairs of this

community as he is deeply conscious about the welfare and cohesion of the

family. If any Pittan fails in discharging these onerous responsibilities, the

dissatisfied members invoke a Moonnaman deivam (deity) This may induce

the unsatisfactory pittan to step down. The rest invoke the blessing of the

ancestors (Nizhal or Nekal) and a new pittan is choosen.79

Traditionally the

Pittan works no longer, nor joins hunting parties and desists from having

nonvegetarian food. He does not join the parties negotiating marriage nor

does he attend the wedding function.80

As he is in charge of all activities,

normally Pittan will not sit in a line along with other members at feast.81

He

75

A.A.D. Luize, n. 10, pp. 112-13. 76

Interview with Chandu.Kakkottara, 13.10.2009. 77

Interview with Appayyan,Edamana, 11.2.2008. 78

Stephen Fuchs, The Aboriginal Tribes of India, New Delhi, 1992, p.248. 79

T. Madhava Menon (ed.) n. 61, p. 163. 80

Ibid., p. 428. 81

Interview with Vellan, Karyastan , Edamana ,Mananthavadi, 24.3.2009.

136

ensures that they are properly done under his supervision by a junior member.

When a Pittan's status is legitimised and the Koram (it seems to be the

corrupted form of Komaram) is selected from the senior most among the

Pittans of the 4 lineages (Pulpadi, Ilayadath, Pakkava and Nelliyeri) at a

formal ceremony of the elders. In case of Kurichias as a matrilineal

community, the lineage is the unit of social organization, the head of each

lineage being automatically the members of their tribal council.82

All cases

relating to the violation of customary laws are referred to this council and

settled amicably by imposition of fines or the propitiation of clan deities.

Though the traditional caste councils of Kerala could not survive the pressure

of change during the 19th

and 20th

centuries, the tribal council of Kurichias

exists. But, now a days, the authority of the council is sometimes challenged

and this entails ostracism and excommunications. Though Kurichia women

have a considerable share in Kurichia social life no woman can ever became

the head of a sub-clan and thus she cannot be a chieftain.83

But the wives of

Pittans have some powers in the internal affairs of their families.84

The matriliny of Kurichias is based on „Kulam‟ concept. The Kulam is

the maximal matrilineage or 'clan', each with its own deity, ancestral spirits

and shrines. All the members of a clan reckon their descent from a common

ancestress. 85

Traditionally, they think that there was originally 108 clans, of

which only 62 could be identified at the beginning of the 20th

century.

Aiyappan has mentioned about the 5 service clans, functioning as community

washermen, thus form occupational subcastes to wash the cloths polluted by

women. Later, they were found guilty of adultery and driven away to

82

A. Ayyappan, n. 36, p. 93. 83

Interview with Kuttan, Edamana,12.10.2008. 84

Interview with Janaki, Palliyara Mittom, Kaniambatta 18.4.2007. 85

A. Aiyappan, n. 2, p. 17.

137

Coorg.86

The rest 57 were recognized into two moieties with 26 and 31 clans

respectively. 87

As an informant, Palliyara Raman, is of the opinion that of

these 57 kulas one has recently disappeared and now there exists only 56

kulas.88

The names of 56 kulas and their Tarawads to which the kulas

belonged is given in Appendix IV. Although there are 56 Tarawads still

existing in Wynad, their origin is mythical and has different versions in

tradition.89

Although all kulas are occupying equality in social status some are

dignified due to different factors. The Nellikudiyan Kulam of Kakkotara

Tarawad is superior because they were the first worshippers of the deity

malakari.90

The pittan of Thalakkal clan enjoyed a special respect and a

sacerdotal status equal to that of a Brahmin, in respect of the memory of

Thalakkal Chandu, the great Kurichia rebel against the British.91

Chandu

belong to Karkodan kulam of thalakkara tharawad. Presently it is Palliyara

Tarawad that plays a great social role, and it is managed by Palliyara Raman,

a political leader and social activist. This Tarawad is the largest joint family

ever reported in Anthropological literature.92

Tarawads differ on the basis of kulas and are generally known in the

name of place where it is situated. It is heard that no tarawad can exist without

Kulas. Achappan, a well known adivasi Vaidyan in Edathana Tarawad at

Valatt, informed that many tarawads without Kulas had disappeared due to

86

Ibid., p. 17. 87

T. Madhava Menon, (ed.), n. 17, p. 727. 88

Palliyara Raman is a notable politician and a well educated karyastan of

Palliyara Mittom of Kurichia joint family in Kaniyampatta Panchayath. 89

D. Chacko Kannattumodi, n. 22, p. 2. 90

Aiyappan, n. 2, p. 17. 91

In the British records, it is Thalakkal for actual name Thalakkara. 92

Aiyappan, n. 2, p. 17.

138

lack of persons to look after it.93

The tarawads like Mundodan, Elanholi,

Pillanhi, Mannari and Padiyeri belong to this group.

These Tarawads or Mittoms are easily identified as it is built in the

form of Nalukettu. There is an open yard in front of each Taraward i.e.,

mittom. It is kept meticulously clean and plastered over with cowdung.94

Mittom is important as an identity marker that each has a name, and the

household itself is known by that name. Every mittom has a separate

scheduled areas called erkottupura or ettappura for child birth and

'theendaripura.' These tarawards are mainly scattered both in Mananthavadi

and Vythiri taluks. Many of them were economically rich in the past and a

centre of joint families consisting of 100 to 200 members.95

Now in the

changed situation the total setup of joint family system has collapsed.

Palliyara Mittom, one of the biggest joint families had accommodated 27

families with 250 members, but now it is confined to 3 families of 22

members.96

This is the case with all Tarawads in Wynad. The families have

now settled separately in the land allotted by the tarawad. Such land has no

title deed or pattayas.97

In many tarawads even the Karyastan does not live

there but in a separate household near to the tarawad. Presently the

Karyastans of all mittoms are literate to deal with the official and non-official

matters outside the Tarawad. In many tarawads there is a system of keeping a

93

Interview with Achappan, Vaidyan,Valat, 23 .3 .2009. 94

Mittom is the venue for the important life cycle rituals, ancestral worship rites

and congregation of the extended households and relatives on all important

occasions. 95

Joint family included members spread over 3 or 4 generations; wives stay with

husbands but children remain in fathers household only till they are about 5 to 6

years old when they return to their natal mittom. 96

Interview with Vellan, Palliyara mittom,Kaniambatta 18. 4. 2007 97

Interview with Balan , a Kurichia tea shop keeper,Edamna, 15 .2 .2007. He said

that due to lack of proper document on land they were unable to enjoy various

benefits on agriculture from Tribal Welfare Department, etc.

139

register which mentions the time and date of birth of babies in the families of

the Tharawad and names and dates of marriages of members in the tarawad. It

is the duty of parents to inform such details. It also gives the details of the

baby's parents.98

Economically, one may think, some tarawads are somewhat rich and

selfsufficient, because they possess much land, but individually Kurichias are

poor as they get only a meagre amount of land if it is to be distributed among

them which is not conducive to cultivation. In contrast to this, it is heard that

Kukkodan, Cherulu, Koodanu, etc. are the tarawards having large amount of

land and with less members.99

In a meticulous observation it seems that the

scarcity of land and increasing Kurichia population are the present problems

of this community. Now their main grievances are that the representatives of

Government and census reporters who visit the Kurichia Tarawad

misunderstand them as landlords and rich. This has finally led the government

to withhold benefits to them.100

Since agriculture is the main source of

income of Kurichia tarawad, the agricultural decline in Wynad also has

adversely affected them. It is heard that this has led them to sell their land

recently. But many tarawads have assigned their land to nontribals for

cultivation on the basis of lease for a small amount of rent.101

Non-tribal

communities have widely capitalized on this situation.

The recent trends of change had affected the living pattern and

economic setup of many tarawads, but it could not affect their beliefs and

98

Interview with Vellan, the Karyastan, Edamana Tharavad ,24 .3 . 2009. He said

that the system of informing the child birth had already been in the tarawad but

it was only after 1970 they began to register and the register books from 1980

onwards were available there. 99

Interview with Kunhiraman ,Valat, Mananthavadi,23.3.2009 100

Interview with Kunhaman, a member of 'K.S.SM, Manantavadi,22.3.2009. 101

Interview with Kumaran, Sultan Battery, 11.10.2007

140

customs.102

Their rituals and ceremonies are still going on as usual because

every tarawad has its own temple and deities. Recently the „thira utsvam‟

(temple festivals) are conducted by the Kurichias with a large participation of

nontribals in their adjoining areas by sponsoring cultural activities. A large

part of the income of the Tarawads is being spent on such festivals,

ceremonies and rituals. No fund is collected from family members as well as

from outside.103

In the present situation there would be no scope for emergence of new

tarawads but there still exists the trend of disappearing the tarawad-centred

commune life due to the decline of joint family system. There are no instances

of intertribal and Intratribal conflicts among the tribes of Wynad.104

But in the

distant past there had been conflicts in some Kurichia tarawards for the post

of Muppan and finally this had led to the origin of new tarawads by capturing

the revenue lands.105

The joint family system and a particular pattern of social life and

behaviour formed them as a distinct tribal community in Kerala. But to a

certain extent it has limited their expansion and economic diversification.

Traditionally this tribe has its own rigid rules while dealing with others. To

them even the high caste people in the plain are untouchables.106

But the

report of the Evaluation committee viewed that the practice prevailed among

them cannot strictly be called untouchability.107

Their untouchability is

102

Interview with Kopy, elder Kurichia member Edamana tarawad, Mananthavadi,

24.3.2009. 103

Interview with Raman, s/o Chandu, Edamana, Mananthavadi, 24.3.2009. 104

Interview with Palliyara Raman,Kaniyambatta, 15.8.2009.

105 Ibid.

106 P.V. Balakrishnan, n. 63, p. 8.

107 Report on the Evaluation Committee on the Welfare of SC/ST and OBC in

Kerala State, Trivandrum, 1964, p. 91.

141

different from that of caste untouchability. In the name of beliefs still they do

not allow non-kurichias inside the house and even other kurichias would not

be allowed into the resting houses without taking a bath. Thurston has

described this tribe as a respectful community and various venerable terms are

used by different tribes to address them.108

While mentioning the names of

tribes in Wynad at that time, Gopalan Nair found it difficult to draw any

distinction between them except so far as the Kurichias are concerned, who

admittedly held the highest position and had fairly and widely practiced

untouchability.109

In social interaction they were confined within their

community. Every tarawad had its own set of carpenter‟s tools and seldom

required the help of professional carpenters and blacksmiths. Ploughs, yokes,

etc. and palm leaf umbrellas, baskets and wicker works are made by

themselves.110

Earlier, instead of purchasing their requirements from the open

bazars they got them from visiting peddlers who charged exorbitant rates.111

Money accounts always confused them. They are so truthful that whatever

the creditor says is due from them they pay without effective questioning. As

a consequence of their timidity and ignorance many Kurichias who were

substantial landholders are now very heavily indebted to the various money

lending classes in the small towns of Wynad.

Like some Brahmins the Kurichias are also orthodox. Their orthodoxy

had some interesting and inconvenient repercussions. These orthodoxies were

a handicap to them in all walks of life, especially in educating their children

and accepting modern medicine.112

Unlike other tribes in Kerala, the

Kurichias have a kitchen culture, a single kitchen for all members in a joint

108

Edgar Thurston, n. 11, p. 192. 109

C. Gopalan Nair, n. 15, p. 51. 110

Ibid. 111

A. Sreedhara Menon (ed.), n. 37, p. 200. 112

A. Ayyappan, n. 36, p. 94.

142

family, and a seasonal menu. In their food pattern they follow a traditional

concept. They refused to eat food cooked by anyone other than a Kurichia.

During their long wanderings they refrain from eating till they have returned

home, which they enter only after a bath. So they can live for a long time

without any food. A kurichia Bank employee, K.K. Annan, informed that

sometimes they carried food while they were travelling, but they would never

take it back to home unless they had used it.113

It is also known that Kurichias

accept cooked and uncooked food and water from the Vanniyar, Kongu

Vellala and Velan Chetiyar, but abstain from doing so from the Boyar and

Arundathiyar.114

It is also stated that the kurichias also abstained from committing

crime and led a truthful life, because the imprisonment of a kurichian was

almost social death. In jail he would have to break the kurichia rules by eating

the food. Any threat of punishment by imprisonment would terrorize a

Kurichia to such an extent that he would part with all his possessions to

escape the ordeal.115

The education, even though late among them, has forced them to come

out of their orthodoxy. Traditionally, the kurichias do not sent their children

to school. Since they are highly religious they think that education is

sacrilegious as it destroys the clan setup and its rituals. They think that writing

on white paper with dark ink is a divine punishment as it puts a curse on

them.116

Many of the younger generation are illiterate and probably beguiled

by the illicit liquor vendors. The government has taken this seriously and only

a few has got higher education as a result of enforcement programmes. It was

113

Interview with, K.K. Annan, Federal Bank, Mananthavadi, 30.3.2008. 114

K.S. Singh (ed) The scheduled Tribe, New Delhi, 2003, p. 660. 115

A. Ayyappan, n. 36, p. 94. 116

Interview with Balan,Kakkotara,18 .3.2008.

143

only in 1970 that a kurichia could pass the BA Degree.117

K. Panoor and

others did much for starting education among them.118

Even though Kurichia

children reached the school they would collectively abstain from others as

they were instructed by their parents.119

It was from the school that the

Kurichia children learned how to deal with others while practicing pollution.

It is heared that the Kurichia children would take two baths, before and after

the school day120

.

The Harijan Welfare School at Parambukava (Kottayam Taluk) and

Vengapally (Vythiri taluk) are the only two schools having reasonable

patronage because all the students and the cooks there are Kurichias. Earlier

in these schools girls were conspicuously absent. A few girls at that time

attending the Harijan Welfare School at Vengapally belonged to the outcaste

families. The taboos about pollution initially inhibited the parents from

sending their children to school. But the children from outcaste Kurichia

families had been to schools and many of them are in government services.121

But the global changes have taken them away from such beliefs and finally

eroded the Kurichia bastions.122

It is only recently, that there is a growing

trend among them to send the children to school. Although the Kurichias are

landholders and elite among the tribals their orthodoxy could not help them to

utilize the situation for educational uplift. This may be one of the best things

that they could realize in a changed situation

117

Interview with P. Chandu, Meechantha, 15.8.2008. Chandu the first B.A Degree

holder from the Kurichia Community belongs to Kolayad Panchayath in Kannur

District. He retired as Deputy Registrar from the University of Calicut in 2001 118

K. Panoor, 'Ente Hridayathile Adivasi', in Malayalam Varika, May,2005 . 119

Interview with K.Panoor, Thalassery, 23.1.2007. 120

Interview with Kelu, rtd, Forest Dept., Mananthavadi, 23.3 2009. 121

Interview with Leela, govt. employee, Kurichia outcaste family, Kannur,

5.5.2007. 122

T.Madhava Menon (Ed.), n. 61, p. 168.

144

As a distinct tribe in rituals and rites they are more secluded in social

customs from other tribes. Like education, their orthodoxy is conspicuous in

accepting modern medicine. Among the tribal medical practitioners Kurichias

have a special recognition due to their nature of discases and treatments.123

They have their own approach towards it as prevention is better than cure. It

is observed that an excellent environmental sanitation is maintained around

their households. Like Harappans their hygiene and neatness of houses, etc.

are connected with their religious beliefs and rituals.124

The salubrious

climate of Wynad, topography of hills and valley together must have

contributed to their health.125

In the tribal society, the Kurichias generally had

lived longer than any other tribe.126

The prolonged studies of Kurichias by

Aiyappan and Mahadevan have revealed several possible reasons for the

general Iongevity and overall health of the elderly Kurichias.127

Their work

pattern also provided them with essential exercise. There had been a seasonal

menu which included healthy food habits like ragi and meat as staple foods

coupled with regular intake of green leafy vegetables and tubers.128

In the

beginning the meat they used was collected only through hunting.129

A

pharmacological analysis of the leafy and root vegetables they consume has

reported beneficial influence on cardiac protection, retardation of the aging

process and prevention of diabetes mellitus.130

Above all, the aged Kurichias

123

Tribal Medicine mean that the tribal traditional knowledge of herbal plants, its

practical methods and its related believes and concepts. 124

A. Aiyappan, n. 2, p.41. 125

K. Mahadevan et al., 'Lifestyle, Health and Longevity, of the Kurichian' in

Discovery of Wynad - the Green Paradise, Wynad 1993, p. 44. 126

Ibid. 127

Aiyappan, et al., n. 2, p. 41. 128

Interview with Kutty Raman, Thalakkal, 24.3.2009. 129

Interview with Vasu, Kalpetta, 11.4.2007. 130

Aiyappan et al., n. 2, p. 41.

145

believe that, their strict observation of distance they maintain with other

population for fear of social pollution in fact effectively helps them to avoid

the chances of infection of several communicable diseases. Eventhough

nutritious problems among the Kurichias have not been reported, their

changed food habits in modern time may adversely affect them.

Nevertheless, now-a-days they are used to a vegetarian diet because of the

strict prohibition of hunting.131

Their intake of ragi was also reduced on

account of conversion of land into coffee, tea and pepper estates.

In medical practice each tribe has its own mode of treatment for

various diseases and its practical knowledge has been orally transmitted from

one generation to another.132

Their treatments are highly related to religious

beliefs, so their ideas of treatment and knowledge about the herbal plants are

not passed on to others. If they do so, they believe that, its effectiveness

would no longer exist. But one has to acquire the knowledge about it by his

own intuitions.133

KIRTADS has collected the names of many tribal medical

practitioners from the Kurichia community under the directorship of

Vishwanathan Nair.Konichal Achappan, an expert in this field was appointed

as tutor for imparting the knowledge of medicinal herbs.134

KIRTADS with

the help of Achappan was started a three year certificate course in tribal

medicine, for 10 tribal students at Valat in 1993. As the tutor Achappan could

popularize this treatment by giving it for all. To him “treatment is for all,

teaching is only for tribes”.135

Thus he freed this treatment from the clutches

131

Mahadevan et al., n. 125, p. 45. 132

Interview with Dasan, adivasi vaidyan, Mananthavadi, 11.4.2009. 133

Intrview with Vellan, Kurichia vaidyan , valat, 23.3.2009. He says that they also

acquire knowledge through many sources, on the eve of hunting, from monkeys

and other animals, sometime even in sleeping. 134

In an interview, Achappan claims that he can identify 305 herbal plants, but

many of them are not available now. 135

Ibid.

146

of traditional superstitions. But, even with this modern approach it seems

often unfit for many new diseases among the tribes of Wynad. In a changed

situation in the new world of diseases, the young generations are not

conversant with these medicines. Some believe that the effectiveness of their

medical treatments are not useful for themselves but for nontribals after its

commercialization.136

Mystery surrounds their treatments by which a few are

monopolising it. The poor people of other tribes who are also well versed with

their own treatment are exploited by this monopoly. Still it is steeped in

superstition that the mantras and gods are more powerful in this treatment

than their medicine.

No other tribe in Kerala is so strict and scrupulous about pollution and

customary laws like the Kurichias of Wynad. These unwritten customary

laws have guided the social interaction among them without any change and

those who have violated have been excommunicated. If any Kurichia

shappens to violate their social norms as sharing food with other castes, then

he will be usually excommunicated.137

A woman or a child known to have

eaten anything polluting was immediately outcast.138

Several little children in

the Christian institutions are those who were thrown out of their homes for an

act of pollution. Large numbers who have married within the forbidden

degree of relationship or married a cousin have been outcast.139

Such outcast

groups are widely seen in Kizhpalli, Kadiathu, Nedumpoyil, Kattayad of

Kottayam taluk, Kuppathod of Mananthavadi and in other places.140

If any

Kurichia member commits adultery outside their community, they are liable

136

Interview with Kuttappan,Valat, 23 .3.2009. 137

Interview with Gopalan, K.S.SM, Mananthavadi;11.10.2008. 138

Luize, n. 10, p. 111. 139

Marriage outside the tribe and within the clan is strictly forbidden. But they also

observe sub-caste endogamy and phratry exogamy. 140

Interview with Chandran,social worker, Thavinhal,10.10.2007.

147

to excommunication.141

In such cases it is known from an informant that

some ritual ceremonies would be conducted as if they are dead.142

The eldest

members of all Tarawads had already decided which mittoms or Tarawad are

to be engaged in marriage alliance. Even today any marriage agaisnt this

belief is strictly prohibited. Sexualiaisons or marriage between members of

the same mittom are incestous and entail immediate excommunication.143

Such people are sent beyond the boundary of Wynad,especially to Coorg.

There is no return for this people and the they are never re-admitted to the

tribe.144

Excommunication for sexual offence is inflexible, even if women are

the victims of violence. In the past in such cases, the entire mittom would

have been excommunicated.145

They excommunicated erring partners even

on suspicion, especially if the intimacy suspected is with a member of any

other community. The members would probably be either from non-tribals or

their relatives. Thus a small mistake was taken as violation of social norms to

throw a person out of the caste.146

At the same time, they have remedial measures for removing pollutions

by purificatory ceremonies. But they are so seldom performed that those

141

T. Madhava Menon (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Dravidian Tribes, Vol. II,

Trivandrum, 1993, p. 205. 142

Interview with Mathew,a converted Christian, Pallikunnu, 16.10.2008. 143

Aiyappan explains, Mariyadi, and eriyadi as two kinds of incests among them

and differentiated viz. mariyadi or tolerable because the pair are members of

affinal clans and eriyadi or intolerable between members of fraternal clans.

Those guilty of the mariyadi undergo a ritual purification, but the eriyadi entails

instant ex-communication. 144

Interview with Chandu vaidyan, Palott, 23.3.2008. 145

T. Madhava Menon, (ed.) n. 140, p. 206. 146

Interview with Thomas, a converted Christian,Kambalakad,11.4.2007.

148

excommunicated have to remain outside the society for good.147

In the past,

the touch of a Paniya, Adiya or any other untouchables necessitated a bath

and 40 dips to remove the pollution.148

They used to observe untouchability

with all except the Wynadan Nairs. Certain things such as avil (rice flakes),

plantain and arrack (liquor) are exempted from the list of pollutants.149

Although the Kurichias of Wynad have left the orthadox concepts and

are open to innovations, they have not yet come within the purview of social

workers even after half a century of independence. No person has came out

within the community against these superstitious beliefs. But with the spread

of education and the growth of contact with nontribal people these extreme

superstitious are bound to disappear from their midst. Presently the

youngsters have began to think about the supersticious beliefs followed by

their predecessors. In their inhuman attitude the Kurichias hesitate to touch

even their blood relations who have been outcast due to breach of their

taboos.150

From the first decade of the 20th century such outcast people were

welcomed to the Christian fold in Wynad as part of proselyization.

Divisions among the Kurichias

Historically, the Kurichias have an uncompromising stand on orthodox

traditional beliefs, which in the early part of the 20th century were enforced

strictly. This resulted in a large number of excommunications due to their

deviation from the customary commensual and connubial norms.

147

It is heard from an informant that the purification ceremonies in regard to

serious offences relating to incest were costly. For a minor offene there is a

remedy like paying a five of 3 quarter of rupee and even 3 rupees and also

through a sprinkling of punyaham (holy water). Interview with Rajappan,

Kakkottara, 22.3.2008. 148

K. Panoor, n. 56, p.39. 149

Interview with James, a convertd Christian, Kambalakad, 11.4.2007. 150

Report of Commission on the Socio-economic Condition of SC/ST, Vol.I, Part I,

Trivandrum, 1998, p. 84.

149

Excommunications led to intra-tribal divisions and finally segmented them

into four sub-divisions: (1) Jatikurichian or Kurichias of Wtynad who

accepted the titular name of Kurichian from the Kottayam Raja, (2) the

Kunnam Kurichians, who settled in Kannavam forest in Kuthuparamba and in

Kolayad Panchayath of present Kannur District, (3) The Anchilla Kurichia,

descendants of five lineages of Tirunelli village in Mananthavadi, (4) Pathiri

Kurichian or Christian Kurichian, the outcast Kurichians who had embraced

Christianity at Pallikunnu.

The first two Kurichias claim themselves to be the original Kurichias.

The Kurichias in Wynad are known as melekurichians (Kurichias on the top

of the Hills) whereas the Kunnam Kurichias are known as Keezhe kurichians

(Kurichias below the mountain or foot hill). The last two divisions were ex-

communicated mainly due to incest, levirate and sororate.151

The four

divisions of Kurichia tribe are differentiated from one another at social,

territorial and religious levels.

Not all the tribesmen from Perumpadom who came at the call of the

Kottayam Kings got the name of Kurichia.152

Those who were afraid of

meeting the King were called Kunnamkurichians (those who went to the side

of the western Ghats). Only those who went to the forest of Wynad were the

real Kurichias.153

So the real Kurichias were also known as 'Tarawad

Kurichian'. They have some similarities with the Kunnamkurichians of

Kannavam forest. Formerly intermarriage between these groups was

prohibited but interdining was permitted.154

At present they are reconciled

151

'Levirate' is the marriage of a woman to her diseased husband's brother, 'sororate'

is preferred form of marriage where a sister marries the widowed husband of her

deceased sister. 152

T. Madhava Menon, (ed.) n. 140, p. 204. 153

Ibid. 154

Interview with James, converted Christian, Kalpetta, 12.4.2007.

150

with each other. Although the Kurichias of Wynad do not marry outside the

District a few made marriage alliance with Kunnam kurichias of Kannur

District. The Kunnam Kurichias of Kolayad Panchayath of Kannur consider

themselves as superior to all others, even to those of Wynad. There are many

who have already left their orthadox circle, and are open to innovations. The

Anchillakurichians and PathiriKurichians are untouchables to the

Jatikurichians. Those who deviated from the traditional norms were ex-

communicated and were not taken back in any of matrilineal joint families of

Jatikurichians. Some of these outcast Kurichias migrated to live with their

predecessors in Tirunelli, in the north of Wynad bordering Coorg in

Karnataka. These people formed another sub-group known as Anchilla

Kurichian.155

The excommunicated Kurichias have widely been converted to

Christiantiy and these groups of people are sarcastically called by locals as the

Pathirikurichian.156

The term 'pathiri' means a Christian priest, and has been

derived from their association with the Christian faith and priests.157

Christianisation in this context closely resembled optimistic westernization.

The name has evolved locally in order to differentiate the converts from the

main Kurichia group with whom they have several links.

Although the study of conversion has been a traditional subject of

interest to a few anthropologists and historians, what is important is to

understand the circumstances which are reported to have been instrumental in

the case of conversion of Kurichias to Christianity.158

In fact, it was the strict

enforcement of conservative tradition in the Kurichia community that led to

155

K.S. Singh, All Communities - H.M., New Delhi, 2002, p.192. 156

Interview with Josehp, Converted Christian, Kambalakkad, 12.4.2007. 157

K.S. Singh (ed.), n. 54, p. 721. 158

Dick Kooiman, 'Conversion and a Socio Cultural Change', in Journal of Kerala

Studies, Vol. 12, Kerala University, 1984, p. 2.

151

conversion. The conversion that took place after ex-communication from the

Kurichias represents the adoption of alien elements of religion, and may be

accounted mostly for its facilities than the faith.159

Although they achieved a

better social change a genuine change in belief is not there.160

Some

sociologists look upon conversion as a source of division within a tribe.

Conversion has been one of the important facts for sub-dividing the

tribal communities,161

but the progress of conversion has not been spectacular,

except for a few among the Kurichias. The history of tribal conversion in

Wynad begins with the missionary work during the last decade of the 19th

century among the Kurichias and Paniyas. During this period Wynad was

under the diocese of Mysore, which functioned at Banglore till the formation

of another diocese at Calicut in 1923. 162

It was Fr. Adigad, the priest of

Mananthavadi church, who started missionary work for the first time by

converting two excommunicated Kurichia families to Christianity. He

donated them some piece of paddy field at Pathivayal near Mananthavadi and

later many such Kurichia families came to this way of embracing Christianity.

For the next ten years these missionary works were conducted among the

tribals by Fr. Weiterin and about 140 Kurichias were converted under his

auspices.163

The major missionary groups that came to Wynad during this period

were London Mission Society (LMS), Church Mission Society (CMS), and

Basal German Evangelical Society (BGES). The missionary activities were

strongly undertaken by CMS. The proselytizing process was accelerated in an

159

T. Madhava Menon (ed.) n. 17, p. 195. 160

Jacob John Kattakayam, 'Conversion and Social Change Among the Mala Araya

Tribe', in Journal of Kerala Studies, University of Kerala, 1985, p.7. 161

B.D. Sharma, Planning for Tribal Development, New Delhi, 1984, p.10. 162

Centenary Souvenir, Lourd Matha Church, Pallikunnu, 2000, p.41. 163

Ibid.

152

organized form by Fr. Armand Shan Mary Jefrino, a saint in Parish Church

Mission Society, who was sent by Bishop Eujin Luiz Kaynor of Mysore

diocese to Wynad in 1908. His missionary activities and the condition of the

Kurichias are mentioned in his diary titled as 'My Kurichians', in French.164

Fr. Jefrino had acquired land to open his Mission centre at Kaniyamkunnu

from a local chieftain, Kappathod Nair in the year of 1908.165

He founded a

church at Pallikunnu near Kambalakad in Kaniyambatta Panchayath under the

Parish Church of Lourd Matha. This church belongs to the Latin Catholic

diocese of Calicut from 1923 onwards. Jefrino became the President of the

Wynad Taluk Board (1922-23) started settlement at Kaniambatta for the

converts from the Kurichia community.166

Jefrino offered refuge to a large number of Anchillakurichians who had

been excommunicated. At the earliest the outcaste Kurichias were exiled to

Kudag, later they embraced Christianity by the work of Jefrino. The details

of the converted tribals are found in the Baptism Register of Pallikunnu

church from 1908 to 1923.167

As per in the register about 650 tribal members

were given baptism, of this 573 tribals were baptisised under the auspices of

Fr. Jefrino.168

Fr. Jefrino founded this church mainly for the sake of converted

Kurichias in Wynad. For about 70 years the excommunicated Kurichias took

to Christianity and a strong congregation of „Kurichia Christians‟ has been

established. Fr. Jefrino also made some land grants to settle the converted

164

This diary is translated to English by Fr. Antony Machchado and Fr. Lefre, and

later into Malayalam by Mary Zakariya in 1976. 165

K.S. Singh, n. 54, p.721. 166

K.K.N. Kurup, Moden Kerala-Studies in Social Agrarian Relation, Delhi 1998,

p. 156. 167

The first page of this Register has given in Appendix 6. After 1923, the

conversion activities of this church in Wynad was shifted from the diocese of

Mysore to the newly formed diocese at Calicut. 168

The Baptism Register gives details with name and family accounts of the

converted tribals.

153

Kurichias in the adjoining areas of the church. Among these a few has

converted with their own interest and a large group of excommunicated were

forced to take conversion.

The strength of Pathirikurichian started increasing and a viable

community was formed with the addition of new ex-communicants who opted

to join the Christian fold to acquire an emancipated identity than the Anchilla

Kurichian. They were re-settled in the land around the church of Lord Matha

at Pallikunnu. It is found that more than 580 family members of

Pathirikurichians (95% of people) live within the precinct of this church.

These people are believed to be the members of the 5th and 6th generations of

Pathirikurichians.169

A few families also reside at the Tirunelli Village and

Pookode near Vythiri.170

The 85 year old Pilacheri Joseph (S/o Pilacheri

Raman) and 75 year old Palikkal Joseph are two venerable pathiri Kurichians

belonging to the second generation of this group. They enjoy the same status

as that of Kurichia Moopans. They are also in the forefront of religious

performance of the Lord Matha Church.171

An interesting aspect regarding

this church is that it has several rituals and practices similar to those prevalent

in Hindu Temples.172

Like any church it has an annual festival for two weeks

in February and it draws large throngs of devotees from other parts of Kerala.

Now it is believed that there has been a decline in their number due to

paucity of suitable matrimonial alliance and absence of fresh conversion.173

169

Joseph K. Job, "Mathaparvarthanathinte Wayanadan Padanangal", in

Pachchakkuthira, Pachakkuthira, October 2009, p.7. 170

Interview with Fr. Edwin Thundathil, Priest of Pallikunnu Church, 2.9.2009. 171

Ibid. 172

Interview with M. Joseph,Converted Christian,pallikunnu,2.9.2009. 173

Since there is no practice of extreme limit of pollution among the kurichian the

chance for excommunication is very rare unless it is a very serious matter. No

recent conversion and excommunication is reported among the Kurichias – K S

S M .Mananthavadi.

154

They seek alliance from the Jatikurichian, failing which from other Christian

communities in their neighbourhood. Thus getting suitable matrimonial

alliance within this community is the current problem. With the marriage to

other Christian denominations they have exposed them to the realities of the

competitive market. Community level endogamy is the main rule guiding

marriages of the Pathirikurichian.174

They belong to the Late Catholic denomination of Christianity and

worship the Lourd Matha, the patron saint of the Parish. By following the

Christian way of life the new born child is named and baptised on the 8th day

in a ceremony held in the nearby catholic church. The first communion

(adikurbana) of boys and girls are held within 12 years of age. Death of a

Pathirikurichian is announced by intoning of church bell and the body is

burried in the church cemetery. Among them the rituals are observed strictly

with great piety and fervour, but celebrations have been curtailed to reduce

expenses. They have no voice in the management of the church, though they

are devotees. It is the Roman Catholic Priest of Parish Church who is all in

all and performs all life-cycle rituals and imparts religious teachings and

conduct worship.175

In such a way they have gradually lost their consciousness of being

outcaste Kurichias and maintain an ethnic identity. They became patrilineal

and followed community level of endogamy and lineage exogamy for three

generations.176

However, a new system of social division has developed

among them based mainly on patrilineage. The names of these patrilineages

are derived from the name of mittom or tarawad to which the head of the

174

K.S. Singh (ed.) n. 54, p.723. 175

Ibid., p.726. 176

Ibid., p.723.

155

lineage belonged before the conversion.177

Nuclear families are most

common types among them and follow patrilocal residence after marriage.

Among them there is no hierarchy of lineages, thus they have developed a

social control mechanism which is quite different from that of the original

Kurichias. Their territorial chief is called 'Nattayma' whose jurisdiction

extends over the pathirikurichia families falling within the limits of the

Pallikunnu Church.178

A tribe may be converted to Christianity, but so long

as the tribe maintains its homogeneity, consciousness of kind and territorial

integrity, it still remains a tribe.179

So the PathiriKurichian have the

constitutional status of an ST. They are not listed separately among the STs

but are entitled for all the constitutional safeguards applicable to the

Kurichias.

In North-east part of India the educated Chritian tribals are superior to

the non-converts in socio-cultural terms as they are leading a better life.180

Whereas in the case of educated Pathirkurichians of Wynad they are socially

inferior to the original kurichian as they are excommunicated by them.181

Though PathiriKurichians do not have social status equal to the

Kurichias, their self-perception is high in comparison with the other tribal

communities of Wynad.182

In view of themselves, conversion to Christianity

had a multidimentional impact on them. They have achieved higher status

177

Ibid. 178

K.S. Singh, n.155, p.1921. 179

T.B. Naik, "what is a tribe, conflicting definition" in L.P. Vidyarthi (ed.) Applied

Antropology in India,' Allahabad 1968, p.86. 180

K.L. Sharma, Re-conceptualising Caste, Class and Tribe. Jaipur, 2001, p. 192. 181

Interview with Chandu, S/o Kopi,Kambalakad,10.2.2008. 182

K.S. Singh, n.55, p.723.

156

than that of the outcaste Kurichias, especially in educational level.183

They

have also achieved a high rate of literacy level and their attitude is favourable

for educating their children, who normally study upto the secondary level.

They could also utilize the school facilities established by the Christians in

Wynad and therefore most of them are employed.

The economic resource of Christian Kurichias is land which is

controlled by individuals. They are mainly a landowning community, but the

extent of landholding is very small in most of the cases. Wage labour has

become an important source of income. Agriculture is the main occupation,

wetland paddy cultivation being the primary activity. Subsidiary occupations

are agriculture, labour and government services. Most of this group have

adopted cash crop cultivation both at the level of owner cultivator and

labourer in order to meet the "cash requirements".184

Although the Pathirikurichian's oral traditions of folk songs and folk

tales have a continuity of the Kurichia heritage, they have mostly forgotten

their pristine style and do not attribute to it any relevance. Their skills as

hunters and forest dwellers have been lost but some aspects of their tribal

cultural heritage have survived. So, culturally Pathirikurichians are in a

position of “double allegiance” in which they neither discard the tribal

elements completely nor accept the Christian elements completely. This

„double identity‟, though broadens economic and socio-cultural base of the

converts, does not enable them to get out of the ethnic bondage in a larger

sense of the term. In fact, to the local people they are still pathirikurichians

as David Raman, Gabrael Raman, Thomas Raghavan etc. They are at a

183

Interview with Mathew K. Converted Christian .Pallikunnu,10.2.2009. 184

T. Madhavan Menon, n.17, p.197.

157

distance both from Latin Christians and Syrian Christians.185

In the beginning

Christianity has undoubtedly brought the message of a richer life, wider

companionship and a new sense of dignity to such converts.186

Later it was a

matter of recognition and they live with such a dual identity as they are living

as Christians among the adivasis and as adivasis among the Christians.

185

Joseph. K. Job, n. 169, p.6. 186

Earlier, many of them acquired land with small houses and other benefits from

the missionaries but later this was not much entertained. Now like any tribe

they are also exploited by others, especially by the money lenders.