The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton

Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditorë. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

- 1 -

Koha Digest # 70

EDITORIAL

PAX AMERICANA?

by VETON SURROI

Next week, Macedonians and Greeks will start easing their mutual problems - it is possiblethat the foreign ministers of Serbia (the self-proclaimed Yugoslavia), Croatia and Bosnia willestablish the new principles for the solution of the Croat-Serb problem with the final andirreversible division of Bosnia, Greek and Turkish Cypriots are studying the proposals for thesolution of their decade long conflict, while President Berisha will hear from Clinton himselfwhat will be expecting his people inside and outside the borders of the state. All theseinitiatives come from the USA, which after a consciously long diplomatic sleep, come back tothe Balkans scene with solutions for the whole complex of inter-ethnic problems which havecaptivated the region.

Some years ago, and I believe I have been repeating this several times, the basic idea in theanalytical circles of the American external politics around the Balkans was that in the Post-Soviet European crisis the spheres of influence of several regional powers would be clarified.The Balkans had Germany from the east to the south and Turkey, in its whole horizontalspace towards the west and up to Albanian Adriatic. There was also an opinion that the EUmust be given a chance to test its joint foreign policy.

Today, after five years, the inefficiency of the EU (even though the creation of a joint foreignpolicy will be a long process), the lack of Turkish strength (because of internal economic andpolitical weaknesses, as well as the participation of Turkey in the Cyprus conflict withGreece) and the truth that Germany has the strength to play the role of a power in Europe,against all prejudice, even though insufficient according to the Americans, were proven. Adeterminate American engagement is necessary to definitely establish new relations in theBalkans, as the epilogue of the crisis which arose from the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Apax americana is necessary, it is said.

What could happen from the perspective of an American diplomat who carries new plans andmaps in a briefcase? First, to legalize the definitive division between Serbs and Croats, andto have this sanctioned in Bosnia too. Secondly, to have Muslims under Croat supervision,Thirdly, and as a continuity of this view, to have Izetbegovic invest in war as the onlysolution that saves him from assimilation and understanding that he has lost the war.Fourthly, to think of a solution about Kosova at the level of the present frameworks.

Even though many consider the coming weeks as decisive for the Balkans, it is still early tosay what the end will be. Whatever it is, it can be said that the American involvement in the

- 2 -

solution of the whole complex of the Balkans crisis is entering a irreversible phase. It mustproduce a result.

KOSOVA

THE BALANCE OF JUSTICE

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

After spending more than five months in Gjilan's prison, the group of the arrested fromKaçanik finally appeared in front of judge Viseslava Cvetkovic at the Prishtina RegionalCourt. The group of the eleven accused: Hebib Shehu, Osman Krasniqi, Qamil Ilazi, MitalipJezerci, Maksut Hoxha, Ibush Vishi, Xhevat Bela, Raif Dema, Sami Vishi, Xhemail Metallari(and three fugitives: Ilaz Loku, Naser Kuka and Idriz Krasniqi) were accused pursuant Art.136 in conjunction with Art. 116:1, of endangering the "territorial integrity", concretely of"association with the aim to secede the territory of Kosova for the creation of a separate stateor unification with Albania" and for this purpose, according to the accusation, theyestablished the "Territorial Defense Headquarters" in the municipality of Kaçanik. But, at thebeginning of the trial, the accused Naser Kuka and Xhemajl Metallari were separated from"the group" with the request of the defending attorneys, for they were accused of "illegalpossession of weapons".

The five-days long trial proved that the stock of the inquisition methods applied by theSerbian police against the Albanian political prisoners is becoming richer with newcontributions. What the prisoners tell about the treatment they were subjected to by theSerbian security organs, the least could be said, horrified all the present in the trial, andproved that they were subjected to terrible tortures, with rubber and electric sticks, mentalmistreatment, threats with the lives of members of families, or that they would end up in thesame way Ismail Raka from Kaçanik did, who threw himself from one of the windows of thepolice station in Ferizaj after all he went through at the Serbian secret police. The majoritywere subjected to brutal violence which caused them serious injuries and wounds (XhevatBela remained 32 days at the Central Prison hospital in Belgrade), while Ibush Vishi said thatwhen he was forced to face the other accused Qamil Ilazi, he though that the latter was dead.Ilazi stated that he was tortured for 138 hours, and that while he was tortured by thepolicemen, there was a Serb lady doctor called "Ceca", who would give green light topolicemen to continue with the tortures. Maksut Hoxha declared that after he was beatenwhile hand-cuffed to a radiator (he would usually faint), in the evenings, he would be"caught" by "phantoms" who would continue beating him during the whole night. HebibShehu apologized for not being able to speak out clearly, because of the deformation of hisjaw and the fact that he couldn't use the prosthesis. He said that he was forced to swallow aburning candle several times, that they would extinguish cigarettes on his body, they wouldburn him, etc. But the hardest part was when he was taken to an unknown place on a jeep. Hewas told that he had been taken to Tropoja and that he would be killed if he doesn't admit thecrime. "You broke away from prison, and we had to shoot you in your attempt to escape" - hewas told by the inspectors!

Ibush Vishi, former political prisoner said that at times he thought that he wouldn't comealive from the tortures, as he was asphyxiated and otherwise mentally mistreated, while Sami

- 3 -

Vishi concluded that once you fall in the hands of the Serbian police, there is an unwrittenrule: you either accept to have committed anything or you die! This means self-accusation,said Vishi, but at least you escape some tortures. The rest of the accused went through similarexperiences.

After the interrogation procedure at court, all the accused rejected the indictment nr.54/95represented by prosecutor Radojka Vlahovic, qualifying it as a police construction andexplained that their statements given to the police and investigating judge are nothing else buta product of brutal violence applied against them. The first accused H. Shehu (1938, jurist,chairman of the LDK in Kaçanik) explained that they haven't established any headquarters,but that a meeting was held in Adnan Burrniku's house in times when Seselj's and Arkan'sparamilitary units were threatening the Albanian population. At the meeting of the"Democratic Forum", which was a coordinating bloc of parties and organizations in thismunicipality (similar to the one at the level of Kosova - as Maksut Hoxha explained), andwith the presence of the president of the municipal assembly and six MPs, there had beentalks about the completion of some sectors as education, finance, health-care, etc., but it wasalso concluded that all initiatives should become legalized in the municipal assembly, whichcounted 71 members. This was explained by the president of the municipality OsmanKrasniqi and witnesses Shefqet Hysa and Deli Krivanjeva ( who were held in detention fourdays and then were unwillingly appointed witnesses). All of them went to the meeting fromthe tea-shop and afterwards all came back to it, and it was there that they met Mitalip Jezerci,who is accused of being the head of the headquarters. In fact, there was no other session ofthe assembly nor any other organ, and then the meeting was not secret, for "Bujku" informedabout it, and this was the reason why the security organs in Kaçanik had warned him for this.A similar thing had happened to Maksut Hoxha (then representative of UJDI) who had beenproposed mandator of the municipal government and who had been released the same dayfrom the state security, where he was taken to an "informative talk". Hebib Shehu said that hisincriminating conversation with Anton Kolaj was an ordinary one and that it took place afterthe meeting, therefore we can't even speak of a directive, and Qamil Ilazi (former employee ofthe People's Defence) declared that he hadn't met with Hajzer Hajzeraj (currently in prison as"Chief of the Defence Headquarters of Kosova"), while the proposal of the defendingattorneys to confront the two accused was rejected by the court. In his statement, OsmanKrasniqi stated that he was pressured by the security organs who told him- "you just state thatMitalip Jezerci was appointed commander of the headquarters and that he refused", but thathe had not accepted to say so. In fact, Jezerci himself nor any of the other accused everadmitted that he had been appointed "chief of the headquarters". Asked by the judge whetherthis assembly was legal or not, Krasniqi explained that in that times, the assembly hadfunctioned and had not been suspended by the Serbian organs yet. In fact, we were neverhanded any regular document on the cessation of existence of the Municipal assembly ofKaçanik, but we were sent only a "Official Herald of Serbia" in which we could see that aSerb from Ferizaj had been appointed and had rejected the post, meanwhile another Serb,from Fushë Kosovë had come with the same document, claiming he was the new president ofthe municipality! Tell me, Krasniqi asked the judge, which assembly is legal here?

In regard to the elaborations of lists, of "military registers", as claimed in the indictment,starting from Qamil Ilazi, Sami Vishi and up to Raif Dema (worker at the railway companyand chairman of the Islamic Union of Kaçanik), they all stated that those were electoral listsof the '92 elections. In fact, none of these incriminating registers, and no material proof wasprovided by the prosecution, even though, as it became evident, all the accused had theirhouses raided, in early morning hours. Nothing was even confiscated during the searches, and

- 4 -

no material proof was provided, meanwhile the indictment refers to "headquarters", "militaryregisters", "units", "platoons", "money to purchase weapons", "military training in Albania",etc. Sami Vishi, who was arrested one month after the others, was accused of participating inmilitary training in Albania "where he was trained to use all sorts of weapons" (!) as well as "all explosive devices", and then trained "for survival in difficult environments...", and all ofthis in 20 days! Both Sami and Ibush Vishi explained that they had gone to Albania visiting,along with some other relatives (all holding the same last name), and that had been riding inIbush's car, and that they hadn't participated in any training whatsoever. Everything Iremembered from my military service was "translated" into my alleged activities in Albania,Sami stated again, claiming that he had signed all what he was told to, just to save his life. Iwas laying unconscious three days, and I couldn't even drink water, for my tongue wasdeformed from the beatings. On the other hand, Sami Vishi explained that he had beenstaying in his apartment in Prishtina for over one month, even though he could read about thearrest of the others from Kaçanik and even know about the indictment which also referred tohim. This article, published in "BUJKU" was used by his defending attorney, Bajram Maraj,in the last session of the trial. "Would I have remained for over a month in my apartment if Iwould have committed the crime imputed to me, even more knowing that my village is soclose to Macedonia"?!

Because of the proof which doubtlessly proved the brutality applied against the accused, thedefending attorneys requested the presentation of the medical documents and certificates ofthe accused from prison. But, what happened on the last day of trial, when the cartons anddocuments were brought into the courtroom was, to say the least, tragic-comical. "Thearrested is in good physical condition, and has not reported for medical check-ups", orsimilar, were the formulations in the medical reports. Attorney Hysni Bytyçi qualified them asforgery, and all other attorneys concretely spoke of what they saw when they visited theirclients, while attorney Bajram Kelmendi showed the corresponding documents and appealshe had addressed to the highest judicial organs of the "FRY". The requests for medicalattention were either not even taken into consideration, or when accepted, they came severalweeks late, time enough for the traces of violence to disappear, say the attorneys. As inprevious cases, the first irregularity appeared with the decision of the prosecution to have thestate security organs conduct the investigating procedure (which usually excluded thedefending attorneys from the procedure), which clearly resulted with the most brutal violence,but which didn't finalize any proof. The accused were even threatened not to contact theirattorneys and not to tell them about the violence. Five months ago, when this occurred,attorney Bajram Kelmendi had qualified this as "ius bacilinium", freely interpreted as "battingjustice". The arrested were also visited by the ICRC. But it seems that all these irregularitiesdidn't intimidate prosecutor Radojka Vlahovic, who apart from some "cosmetic changes"continued supporting her previous proposal. We are conscious that the indictment isexclusively based on the statements of the accused, but this is a proof, said Vlahovic,conscious that the proofs weren't to be found anywhere. Even more knowing that it referred toa "headquarters" which was allegedly established in 1993, and which stopped functioning,according to the prosecutor, with the arrest of Hajzeraj's group, the very same year. Thetendency of the prosecution to, lacking proof, include as analogy the trial against the "Defenseministry" at Kosova's level, and tried two years ago, was opposed to by the attorneys whoclaimed that this prejudges the decision of the court and the fact that in the materials of thisgroup, there is no mention of Kaçanik! This was taken into consideration by the court,therefore, facing many arguments, the Prosecution had to withdraw its insisting on theparallel. Then came the simple amendments to the indictment. There were referrals toweapons, money, military plans, units, platoons, headquarters, etc. and on the other hand,

- 5 -

there were no proofs whatsoever, - ascertained defending attorneys Kelmendi, Lumezi, Balaj,Maraj, etc. How long will this judicial practice continue, asked attorney Kelmendi, for youhave no power of independent courts to oppose police actions. Even more, attorney NikëLumezi said that in his 20 years' long experience as a judge, he had never seen such anindictment, which is a unique case in judiciary. All in fact had something to say against theindictment and especially the preamble, the extended part of the indictment, which in themajority of the cases was not consistent and didn't correspond with the separate part. Thus,from the part regarding the accusation against Sami Vishi, it can be seen how serious theindictment was. The accusation claimed that Vishi was sent to Albania in 1991 to get militarytraining by orders of the "Headquarters", which, according to the accusation was establishedby the end of 1992!!! Because of all these irregularities and the violence applied against theaccused, defending attorney Palocevic requested the interruption of the prosecution and allowthe accused to go back home to their families and forget this terrible experience as soon aspossible. Maybe all of you ask yourselves why I, the only Serb attorney, am standing heredefending Ibush Vishi. He saved my brother's life, after he suffered a car accident. A man ofsuch humanity can't do things he is accused of, said Palocevic, concluding that Ibush Vishididn't even serve his military service, for he spent the period between 1984 to 1991 in prisonas a political prisoner.

Defending attorney Hysni Bytyçi went even further, stating that the determination in favor ofKosova outside Serbia is a clear determination of all this population and that the court can notsentence any one for having a wish! In regard to construction as "they have organized armedvigilance in some towns", it is ridiculous to claim that in times when Seselj's and Arkan'sunits were around threatening the local population. Bytyçi finalized his statement by sayingthat the court is probably acquainted with the case when Serbs in Batusë had demolished ahouse of an Albanian and requested to live without Albanians around and had openlyorganized armed vigilance. You also remember the legendary photograph of the Serbianmother in Prekallë, who wearing a weapon, was headed to the field. Was that incriminatingthen, asked Bytyçi, finalizing that if the purpose of this indictment was to compromise thejudicial system of the Serbian state, then it had fully achieved it.

Maybe not only these professional reactions of the defense, but also such evidentirregularities, the brutal violence applied against the accused and the total lack of proofs,made the court decide last Friday, to release the accused from preventive detention, howeverpart of the "group" was sentenced according to Article 116:1 to 14 years in prison: HebibShehu, Qamil Ilazi, Mitalip Jezerci, Maksut Hoxha, Ilaz Loku and Naser Kuka (the last twofugitives) to 2,5 years in prison each.

Pursuant to Art. 136:2 in conjunction with Art. 116, Sami and Ibush Vishi got a year each,Idriz Krasniqi and Xhemajl Metallari 1,5 years each, Osman Krasniqi and Xhevat Bela to 6months each, while Raif Dema was acquitted.

We don't know the reasons why the verdicts were delivered, but maybe there was somepolitics involved in this trial. The decision of the court came after five months of prison andone day after the fifth anniversary of the proclamation of the Constitution of the Republic ofKosova in Kaçanik! Someone commented that this was a vengeance against this town, andothers that the verdict was symbolic. Anyhow, after leaving the courtroom, the pleasedfamilies decided to wait for their relatives outside, while they were collecting their thingsfrom prison. Two minutes later came the police telling them that "gatherings wereprohibited"! From now on, tea can be consumed only at home. And one of the convicted said

- 6 -

it: - it started as a conversation at a tea-shop and ended on trial!

REFUGEES

"WE WERE TOLD WE WERE GOING TO SERBIA..."

by KOHA / Gjilan

On the grounds of the students dormitory in Gjilan, several refugees are seated, and smoking,they curiously look at the journalists. They are surrounded by the representatives of "thegovernment" and citizens of Serb nationality from Gjilan who are carrying baskets of"brotherly" sweets.

Everything looks sad, they themselves, their improvised rooms, where some children arecrying and others are at sleep, accompanied by the high volume of the TV set whose screenshows the tragic journey of these people and speeches of the officials guaranteeing that allrefugees would go where they choose themselves. But their stories are different. Whilewaiting for Gjilan's prefect to give us a statement, an older lady approached us with a scaredlook. We turned towards her instinctively, and asked her how was she doing. She couldhardly wait to start talking:

FIRST STORY

"I had a very bad experience on my way here. I got sick. My son and husband are here, whilemy three daughters are in Sombor and there is no way to reach them on the phone. I wouldreally want to take the "papers" and go to Sombor. Please help me. I beg of you. We werepromised...."

..."There is no reason to ask for help or beg. As soon as you contact your family, no one willstop you"- an official interrupts her story.

"...All I want is us to be together..."

"...You can make a phone call free of charge, go to the post office, and there is a cabin,exclusively for refugees, and you can call your whole family. And later, either the rest of yourfamily comes here, or you go there. Since you are registered here, today you will be givencertificates and then go to the town and have a walk. You have all rights, same as all ourcitizens here", continued the official.

"Will jobs in Gjilan and surrounding be found for these refugees", the question came.

"Yes, and we have already steadily employed one of them. One refugee will be working in thehotel here. We are trying to employ them and we are making a professional break-down of therefugees and depending on the needs of our economy we will employ these people.Enterprises have started asking for workers and we are in need of typists, and we would belucky if among the refugees we find women who could do this job. We are also in need ofcooks", says Predrag Kovacevic, Gjilan's Regional Prefect.

- 7 -

The same lady follows us. As if she were begging us not to stop her endless story:

SECOND STORY

"A machinist told us the truth. He told us that the train was empty yesterday, because no onewanted to come. The second time - the same thing happened. People didn't want to ride thetrain. The third time, it was our turn. They told us that we would stop in Sid. By God, wedidn't... they told us there were another 20 kilometers to Belgrade and that we would stopthere and ... we travelled 600 kilometers..." and here is where this story is interrupted by an,angry, older woman:

THIRD STORY

"...We were betrayed. I didn't want to come here. My people are in Vojvodina and I wanted togo there. My brother is there. I wouldn't stay here, there is nothing for me here, and mybrother called me to go to him in Vojvodina"

The stories of these people are as long as their journey:

"We are a bit further from the village. But when we heard that Knin was attacked, it wasterrible to hear the shooting. On Friday evening they told us that all of us should flee. Wetravelled exactly 8 days and we were in Banja Luka for some time before departing here.Since there were so many of us, they placed us in the cattle wagon and then in other vehicles,they took us to Bijeljina. From there we travelled by train. By God, they didn't say we wouldbe coming here. They told us we were going to Belgrade.

Some climbed down from the train, we didn't. There were around 5000 people in the train,and this was a large group of people which was supposed to come here. But people came outin all stations where the train stopped, because they were fearing to come here. Peopleescaped fearing from the Ustasha, and now we fear from the "Siptars". I don't fear becausethere are all these people and I am alone. I wouldn't go to Serbia either, I would rather go toSwitzerland where my daughter lives. I haven't seen her for five years. We were offeredeverything here, even jobs, but it doesn't suit me to stay here" - says a woman from Obrovac.

FOURTH STORY

Cude Nikola, from Obrovac, with tears in his eyes, says: "The journey was difficult, we sawnone of the military or governmental leaders, and we walked like blind chicken. We werereceived well here. We were also offered jobs, but I can't work because I am old and sick. Iam father of Milorad, Dusko, Mira, Gordana and Jovanka, and I would like them to contactme if they know where I am...

Nothing impresses me any more. I just want to my children alive..."

FIFTH STORY

We direct the microphone to a lady in her fifties, from Glina.

"I am here with my husband and two children. We didn't know we were coming to Kosova.We were told that we were going to Serbia, to Pancevo and a town near Belgrade, I don't

- 8 -

remember the name, and then I saw that something was wrong...suspicious. I told my husbandthat we were heading towards Montenegro, Prishtina or Fushë Kosovë. We stopped there, weclimbed down the train and remained at the station until 15 hrs. What could we do. The policeforced us telling us that we must go, and period. There was nothing we could do, we wereforced to come, and here we are".

SIXTH STORY

Another lady from Obrovac, presenting herself as Vera Tragicevic, involves herself in theconversation. "I am so far away from home, that I fear that I will never be able to back, that Iwill never see my people... here I have my husband, son and daughter in law... she cries ...they deceived us telling us that we would stay in Belgrade, but we passed by Belgrade. Thenthey deceived us again in Kragujevac, they first told us we were staying and then that we hadto continue on... I don't want to stay. I will do anything to go back home. I can't live here eventhough they have us received greatly. We have left everything behind, and I hope I will goback one day, otherwise I will soon die here".

All stories resemble one-another. - No one told us anything. First they told us that we wouldbe staying in Belgrade and then, since we continued the journey we were told we were goingto Kragujevac. Then we continued travelling and no one would tell us where were we goingto. We didn't know a thing, I didn't know we were coming here... I just know that I would findshelter" says a woman, and then continues,... "There were many people who stayed along theway, not wanting to come here. As far as I know, they have relatives in Serbia, in Belgrade, Ihave no one. What will happen to us, how long will we stay here?" unwillingly her story turnsinto a question directed to those who knew as much as she did. Then she continues: "How canI stay here, like this and in these conditions. How come Krajina was not helped to defenditself, what do you say?"

The corridor of the dormitories in Gjilan was full of refugees. Each one of them was talkingabout his own feelings, experiences and thoughts. There were even those who claimindemnity from the Croat government. And thus: --Tudjman has his rule of law. Does hethink of reimbursing the Serbs and compensate them the damage caused? I seek for warreparation, because I have a house in Glina and now I have come here without a thing. Howam I supposed to back to Krajina, there's the field and that's it. I don't have money to buy apair of shoes, how am I supposed to buy a house? And since Tudjman has established his ruleof law, then I want indemnity from him, because I don't want to take somebody else's house, Iwould buy another one. The bones of my ancestors are there... all of this is the "Commies'"fault. Wait and see the party falling, and if it does, Kosova will fall too. If Kosova falls, and ifMilosevic does nothing to stop it, he will fall... these are his last writhes. It is either yes or no,otherwise this Serbian people is headed towards the Belgrade Pasaluk, if he remains still inpower... if necessary, I would kill him now... I claim that Kosova must not fall, because yousee how many Serbs there are left here. If it is sold, then we won't find ourselves ingeographic maps... and his inconsistent story continues:

SEVENTH STORY

... We came to Kragujevac, and there we were told that we should go back into the train andgo to Kosova. Half of the people remained outside the train. When I started climbing, theothers came after me, and they started climbing the train too. What could I do. I had to come,for I can't live on air alone. I couldn't accept to enter in anyone's house. I want to pay what is

- 9 -

state-owned, because I know there would be problems. I wouldn't want anyone to come laterand kill my wife, children or anyone else, because I know that Kosova is one of the most"revenging" places. I know this area, because I have served my military service here. Even inthe sixties there were divisions. Albanians walked besides "Hotel Bozhur", while Serbswalked in direction towards Gërmia. I want to stay, even if my bones remain here... anyhowthey will lie on sacred Serbian land", says Nikola Borojevic from Banija.

EIGHTH STORY

- We knew nothing, we were told that we were going to Serbia and there were 9 morekilometers to Serbia when they changed the path. We were surprised, and I would have neverdeparted towards Kosova if I knew we were coming here. I climbed down from the train inKragujevac and I cried begging not to take me here. We were frightened in the train by thepeople. They were saying just everything about the "Siptars" who were living in Kosova" ,says 22 years old Jovanka Veselinovic from Obrovac, and when asked why was she fearingAlbanians, she laughs and says, I don't know... - I am not fearing now, because it is reallygood here. They have received us much better than in Serbia, for sure. I would stay here ifthey would give me a house, a job, and all the rest.

We are leaving Gjilan with mixed impressions. As if we were followed by the looks of theseunhappy people who have asked us so many times for help. Behind we leave the glances ofthe Albanians who see in these refugees another tragedy, which doesn't seem to be a simplecatharsis.

INTERVIEW

DRAGISA MILETIC, Chairman of the Democratic Party of Serbs in Macedonia

"ALL THE EVIL COMES FROM THE WEST"

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

The Chairman of the DPS in Macedonia, Dragisa Miletic, who "because of the pressure ofthe Macedonian authorities, was forced to seek and find employment outside the state, inKosova" (!?), speaks about the position of Serbs in Macedonia; about the posture ofofficial Belgrade towards Macedonia; about the Serbian refugees from Krajina and theirsettlement in Kosova; about the "hypocrite Americans" and "Russians who know theBalkans mentality...

KOHA: How do you evaluate the NATO intervention in Bosnia, as a reply to the killings inSarajevo?

MILETIC: That attack was perpetrated by others and not Serbs. I don't know whether it wasIzetbegovic, or some American, German or someone who would not be pleased with peace inBosnia. I don't know, but each time Serbs accept negotiations, a tragedy occurs. However,myself and as I heard, Bosnian Serbs, that is we, are not intimidated by this. NATO can'tattack only with planes, one day it will be forced to use the infantry, and then the situationwill be completely different.

- 10 -

KOHA: Another, rather actual issue, is that of the Krajina refugees!

MILETIC: You see, NATO didn't see it suitable to punish the Croats, when their planes shotbursts at columns of refugees. It is obvious that NATO is in favor of one side and if fightingagainst only one side.

KOHA: Kosova Albanians are against the arrival of Krajina Serbs in Kosova.

MILETIC: This is not a reaction of the ordinary Albanians, but it is a posture of somepolitical parties, which are losing their importance and authority on a daily basis. This isproven with the fact that the number of Albanians accepting the state of Serbia is increasing.They accept it as their fatherland, where they can normally exist, work and enjoy all rights. Icall illustrate this with the fact that in Kosova there are many firms, and they have beautifulhouses. Albanians there are not at stake. You know, we Serbs in Macedonia, are forced toacknowledge the Macedonian government, therefore all minorities there are forced torecognize the rule of the state in which they live.

KOHA: Again referring to refugees, Albanians consider them as colonizers, in the renewedattempt to colonize Kosova.

MILETIC: Believe me, the number is small. But, despite all this, no one is allowed to intrudein the internal affairs of one state. Therefore, believe me, I had a chance to see it myself,because I am very often there, how an Albanian was buying a refugee child a chocolate bar,while I personally have helped many Albanians to solve many problems and other issues. Iwant to say that Serbs and Albanians there cooperate quite well, while all the evil comes fromsome mercenary organizations, it comes from the West which sees its interests in Kosova.

KOHA: In Shkup, your party is qualified as radical. Where is this radicalism based?

MILETIC: No, it isn't true. This is implied on us by the Macedonian media. Our party is verymoderate and this is proven by the fact that Macedonian population is bringing in quite someassistance for the Krajina refugees to our base in Shkup. In no way do we endanger theintegrity and territory of Macedonia. It is for sure that whoever plays against the tune of theMacedonian government, he goes further, must be declared extremist. The Macedonianpeople must be frightened by a Serbian, Albanian, Turkish, Gypsy or any other party, in orderto have the actual government present itself as the savior!

KOHA: According to you, what are the problems Serbs in Macedonia are facing?

MILETIC: I can count them: first we were not included in the Constitution. This is the basicproblem. Secondly, Serbs are not allowed to open our schools. They promised they wouldpublish school books, but they have put on sale only two or three books, and we are notallowed to bring them from Serbia. We have no space in the media, a man loyal to thegovernment was installed in the TV. We face problems on all areas. State security is exertingincredible pressure. I can tell you that I was summoned because I declared something to"Fokus" magazine, in regard to what I and the Serbs think of the Americans and the actualsituation.

KOHA: In essence, you have a very negative opinion about the American presence inMacedonia.

- 11 -

MILETIC: Absolutely yes! And not only in Macedonia. I believe that American presence hasproved that wherever they went to calm down the situation, it burst into a huge fire. Anaccredited ambassador in Macedonia told me that Euro-Western democracy must beestablished here. And when it stepped on these lands, war started. We had peace, we hadmoney, we had life. I have a extremely negative opinion of the Americans. I believe they areacting as if they were an empire.

KOHA: Recently, Russian officials have announced a penetration of the Russian Federationin this area.

MILETIC: The Democratic Party of the Serbs has since four years ago asked the Russianpresence along with that of the hypocrite Americans. We are people of the Balkans, and wemust admit that Americans don't know the problems nor mentality of the Balkans.

KOHA: Politics is ever more often using the expression that "minorities should be a bridge ofcooperation, especially between neighbors", however Serbia has not yet recognizedMacedonia.

MILETIC: You know: this is completely normal. If our Party would be asked, we wouldinsist on the non-recognition of Macedonia, until the constitutional rights are fulfilled.Believe me, Serbs in Macedonia ask only for what is foreseen with the Constitution ofMacedonia. However, this bridge is being deliberately ruined by the Macedonian authorities,so they can have a justification to safeguard their positions.

MACEDONIA

PRESSURED AGREEMENT

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

"We can't talk as winners and losers, for this is one of those issues which offer both sides achance to become winners, because the result of the solution of the relations between twostates is the victory of the basic civilizing determinations, before all the interests of thecitizens of both states. Citizens on both sides of the border will win, if this unfortunateconflict is solved". This statement was delivered by Macedonian Foreign Minister, StevoCrvenkovski, in the Macedonian parliament, in regard to the newest step towards the solutionof the contest with the southern neighbor, Greece, a step which came to the scene as a realbomb.

On September 4, at the end of the unexpected visit of the American Sub-Secretary of State,Richard Holbrooke declared to the journalists that Athens and Shkup had agreed to a meetingof their foreign ministers, next week (this week) in New York. This was the reason whyminister Crvenkovski appeared in the Parliament, and this could be considered as an event oftop importance, having in mind the well known "silent" posture of this minister towards thedomestic public. This step was also greeted by President Clinton who said that "this was abrave and visionary decision of the leaders of the two states".

In his parliamentary presentation, one day after the publication of the news on the agreement

- 12 -

reached with the mediation of the Americans, minister Crvenkovski spoke of many aspects ofthe newest step in the inter-neighbor relations burdened with the unilateral Greek embargowhich is in force since 16 February 1994, but he said nothing about the contents of theagreement which should be signed in New York. He said that this agreement contains a verylong list of issues to be solved and not only two or three which are most often mentioned inpublic: the flag and the disputable articles of the Constitution.

Nevertheless, it is clear that negotiations will be developed precisely about these key issues.This means that both sides have agreed to discuss about the "small package" which foreseesthe lifting of the embargo in exchange of giving up on the Vergile star from the Macedonianflag and the modification of Articles 3 and 49 of the Constitution, which are considered to be"expansionistic" by Greece. For the time being, the issue of the name will not be discussed,and this remains the main condition to have Macedonia recognized by Greece. According tothe speculations in the public, the idea is to reach an agreement to open representative officesin Athens and Shkup, but not at the level of diplomatic offices, and that this issue will remainsuch until the solution to the problem of the name is found. Even though not communicatedofficially, it is assumed that the embargo will be lifted the moment the conversations in NewYork take place (September 12 & 13), under the condition that the Macedonian side will giveguarantees that it will change the flag within 30 days. In regard to the disputable articles, theforeign minister claims that this is a "mis-lecture" of the articles and that they needn't bechanged. He promised that he will explain the Greeks what the articles really mean, in otherwords, "will teach them a lesson" on how to correctly read the Constitution. So, it means thatGreece would have to lift the embargo while Macedonia changes the flag, and that would beit! Maybe precisely on grounds of such a tone, a bit triumphant, the experts, especially theGreek, expressed their doubts that things would go the way it was claimed.

This is why the dilemma arises about the grounds of optimism among one part of theMacedonian public, which even "celebrates the recognition of Macedonia by Greece". Thisespecially having in mind the stiff an strong posture of the Greek side about who must give infirst. If it is admitted that the lifting of the embargo for the normalization of relations is moreneeded by Macedonia than Greece, then the question imposes by itself: where does all thisoptimism come from? One of the possible answers could be found in the well known bluffingpractice for domestic use, aiming at the softening of eventual resistances. But, it seems thatthe biggest reason remains in the fact that this agreement was reached with the mediation ofRichard Holbrooke, the main and new actor of the realization of the American plan for thesolution of the crisis in the Former Yugoslavia, which couldn't be achieved previously byVance or Nimitz. This leads towards the conclusion that the American pressure on both statesis so strong that they have no other way out but talk. And, it seems, the general politicalconstellation in the Balkans, is favoring the position of Macedonia which in the period of thedisagreement with Greece managed to benefit from the image of the victim, which made iteasier for it to gain foreign sympathies. Nevertheless, the epilogue of the New York meetingshould be awaited for.

- 13 -

DOSSIER/EDUCATION

THE DEFENDING LINE OF KOSOVA'S STATEHOOD?! (II)

by HALIM HYSENI & ASTRIT SALIHU

The intoxication of mainly Albanian children, pupils, students and citizens occurred almost inall towns of Kosova: Ferizaj, Shtime, Lipjan, Fushë Kosovë, Obiliq, Prishtinë, Vushtrri,Mitrovicë, Deçan, Prizren, Suharekë. Gjakovë, Podujevë, Malishevë, Viti, Gjilan andKamenicë. Only four towns "escaped" intoxication: Gllogovc, Istog, Rahovec and Kaçanik.

Poison was also found in ethnically clean villages: Sllatinë (Fushë Kosovë), Prejlep (Deçan),Zhur (Prizren), etc. There were intoxicated pupils from Gllogovc, Istog, Rahovec, Kaçanik,Kumanovë, Preshevë, Tetovë, Shkup, Banja e Sijarinës. The most exposed towns in thisaspect were Ferizaj, Gjakovë, Prishtina, Podujevë, Pejë, Prizren and Suharekë.

The intensity of the manifestation of the massive intoxication during different months was notthe same. This favors the thesis that everything took place according to a previously preparedplan. The largest number of intoxications happened in April, then in March, May, June,October and December.

The age break-down of the intoxicated are different. There were also pre-school childrencomprised by this intoxication (in Gjakovë), apart from the elementary school pupils, highschool and university students and other citizens. There are cases of intoxication inenterprises, where the majority of the intoxicated were Albanians.

The youngest intoxicated child was Igor Gasic from Gjakova (three years old, born in 1987)and the oldest intoxicated person was Alush Beqiri (61 years old, born in 1929).

Serb media as well as the Serbian governmental organs presented this whole thing from thestart as a "collective acting" of the Albanians. This was a political evaluation which aimed atthe relativization of the event so the international community would not show any particularinterest about the case. However the largest number of the intoxicated, the serious conditionof over 1600 intoxicated hospitalized in Kosova, Zagreb, Ljubljana, Zurich, did incite theinterest of the experts and foreign and local journalists... An expert toxicologist, BernardBenedetti, came to Kosova. He declared that "this criminal act was perpetrated by Belgrade'sagents". The same thing was confirmed by A. Hendrycx, in a conference held in Paris (1993).The Serbian government, as well as the Serbian media, forced by the many proofs andtestimonies changed the evaluation of the intoxication and presented this process as acollective pathology of Albanian youth, indoctrinated with massive nationalistic ideas. Thus,the Serb doctors started referring to the intoxication as a "convulsive massive hysteria". Sincethe age didn't correspond to this illness (adolescents usually suffer from convulsive hysteria),the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts appeared with the thesis that this was intoxicationindeed, but that this was caused by Albanians themselves for their nationalist interests(Djordje Lekic, "Skola i Genocid", Beograd 1993, p. 46).

A statement of Maja Djurovic from Fushë Kosovë also speaks of the fact that it was reallyintoxication: "I was sitting in front of my house at around eight o'clock. I could scent a strongaroma, it penetrated my lungs and I started choking. I started crying for help. I was told by thewomen around that Serbs would kill me if I spoke of this".

- 14 -

There are also other documents which prove the intoxication. Among those, we wouldmention Arlinda Vllasaku's death certificate which, among others, states that the child hadsuffered from intoxication, or rather the in the rubric about the reason of death it is said: "Thechild was intoxicated and hence treated".

Intoxication was the initial phase which should have created the climate of insecurity andanxiousness in Albanian schools. The ruin of education was aimed to be reached by theSerbian government through the application of the curricula, which eliminated the Albanianculture, history, tradition, national art, etc. All of these would be replaced by the Slavicculture and the rest... Since January 1990, Serbia, grounded on the forced approval of lawswithout the consent of Kosova, had prepared the curricula for elementary and high schools, anew concept of education in high schools. In April 1990, it brought the curricula to Kosova,allegedly for public discussion. These documents had en-bloc eliminated the Albanian historyand music. The term "Albanci" was replaced by "Siptari". The curricula for the subject ofhistory also had contents such as "Albanian Genocide Against Serbs" , "The AlbanianSeparatist Movement in the Eighties". Albanian writers and literature underwent realinquisition. All real Albanian authors and works were removed from the program. They werereplaced with pro-Slavic authors and works.

The Pedagogical Institute of Kosova analyzed the curricula and concluded that they createdthe conditions for the denationalization of the Albanians, that these curricula offended thenational dignity of the Albanians, that in them, Albanians are presented as people who settledin Serbian lands, etc. These curricula foresaw that the Serbo-Croatian language would be theofficial language, while the Serb minority in Kosova had no obligation to learn Albanian.According to this principle, the Albanian language would turn into a diglossia - a familiallanguage - as it is being done today.

After analyzing the curricula, the Pedagogical Institute addressed the following in writing: theParliament and Government, the Secretariat (ministry) of Education and Educational Councilof Kosova that the curricula offered by Serbia could not be applied in Kosova, since theirapplication would have serious consequences on the Albanian people. Grounded on this note,the conversations between the organs of Serbia and Kosova were organized. Theseconversations reached no agreement, therefore on June 26, 1990, the Chamber of AssociatedLabor of the Kosova Assembly (Parliament) decided that Kosova would apply its owncurricula and laws.

The same letter served as grounds for the Educational Council of Kosova to, on June 23,1990, authorize the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova to elaborate new curricula for elementaryand high schools in Albanians. This decision meant the start of the independence of theAlbanians education from the colonial supervision of Serbia. From 23 June until 24 August1990, the Pedagogical Institute elaborated all curricula for the elementary and high schools.The process of adoption was difficult, because the Serb delegates, headed by ZoranDjordjevic, insisted on the verification of the curricula by the Educational Council of Serbia.Albanian MPs, since they had the legal quorum, adopted the curricula unanimously. Fromthat day an on, education functions autonomously and independently.

The adoption of the curricula was the pretext for the introduction of massive measures againstAlbanian education.

There are different opinions about the adoption of these curricula. These are two basic ones:

- 15 -

a) that the adoption of the curricula determines the full independence of Albanian education,and that this is a major event in the independence of the Albanian education. This opinion isstill quite much supported even today by the majority of the Albanian population and

b) that a compromise should have been reached, that it should have been worked according tothe Serbian curricula and thus prevent such a barbaric and harsh attack of Serbia againstAlbanian education. This idea is supported, but not loudly, also by some Albanianintellectuals (academicians, professors and activists).

A deeper analysis of the issue leads towards the conclusion that the misunderstanding aboutthe curricula does not stand behind the ruin of Albanian education in Kosova. The Universityworked with identical curricula in both languages, and this illustrates what was said above.

Both for Serbia and Kosova, the curricula incited but were not the factor of division. The realreason is the subjectivity to decide, sovereignty and independence to determine the fate ofeducation. This is the reason of division and confrontation.

The adoption of the curricula by Kosova was taken advantage of by Serbia as a reason toapply incredible violence against Albanian education in Kosova. At the beginning of 1990/91school year, Serbia stopped paying the salaries to all Albanian teaching staff in themunicipalities of Istog and Podujevë, to the teachers of the "Xhevdet Doda High" in Prishtinaand the employees of the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova. The money was lent to enterprisesin Serbia: Textile Industry in Blace (1,5 millions of dinars), "Napol" in Palanka (3 millions),"Kontokomerc" - Belgrade (5 millions), etc. This act of the Serbian regime against theAlbanian education only deepened the institutional segregation and discrimination, which wasnot only directly contrary to the Yugoslav laws but also international law.

Apart from banning the payment of salaries, the Serbian government used the "Sveti Sava"Association to help the Serbian teachers, paying them quintuple salaries compared to the onesAlbanian teachers received in the months of September to December of 1990.

The scenario for the final destruction of the Albanian education continued with:

a) the close-down of the Albanian schools;

b) the application of the "emergency (compulsory) measures";

c) the dismissal of Albanian teachers;

d) the stopping of financing;

e) physical and mental mistreatment of teaching staff through: informative talks, beatings,searches, criminal persecutions, arrests and killings.

The ruin of Albanian education in 1990 becomes deeper with the usurpation of thecompetencies and the suppression of the educational organs of the highest level in Kosova.The forcible constitutional amendments in 1989, took away the competencies from theEducational Council. Now it couldn't adopt any curricula any longer, nor allow thepublication of any books., Thus the Council had become a technical organ, without any rightsto create the education policy. And this is a state organ established in 1969 (decision # 1875).

- 16 -

However, despite these changes, the Educational Council continued its labors based on theprovisions of the Law on the Educational Council (adopted in 1988, "Official Gazette ofKosova" #7/88, Art. 1-12). Because of the disrespect of the imposed Law on the EducationalCouncil of Serbia, three employees of the Council are dismissed. The dismissal was doneaccording to the Labor Law on Special Circumstances.

Besides the Council, on July 6, the Secretariat of Education, Culture and Science of Kosovawas suppressed, the very moment when the police didn't allow Minister Muhamet Bicaj toenter the premises. He was replaced by the Serbian management headed by Danilo Z.Markovic, a man who hold great responsibility for the drama of Albanian education.

During September, 7 Albanians were dismissed from this Secretariat. On September 27,1990, compulsory measures are implemented in the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova,meanwhile on November 1, 1990, the Educational Association of Kosova also undergoes thesame measures, whose 18 employees were dismissed. From November to December 1990,102 counsellors and 26 educational inspectors were dismissed from municipal and inter-municipal educational institutes. Thus, Serbia suppressed all accompanying organs ofAlbanian education while the schools remained completely under Serbian supervision.

In order to get hold of the control in schools, by the beginning of September, the massiveapplication of compulsory measures started in all educational institutions.

Forcible principals had full authority and they were greatly assisted by the Serbian police. Forexample, in one month alone, the Serbian police had intervened 25 times in one school alonein Prishtina (former "J.B. Tito" - present "Ismail Qemali" elementary school). This created theatmosphere of the impossibility of having a successful educational process.

The process of the close-down of Albanian elementary schools was preceded by themodification of the network of high schools by the Assembly of Serbia on June 26, 1990.This modification closed down the philological high school in Prishtina, the high school inFushë Kosovë (allegedly because of the small number of students), the economic school inPrizren, the medical high school in Gjakova, the technical school in Ferizaj, the economichigh in Gjilan, the high in Rahovec, Kamenicë, Malishevë, Suharekë, Deçan, Dragash, etc.The first school closed down in a Serbian enclave was the one in Vitomirica (Pejë), accordingto decision 03-610-180 dt. 22 February 1991. Albanian children had been expelled from thatschool on 10 September 1989.

During 1990, from September till December, besides Vitomirica, the schools in Gorazhdec,Leinjë, Zveçan (a high school with 748 students), Leposaviq and Podujevë (an elementaryand two high schools with over 7000 pupils and students) closed down.

During January and February, all Albanian students were expelled from the schools in Lipjanand Obiliq.

Since January 1991, all Albanian teaching staff working in first and fifth grades of elementaryschools and first year in high schools, is deprived from their salaries.

Since 2 February 1991, all Albanian teaching staff in high schools suffers the same fate. Thus,all of them will continue working without any salaries until May 1992.

- 17 -

In April 1991, all salaries stopped being paid to all Albanian teachers in elementary schools(14.500 teachers), under the pretext that they refused to work according to the Serbiancurricula and because they were not loyal towards Serbia.

In June 1991. segregation in salaries started being applied in the University, in the way thatSerb and Montenegrin academic staff was getting 30% more than the Albanian staff for thesame performance.

On 11 July 1990, compulsory measures were implemented in the Text-Book PublisherInstitute. Branko Paunovic, the person who closed down the "Ivo Lola Ribar High" inPrishtina for Albanian students and teachers, is appointed forcible manager.

In August, the forcible manager of the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova, Miodrag Djuricic,who has now been promoted to "minister" of education of Kosova, because of his merits forthe destruction of Kosova's education, decides to dismiss 6 thousand Albanian high schoolteachers. This decision completed fully the process of destruction of the Albanian high schooleducation in Kosova.

On 1 September 1991, schools buildings were being guarded by strong police forces, andtheir task was to prevent Albanians from entering the buildings.

Albanian students, teachers and parents expressed their dissatisfaction in peaceful protests onSeptember 1, 2, 3, and 27. In these protests, hundreds of students and teachers were beaten,mistreated, arrested.

On 1 October 1991, the majority of the Albanian staff were dismissed and the students werenot allowed to enter the premises. This was a clear violation of international conventions,including the one regarding genocide, for 19 thousand Albanian teaching staff had beendismissed. Albanian education in Kosova was captivated by darkness. The Albanian politicaland education subjects faced a very serious dilemma. They needed to make a decision. Theopinions differed. The political subject, headed by the LDK came out with the suggestion towait one year, hoping that the international community would incite pressure on Serbia andallow the children back in schools.

The professional organs though differently. The Pedagogical Institute analyzed the eventualconsequences of the non-education of Albanians and the results were catastrophic. This iswhy this Institution elaborated a project called: "Some Aspects and Possibilities for theOrganization of Education in Albanian in Kosova, in Extraordinary Conditions..." Thisdocument was discussed by all presidencies of political parties, the presidency of theTeachers' Association and the Educational Council. The opinions were split. Some politicalparties even claimed that this was absurd. However, following professional explanations andarguments, the Educational Council adopted this document on 23 December 1991. Educationwas supposed to be organized according to options, A, B and C. Each one of them has a sub-option, and here were enormous possibilities of combining options and sub-options.

Grounded on this document, on 6 January 1992, "Xhevdet Doda High" started workingaccording to option "C". All other elementary and high schools started working between 31December 1991 and 6 February 1992. Faculties and superior schools started their classesbetween 15 February and 1 March 1992. The process of this kind of organization didn't go onwithout any victims. Defending the Albanian education and children, the Serbian police shot

- 18 -

dead Bajram Hoxhaj, Muharrem Hysenaj and Hasan Hysenaj in Uçë village, Istogmunicipality.

To be continued

- 19 -

APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202 38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031+381 38 31 036

Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de