The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton

Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditorë. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 63

EDITORIAL

GASPING ON THE NECK

by VETON SURROI

At one o'clock after midnight, two uniformed policemen enter a cafe in Belgrade, they ask foridentity cards and they take away a man, on whose ID card it says that he was born in Mostar.In two dramatic hours he has between departing from the police station to the bus station, hehas explain that he doesn't want to go.

Hundreds of people have suffered the same fate in the two or three past weeks. Uniformedpolicemen, formally authorized by rebel Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina,circulate down the towns of Serbia asking for war refugees to take them back to war. Thegasping of the uniformed on the neck of the refugees has no end and no selection: quiet cafesare targeted as much as the streets of the villages in Vojvodina, full of police checkpoints,same as in Kosova. The majority of the stopped, boys and men born in Croatia and Bosniahave no chance to evade the summons written with blood: some of them use the familial andfriendly connections to evade the discrete but strong clasp of the military police.

"It is your obligation towards your fatherland", say the military policemen. Some of the localsin Serbia think the same way: "Why should boys from Serbia go there and fight for the Serbsof Croatia and Bosnia. Let them fight themselves".

There is logic in both thoughts. The war of the Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia has createdadministrative regions of blood and nation which can't be concealed any longer, and the samereason of blood and nation makes an automatic call to have these territories defended. And asthe locals in Serbia say, to be defended by those who were born there, so they can live thereone day. Or, the same, so they can die in the way between the phase of birth and living in thefuture.

But, as any thought of the kind, the neck of the one against whom the gasping takes placemisses, of the one who has fled war for one reason or another and who doesn't want to goback to the state of war. He is not asked, maybe just to prove the old truth (this time byMilosevic's regime and tomorrow probably by another regime in history) that war is not achoice of the individuals participating in it.

But, even more surprising, astonishing up to an epic song, will the meeting with an old friendof mine from Sarajevo, a famous intellectual, remain in my memory. In a basement restaurantin Budapest, he explained how will he go back to Sarajevo: first he'll go to Mostar, then bycar, going through a series of police checkpoints up to Mount Igman, later he will have a two

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hours' walk on the goat-paths on the Igman opened by wood-stealers during the Socialistperiod and finally walk through the famous tunnel between the airport and the town ofSarajevo, which in fact is only a bit larger sewage tube in which even the dwarfs feel big. Allof these to go back to a town which since three years knows of no other life but war. While hewas explaining, he anticipated the question ("Why go back?") and before I even asked, hereplied to me with an intonation of personal spite and contribution in that direction:

"Because this war has to end".

At the checkpoint in Mali Idjos in Vojvodina, while the policemen were checking the IDcards of all passengers coming from and going to Hungary, there was no way to evadethinking that this war still goes on. Who knows for how long.

BITING RAW MEAT

What is happening now, unintentionally takes me back to theatmosphere I lived four years ago while I was in America. Itreminds me of the hard American sleepless nights , waiting thephone to ring and hear the voice of one of the few friends Istill had, to read me what the newspapers were writing againstme. From the other side of the Atlantic, from my fatherland, Iheard the accusations coming against me that I had grabbed somany millions of DEM belonging to the TV, and that I had ranaway. This was being said against me in times when the occupyingSerbian regime, after the financial check ups at the radio andTV, aiming at accusing me for economic delict, hadn't found thesmallest reason to oust me from Kosova, had indicted me forpolitical activities against the state; this was said to me intimes when with three small children, I was counting days to goback home, living in a cheap neighborhood I shared with Blacksand Mexicans, and helped by the others; these things were saidto me in times when I had no idea what was going on with themoney of the Radio-Television and when I was asking theresponsible persons about it, while they would reply to me thatthey couldn't tell me on the phone because the police would findout; I was told this in times when all borders of the FormerYugoslavia had a warrant for my arrest and I couldn't go back toKosova, while the Albanians were doing all they could not toallow me even stay abroad. But this was done by bad Albanians,because Albanians are good, better than the others who wouldn'thesitate to declare me robber of the people's money.

The same thing seems to be repeated nowadays. Instead ofreceiving after-midnight phone calls, now I have "Rilindja" fromZofingen which is loyally transmitting the insinuations of somejournalists of "Zëri" in Prishtina and some others from themagazines.

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And it is good that this is happening: the hand that feeds,should be bitten. Zëri's Editorial Board has received animportant amount of money in the past 15 months of my mediation,and this money is enough to make it self-sufficient for twoyears!

What did really happen? I spent two years isolated inSwitzerland, in a small village where only three buses a daypass. And one day, surprisingly, Adem Demaçi comes to see me and takes me back among the Albanians. A publishing house with 14share-holders is established to publish Zëri and Albanianmagazines from Kosova. It soon becomes evident that theinvestment must be larger and that another enterprise is formedby Albanian businessmen, intrigued by the project. Seeing thatit is impossible to sustain both Zëri and the other magazines,the first one becomes "Zëri Pres AG" in Zurich. I becomecounsellor of the enterprise and mediator between the colleaguesin Zëri's Editorial Board in Prishtina and the businessmen whohad invested money. However, in the first months of the firstyear, Zëri accounts only losses. To affirm a magazine abroad, oneshould be technically well prepared, one must know well theprinting business and the market. Until these preconditions arecreated, the publication of this magazine causes loses worth 20thousand Francs a month. Nevertheless, money is sent to theEditorial Board in Prishtina. The first year, a considerableamount of money, and in the first months of this year, too.Because of these circumstances, expenses in Zurich should be cut.Volunteers, including me, were found to make Zëri come out. Therewere about 16 people engaged around Zëri, in journalistic and nonprofessional tasks. And finally, Zëri managed to increase thenumber of subscribers, and sell more copies, however left behinda loss worth 200 thousand Swiss Francs to the share-holders. Andwhen it was about to pay back these loses successively, BardhHamzaj and Blerim Shala appear on the scene, unannounced, signinga contract of publication and distribution with "Rilindja". Thishappens precisely in times when the Editorial Board has receivedthe money to start a daily newspaper and continue the weekly. Itbecomes clear that "Rilindja" is only a mediator between Zëri anda third person in Switzerland, who really has money, but iscompromised in the eyes of the Albanians. The Editorial Board inPrishtina is offered an agreement on separation, which is notaccepted after all.

The epilogue of this story are the different publications andoffenses, raw meet biting on the left and right - "Agim Mala isa robber...". And there is a list of names of people waiting fortheir money. Agim Mala lives thanks to the assistance given bythe Swiss state and his income is controlled. Agim Mala hasfinancial problems, and this is known by hundreds of Albanian whohave contacted him in the past two years. Agim Mala's father got

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paralysed several months ago, and his treatment in Kosova costs,which forces Mala's brother to sell his only property, 60 aresof land in Gllogjan. Agim Mala's only property in Kosova are twometers of land, if the occupier allows him to use it, and has alot of debts in Switzerland. Tell me, what should Agim Mala doto be trusted? Hang himself? In Switzerland, this is a problem,because all trees are straight high and it is hard to find a treefor hanging.

PLUNDERING OF "ZËRI" ENTERPRISE

The Editorial Board of the Albanian weekly "Zëri" informs thestate institutions of Kosova and the Albanian public opinion that"Zëri's" international issue has been blocked in the past twoweeks by the Western publisher "Zëri Press AG", i.e. XhevdetMazreku, owner of this enterprise and travel agency ALBTRAVELseated in Zurich, Agim Mala, former director of TV Prishtina andRuzhdi Demiri, former Editor in Chief of Bujku.

Mazreku, a businessman, Mala, a "political refugee" inSwitzerland and Demiri an "asylum seeker in Switzerland", withunscrupulous, quasi-juridical manipulations managed to stop thepublication of our magazine in the West. Even though "Zëri's"Editorial Board informed the enterprise abroad that as of June1 all cooperation would stop because of the totally deformedrelations, and that a new agreement with the new publisher("Rilindja") would enter in force as of June 10, Mala andMazreku, without any authorization, published Zëri's last issue,abusing flagrantly of the fifty years' old firm and the articlesof our journalists and collaborators. The last issue publishedby Mala and Mazreku, whose representative in Prishtina is AliHajdini, former Director of Zëri, is nothing but a forgery andan attempt of two "refugees" and a businessman to plunder "Zëri",with a fifty years long experience, as an important informinginstitution in Kosova.

As of June 1, 1995, "Zëri" tried and offered different varietiesand modalities for separation, which were replied to by Mala,Demiri (now Editor in Chief of the announced "refugee" daily BotaSot - The World Today, seated in Zurich) and Mazreku withconstant blackmailing aiming at only one thing: to keep onplundering Zëri in the West, which was done also in public withthe scandalous abuse of Zëri's name when they published lastweek's issue without the consent of the Editorial Board inPrishtina.

In the meantime, Mazreku, Mala and Demiri have blocked thedistribution of Zëri to be done by the new distributor in the

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West ("Rilindja"), thanks to a written order arranged by their"attorneys".

Not wanting to scandalize the problem in public and trying tosave the fifty years old enterprise Zëri from the plunderers, theeditorial Board in Prishtina did all it could to achieve anagreement of separation. This was impossible to do, because theplunderers, a businessman, the former director of TV Prishtinaand the former Editor in Chief of Bujku, after achieving"miracles" in the two largest medias in Kosova, by all meanswanted to do the same thing with Zëri. This has only completedthe crime which has got its final form. Realistically, this wasthe only possible result which had been announced by these peoplewith their attitude so far, brutally intervening in Zëri'sconcept, in the international issue, when they included rubrics,censured contents, removed whole pages and interviews... all ofthese without any agreement with the Editorial Board inPrishtina, which according to the contract was responsible andsovereign in setting the concept of "Zëri" for Europe. We areconscious that this has damaged the image of Zëri.

Plundering perpetrated by Mala, Mazreku and Demiri, apart fromdamaging the people actually working in Zëri, is really robbingthe goods possessed by Kosova alone and which can't be taken byanyone. And especially not two "refugees" whom Kosova knows verywell...

In order to evade this unprecedented robbery, Zëri's editorialBoard in Prishtina was forced to publish the international issueunder the name of "Zëri i Evropës" (Europe's Voice - or EuropeanZëri) which in fact is the same Zëri which is published inPrishtina and whose distribution will be made from now on by"Rilindja". The other Zëri has nothing to do with the EditorialBoard in Prishtina and is nothing else but a publication of"refugees" such as Mala and Demiri.

Having in mind that the robbers will try to justify the robberyof Prishtina's Zëri in Zurich, we call upon the stateinstitutions of Kosova and the Albanian public to defend thefifty years old tradition of the name and the institution ofZëri.

The Editorial Board.

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KOSOVA - USA

KOSOVA IS NOT FORGOTTEN

by LINDITA IMAMI / Washington

The President of the Republic of Kosova, dr. Ibrahim Rugova, metwith the American Secretary of State, Warren Christopher lastWednesday. In a press conference, dr. Rugova evaluated themeeting as very important and friendly. "The United States havegreat understanding for the question of Kosova" said Rugova tothe journalists gathered in front of the US State Department."America will continue supporting the issue of Kosova and willcontinue following the situation in Kosova". Stressing that hewas very satisfied with the meeting, Rugova said that Christophertold him that Kosova was not forgotten and that he repeated thewarning proclaimed by Presidents Bush and Clinton, that the USwill not allow a conflict in Kosova. The meeting, organized withthe invitation of the State department, was also attended byRichard Holbrooke, deputy Secretary of State for Europe and JohnBurley, Officer in Charge of the State Department for Southernand Central Europe.

So far, different American administrations have expressed theirposture that autonomy should be reinstalled in Kosova and thatany form of repression should be eliminated. President Clinton'sadministration has recently declared that it is ready to reactagainst the Serbs in case of an eventual conflict in Kosova.

On Friday, Rugova also met the founders of the American CongressGroup for the Albanian Question, congressmen Eliot Engel andSusan Molinari, as well as other legislators who have visitedKosova or are concerned with the situation of human rights there.Congressmen Peter King, John Olver, David Bonior, Nita Lowey andJim Moran were also invited to the official lunch at the CapitolHill. The American legislators informed Rugova that they aredoing all they can to gain as many supporters for the bill calledAct for Peace, Democracy and Human Rights in Kosova. They alsoinformed Rugova that they had requested from the Americanadministration to condition the lifting of internationalsanctions against Serbia with the solution of the problem ofKosova, the return of the OSCE observers and start and Americanpresence in Kosova, maybe in the form of an USIA office or adiplomatic representative office.

The congressmen evaluated the official invitation to PresidentRugova as a way to express the interest of the Americanadministration about the tense situation in Kosova, as well asto express the concern for the eventual expansion of the conflictto Kosova.

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Rugova's visit to Washington takes place in times when Westerncountries, including the USA, have intensified the efforts tofind a solution for the Bosnian crisis and prevent the expansionof war in the region. The US have stressed several times, thatif the conflict is expanded to Kosova, the vital interests of theUS would be affected.

RUGOVA

MEETINGS, INTERVIEWS...

On Thursday, President Rugova also met with the Deputy Secretaryof State for Questions of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, JohnShattuck. This meeting was concentrated on the situation inKosova, the economic and humanitarian situation. "Shattuckpromised that the economic, diplomatic and political assistancefor Kosova will continue, as well as the support for the solutionof Kosova's problem", Rugova told the journalists.

Shattuck expressed his respect for the wisdom that Albanianpeople have showed in times of high tensions and reiterated thewarning of both administrations that the US will not allow theconflict in Kosova.

Shattuck informed Rugova about the US support to t heInternational War Tribunal in The Hague and that this Court willalso include in its jurisdiction the crimes committed in Kosova.Rugova informed Shattuck that Kosova has presented the dossieron the crimes committed and described the actual repressivesituation in Kosova.

The importance of the presence of international non-governmentalorganizations in Kosova was also stressed during theconversation. After he asked about the situation of the media inKosova, Shattuck spoke about the importance of Voice of America,as a means to keep the communication between the US and Kosovagoing. Durinmg the conversation, Rugova reiterated the option ofan independent and neutral Kosova, and a civilian trusteeship asa step towards the normalization of life in kosova. Rugovaevaluated this meeting as a important and of great understanding.Rugova also met with Warren Zimmerman, who is known inWashington's political circles as a harsh critic of the Serbianpolicy. President Rugova was interviewed by many Americannewspapers and magazines, as well as CNN.

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INTERVIEW

BRANKO HORVAT, Chairman of the Social-Democratic Union of Croatia

IN FAVOR OF AN ADVANCED BALKANS FEDERATION

Interviewed by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Paris

KOHA: About Kosova, seven years after the "Issue of Kosova"...

HORVAT: I believe that you Albanians have no idea aboutmarketing. You didn't translate the book in English and thus, theinterested world remained without any information on Kosova,which anyways was not known as a problem. "The Issue of Kosova"was read only in Yugoslavia. Nowhere else...

KOHA: Today, you are defined as a "Yugo-nostalgic" and initiatoror economic integrations in the former Yugoslav space...

HORVAT: In regard to the term... When someone calls me thus inCroatia I call him back "Ustasha-nostalgic", on the other hand,if I am called thus in Serbia, I call them "Chetnik-nostalgic"..This is where I see an interesting direct parallelismbetween the leading bands of Milosevic in Serbia and Tudjman andhis nationalists is Croatia. I do not understand this nationalexclusiveness as opposed to the need to live in huge problems.In regard to the new integrations. I don't think we can speak ofany new economic development or a normal life in the regions ofthe former Yugoslavia as long as there is war. But then, when itends, the dilemma will remain: if Milosevic and Tudjman keepholding the power in Serbia and Croatia, I don't believe thatthere will be any movement from the full social stagnation;people will continue emigrating around the world, the sciencewill stagnate... If only there we some changes, first of allpolitical - I tend to believe that there can be some economicprospects in the sense of the social wellbeing and Balkansintegration, which, indisputably would lead towards a realdevelopment, towards the increase of new jobs, i.e. the decreaseof the level of unemployment. All of what Yugoslavia achievedafter WWII.

KOHA: Do you believe that the period after WWII was successful,at leat in the economic aspect?

HORVAT: Yes. Some time ago I made a comparative analysis: Icompared the first five years of post-war Tito leadership (1950)and five years under Tudjman's rule - the level of economicdevelopment in Croatia in times of the partisans and the modernnationalists.In the case of the second, the level of productionhas decreased some 60%, while thew partisans had increased the

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index of production for 120%.

KOHA: Let's go back to your parallelism of totalitarian regimes.What is the current situation in Croatia and Serbia like?

HORVAT: I have to say one thing: people in Croatia live a betterlife than the ones in Serbia. This is clear, and there can hardlybe any equality sign. Citizens of Croatia can travel all aroundthe world, they can come here to France whenever they wish, thereare visas required for Croats, there are no restrictions, thereis no embargo...In this aspect, life in Croatia is much betterthan in Serbia. However, this doesn't change in any way thepolitical (and economic) viewpoints of the regime in Zagreb whichcan't be called democratic. It is a regime which has,nevertheless, its support on weapons and war, therefore it hasnothing to with democratic regimes of Europe.

KOHA: The economic trends in Croatia today?

HORVAT: Really catastrophic. You can imagine that we are livingon the level Croatia had 15 years ago.

KOHA:In your statement you make a clear distinction betweensocietal property, de-etatization...

HORVAT: This is the only thing that makes sense in thecontemporary economic reorganization. First economy should detachfrom state administration, so the market can function. In thisaspect, we face a serious problem with state ownership and theetatization of whatever used to be societal property, which Ibelieve was the most developed form of property in this century.According to me, the societal property has nothing to do withthew concept of statal property, i.e., of state administrationof economy. Two years ago, we sued the state before theConstitutional Court of Croatia, for plundering the property thatbelonged to all, and for treating it as it's own. In theaccusation, we qualified such acts as "state plundering", becausethe taking someone's property by force is plundering, don't youthing so?

KOHA: Wasn't precisely the definition of societal property thefoundation of the economic destruction of the Former Yugoslavia?

HORVAT: I don't know what "experts" think thus!... The truth isthat there are many opinions of the kind in the whole FormerYugoslavia. Even in the IMF and WB... however I have still notmet a serious person who would claim this, really. I believe thatthis is nothing else but an ideological pamphlet which is notgrounded on any analysis. For example: the American companyGeneral Motors, the largest producer of cars in the US has as

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many share-holders as Serbia has inhabitants! The question arisesthen: who is a private owner here? I want to say that in societalproperty, citizens are private owners. This is why I insist thatwe must elaborate a serious economic theory according to whichin Socialism, which is grounded on social solidarity andequality, there should be no societal polarities according towhich, grounded on the profit, small group of people come to thesurface as the societal; elite, while the others are presentedas the working force. I believe that in the efficacious economicsystem, the over-all capital should belong to the society andshould be used on its behalf. In such a system, the amount ofprofit should be bigger only for the amount needed forinvestments; the increase of production, creating new jobs, etc.Theoretically, everyone should be employed in Socialism...

KOHA: Are you a socialist?

HORVAT: Since the age of 16. This is why I joined the partisans.If it weren't for my convictions, I would have never followedthem. Then, I was supposed to study in Switzerland, therefore Idon't believe that someone forced me to join them...

KOHA: Today you are chairman of a political party, the Social-Democratic Union (SDU)...

HORVAT: Yes. We even have one MP in the Croatian Parliament. Thegovernment doesn't like us much, but I believe we are anefficacious mechanism for social criticism.

KOHA: Are you informed about the process of privatization inAlbania?

HORVAT: Not at all. I wanted to visit Albania...

KOHA: And what about Kosova? the processes of privatization andtransition there seem to be nothing else but the re-etatizationof the plundered property belonging to Albanians? What model ofprivatization/transformation would you opt for in Kosova?

HORVAT: Not only in Kosova, but all former Yugoslav republicscould have only one model: first, free initiative. When someonehas money and ideas, he/she has the right to do whatever pleaseshim/her. Second, enterprises with societal capital should remainthe same - until the competition in the market doesn't excludethem. However, this shouldn't decided by the President f thegovernment or the director, but the market. Third, all processshould develop within a real rule of law if something functionalis aimed at in the economic aspect. I believe these would be thebasic preconditions, without involving any politics.

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KOHA: Kosova proclaimed its independence, peaceful policy,political pluralism... It is living in a state of emergency andunder constant repression. Where do you find Kosova in your"integrating" theory?

HORVAT: I don't believe that Kosova's fate depends only onKosova, i.e.Kosova Albanians, despite the proclamation of theirindependence. I believe that in general, this depends on theenvironment that surrounds Kosova and the position and events inregard to it. While Former Yugoslavia existed, I believed thatthe best solution for Kosova was to remain within it. Today,Yugoslavia doesn't exist any more. But let's go back to thecontext of its status. In 1945, its Parliament decided to remainpart of Serbia. Without discussing whether this was the will ofthe people or blackmailing by the Serbian leadership, it can bejustly said that if in 1945 it decided to become part of Serbia,in 1995 it has the full right to secede. There can't be anydilemmas. This is what makes the fundament of freedom and self-determination. I believed that Kosova should remain part ofYugoslavia, because it was a more developed state. But, thedestruction of Yugoslavia created a new situation. Kosova is nota part of Yugoslavia any more, but a part of Serbia. I believeKosova should exist as a separate unit. This is my "integrating" idea which is grounded on the fact that the whole of theBalkans should be organized as an integrated economic unit. Inthat case, both Kosova and Albania should be equal units withina united formation, similar to the EU today?

KOHA: Wasn't this an original idea of Esat Pashë Toptani at thebeginning of the century?

HORVAT: Yes, but he was to closely inked with Serbia and Pasic.

KOHA: The theory on the Balkans federation is ancient...

HORVAT: Yes, but we must find a more developed form of thisfederation. I believe that Balkans socialists tried do tosomething of the kind in their conference in 1910.

KOHA: Do you believe that this is the formula of the future ofthe Balkans?

HORVAT: Yes, with no doubt.

KOHA: The relativization of borders, economic integration, statedecentralization...

HORVAT: ...No borders! As in the former Yugoslavia. Integrationis the best guarantee that there will be social equality,national and cultural freedom. I believe that the differences in

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the economic and social development are the reasons why theformer Socialist states can't integrate in the EU. This alsocounts for Kosova. However, on the other hand,all of these wouldfunction much better within a possible union between EasternEuropean countries and the Balkans, because a balance between thestandards and the level of development can be found.

KOHA: Let's go back to the obstacles transition faces.

HORVAT: In the professional aspect, I don't believe thatapplication of economic transition represents any problem.Political will is the only problem. This is something totallydifferent. Without finding a way out from the dead end of thenationalist policy, it is hard to achieve anything.

KOHA: You remain faithful to socialist self-management?

HORVAT: Yes. I believe that self-management proved to besuccessful from 1952 to 1970. I believe that these yearsevidenced the period of the explosive growth and level ofdevelopment.

KOHA: But what about state bureaucracy and negligence whichemerged from the lack of definition of responsibility on theproperty and the work which finally destroyed the "socialistself-management"?

HORVAT: It was not created by self-management, but the politicalsystem of the Former Yugoslavia, which was non-democratic, hadonly one political party and lost its way in the bureaucraticcorridors. These are the first years of the '70s when the createdmicro-bourgeois cast takes over power after Tito's death. Thatis when not only the self-management but also the state startedbeing destroyed.

KOHA:Do you believe that the concept of social self-managementdoesn't exclude any "political system" and vice versa?

HORVAT: In a pluralist and democratic society, the self-managingconcept is offered as the optimum of the economic and socialdevelopment, even though this is not a full guarantee. One musthave educated, professionally prepared people and will to work.Edvard Kardelj's self-management was something totally different.He was a "village teacher" a man without any professionalqualification. He had great ideas but he solutions he offeredwere catastrophic. They all ended in totalitarianism...

KOHA: How well are you acquainted with "Avramovic's program", hisforced "resignation" and the economic flows in Serbia, whereplundering of Albanians seems to be the only source of existence

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for the regime...

HORVAT: I don't doubt about your ascertainment. However,Avramovic, even in the sense of healing the economy tried to dothe only thing possible in a state ruled by a regime such asMilosevic's. And he partially succeeded. The problem is that thissuccess is brief. Afterwards, everything is destroyed and endswith a catastrophe. He tried to do something known as monetarysolution of inflation, by keeping the printing mill undercontrol. There is no doubt that there must be a rigorous controlof the money printed, hover this is not enough. Money stillremains a means of payment. production forces must grow anddevelop, and how will that be done, no one cares in Serbia. Thesame thing happens in Croatia. i think that Avramovic's reformwill totally fail.

About his resignation... What I was expecting, happened. Serbianeeds money for the police and army. The state gets the moneyeither from the citizens or from printing money. After thecitizens are totally squeezed - and Avramovic has great meritsin this aspect - now there is no other option but start printingmoney and cause an galloping inflation. Anyhow, Avramovic'sdeparture is the departures of the only serious man and experton economy in Serbia. If he is replaced by an illiterate, Serbiawill find itself in a total chaos...

INTERVIEW

LJUPCO GEORGIJEVSKI, Chairman of VMRO-DPMNE

OPEN TALKS ABOUT ALBANIAN REQUESTS

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

KOHA: What does VMRO-DPMNE actually do?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I can practically say that in Macedonia we have aone party parliament; we have a totalitarian state; we have agovernment which we can claim has totally suppressed thedemocratic rights in the Republic of Macedonia. In such asituation, it is very hard to be opposition; it is very hard tobe opposition in a state that resembles dictatorship. Therefore,VMRO-DPMNE has no other alternative but dedicate itself to itsown organization; to dedicate to itself, and await for ourchance.

KOHA: Can you be more specific in the accusations against thegovernment?

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GEORGIJEVSKI: Why do I say totalitarian state? If you look at theMacedonian parliament, then you will notice that 90% of theparliamentarians are supporting the government, apart from someindependent MPs, therefore we have a one-party parliament. Thisis the first segment. The second segment is, let's put it so,very interesting: the Republic of Macedonia is one of the fewstates in Europe where the judiciary is not separated from theexecutive power by law. Five-six years have passed and thejudiciary in Macedonia is still not independent. The thirdsegment is the local self-administration: we will see that thesecond local elections should have been celebrated in Octoberlast. The deadline expired and we still don't know when will theybe celebrated. The Republic of Macedonia has suspended all localself-administration and, simply, everything is centralized. Thereare no new elections, and no one even mentions the second localelections. We don't have such a situation in any European state.These are the basic segments, because Macedonia is going towardsdictatorship. If to this we add the complete censorship on thestate owned media; the impossibility of the opposition topronounce itself; the different tortures the opposition partiesare subjected on daily basis, then the image of Macedonia isclearly seen.

KOHA: Aren't you also to blame, for you boycotted the secondround of the elections?

GEORGIJEVSKI: Looking at it from this distance, maybe it wouldhave been better for Macedonian democracy to have 15-20 VMRO MPs.Unfortunately, we witnessed a forgery of the government and VMRO-DPMNE could choose: become a mask for democracy with its 15 MPsor take the step it did - to withdraw from the second round andlet the government rule. We believe that both elements have their"pros and cons", but we consider to have taken the right step,because almost all parties withdrew from the second round.

KOHA: Can't you find any success of the government?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I consider this to be a government of continuance.Someone will say of a five years continuance, and I will say tothat - of fifty years! And the fact that this new coalition iscalled the Social-Democratic League or the Socialist Partychanges nothing. Simply: it is a continuance of Communism. Inregard to its performance, I can look into all segments of power:foreign policy- catastrophe; interior policy - catastrophe;economic policy - catastrophe; inter-ethnic relations -catastrophe. I believe that the Macedonian people are aware ofthis, same as the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia. I shouldby all means add the criminality and corruption as a massiveprocess in the Republic of Macedonia. I believe that Macedoniahas never lived as bad as today.

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KOHA: Several days ago, President Gligorov declared in Paris thatthe Macedonian model of peace and security in the Balkans wasestablished here!

GEORGIJEVSKI:I don't know which is the Macedonian recipe forpeace. I believe that this moment is being hyper-inflated by theMacedonian policy. You see yourself that the only argument of thegovernment is to kind of safeguard peace. I would say that theMacedonian recipe was simple: there were too many Serbs inCroatia, and also in Bosnia and Herzegovina; there is a hugeproblem in Kosova, and nevertheless, there are a very few Serbsin Macedonia. This is the recipe of peace. All the rest isdemagogy. In brief: Serbia couldn't have allowed the opening ofa southern front towards Macedonia. This is the recipe of peace.We should be grateful to the governments of Croatia and Bosniafor not having surrendered as planned by Milosevic. This is thewhole philosophy why there us peace in Macedonia and this is thepeace recipe.

KOHA: Maybe is was also the role of Albanians who refused tobecome part of the southern front project?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I believe that all political factors in Macedoniaare to be praised for the peace. Don't you think so? Even thegovernment has its merits, as well as the Albanian minorityparties. So do we, who were considered to be extremenationalists. All these factors manifested a high level ofresponsibility towards the circumstances in the Republic ofMacedonia and I consider that all have their merits for thepolicy we have today.

KOHA: How will the indirect negotiations with Greece end?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I believe it is a question of short time before welisten to President Gligorov announcing the agreement and liftingof the Greek embargo and our change of the flag and constitution.This is the so called small package. If this is it, then thequestion is why didn't Macedonia do this one year and a half ago?I believe that this is a big defeat of the Macedonia policy.

KOHA: Some time ago you held your Congress. You have promoted thephilosophy of political pragmatism to reach power. How did this,for many, unexpected change come?

GEORGIJEVSKI: VMRO-DPMNE is a renewed party since five years ago,since Communism fell. And we have been speaking of high nationalinterests for the past five years. I believe that all unbiasedobservers will see that the key point in the construction ofindependent Macedonia and the ruin of the Former Yugoslavia wasVMRO-DPMNE in the Republic of Macedonia. We spoke a lot about the

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state and national interests; we created many enemies but inspite of all, we managed to bring Macedonia to independence. Thedark side of this fact is that Macedonia is in deep opposition.

For now on, this moment of political pragmatism speaks ofsomething totally different - that we will not give up on thesehigh ideals and interests, but they will subjugate politicalpragmatism which should takes to us to power. I believe thatVMRO-DPMNE has made a serious change in its attitude and from nowon, it will be as any other normal political party, which bydefinition, struggles for power.

KOHA: In this sense, you haven't excluded even the possibilityof cooperation with Albanian political parties. Could you commentsome more on this?

GEORGIJEVSKI: Yes! I see that the Macedonian public andespecially the regime's media is upset because of my visit to themunicipal assembly of Tetova, where I met the president of themunicipality and where the possibility to create governmeningcoalitions in municipalities appeared to mentioned as feasible.I don't see why should this be a reason for the Macedonian publicopinion to become upset, if we claim that this a civic state,where all parties and citizens are equal. Then why should someonebe bothered by a possible coalition between VMRO-DPMNE and PPDat a local level? We are not only open towards the cooperationwith PPD but maybe all Albanian parties in Macedonia. There isno reason not to talk to them; why shouldn't we agree upon someimportant issues, because I believe that thus we can help theRepublic of Macedonia, on one hand, and on the other we wouldgain some points from the international public, when we couldprove that the parties categorized as extreme can sit down andcooperate.

KOHA: Allow me to remind you of your statement one year ago: thenyou had accused the Albanian political parties for lack ofloyalty towards the Macedonian state. Has something changed inthem or - in you?

GEORGIJEVSKI: I must say that the PPD had extreme posturesbefore; I would say it was separatist as opposed to the integrityof the Republic of Macedonia; I believe that many things havechanged in their policy, but also some things in our policy havechanged. Therefore, if now we have a coalition between the Leaguefor Macedonia and the PPD functioning at the highest level, thenwhy wouldn't there be a coalition between us and the PPD at thelocal level?

KOHA: If, figuratively speaking, you would be the steering wheelof this coalition, the PPD would be one pedal, which would be the

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second one, Mr. Andov's Liberals, or...?

GEORGIJEVSKI: This requires a deeper analysis. This will dependon the concrete circumstances and conditions: you'll always tryto find the party which can help you make the 51% if you haven'twon the majority. We can't speak of previously determinedschemes, but this will be determined in a concrete situation. Itis a fact that the Liberals appear often imposed as a thirdpartner, maybe this could be a basis for further cooperation.

KOHA: How do you perceive the problems of Albanians in Macedonia.In Prilep or Manastir you declared that you have nothing againstthe University in Albanians, but that you are fearing that theywould ask for more!

GEORGIJEVSKI: This is the position I advocate for some time: Idon't want to discuss whether there should or should not be aUniversity. If this University is requested as something whichcan produce qualified staff in Albanian, then we can think ofthis context, however, when the problem of the University ispushed, it is more imposed as a level, as a new step towards thefederalization of Macedonia and towards the secession ofdifferent parts of Macedonia and their unification to anotherstate. This is the problem. I don't perceive this problempartially: I believe that there must be conversations and reachedagreements on a table of discussions in which it will be seenwhat are the requests of the Albanians and which the compromisesof the Macedonian government. All issues can be discussed, allof them can be solved in a way that after the issues are closed,they can't be reopened again. I am in favor of the global and notpartial solution of the problem.

KOHA: Xhaferi from the new PPD is also in favor of somethingsimilar!

GEORGIJEVSKI: I believe that he presented an interesting thesis,that of a historical agreement between Macedonians and Albaniansin Macedonia, and I consider that, as a thesis, it is veryinteresting. Maybe, his positions about the agreement differentfrom ours, but I consider that the initiative is interesting andI think that VMRO-DPMNE would accept it if it comes to power. Ibelieve that the open issues should be discussed on the table,and when the agreement is reached to have it solved once and forall, and not go back to inter-ethnic tensions, but all shouldturn towards the economic, social, and statal prosperity of theRepublic of Macedonia.

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MONTENEGRO

THE MILITARIZATION OF THE MONTENEGRIN SEACOAST

by NAIL DRAGA / Ulqin

"The Republic of Montenegro has decided to give the "Pinjes"location in Ulqin comprised of 130 apartments and a total surfaceof 6.500 squared meters to the Yugoslav Navy. Montenegro has alsogiven its consent for the construction of a port for militaryships at Valdanos in Ulqin". This part of the statement deliveredsome time ago in Kotor by Momir Bulatovic, President ofMontenegro, on the Day of the Navy of Yugoslavia, caused only thereaction of the Montenegrin opposition media. The interest of themilitary staff to have a military base in this area is not a newidea, for the public was informed about it in 1993. This requestwas rejected professionally by the then Minister of Urbanism inthe Montenegrin Government, Miodrag Burzan, who was representingthe opposers, i.e. the Liberals. Then he said that this ideacould not be realized, for according to the space planning of therepublic, this area was meant for the development of intensivetourism. Strangely enough, the minister's posture was supportedby the whole Government, which was really a pleasant surprise.The Navy, on the other hand, was given a chance to file an appealat the Constitutional Court.

Since then, it seemed as if the issue had been solved for ever.Bulatovic's speech was preceded by an information that theGovernment had bought the Pinjes location for three milliondinars, not stating for whom were the apartments destined. Oneweek later, the public was informed that the apartments werebought for the army, i.e., the officers and their families.

What has most surprised the public is that the RepublicanParliament has not made any decision in this respect. Thus, thesecretary of the Democratic League of Montenegro, M. Nika saysthat "this decision proves clearly that Montenegro is not a civicstate, because on this occasion, we have a clear disregardtowards the parliament as the highest legislative body, as wellas the local population, which implies the existence of an actingtotalitarian state".

This decision has most demoralized the local population because,apart from the consequences which the tourism will suffer, thestructure of population will mechanically change, at the cost ofthe Albanian population. This has been a long-planned goal, asclaimed by some military officials, because this is not amilitary secret any longer.

While the Municipal Counsellor for Tourism, Qazim Rexha,

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considers that "tourism and the Navy are in total antagonism,because the militarization of tourist zones has never proven tobe an effective move, on the contrary". In a joint communiqueissued by the Albanian Democratic Union and the Democratic Forumof Albanians in Montenegro, it is said that such a decision is"contrary to the international provisions and documents",therefore they are of the opinion that this issue should bediscussed in the local parliament of Ulqin municipality, wherethe majority belongs to the Democratic League (of Albanians) inMontenegro". Even though it is known that the municipality lackscompetencies which it had before, the debate about this issuewould not be without effect, it would rather make the publicaware.

All opposition parties in Montenegro have reacted to thisdecision, while the 13 MPs of the Liberal League of Montenegrohave sent a letter to President Bulatovic asking him to givespecific information about what was broadcasted by MontenegrinRadio and TV as well as daily "Pobjeda", about Valdanos turninginto a military base. They also stated that they would ask fora special session of the Parliament to discuss the issue. Itremains to be seen whether Bulatovic will offer concrete factsabout the issue. Analysts say that this could have been adecision made by decree of Premier Djukanovic. Acting thus, theGovernment, by Decree, can change the Space Planning Document ofthe Republic according to the needs of the daily politics, alwaysprojected, in the case of Montenegro, by the Serbian "greatleader". This is perfidious policy, says weekly Monitor referringto Valdanos, stating that it is now in safe hands, "in the sameprocedure in which Montenegro is getting rid of one of itscompetencies, so it won't be what it used to be".

MACEDONIA

THE COALITION OF A NEW POLITICAL COURSE

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

What seemed impossible in the past four or five years in theinternal political scene of Macedonia, is becoming a realitywhich is astonishing even the boldest analysts. The news is thatthe "most Macedonian" party, VMRO-DPMNE is offering coalition tothe largest Albanian political party in Macedonia, and at thesame time, part of the governing coalition, the PPD. The truthis that the coalition is offered at municipal level, however,this doesn't reduce at all the sensation of the news.

With this move, VMRO started applying in practice the new

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political course which Ljupco Georgijevski determined on theSecond Congress celebrated in Kërçovë last month (or the TenthCongress of Continuity, as VMRO people claim, counting also allthe congresses of the VMRO established in Thessaloniki at the endof the previous century), on which occasion he promoted the newstrategy grounded on "political pragmatism to gain power". It isworth mentioning the statements of VMRO's leader on the lastcongress about the failures they presented when they missed tolead Macedonia twice so far.

"We created the image of a party which doesn't want to mix withex-Communist parties and extremist Albanian parties, and we lostthe feeling for pragmatism and the chance to form thegovernment". The impression is that he referred to the Liberalsand this option is more feasible, because it became evident that"coexistence" with Gosev's Democrats is not very likely becauseof the basic differences between the two parties. In regard tothe cooperation with the "extremist Albanian parties", the ideaitself is not a big surprise, but the fact is that this time,Georgijevski himself, accompanied by vice-chairman of VMRO Mrs.Dosta Dimovska and his closest collaborators visited Tetova onJune 19 and met the President of the Municipal Assembly, ShaqirAliti. This is a serious move.

Since the meeting was open for the media, the public in Macedoniagot the chance to "amuse itself" with the new postures of themost charismatic leader in Macedonia. In the conversation withthe first man of Tetova, VMRO's leader said that the maindetermination of this party, the independence of Macedonia hasbeen achieved already, and now better living conditions for allcitizens of Macedonia should be created. Therefore, he said, allshould propose compromises for the solution of disputable issues.In continuation of his conversation with the leaders of Tetovamunicipality, he openly and clearly said that a coalition withPPD in the next local elections is possible, as well as with anyparty, if this leads towards the stability of Macedonia. Withthis statement, Georgijevski opened a new page in the diary ofthe political life in Macedonia and at the same time broke thepattern created in the past and which served the Macedonianparties in power. Even though it is early say that VMRO has comecloser to the Center, in a way, this party has made a symbolicmove from deeper right and abandoned this position for otherparties with the VMRO prefix, which hastened to declareGeorgijevski a traitor.

It will not be easy for the central leadership of VMRO-DPMNE toconvince the municipal leaderships, which are expected to resistthe possible coalition. This was illustrated by the fact thatafter Georgijevski's proposal, a meeting between the centralleadership and the municipal one in Tetova was held behind closed

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doors. Unofficially, Georgijevski faced harsh criticism.Regarding Albanians, their posture is still unknown, but it canbe imagined that they will have no special motive to oppose thiscoalition, especially knowing that coalitions with "civic"Macedonian parties didn't bring them particular happiness.

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202 38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

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