The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton

Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditorë. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 147Front Page: Where is the black and red banner?Date: 30 April 1997

EDITORIAL

ON RED AND BLACK

by VETON SURROI

If you have been observing the palette of colors marching over the Albanian painting of thesedays, you could have noticed the colorsof the camouflage uniforms (the so called "Kakhi", inNATO terminology), a kind of transition between brown and olive green; blue of the UnitedNations and up to the different variations of the national flags of the countries that composethe multinational forces.

So where does the red and black banner stand?

This is not a rhetoric question that aims at inciting the national emotion. It is mainly anascertaining question, because the black and red colors were taken in the underground, thestate of provisional residence, by the Albanian people proper.

The Kosovars, at least those who are quick in making conclusions under the pressure of the"patriotic factor", point their fingers towards Albania and conclude that the national feelinghas been lost there. But, where did the black and red banner get lost in Kosova? In weddingceremonies.

If the things are simplified even more, Kosovars could say that Albania lost Albanianism,whereas our relatives on the other sideof the sunbathed Cursed Mountains, could accuse theKosovars that their level of Albanianism is deep rooted in the syndrome of the two wires ofthe çiftelia and the sirens of the columns of vehicles going to "get" the bride, in the"increasing" season of the Kosovar families.

The simplification, naturally, serves only the game of symbols and the primary understandingof the phenomenons we are experiencing. Maybe in this game of symbols one couldunderstand another segment in the flying of the flag, that I have seen both in Kosova andAlbania (although other Balkans people experience it too): the flagon the top of the roof ofthe house being constructed. The next question affects Albanians on the two (three) sides ofthe border: are they missing the flag because they are not finishing the started house(s) or theyare lacking serious construction works to build houses, so the palette of colors, in the landsinhabited by Albanians, would also include red and black?

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ALBANIA

OUR ENTIRE HISTORY WAS A STRUGGLE AGAINST "SOMEBODY"

by ARTAN PUTO / Tirana

There were two important moments this week. The discussions amongpolitical parties about the new electoral law and the reply of theDefence Minister, Shaqir Vukaj, in the Albanian parliament. Noconcrete result was achieved, although parties met several times.The main difference is that between Democratic Party, which seeksan electoral law totally based on majority, on one hand, and nineother parties of the governmental coalition, that ask for a totalproportional law, on the other hand. The goal of the DemocraticParty is to take advantage of the majority law, that secured it avictory, too frightening to be true, in the last May elections.Besides this, the ruling party in the present conditions, when it'simage has been damaged and when it finds it hard to find politicalallies, on the left or the right side, maybe it is interested inthe law that would eliminate many minor and middle parties from theAlbanian political scene. It is obvious that for the DemocraticParty it is easier to have the Socialist Party as the only rival,rather than having a dozen of parties against.

The large Albanian parties in Albania remind one of the story ofthe "bride and the mother in law", who neither can stay togethernor can stop quarrelling. And the opposition parties, which aremainly small and middle sized, see the proportional law as a chancefor passing the 4% obstacle, in order to become parliamentarianparties. The Socialist Party is interested in this law because incase of a victory, it would feel more comfortable if it were rulingin coalition, than ruling alone. It would be impossible for a partyor two of them to govern in the present situation the country isfacing. In our opinion, there will be a need, for a long time, fora broadly backed form of government, hoping that Albanians willknow how to make compromises.

The second moment was even more important. Based on a replyrequired by the Democratic Party MPs, the Defense Minister, ShaqirVukaj made a presentation on his work. There were many hotdiscussions during the parliamentarian debate, because thesocialist minister, before giving the results of his work, tried toexplain the reasons that brought to the destruction of the Albanianarmy. Without disputing his explanations, we think that he has gonetoo far, far away from his position of an administrator leaningtowards the position of a party member. That's because the thingshe said can be said later, thus avoiding the conflicts between theparties in the difficult times for the Government of NationalReconciliation. The first accusation of the minister was that theAlbanian army was destroyed thanks to the wrong policy of the

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Democratic Party, which aimed at converting it into the DemocraticParty's Army. He said that hundreds of experts were removed fromtheir positions and were replaced by people who obeyed the ordersof the President and high DP officials. Another reason for thepresent situation of the army is it's miserable financialsituation. Many soldiers don't wear the same uniforms, and most ofthe soldiers were only guarding the military buildings and had onlya few training. This is documented by the fact that the DefenseMinistry still doesn't have a Regulation. Vukaj stated that theinfluence of the ruling party was best illustrated in the armyperiodical "The Army and the Time", which was in fact a weeklymagazine of the Democratic Party.

But what had the most destructive and demoralizing effect were theplans for an attack against the civilian population of the southand the mining of the bridges that link Central and SouthernAlbania. Vukaj said that this action put the army against it's ownnation. The lack of responsibility and the preference for amilitary solution of the problem drove the army into disaster.Then, just after the speech of the minister, the replies of the MPsof the DP began. It was then that we remembered the discussion ofthe president of the Human Rights Party, Vasil Melo, following thespeech of SHIK's chief Gazidede, who said: "When you hear theseofficials talking like that, you can understand why are we in sucha situation".

The whole idea of the discussions of the MPs was to show that theminister was doing propaganda similar to that of the Albanian LaborParty in the past, and was not talking at all about institutionssuch as the Parliament and the President. Following came theaccusations against the foreigners and discussions about phantommeetings between Pangalos, Milosevic and other enemies of Albania,who were waiting for this moment as an excellent chance to achievetheir aspirations. The wish for finding "somebody" who is alwaysguilty of destroying the army, who invented the pyramidal schemes,who didn't want the best for the DP or the best for Sali Berisha,somebody who raised the prices, was always present...

Our entire history was a struggle against this "somebody". This was also seen in Bashkim Gazidede's report. This report can be usedas a model for a "science fiction" book. In his opinion, everysingle problem was created by somebody abroad and the poorAlbanians are never to blame. This "virus" has also infected ourworld famous writer, Ismail Kadare. It is hard to understand how aman like him can declare in a international meeting in Rome: "Theinternational press is to blame for the deterioration of thesituation in Albania". For politicians, it is enough to tellstories about "mysterious anti-Albanian plans, spies, Marxist-Leninists, revolutionaries who try to takeover the country". Andthese moments are accompanied by patriotic calls like "I respect

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Ismail Qemali, because of his raising of the flag, but I alsorespect Isa Boletini, Hasan Prishtina and other heroes" or"Albanians will never be defeated, long live Albania, long live theAlbanian army, long live the Albanian peaceful spirit". In thesemoments, one thinks of what Faik Konica said once: "The worst enemyof Albania is the Albanian proper". It's always hard for us toanalyze ourselves. A terrible complex of inferiority prevents theAlbanian from analyzing himself, because thus, his bad featureswould be known to others. The absence of the tradition of a statedemocracy also helps this. People in Albania were always fightingtheir state or said in a different way, the state was never ontheir side. There hasn't been any politics, only conflicts. So it'simpossible to make cold-headed and believable analyses. The statewas always interested in telling stories to it's people, in orderto hide the problems planned to become the peoples' burden. Andwhen Albanians come to their senses (they are always late) theyunderstand that they were lied to and humiliated, so they take andbreak everything that stands before them, like wanting to say "Ican not stand it anymore". But we shouldn't forget anotherimportant fact. A known Albanian author said, very truly, some timeago that "the Albanian state did not follow the development of theAlbanian nation, for the state was standing against the people".Historically, the Albanian state was a weak, repressive creationand never walked at the same pace as it's nation. It never likedthe changes, renewals, and the tolerant spirit. Albanian statesmen,saw a possibility to profit in office, and didn't care much aboutthe emancipation of the people they led.

This fact brought to the construction of the wall between them andordinary people, thus making two different species which hated eachother. In these conditions, there is little room for understandingand always enough for transportation of the present problems in thefuture.

REPORTAGE

ANOTHER 330 SPANISH LEGIONARIES

by ARTAN PUTO / Durrës

The last Spanish contingent of the multinational force in Albaniaarrived in the Port of Durrës. Following the "Hernan Cortes" and"Aragon" battleships, came "Pizarro". It transported the logisticsbattalion made of 59 persons. 16 trucks transported them to ShënGjini, where the center of the Spanish contingent is. After talkingto several military, we learned that the spokesman of Spanishcontingent was also in the Center. Therefore, we decided to headthere. There we met commander Abelardo Garcia Garzon, information

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officer of the Spanish contingent, who gave us data about theobjectives and duties of this contingent. "First we had to settleand afterwards we did all the preparations of the terrain and thereconstruction of the road Lezhë-Shkodër-Koplik. We visited thearea, did all the possible controls, contacted the localauthorities, in order to understand the humanitarian needs of thepeople. They asked us to protect the schools and these days we senttwo military units to Balldren, Kolsh, Kallmet and Rubik. Ourpresence in these villages made the opening of the schoolspossible". The Spanish commander also said that, although it wasbeyond their mandate, they approved the request of the localauthorities and decided to assess the situation and secure thepeace, so the schools could reopen in the area around Lezhë. One ofthe other activities of the Spanish contingent is the organizationof medical examinations of the local people. In the beginning, thecommander says, we informed the people and invited them to come formedical check-ups. Briefly after, a number of people came to askfor medical services. We decided to be in touch with the Ministryof Health in Madrid, to ask for medicines, because till now we hadonly the medicines that our battalion needed. The most importantfor this area is the police assistance, to have more order, as wellas medical assistance. Near the camp, where the Spanish contingentis set, there is a small building where some Italian nuns work andlive. The Spanish doctor offered his medical services in thisbuilding, and at the time when we visited him, he was examining aboy who had serious wounds in his hands caused by a grenadeexplosion. Many other people queued to be examined by him. So far,according to the Spanish commander, 330 legionaries, members of thespecial forces of the Spanish Army, have arrived in this area andamong them, there are also other soldiers, radio-operators,engineers, doctors. The complete logistics base is expected toarrive with the last contingent. The Spanish commander said thatthe welcome of the people of Lezhë was very warm. Some people andchildren even gave them flowers. As for the life inside the camp,the commander explained that they had to repair the kitchen,sleeping rooms, and now they are waiting for veterinarians to comeso they could start eating local food. Life in the camp is verypeaceful. The place is very beautiful and it is situated near thebeach of Shën Gjini. Everything was calm and the camp wassurrounded all the time by curious children. But, the rhythm ofwork is very high, says the Spanish commander. We had to preparethe terrain for humanitarian assistance that will come and willhave to be distributed. As far as the free time of the soldiers isconcerned, we thought of making a TV-room with and put a satelliteantenna, and during summer we could organize football matchesbetween soldiers and the local population. The Spanish commandersaid so far now they didn't have any problems, they didn't evenhear a single gunshot. Still, the security is high and the camp isguarded very carefully. Every contact with the Spanish contingentcan be done only through military telephone lines. In the future,

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they intend to install a civil telephone center, that will allowaccess to more detailed information for the Spanish and theAlbanian press.

KOSOVA

FIRST THE MEETING AND THEN THE ELECTIONS

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtinë

KOHA: A couple of days ago, the Association of Jurists and youpersonally, went public with a statement saying that the presidentdoes not have the right to proclaim the elections. What does theConstitution of Kosova say about the presidential andparliamentarian elections?

BAJRAMI: The first elections were held for the first time in 1992.The constitutional basis for the realization of these elections isthe Electoral Law of Kosova. The results of the first electionswere the elected president and MPs of the Assembly (Parliament) ofthe Republic of Kosova (RK). If the Constitution and Electoral Lawwere respected, the second parliamentarian elections were supposedto take place in May 1996, and the presidentials in May 1997. But,because of the current situation in Kosova but also because ofunwillingness of the political subjects in Kosova, the parliamentremained non-constituted, which brought about the present situationof constitutional pause where the proclamation of the presidentialand parliamentarian elections is being observed.

KOHA: Rugova has recently declared that the Coordinating Body ofAlbanian Political Parties, in cases when parliament can not beconstituted and when the president has no constitutional right tocall for the elections, could do it instead. Does this mean thatthe constitution has been violated and that this is more apolitical decision than a resolution related to the ConstitutionalLaw, which is in power since 1992?

BAJRAMI: I have to point out that the only competent official,grounded not only on the Constitution of Kosova, but also in theAmendments of this Constitution, that can proclaim the elections isthe president or vice president of the Assembly. The matter of theelections cannot be, in any case, in the hands of the politicalparties or Coordinating Bodies. If the Constitution and theConstitutional Law were to be respected, then we can easily saythat we are in the situation of constitutional crisis because ofthe non-constituted parliament.

Amendment III of the Constitution of RK stipulates that the

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President of RK takes over some of the competencies of theparliament, but the interpretation of points 2 and 6 reveals thathe can take over these rights only in cases of state of emergency.Such a state has not been declared neither by the President nor theAssembly, so one can easily conclude that the president has noright to convoke the parliamentary elections and in no way thepresidential ones. Simply, Kosova is actually in constitutionalcrisis.

KOHA: What should be done in this very moment for the organs tocurrently create a new legitimacy for further talks about Kosova?

BAJRAMI: How to come out from this situation, is the primary goal.A solution that will avoid further consequences should be found.The solution that will not be contrary, to a great extent, to constitutionality and legality. I will say it again, theseelections indicate the breach of these provisions. But, from thepolitical stand point, we should seek for a solution which is notthat contrary to the proclaimed Constitution of RK and itsAmendments.

The more reasonable solution would be to hold a formal gathering ofthe parliament, which will not do other but decide on theproclamation of the new elections. In this case, the parliamentwouldn't compensate it's lost legitimacy, but in the juridical,formal and constitutional aspects, that kind of a solution would beacceptable and less opposed than to leave it in the hands of theCoordinating Body of Political Parties or the President of theRepublic.

KOHA: What if the President, together with Coordinating Body ofPolitical Parties, decides to proclaim the elections?

BAJRAMI: The Coordinating Body, in the constitutional aspect is aninformal organ. The Constitution does not mention the CoordinatingBody or political assemblies. The Coordinating Body can coordinatepolitical issues, which are to be pronounced afterwards by thecompetent state representatives. One coordinating body can not havehigher competencies than the organs of RK.

KOHA: You are demanding the constitution of the parliament, despitethe fact that the MPs don't have legitimacy, because they haven'tconstituted the same...

BAJRAMI: I said that we should seek for the solution which is theleast disputed. I also mentioned that we are experiencing allpremises for the proclamation of the state of constitutionalcrisis. When I say that there should be one gathering of the MPsfor the constitution of the parliament, I have in mind last year'sdecision of the President for the postponement of the elections

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(which was improper as far as it concerns the juridical aspect)created, nevertheless, a juridical basis for the extension of themandate. This, in a way, gives political grounds for theconstitution of the Parliament and the announcement on the newelections.

KOHA: It's interesting that the constitutional crisis has caused apolitical crisis. Other political parties, especially PPK, considerthat new elections are not based on the Constitution, and this iswhy they demand the constitution of the Parliament...

BAJRAMI: The biggest mistake in the functioning of political lifein Kosova is that the concentration of the power is in the hands ofpolitical parties and not relying on state institutions. If thestate mechanisms were created on time and they started working,these problems wouldn't occur. I believe that the problems thathave emerged following the non-constitution of the parliament, arecaused by the unwillingness of the political subjects that arebuilding the state structure of RK, proclaimed by the KaçanikConstitution. I think that constituting the parliament is moreproblematic than calling for new elections. Prolonging the mandateof a parliament, that could not constitute for so many years, andgiving it further legitimacy, has no political and juridicalreason.

Kosova is still under occupation and continues to live it's life inthe non-institutionalized state.

KOHA: The thing that worries Kosovars and the media, is the factthat you, the constitutional experts, have not articulated anythingabout the constitutional system which exists. You have let thewhole thing in the hands of jurists working within the LDK. But, anintentional silence about constitutional problems in Kosova isevident...

BAJRAMI: You're right. The voice of science is not heard in Kosovathese days, because in this area political parties have imposedit's monopoly as well. There are plenty of issues that should besolved scientifically. Unfortunately, in professional-scientificinstitutions there is no organization which could do anyprofessional analyses of current juridical problems in Kosova.Those initiatives have been brought into light by the Faculty ofLaw, but as one can resume, there is no will to get into thesetopics. Also, it is true that the experts and professionals ofConstitutional right, haven't involved themselves in constitutionalproblems, because some of them are under the influence of thepolitical parties and others felt insecure to initiate thepolitical process. They wait for the processes to start, andafterwards pronounce themselves.

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KOHA: You said that you had contacts with different experts. Howdid it happen that none of your suggestions were taken intoconsideration?

BAJRAMI: The professional opinion about the factive issuesregarding the functioning of the Government and itsinstitutionalization in RK, was presented by me on behalf of theAssociation of Independent Jurists of Kosova. It was given to thePolitical Commission of the LDK, and as far as I know, then it wasforwarded to the Presidency. Still, we do not have any informationwhether it is going to be published by the competent organs inKosova.

KOHA: The biggest political crises are created by personalprojects, which as it is said by the media, surpass the declarationof the Albanians on the Referendum. In your interview to the daily"Bujku", you have contested Demaçi's Balkania project, saying thatthere is a need for a new referendum on this project ...

BAJRAMI: It is known what Albanians have decided in the referendumyears before. And this has not changed and I think that there is noneed for it to change. This is accepted by the majority of people,and this obliges all political factors in the future talks andcontacts with the Serbian side. Lately we have been witnessing thenew political projects on how to solve the problem of Kosova.Balkania is a private option of Demaçi, and now partially of thePPK too, on the confederacy links of Kosova with Serbia andMontenegro.

KOHA: Demaçi has declared that Balkania is linked to the 1991referendum.

BAJRAMI: No, let's not have any misunderstandings. The question putin the referendum was "Are you in favor of Kosova, a sovereign andindependent state or confederacy links with other states". Thismeans the possibility of the federal and confederacy arrangements,but still undefined. Whereas what Demaçi proposes is a concretesolution. If this is meant to be only a question, then the groundscould be found in the '91 referendum, but if this is seen as anautomatic pattern, then this can not stand.

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INTERVIEW

ZEF MAZI, Ambassador of Albania to OSCE

THE SITUATION IN ALBANIA HAS A NEGATIVE ROLE IN ALBANIA’S FUTURE

Interviewed by RIFAT BUZUKU / Vienna

KOHA: Could you explain to Koha's readers, what is OSCE doing for stabilization ofAlbania?

MAZI: The OSCE is the first international institution which expressed its concern on theworrying situation in Albania and is the first one to begin the discussions for solving thisproblem. After that, OSCE saluted the appointment of the personal envoy to Albania,Austria’·s former chancellor, Franz Vranitzky.

Besides this, on the basis of this decision, OSCE is offering and will offer Albania acoordinating team of the joint operations of all international organizations and institutions,which is based on a broad strategy of work. In fact, OSCE will play an important role ingiving advise and in monitoring the new parliamentary elections; it will offer a great help inthe process of democratization, in the freedom of press and speech, also in the process of thereconstruction of other democratic institutions. In one word, OSCE has committed itself thatall this operation will be performed and coordinated in cooperation with the EuropeanCouncil, which is also another important mechanism for our continent.

KOHA: What did OSCE exactly do to prepare the process that you mentioned above?

MAZI: In the beginning, the OSCE sent one team to Tirana, to make all the preparations forthe international mission, i.e., establishing its representatives in Albania. It sent two teams ofODIHR experts to evaluate the situation for the next elections. Immediately after the firstvisit, ODIHR made a report - the second report is due soon - which will serve as grounds forthe continuation of the concrete overall preparations related to the free and democraticelections.

KOHA: We have been reading in the foreign press that this mission is nothing else but analibi, actually an international gesture, through which the European officials want to tell theircitizens that: "We have done what we could". Do you believe that this mission is reallyserious?

MAZI: Vranitzky was in Tirana, some time ago, to talk with the Albanian side about a sixpoints' plan and which has been adopted here in Vienna. He has also confirmed that theAlbanian authorities have blessed the plan. But, I have to say, when it comes to its concreterealization and its practical application, the mission represents a complex work. This isbecause of the fact that the OSCE, a regional forum, is sending a mission of suchinternational dimension for the first time.

KOHA: After the drowning of the country in anarchy, the president and the government ofnational reconciliation, asked for international help. OSCE is showing serious preparednessfor giving all necessary and possible contribution in this field, but, it seems that Albaniansthemselves are not proving to deserve this assistance...

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MAZI: I think that your question maybe needs to be formulated differently. Albanians havenot shown themselves to be very exemplary in many cases. I don’t want to go into details,because its enough for us to have seen repeatedly those images on TV screens and at the sametime wish to work hard so those scenes are never repeated again.

As far as the aid is concerned, it was made very clear that without a conscientious role of theAlbanian factor, without creating minimal standards needed for the country, without thecomprehension of the Albanian political factor, when the fate of Albania is at stake, theinternational community will reasonably have doubts for reacting. In these situations, themost welcomed step from the international community was the signing of the March 9Agreement by 10 main political parties of the country and in continuation, the establishmentof the national peace government on the basis of broader coalition. This agreement has to beused as a pact, as a covenant of big values, and its result the Government of NationalReconciliation has to be safeguarded and strengthened by all until it accomplishes its mission- sending the country towards elections as soon as possible. The actual situation can no longerbare tensions, disagreements and partisan crashes that can endanger all achievements. Allpolitical forces, whatever democrat from whatever party, has to escape the narrow interests.

KOHA: Can the free elections be held on June and, what do you think, will they be key tostabilization in Albania?

MAZI: All parties that have signed the Agreement and the President of the Republic agreethat the elections have to be held within the month June and under full internationalmonitoring. But, all the people that live or work in Albania, are in a situation to evaluate theproblem and give exact opinions about it. About this objective, it is necessary to keep in mindthe opinion and the judgment of the situation that will be made by international expert teamsfrom the OSCE and European Council. If the elections are really honest and free, then theyare a great contribution to the stabilization of every country, however developed orundeveloped, even when the country is in a normal line of life. Perceived thus, I think that thecoming elections in Albania will play a major role in peace and stabilization, because theywill give the mandate to government supported by the people and voters in a free democraticprocess.

KOHA: Who is going to observe the announced June elections?

MAZI: This year's anticipated elections will be widely observed, because there is a specialinterest for the difficult situation in Albania. I think that Albania needs to be helped in thepreparations and electoral process, by ODIHR and the European Council. The monitoring ofthe elections will be performed by a big number of observers from these two institutions andboth groups of observers will come out with one unified report.

KOHA: After last year's election on May 26, OSCE asked their annulment and proposed newelections. Do you think that the respect of this proposal would have avoided the crisis inAlbania?

MAZI: After the May elections, the OSCE, actually ODIHR, made a serious objection whichconcerned the breach of electoral rules, based on OSCE standards. ODIHR and OSCEpointed out these objections in both their reports, but without suggesting new elections.International organizations can’t demand for the elections to be repeated in one country,because it's not their mandate. They can just make conclusions, present their opinions and

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objections about the elections in a country, and finally ask for commitment towardsinternational standards.

KOHA: Following the above elections, there were many speculations on Albania'stransformation into a one-party state and, as a consequence, regression of the new Albaniandemocracy. Was something wrong in the leadership?

MAZI: The existence of these speculations is true. So were the concerns expressed atdifferent levels by different countries. But I don’t think that the problem is based on thesespeculations, on whether they existed or not. It’s a matter of understanding the givenmessages and their meaning, even if those are speculations. I think that there was somethingwrong in this direction, something didn’t function well, on all institutional, state and partylevels and structures.

KOHA: What do you think, how will things develop in the future and will there be anyperspective or hope for Albania and Albanians?

MAZI: I don’t want to lecture, but I want to hope and express a wish, an opinion. I wish allthe best for Albania, firstly because it can’t be worse and we shall not think of worse.Secondly, personally I trust Albanians, I have faith in their vitality that has kept them alive forcenturies. I believe that gradually, but without losing time, we will all find a commonlanguage, because only together, with understanding and tolerance, with cooperation andsmartness, will we have a perspective and hope for Albania and Albanians, where ever theymay be.

KOHA: Before the blast of Albanian crisis, you were almost the only one to talk about therights of the Albanians outside Albania. How do things about the Kosova issue and the otherAlbanians stand?

MAZI: I have continuously brought up the Kosova problem and asked for concretecontributions to solve it within the OSCE mechanism. Because, firstly, I am an Albanian andI believe that every honest Albanian would do the same; secondly, because it’s my duty as theAlbanian ambassador; and, thirdly because I’m convinced that the right is on the side of theAlbanians as respects Kosova. Independently from the situation in Albania, Kosova is andremains the key issue in special OSCE ‘ad hoc’ meetings about Kosova, Sandzak andVojvodina. It’ll also be a special item of discussion on the situation in the former Yugoslaviain the plenary sessions of the Permanent Council.

KOHA: How do you personally see the Albanian future, i.e, the chances for quickrestoration?

MAZI: I think that all Albanians have to do what every nation does when facing thesesituations, very critical indeed. Similar cases are not so rare in history, and we haveexperienced them also in the past 10 years and within our neighborhood.

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EXILE

ALBANIANS IN SWEDEN ARE NOT CRIMINALS

by ARBANA ISLAMI / Stockholm

Although the Monarchy still exists in Sweden, it has no other political power apart from theceremonial functions. Still, King Carl XVI Gustav has encouraged the entrance of Sweden inthe European Union. The Swedish people, voted to become a member of EU in January 1995in a referendum. "Sweden must take part in building the walls around Europe, and not insideEurope", says Swedish Prime Minister, Ingvar Carlson. Therefore it practices a democraticapproach towards many issues. The Swedish Commissioner at the EU, Anita Gradin, appliesthe policy of promoting equal rights between men and women. For example, 41 percent of themembers of the "Riksdag" - the Swedish Parliament, are women. Gradin is also responsiblefor emigration issues, refugee policies and struggle against narcotics. According to theSwedish authorities, the joint struggle against narcotics is what breaks-down all the wallsamong European countries.

Sweden and its people, declare that their biggest struggle is the respect of human rights. Thisis why they have hosted refugees from all over the world. "More than 1 million of 8.8 millioninhabitants of Sweden are emigrants", says the Swedish Minister for Europe, Mats Hellstrom.He continues saying that the goal of the Swedish society is to integrate them in it, howeverstill preserving their culture.

Sweden, a social-democratic state, for the last four years has hosted more than 80.000refugees from the former Yugoslavia. Around 90% of them are Albanians from Kosova.Although many of them were granted residence permits, still a number of them has no status.Albanians in Sweden declare that Swedish authorities had more consideration for the familieswith little children who were granted the status. People with these documents haveconsiderable rights, including the right to work, the right to vote and other rights that anySwedish citizen has. The others don't have these rights. Many families are still awaiting forthe reply of the Swedish government on their requests for political asylum.

During our talks with many personalities of the social life in Sweden, we discussed mainlythe issue of Albanian refugees in Sweden. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is of the opinionthat it has reviewed with responsibility cases of many Albanian refugees. In the case of thosewith no status, the Government decided that around 3.000 of them have no right to stay inSweden. The main reason is that they have no legal basis to stay in Sweden. The justificationis that they asked for asylum not for political, but for economic reasons. According to theMinistry of Foreign Affairs, at the beginning the number of asylum-seekers to be repatriatedwas 5.000. Later, this number was reduced to 3.000.

UNHCR's official, Odd Iglebaek, said that other Albanians that have residence permits haveall the rights of a Swedish citizen. When it regards the ones who have not regulated theirstatus, he states that UNHCR's project to assist financially their repatriation will help themout. We also visited the Police center in Lindesberg and Kopaberg, towns situated inNorth-Western Sweden. The chief of this center, Yvonne, told us that the speculations thatthe number of criminal cases rose since the arrival of refugees have no ground. She said thatthe only problem they had with Albanians was the falsification of drivers licenses. When itregards "thefts and other crimes", she says "they are no more dramatic than those committed

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by the Swedes or people of other nationalities in Sweden". A certain number of these refugeesthat are expected to be repatriated, feel useless after having waited for so many years. "Wespend the time losing our prospects", said Arbër Maxhuni, a refugee in the camp of Gimo,100 kilometers away from Stockholm...

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