kimberly a. noels and richard clement, university of ottawaknoels/personal/kim... · kimberly a....

Communicating Across Cultures:Social Determinants and Acculturative Consequences

KIMBERLY A. NOELS and RICHARD CLEMENT, University of Ottawa

AbstractPast research has consistently documented the relationsbetween interethnic contact, language behaviour andidentity on the one hand, and the relations betweeninterethnic contact and psychological adjustment on theother. This study combines these two lines of researchthrough a consideration of the influence of ethnolinguisticvitality on these variables' interrelations. The participantsincluded 285 English-Canadian and 243 French-Canadianstudents at a bilingual university who originated fromhigh and low ethnolinguistic vitality contexts. The resultsof analyses of variance showed that vitality and nativelanguage group membership influenced the extent ofethnic identification, interethnic contact, and self-confi-dence in the second language, but did not affect the levelsof psychological adjustment. Path analyses supported amodel in which linguistic self-confidence mediated therelations between interethnic contact and identity andadjustment, although the patterns of relations differeddepending upon the vitality of the group. It is suggestedthat one reason why ethnolinguistic vitality is an impor-tant moderator of cross-cultural adaptation is because itimplies group differences in the experience of interethniccontact and linguistic self-confidence.

ResumeUne recherche anterieure a substantiellement documente,d'une part, l'etablissement de relations etroites entre lescontacts interethniques, les comportements linguistiqueset 1'idennte, et d'autre part, l'etablissement de relationsentre les contacts interethniques et l'adaptation psycholo-gique. La presente etude regroupe ces deux champs derecherche en tenant compte de l'influence de la vitaliteethnolinguistique sur ces interrelations de variables. Legroupe de participants comptait 285 etudiants canadiens-anglais et 243 etudiants canadiens-frangais frequentantune universite bilingue et provenant de milieux ou lavitalite ethnolinguistique etait soit elevee, soit basse. Lesresultats d'une analyse de variance indiquaient que la

vitalite et l'appartenance a un groupe de meme languematernelle influencent le degre d'identification ethnique,de contact interethnique et de confiance en soi par rapporta la langue seconde sans affecter pour autant les niveauxd'adaptation psychologique. Les analyses causales ap-puyaient un modele ou la confiance en soi en matierelinguistique influait sur les relations etablies entre lescontacts interethniques, l'identite et l'adaptation, malgre lefait que les modeles de relations differaient selon la vitali-te du groupe. L'analyse porte a croire que la vitalite ethno-linguistique est un important moderateur de l'adaptationinterculturelle, entre autres raisons, parce qu'il existe desdifferences entre les groupes dans l'experience de contactinterethnique et de confiance en soi linguistique.

Intercultural contact may entail many intra- and interper-sonal variations in language behaviour, feelings of ethnicidentity, and psychological adjustment. Although thesemultidimensional ramifications of acculturative contacthave been well recognized (eg., Berry, 1990; Elias &Blanton, 1987; Mendoza, 1989), little research has investi-gated more than one or two aspects at a time. For exam-ple, considerable research has examined the relationbetween the vitality of an ethnolinguistic group, ethnicidentity and the language behaviour of individuals whobelong to that group (see Giles & Coupland, 1991, forreview). As well, there have been numerous investiga-tions into the stress and adaptation problems that canarise from interethnic contact (see Berry & Kim, 1988;Rogler, Cortes, & Malgady, 1991, for reviews). This studyintegrates these two trends of research through anexamination of English-French relations in a bilingualmilieu.

Acculturation refers to "those phenomena which resultwhen groups of individuals having different culturescome into continuous first-hand contact" (Redfield,Linton, & Herskovits, 1936, p. 149). Among these phe-nomena, one that has received considerable attention isethnic identity. Ethnic identity corresponds to that part of

Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 1996,28:3,214-228

Communicating Across Cultures 215

an individual's self-concept which concerns how he/sherelates to the native ethnic group and to other relevantethnic groups (Phinney, 1990). Although it is oftenindexed through other facets of acculturation, such asethnic behaviours (eg., language preference or participa-tion in the cultural community) or through arbitrarylabelling by the researcher (eg., by last name or nativelanguage), ethnic identity is probably better assessed asa subjective feeling of belonging and self-definition (cf.Barth, 1969; Leets, Giles, & Clement, 1996; Phinney, 1990).

Because interethnic contact implies the existence of atleast two ethnic groups, adequate understanding ofethnic identity further requires that membership in theoriginal ethnic culture and membership in the otherrelevant culture be considered independently of oneanother (Fernandez & Sanchez, 1992; Der Karabetian,1980; Sanchez & Fernandez, 1993; Sayegh & Lasry, 1993;Szapocznik, Kurtines, & Fernandez, 1980; Zak, 1973;1976). In line with this bidimensional approach. Berry(1980; 1990) suggests that four modes of acculturation canbe identified depending upon the degree of engagementin each group. These include: (1) separation (rejection ofthe target group and identification with the nativegroup); (2) assimilation (rejection of the native group andidentification with the target group); (3) deculturation, ormarginalization (rejection of both cultures as ethnicreference groups); and (4) integration (identification withboth the native group and the target group). In theirinvestigation of attitudes toward the process of accultura-tion, Berry and his colleagues have generally found thatindividuals prefer integration as an acculturation experi-ence (eg., Berry, Kim, Power, Young, & Bujaki, 1989).

This preference for integration, however, has not beenreplicated in some studies that have examined the effectsof interethnic contact on ethnic identity. The results of aseries of studies by Clement and his colleagues showedthat respondents claim that high levels of identificationwith one ethnic group and low levels of identificationwith the other ethnic group characterize their feelings ofidentity (see Clement, Gauthier, & Noels, 1993; Clement& Noels, 1992; Clement, Sylvestre, & Noels, 1991; Noels,Pon, & Clement, 1996). These patterns, thus, are mostappropriately described as "separation" or "assimila-tion". Clement and Noels' approach to ethnic identitydiffers from Berry's approach to acculturation attitudesin that it assesses not preferred acculturation experience,but rather the feelings of group membership on a mo-ment-to-moment basis. In line with many constructivistaccounts of cultural identity (eg., Applegate & Sypher,1988; Collier & Thomas, 1988), Clement and Noels' (1992)situated identity approach maintains that sentiments ofgroup belonging arise through negotiations betweeninteractants, each of whom is motivated to achieve themost positive self-presentation possible. Group identities,

therefore, are not presumed to be given and static, but,rather, to develop through the course of social interactionas individuals assume the most positive group identitypossible, given societal and social characteristics of thesituation.

Two implications of this formulation and findings arerelevant to the present study. First, identity may vary asa function of contextual characteristics, one of which isthe ethnolinguistic vitality of the membership group (cf.Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor, 1977). Ethnolinguistic vitalityrefers to those societal characteristics that will ensure thesurvival of a language, including demographic represen-tation, prestige, and institutional support (Giles, Bourhis,& Taylor, 1977). Clement (1980) and Lambert (1978) havesuggested that there is a tendency for minority groupmembers (i.e., members of groups with low vitality) toidentify with the higher vitality second language groupand to lose their original group identity (i.e., assimilate).In contrast, majority group members (i.e., members ofgroups with high vitality) are likely to acquire a secondidentity without losing their original group identity (i.e.,integrate). Thus, a first purpose of the present study is toexamine the patterns of acculturation as they pertain tothe ethnic identity of Anglophones and Francophones ofdifferent ethnolinguistic vitality backgrounds.

A second implication of this approach is that anidentity can only be maintained to the extent that there isa social consensus about the appropriateness of thatidentity. Presenting a particular image can only beaccomplished if that identity is validated by theinteractant (cf. Schlenker, 1982; Schlenker & Wiegold,1989). This assumption implies the existence of norms, orsocial consensus, among members of a group regardingthe identity which is appropriate to a given situation.Moreover, groups from different vitality backgroundsmay differ with regards to what is viewed as appropriatebehaviour. For example, whereas majority group mem-bers may be required to accommodate minority groupmembers on rare occasions, minority group membersmay be required to accommodate to the higher vitalityinteractants more frequently. As a result, minority groupmembers may have less stringent norms about what is anappropriate identity. With regards to ethnic identity,then, maintaining an identification with either ethnicgroup can be achieved only to the extent that there aregroup norms to support that identity, and these normsmay differ depending upon the vitality of the groupsconsidered. In addition to variations in individual degreeof endorsement of identities, variations in group consen-sus about identity should be related to vitality. Investi-gating these variations is the second purpose of thisstudy.

The third purpose of this study is to consider howcontact and communication variables contribute to these

216 Noels and Clement

identity variations and the effect that group vitality hason these interrelations. In her discussion of the impor-tance of communication for cross-cultural adaptation,Kim (1988) maintains that the acquisition of communica-tive competence in the language of the other relevantethnic group is essential for a harmonious ac-culturation experience (cf. Church, 1982; Deutsch & Won,1963; Nicassio, 1985; Nishida, 1985; Redmond & Bunyi,1993; Wong-Rieger, 1984). She maintains that it isthrough communication that individuals learn to relateeffectively and appropriately with their social environ-ment and, hence, are able to fulfil various needs anddesires (cf. Rogler et al., 1991; Iran, 1990a, 1990b). Withgreater skill using a particular communication system,individuals better understand the cultural premises ofthat ethnic group and are more likely to identify withmembers of that group. Moreover, Kim maintains that, asneeds and desires are satisfied, individuals are likely toexperience better psychological adjustment. Hence, insituations of interefhnic contact, second language profi-ciency and re-lated variables such as self-confidence inusing the second language are critical to feelings of ethnicidentification and psychological adjustment.

The interrelations between interethnic contact, lan-guage and identity are described in Clement's socio-contextual model of second language learning (1980;1984). Clement suggests that, for settings where there isthe opportunity for interethnic contact, aspects of thiscontact such as its frequency and quality lead to varia-tions in the level of linguistic self-confidence. Self-confi-dence, defined as self-perceptions of communicativecompetence and concomitant low levels of anxiety inusing the second language, is associated with increas-ed usage of and communicative competence in thesecond language. These linguistic variables, in turn, arerelated to variations in identification with the secondlanguage group and with the original language group.More specifically, with increased second languagecompetence, the individual comes to identify with thesecond language community. Second language compe-tence may also affect identification with the first languagegroup, but in different ways depending upon theethnolinguistic vitality of the group considered. Formajority group members, who are secure in thecultural stability of the native group, identification withthe first language group is likely to be relatively uninflu-enced by second language acquisition. For minoritygroup members, who have less secure group vitality,identification with the first language group is likely to beundermined by developing second language competence.

The socio-contextual model does not specify therelation between communication variables and psycho-logical adjustment. Several studies, however, documentthat variables shown to be related to second language

competence, including a preference for, knowledge of,and self-confidence in the second language, are linked tolower levels of stress, higher levels of satisfaction with theself and society, and/or a higher sense of personal controlin a variety of ethnic groups (Chataway & Berry, 1989;Dion, Dion, & Pak, 1990,1992; Krause, Bennett, & Tran,1989; Pak, Dion, & Dion, 1985). Pesner and Auld (1980),for example, found that bilingual high school studentshave higher self-esteem than unilingual students in somecontexts. Elsewhere, in a recent examination of Clement'ssocio-contextual model (1980, 1984), Noels, Pon andClement (1996) found that greater second languageself-confidence was related to better psychologicaladjustment in Chinese students registered at Canadianuniversities. Following these considerations, the relationsbetween self-confidence and emotional adjustment areexamined in light of the socio-contextual model.

In summary, the purpose of this study is threefold.First, the acculturation experience of high and lowvitality Francophone and Anglophone Canadian univer-sity students is examined in terms of the degree ofidentification with the first and second language groups.Second, the same comparison is extended to the degree ofmembership group consensus regarding ethnic identifica-tion. Third, the influence of ethnolinguistic vitality on therelations between contact, self-confidence, identity andfeelings of adjustment is examined through a test of someof the propositions outlined in Clemenf s socio-contextualmodel (1980; 1984).

METHOD

SubjectsThe participants included 285 native English speakersand 243 native French speakers, all of whom wereCanadian-born undergraduate students attending abilingual university in Ottawa, Canada. Ottawa issituated in Ontario, an officially unilingual Englishprovince, at the border of Quebec, an officially unilingualFrench province. Thus, students attending the Universityof Ottawa originate from milieux where they are mem-bers of relatively high or low vitality groups.

The Anglophones were, on average, 20.87 years old(SD = 4.35), and 72.4% of the group was female. All of thestudents indicated that the first language they learnedwas English. These students were primarily enrolled intheir first year of university study (71%) in the Faculty ofArts (50%), Social Science (27%), Administration (12%),Science (4%), and Health Sciences (7%). For 68.6% of theparticipants, their mother's language background wasEnglish. For 64.2% of the sample, the father's languagebackground was English. These students began to studyFrench at 7.11 years of age (SD = 4.12), and continued tostudy it for 11.92 years (SD = 5.14). A third language (i.e.,a language other than French or English) was known by


23.9% of the group, and 72.3% of these people reportedthat this language was either Spanish or German.

The Francophones were, on average, 21.36 years old(SD = 5.71), and 72.1% of the group was female. All ofthese students indicated that their native language wasFrench. These students were primarily enrolled in theirfirst year of university study (72%) in the Faculty of Arts(27%), Social Science (27%) and Administration (19%),Science (10%), Health Sciences (14%) and other (3%).Their mother's language background was generallyFrench (90.6%), as was their father's background (82.8%).These students began to study English at 6.65 years ofage (SD = 3.98), and continued to study it for 11.97 years(SD = 6.03)1. A third language was known by 20.3% of thegroup, and 80.8% of these people reported that thislanguage was either Spanish or Italian.

MaterialsThe materials were adapted from instruments used inearlier studies. A description of each scale follows, alongwith Cronbach alpha indices of internal consistencyincluded in parentheses.

Indices of Second Language Self-ConfidenceAnxiety using the second language. This 6-point scaleincluded 8 items, 4 positively and 4 negatively worded,assessing the level of anxiety experienced while using thesecond language. A high score reflected low levels ofanxiety (Anglophones: a = .70; Francophones: a = .72).

Self-confidence using the second language. Participants'belief in their ability to use the second language wasassessed in terms of the extent to which they agreed ordisagreed with 6 items on a 6-point scale. A high score

. represented high levels of self-confidence (Anglophones:a = .92; Francophones: a = .86).

Self-evaluation of second language proficiency. Four7-point scales measured how well participants felt theycould read, write, speak and understand the secondlanguage, from "not at all" to "fluently" (Anglophones:a = .92; Francophones: a = .86).

Indices of Contact with Members ofthe Second Language Community

Frequency and quality of contact with the second languagegroup. This measure was adapted from Labrie andClement (1986) and Clement (1986). It asked individualsto indicate on a 7-point scale the frequency of theircontacts with members of the second language commu-

1 Through a series of f-tests, it was established that theAnglophone group did not differ from the Francophone groupwith regards to age (t(5O3) = -1.09), age at which they began tostudy the second language (tiS0S) = 1.29), and the number of yearsspent studying the language (f(501) = 0.45).

nity across six situations including intimate relations,family, and school. Each frequency scale was followed bya scale to assess the quality of the contact in each situa-tion. High scores on these scales meant very frequent andvery high quality contact (Anglophones: Frequency ofContact: a = .72; Quality of Contact: a = .84;Francophones: Frequency of Contact a = .82; Quality ofContact: a = .75).

Proportion of life spent with members of first languagegroup. Using the 6 situations described above, partici-pants indicated on a scale from 1 to 9 the percentage oftheir life spent with members of the first languagecommunity, with a high score indicating a high percent-age of time spent with first language-group members(Anglophones: a = .61; Francophones: a = .65).

Media exposure to the second language group. Respon-dents indicated the language of the media to which theywere exposed across 11 different types of media (eg.,television, radio, newspapers, billboards), on a scale of 1to 7, where 1 meant "mostly first language exposure" and7 meant "mostly second language exposure"(Anglophones: a = .79; Francophones: a = .86).

Percentage of courses taken in the native language. On a9-point scale, the respondents indicated the percentage ofcourses taken in their native language. A high scoremeant that courses were taken mostly in the nativelanguage.

Linguistic ambience of the courses taken. On a 7-pointscale, respondents indicated the linguistic atmosphere oftheir courses. A low score meant that the courses weremore first language oriented and a high score meant thatthey were more second language oriented.

Indices of Ethnic IdentificationFollowing other studies of identification, (cf. Clement etal., 1991; 1993; Clement & Noels, 1992; Noels et al., 1996;Sylvestre, 1992), identification with members of eachlanguage group was assessed in reference to 22 everydaysituations. After each situation, participants indicatedtheir (1) identification with the first language group, and(2) identification with the second language group, as inthe example from the English questionnaire shownbelow:

When I listen to music, I feel™.

Not at allAnglophone 1 2 3

Very5 Anglophone

Not at all VeryFrancophone 1 2 3 4 5 Francophone

In accordance with the propositions elaborated earlier,these items were preceded by instructions which ex-


plained that, in any given situation, one might identifywith both ethnic groups at the same time, with one groupand not the other group, or with neither group at all. Theanswers allowed the computation of two indices reflect-ing the level of identification with Anglophones and withFrancophones, such that a high score indicated a highlevel of identification with that group (Anglophones: Firstlanguage-group identity: a = .93; Second language-groupidentity: a = .93; Francophones: First language-groupidentity: a = .93; Second language-group identity: a = .94).

Indices of Psychosocial Adjustment and DistressSelf-esteem. Global self-esteem was assessed usingRosenberg's (1965) self-esteem scale. Students indicatedon a Likert-type 6-point scale the extent to which theyagreed or disagreed with 10 statements, such that a highscore implied high self-esteem (Anglophones: a = .86;Francophones: a = .69).

Psychological distress. The degree of distress felt in thelast 4 or 5 days was assessed using the short version ofLemyre, Tessier and Fillion's (1990) Mesure du stresspsychohgique — A (MSP-A; English version: PsychologicalStress Measure-A). The subject indicated the extent towhich 25 stress symptoms were self-descriptive on an8-point scale, from "not at all" to "extremely"(Anglophones: a = .94; Francophones: a = .93).

Depression. Depressive affect was assessed using theshort form of the Beck Depression Inventory (Beck, 1967;Beck & Beck, 1972). Thus, 12 items (one item pertainingto suicide ideation was eliminated) assessed, on a scalefrom 1 to 4, the extent to which the individual evidenceddepressive symptoms in the last 7 days (Anglophones:a = .78; Francophones: a = .73).

Social anxiety. Discomfort interacting with other peoplewas assessed using Leary's (1983) Interaction Anxious-ness Scale. Students indicated on a Likert-type 6-pointscale the extent to which they agreed or disagreed with10 statements (Anglophones: a = .85; Francophones:a = .84).

Index of Ethnolinguistic VitalityParticipants were asked to indicate the city and provincein which they lived the longest. On the basis of thisinformation, the population counts for the number ofpeople who speak English as a native language and ofpeople who speak French as a native language in that citywere recorded from the 1986 Canadian census. A score ofethnolinguistic vitality was calculated by dividing thefigure for the participants' native language group by thetotal population in that city. Thus, the obtained ratio canbe used to create two groups of Francophones and twogroups of Anglophones: those with greaterethnolinguistic vitality (quotient > median) and thosewith lower vitality (quotient < median). For Anglo-

phones, the median vitality score was .80, with a rangefrom .02 to 1.00 and a mean of .81. For Francophones, themedian vitality score was .40, with a range from .003 to1.00 and a mean of .52.

General InformationGeneral information regarding the participants' age, sex,university programme and level was gathered. Theparticipants' linguistic background was also recorded,including the native language, the language used mostoften, the parents' language background, how long thesecond language had been studied, and whether a thirdlanguage was spoken.

ProcedureStudents were recruited from introductory classes in theFaculties of Arts, Social Sciences, Administration, andScience and Engineering. During regular class-time, theywere requested to complete a pre-selection questionnaireand asked if they would like to participate in the largerstudy. Those people who agreed to participate were thencontacted by telephone in order to arrange an appoint-ment for a group testing session. They were paid $10.00for their participation. Subjects were informed thatparticipation in the study was voluntary, that all answerswould be confidential, and that only group results wouldbe reported.

RESULTS

Three sets of analyses were conducted in order to assessthe influence of ethnolinguistic vitality on ethnic identifi-cation, group consensus regarding identification, and thelinks between the variables implicated in the accultura-tion process. The first analysis assessed the extent towhich high and low vitality Anglophone andFrancophone groups endorse ethnic identification withthe first and second language groups. A second set ofanalyses determined the extent to which these groupsshare a consensus about the identities and the extent towhich they are polarized in their endorsement of theseidentifications. A third set of analyses considered theinterrelations between contact, self-confidence, identityand adjustment across these groups of differing vitalityin view of the causal sequence outlined in Clemenf ssocio-contextual model.

Mean Endorsement of Ethnic IdentityTo assess whether levels of ethnic identification variedacross the four groups, a split-plot ANOVA was computed,using as between-subjects factors the native languagegroup (Anglophone vs Francophone), and ethno-linguis-tic vitality (high vs low), and ethnic identification (firstlanguage group vs second language group) as a repeatedmeasures factor. The results indicated that all main and


• First language group identity

a Second language group identity

Hi|t vitality I L n vitality

Anglophones

Higk vitality Lot vitality

Francophones

Native language groupFigure 1. Mean identity score as a function of native language group,ethnolinguistic vitality, and target identity.

interaction effects were significant, except for the maineffect for ethnolinguistic vitality. Since the 3-way interac-tion was significant (Fa>436) = 20.39; p <. 001), this effect isdiscussed here (see Figure 1).

Post hoc Tukey tests (using a < .01) indicated that allsubjects felt more like members of their first languagegroup than like members of their second language group,and that all subjects felt equally strongly about their firstlanguage group identity. There was, however, somevariation in the level of endorsement of second languagegroup identity, such that Francophone groups endorsedidentification with the second language group to agreater extent than did their Anglophone counterparts,and Francophones from lower vitality contexts indicatedgreater identification with the second language groupthan did those from higher vitality contexts. In fact, thelow vitality Francophone group was the only group toshow a level of identification to the second languagegroup that extended to the midpoint, thus pointing to an"integration" profile.

Consensual Endorsement of Ethnic Identity.To determine the extent to which the groups shared aconsensus about the identities and the extent to which

they were polarized in their endorsement of theseidentifications, a series of correlated f-tests were com-puted separately for each of the four groups (high andlow Francophone and Anglophone groups). For thisanalysis, for each of the 22 identity items, the item meanfor that group was contrasted against the midpoint of thescale (i.e., 3; see Clement & Noels, 1992). A positivef-score indicated a consensual tendency to identify withthe group under consideration, whereas a negative scorecorresponded to a lack of identification with that group.The absolute value of the f-score indicated the degree ofconsensus or polarization for a specific item and a specificgroup. The results indicated that all groups scoredsignificantly above the midpoint for first language groupidentification and significantly below the midpoint forsecond language group identification, with the exceptionof the lower vitality Francophone group (f2] = -78).

An analysis of variance was computed to examineintergroup variation in consensus, taking into accountinter-situational variations. This analysis used a repeatedmeasures design with the 22 situations of identity as"subjects", and, as factors, the native language group(Anglophone vs Francophone), ethnolinguistic vitality(high vs. low) and the target group (first language groupidentity t-score vs second language group identityf-score). All effects were significant and, as the highestorder significant effect, the three-way interaction(F (1,21) = 54.35; p < .001) is discussed here (see Figure 2).These results (using an alpha level of .01) suggested that,generally, there is strong commitment to first languagegroup identification across all groups except for the lowvitality Francophone group, which showed somewhatless consensus about Francophone identity than highvitality Francophones. Non-commitment to secondlanguage group identification was also evident, althoughFrancophones were generally less polarized in this regardand, in fact, low vitality Francophones indicated neitherstrong endorsement nor rejection of the latter identity.Thus, although the groups were largely polarized in theiridentification, they differed in the extent of this polariza-tion in a manner coherent with their vitality. Theseresults add to our understanding by suggesting thatalthough their second language group identity wasrelatively high, there was a marked variability in theendorsement of the second language identity by theminority Francophone sample.

Interrelations Between Contact, Self-Confidence, Identity,and Psychological Adjustment: Testing the Model of the

Acculturation Process Across Vitality GroupsPrior to the statistical analyses, global indices for each ofthe contact, language competence and adaptation vari-ables were created. The composite indices were calcu-lated by standardizing the relevant indices (after re-


• First language group identitysi Second language group identity

Low vitality High vitality

Anglophones

20

• 10o

- 0 -

E-10

-20Low vitality High vitality

Francophones

Figure 2. Mean polarization as a function of native language group,ethnolinguistic vitality and target identity.

verse-scoring on the appropriate scales), summing theindividual indices together for each construct, andadding a constant of 10. Thus, six scales comprised theContact index, three scales comprised the Self-Confidenceindex, and four scales comprised the Adjustment index.

Vitality influence on contact, self-confidence and adjust-ment. A preliminary analysis assessed the direct influenceof ethnolinguistic vitality on contact, self-confidence andadjustment. Three 2x2 ANOVAs were computed for eachof the dependent variables, self-confidence, contact andadjustment, using as factors ethnolinguistic vitality (lowvs high) by native language group (Anglophone vsFrancophone). The results indicated that the two maineffects for language self-confidence were significant[Language group: (F(]443) = 267.49; p < .001); Vitality(f(i,443> = 37.15; p < .001)]. Anglophones (M = 8.49;SD = 2.57) were less self-confident in their second lan-guage than Francophones (M = 11.86; SD = 1.94), as werethe high vitality (M = 9.42; SD = 2.80) groups relative tothe low vitality groups (M = 10.38; SD = 2.81). There werealso significant main effects on the contact index (Lan-guage group: F(142i, = 60.98; p < .01; Vitality: F(1421) = 4.63;p < .05) as well as a significant interaction (F(1421) = 18.89;

p < .01). Both Anglophone groups experienced equallylimited contact (Low vitality: M = 8.66; SD = 3.16; Highvitality: M = 9.27; SD = 3.27), high vitality Francophones(M = 9.69; SD = 4.08) had somewhat more contact, and lowvitality Francophones had the most contact (M = 10.35;SD = 3.40). Finally, there were no significant effects for theadjustment index. Thus, although vitality directly influ-ences variations in contact and self-confidence, it does notdirectly influence variations in psychological adjustment.

Path analyses of the socio-contextual model. In order toevaluate relations between the contact, language, identityand adjustment variables, as well as the validity of theproposed causal sequence as outlined in Clement's (1980)model, four path analyses were conducted using USREL7.2 (Joreskog & Sorbom, 1991; correlation tables for eachof the 4 groups are presented in Appendix A). Accord-ingly, for the high and low vitality Anglophone andFrancophone groups, it was hypothesized that contactwith the second language community determined theamount of self-confidence in the second language.Self-confidence in turn predicted both first languagegroup and second language group identities and psycho-logical adjustment. With regards to lower vitality groups,it was expected that increased self-confidence is relatedto greater identification with the second languagecommunity and lessened identification with the firstlanguage group community. For higher vitality groups,increased self-confidence was expected to be related togreater identification with the second language group,but not to be indicative of lessened first language groupidentity.

Table 1 summarizes the results of the path analysesseparately for each group. The initial test of the modelshowed a poor fit of the model to the data in the case ofall four groups: in all cases the %2 statistic was significant,and the alternative indices of goodness of fit did notapproach acceptable levels2. In order to improve the fit ofthe model to the data, alternative paths were freed whereit was deemed conceptually meaningful and statisticallywarranted to do so. Once an acceptable fit was deter-mined in terms of the Goodness of Fit Index (GFl;Joreskog & Sorbom, 1991) and the Comparison Fit Index(CFI; Bentler, 1990), nonsignificant paths were set to zero.The final models for the 4 groups are presented in Figures3 and 4.

2 Since x2 is often significant when the sample size is large, otherindices of fit have been developed, including the Goodness of FitIndex (see Joreskog & Sorbom, 1991) and the Comparison FitIndex (Bentler, 1990). These indices range between 0.00 and 1.00,such that a model fits the data well if the fit index is above .90(Byrne, 1989; 1992).


TABLE 1Summary of respecification steps in the path analyses

Competing Models

A. Majority Anglophones

01234

Null ModelModel 1Model 1 with GA34 freeModel 2 with PSy freeModel 3 with non-significantpaths set to 0*

B. Minority Anglophones

01234

Null ModelModel 1Model 1 with GA3A freeModel 2 with PS-,̂ freeModel 3 with non-significantpaths set to 0*

C. Majority Francophones

0123

Null ModelModel 1Model 1 with GA3#J freeModel 2 with non-significantpaths set to 0°

D. Minority Francophones

01234

Null ModelModel 1Model 1 with GA2A freeModel 2 with GA3#1 freeModel 3 with non-significantpaths set to 0"

X1

106.3160.3532.9414.00

16.49

143.4879.1142.5615.18

17.26

79.4726.449.73

10.89

95.2465.6330.703.35

11.24

df

10654

5

10654

5

1065

6

10654

6

%7df

10.6310.066.593.50

3.30

14.3513.198.513.80

3.45

7.954.411.95

1.82

9.5210.946.140.84

1.87

AX"

_

45.9627.4118.94

2.49

64.3736.5527.38

2.08

—

53.0316.71

1.16

_

29.7134.9327.35

7.89

Adf

_

411

1

411

1

_

41

1

_

411

2

GFf

.72

.86

.90

.95

.94

.70

.84

.89

.95

.95

.77

.91

.96

.96

.30

.81

.90

.99

.96

CFT1

_

.44

.71

.90

.94

_

.45

.72

.92

.91

.71

.93

.93

_

.30

.70

.99

.94

• This model is not statistically significant (p > .05).b All changes in x2i > 6.64 are significant at p < .01.c Goodness of Fit Indexd Comparison Fit Index

For the two Anglophone groups, the final models weresimilar. Contact predicted Self-Confidence and Self-Confi-dence in turn predicted greater Second Language GroupIdentity. Self-Confidence was also indicative of betterfeelings of Psychological Adjustment. Self-Confidence didnot predict lessened feelings of First Language GroupIdentity. The two modifications to the model indicatedthat Contact directly influence Second Language GroupIdentity beyond its indirect influence through Self-Confi-dence (path GA31). As well, the correlation between theerrors of specification for First and Second LanguageGroup Identities suggest that these two variables arepositively correlated or positively related to a third,unassessed variable (correlation PS3^).

For the high vitality Francophones, Contact predicted

Self-Confidencewhich in turn was indicative of increasedSecond Language Group Identity and decreased FirstLanguage Group Identity. Self-Confidence did not predictvariations in Psychological Adjustment. Modifications tothe model included a direct path from Contact to SecondLanguage Group Identity (path GA3 j), such that Contactpredicted Second Language Group Identity both directlyand indirectly through Self-Confidence.

For the low vitality Francophones, Self-Confidencepredicted increased Second Language Group Identity andincreased Psychological Adjustment. Contact, however, didnot predict Self-Confidence and Self-Confidence did notpredict First Language Group Identity. Modifications to themodel suggested that Contact had direct effects on thetwo identities (paths GA21 and GA34).


A. High vitality Anglophones

Contact with theSecond Language

Group

.36

.55

Self-confidenceusing the

Second Language

/

//

/s

.26

xV20

\

first LanguageGroup Identity

.70

Second LanguageGroup Identity

1.00

PsychologicalAdjustment

(reverse-scored)

B. Low vitality Anglophones


Group

Self-confidence•Jang the

Second Language



(reverie-scored)

Figure 3. Anglophone groups: Final path analytic model of the influence of contact and linguistic self-confidence onidentity and adjustment.Note. Values represent standardized estimates. Solid arrows represent paths in the hypothesized model. Broken arrowsindicate paths in the modified model.

DISCUSSION

The purpose of this study was to consider three relatedissues as they concern the interplay between contact,language, identity and adjustment across vitality groups.The first and second objectives were to assess, respec-tively, how the level of endorsement of ethnic identifica-tion and degree of consensual identification with one orthe other language groups are affected by the vitality andethnic group to which the student belongs. The thirdobjective was to consider how group vitality influencesthe relations between contact, self-confidence, identityand adjustment as outlined in Clement's (1980; 1984)

socio-contextual model.The results of the analyses of variance and of the

polarization analyses indicated that ethnolinguisticvitality and native group membership are related tolevels of identification. Although first language groupidentity is consistently high across all groups, secondlanguage group identity varies according to the vitalityof the native group. Francophones, who represent alinguistic enclave in an English-dominated continent,have higher second language group identity thanAnglophones, and this is particularly true forFrancophones living in a region where their group has


A. High vitality Francophones


Group

SeltconfRfenceusing the

Second Language



(reverae-scored)

B. Low vitality Francophones


Groupusing Ihe

Second Language


Figure 4. Francophone groups: Final path analytic model of the influence of contact and linguistic self-confidence onidentity and adjustment.Note. Values represent standardized estimates. Solid arrows represent paths in the hypothesized model. Broken arrowsindicate paths in the modified model.

low vitality. Consistent with previous studies, althoughthe modal pattern of identification may be one of "separation" (cf. Clement et al., 1991; 1993; Clement & Noels,1992), the distinction between first and second languageidentities appears to shrink with lower vitality.

These results did not, however, support the hypothesisthat low vitality groups would demonstrate patterns ofassimilation, nor that majority groups would necessarilyshow integration. Rather, it is the lowest vitality groupthat showed the pattern of identity that could mostplausibly be termed "integration". At the same time,

however, this group was not polarized with regards tosecond language group identity. That is, they show littleconsistency in their endorsement of identity acrosssituations. This inconsistency suggests that its membersare ambivalent about the direction of second groupidentification (see Clement et al., 1993). In other words,the norms are unclear as to whether the second languagegroup should be accepted or rejected as an ethnic refer-ence group.

These group differences in the level and variability ofidentity, moreover, are paralleled by variations in contact


and second language self-confidence. For example, lowvitality Francophones, who evidence an "integrated"pattern of identity, also report the highest level ofinterethnic contact. As well, in keeping with Kim (1988)and Clement's (1980; 1984) notions that identification isa product of the communication process, both low vitalitygroups and both Francophone groups perceive theirsecond language competence to be relatively high. Takentogether, these results suggest that, in circumstances ofhigh levels of intergroup contact and second languageself-confidence combined with unclear guidelines forbehaviour, low vitality is a precondition for the inter-group contact and linguistic behaviour that contribute tothe lack of committment to one identity. In such circum-stances it is reasonable to suppose that the pattern ofintegration seen with regard to the mean endorsement ofidentity may well be a prelude to assimilation.

Social interaction and communication are also impor-tant correlates of emotional adjustment. Second languageself-confidence, and to a lesser extent, contact, werenegatively related to adjustment. On the other hand,while vitality and native language group membership areassociated with identification, contact and self-confi-dence, the results of the ANOVAs show that they are notrelated to feelings of distress. This suggests a mechanismwhereby the effects of ethnolinguistic vitality on psycho-logical adjustment are mediated by aspects of interactionand communication.

The results of the path analyses generally uphold themediational hypothesis as outlined in the causal modelproposed by Clement (1980). Generally, contact with thesecond language community predicts self-confidence inthe second language, which in turn predicts feelings ofsecond language group identity and psychologicaladjustment. This finding is consistent with Kim's (1988)contention that communication variables, such as linguis-tic self-confidence, are important mediators of the effectsof cross-cultural contact on identity and adjustment. It isimportant to note, however, that for all groups, contactalso influenced second language group identity directly,suggesting that contact without mastery of the secondlanguage is sufficient to influence feelings of membershipin the second language community. Second languageskills, however, augment that perception.

The vitality of the ethnic group was shown to haveimportant implications for the patterns of identificationand adjustment. For both low and high vitalityAnglophone groups, the pattern of relations betweenvariables were suggestive of a process of "additivebilingualism" (see Lambert, 1978). Although acquiringconfidence in a second language was indicative of greateridentification with that language group, it was notindicative of lessened first language group identity.Moreover, greater self-confidence was also beneficial in

that it contributed to better psychological adjustment. Forthis Anglophone group, who generally represents a highvitality group in North America, the benefits of acquiringa second language do not raise the issue of whether therewould be a loss of first language group identity. Rather,given the positive correlation between the two identities,it would seem that learning a second language has theoverall implication of raising the level of ethnic aware-ness.

For the high vitality Francophone group, developingconfidence in the second language as a consequence ofcontact with the second language community resulted inincreased identification with the second language group,but also decreased identification with the first languagegroup. This pattern of relations is suggestive of "subtrac-tive bilingualism" (see Lambert, 1978). It must, however,be kept in mind that the negative effects of learning asecond language did not extend to psychological adjust-ment - language self-confidence and contact wereindependent of psychological adjustment. As a provincialmajority group, it is possible that these individuals canachieve many goals without using the second language,and thus the necessity of second language competence foradjustment is not as great as for a comparative minoritygroup. Moreover, it may be that recent discussionsconcerning the implications of French and Englishlanguage use for the cultural survival of the Frenchcommunity in Quebec society have given the issue ofdeveloping second language competence negativeideological overtones. As a result, using a second lan-guage is de facto considered to be antithetical to themaintenance of the first language group identity eventhough it is unrelated to psychological adjustment. Theimmediate ideological context, then, might attenuate theimportance of second language skills for psychologicaladjustment, while emphasizing the opposing nature ofthe two linguistic identities.

For the minority Francophone group, althoughself-confidence in the second language was linked withheightened second language group identity and betterpsychological adjustment, it was not associated withlessened first language group identity. This pattern isreminiscent of the "additive bilingualism" pattt rnoutlined for the Anglophones, rather than the "subtrac-tive bilingualism" pattern that was expected for this lowvitality group. However, although it was not related toself-confidence, contact with the second language com-munity was indicative of lessened first language groupidentity and heightened second language group identity.

One explanation for this unexpected pattern of find-ings may lie in the level of self-confidence experienced bythe minority Francophones. Their high level of self-confidence suggests that these individuals can use eachlanguage with almost native-like ease. In consequence, a


language may be used solely to facilitate conversationrather than to indicate their identity. Nonetheless,increased contact with the second language communityis indicative of lessened first language group identifica-tion and enhanced second language group identity. Inessence, the acculturative impact of interethnic contactremains, even though the language has a less importantmediational role in the acculturation process.

Although self-confidence is less implicated in varia-tions in first language group identity, it retains its impor-tance for psychological adjustment, such that greaterconfidence is associated with better adjustment. Thisfinding further supports Kim's (1988) contention thatcommunicative competence in the language of the otherethnic group is critical to well-being in settings whereother cultural groups are present and the language hassome utilitarian value. In effect, the present resultssuggest that minority groups (exemplified by the lowvitality Francophone group) can develop the skills andexperience necessary to deal with life in an intergroupcontext, and thereby moderate the adverse impact oflower status on emotional adjustment.

In conclusion, this research considers two themes ofresearch on intergroup contact and acculturation whichhave seldom been integrated: first, the interrelationsbetween ethnolinguistic vitality, contact, language andidentity, and second, how these variables are associatedwith psychological adjustment. This discussion under-lines the intricacies of the acculturation process, espe-cially the possibility that regional differences in thehistory of the relations between vitality groups may affectthe acculturation experience. Whereas the originalmediational communication model and predictionsregarding relatively high vitality groups were supported,the results also point to discrepancies. Aspects of contactmay have a direct, unmediated impact on identity,particularly when the level of communication skill ishigh. Furthermore, as is the case for majority Franco-phones, the social representation of interethnic contactmay entail a lack of relationship with adjustment out-comes. These dissenting results will be the focus of ourupcoming research efforts because their further examina-tion permits a more complete understanding of theprocesses by which situations of interethnic contact relateto psychological well-being. This is, in our view, funda-mental to aiding intercultural interactants through whatcan be a very personally and collectively challengingencounter.

This research was supported by a doctoral fellowshipfrom the Social Science and Humanities Research Councilof Canada to the first author and by a research grant fromthe same agency to the second author. The authors wouldlike to thank Ann Beaton, Pierre Cote, Renee Gauthier,

and Elena Mihu for their help on various aspects of thisproject. Requests for reprints should be addressed to R.Clement, School of Psychology, University of Ottawa,Ottawa, Canada, K1N6N5.

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APPENDIX A

Intercorrelations between identity, contact, self-confidence and adjustment indices for high (above diagonal) and low(below diagonal) vitality Anglophone groups

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

First languagegroup identitySecond languagegroup identityContact with thesecond language groupSelf-confidence in thesecond languagePsychologicaladjustment

1

.30**

-.16

-.02

.16

2

.23*

.50**

.56**

-.11

3

-.26**

.49**

.48**

-.28**

4

High vitality group1

-.17

.45**

.50**

-.28**Low vitality group11

5

.14

-.18

-.13

-.29**

an = 103;bn = 127*p<.05;**p<.01


APPENDIX A (CONTINUED)

Intercorrelations between identity, contact, self-confidence and adjustment indices for high (above diagonal) and low(below diagonal) vitality Francophone groups

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

First languagegroup identitySecond languagegroup identityContact with thesecond language groupSelf-confidence in thesecond languagePsychologicaladjustment

1

-.16

-.55**

-.26**

-.07

2

.22

.50**

.31**

.01

3

-.08

.41**

.33**

.00

4

High vitality grmtff

-39**

37**

.46**

-.32**Low vitality group*

5

-.03

-.11

-.01

-.03

' n = 91; b n = 97*p<.05;**p<.01

kimberly a. noels and richard clement, university of ottawaknoels/personal/kim... · kimberly a....

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