jcp takes the high-road as a political party · 2010-09-23 · speech on jcp 84th anniversary - 2 -...

Speech on JCP 84th Anniversary - 1 -

ISSN 　　　 Special Issue October 20060287-7112

JCP Takes the High-Road as a Political PartySpeech commemorating the 84th anniversary of the founding of the JCP

Shii Kazuo

JCP Executive Committee ChairJuly 19, 2006, Tokyo


JCP Takes the High-Road as a Political PartySpeech commemorating the 84th anniversary of the founding of the JCP

Shii KazuoJCP Executive Committee Chair

July 19, 2006, Tokyo

Good evening to the audience filling the hall and to viewers nationwidewatching via satellite communication. I want to express thanks to you forcoming here, braving the bad weather to attend this meeting commemorating the84th founding anniversary of the JCP.

North Korea’s missile launch -- International communitymust unite to call for diplomatic settlement

First I want to explain the JCP position on a recent major issue, the missilelaunch by North Korea.

Since the news conference we held immediately after the incident, wehave been criticizing North Korea’s missile launches without prior notificationfor violating international regulations and also going against internationalarrangements such as the Japan-Pyongyang Declaration. The JCP called onNorth Korea to stop its missile launch, abide by international regulations andarrangements, and immediately return to the six-party talks in order to seek adiplomatic settlement of issues in dispute. The JCP stressed that it isindispensable for North Korea to establish a position of abiding by internationalregulations and arrangements in order for it to become a responsible member ofthe international community.

The JCP has been maintaining that a united response of the internationalcommunity is most important, that is, the United Nations Security Councilshould not be divided but seek a settlement unanimously. In this context, wewelcome the July 15 unanimous adoption of the UNSC resolution condemningNorth Korea for its missile launches, demanding that North Korea suspend allactivities related to its missile program and re-establish its pre-existingcommitments to a moratorium on missile launching, and strongly urging NorthKorea to return immediately and unconditionally to the six-party talks and to


abandon all nuclear weapons programs.

The JCP demands that North Korea abide by the consensus of theinternational community expressed in the UNSC resolution. I want to stressagain that it is essential for the UNSC to firmly maintain a position of unitedresponse and to make efforts for a diplomatic resolution of the issue.

Some people in the Japanese political world are using this issue to call fora military response. This is extremely harmful. In particular, the argument callingfor “attacks against enemy bases” will induce a vicious circle of militaryresponses and will endorse illegal preemptive attacks. Foreign Minister Aso Tarowas quoted as saying that Japan should express thanks to Kim Jong-il.Reportedly the foreign minister promptly added that it was a joke. However,more often than not such casual remarks show one’s true color. Partisan attitudesof trying to use this issue as a pretext to promote militarism and constitutionalrevision are totally unacceptable.

The JCP will continue in its effort to seek a reasoned diplomatic resolutionof the North Korea question.

Changes taking place in politics are measure offor political parties’ worth

Recently, the JCP held its second plenary meeting of the CentralCommittee and made an in-depth analysis of the changes taking place in thepolitical context.

In the general election of the House of Representatives in 2005, theLiberal Democratic Party led by Koizumi Jun’ichiro won the overwhelmingmajority of Lower House seats. At first, it appeared that anything was possiblefor the LDP with such a numerical force, but things did not turn out as expected.A diplomatic deadlock over the Yasukuni Shrine issue has been continuing.Although the LDP is pushing for an adverse revision of the Constitution and theFundamental Law of Education, as well as the U.S. military realignment plan,the public has started a massive counter-attack. As for economic issues, thewidening social gap and increasing poverty rate, and scandals involvingLivedoor and the Murakami Fund have drawn nation-wide criticism of theargument for deregulation as a cure-all.

A piece of good news arrived on July 2. In the mayoral election forHigashi-Osaka City with a population of 510,000 in Osaka Prefecture, NagaoJunzo who is a JCP member was returned to reestablish a democratic city


administration.

In this election, citizens’ anger erupted at national politics as well as thedistorted municipal administration that ignored citizens’ interests, including therestoration of an unjust administration that takes advantage of the historicalremnants of discrimination against residents of Buraku (literally meaning“hamlets”). The election campaign was carried out in the midst of elderlypeople’s anger at notices informing them that they will have to pay a largeamount more in residential taxes. Citizens rushed to the city office to expresstheir protest. People exclaimed: “This is just like a second conscription order tome. The first one was about to kill me with guns. The second one is for slowkilling”; “Plant trees in front of the city office and let’s hang ourselves on them.”The LDP-Komei government under Prime Minister Koizumi is responsible formaking the decision on the major tax increase. The harsh words show how greatelderly people’s anger was. Anger at the city administration and at nationalpolitics joined together, and citizens demanded a new city administration. This isa brilliant achievement that reveals changes taking place in the political currentnationwide.

In the JCP 24th Congress Resolution in January, we pointed out that theoverwhelming majority of seats given for Koizumi and the LDP in the 2005general election was the result of their using “a tactic to deceive the public” andthat “if their lies and tricks are exposed, a major political cataclysm willinevitably follow.” This is not just a bluff on the part of the JCP. Now is the timewhen their “lies and tricks” are about to be exposed and a “major politicalcataclysm is going to take place.

Now, political parties’ intrinsic worth is put to a test. In today’scommemorative speech under the title “The JCP takes the high-road as a politicalparty”, I want to talk about what kind of political party the Japanese CommunistParty is.

1. The party that has the program tofundamentally change LDP politics

First, although every party is speaking of a reform, the JCP is the only party thathas a concrete program to fundamentally reform the distorted politics by theLDP.


JCP criticism of aberrant society is being accepted

as common sense

In the 23rd Party Congress in 2004, we made an overall revision of theParty Program with an outlook far into the 21st century. I now feel that thecriticism in the JCP Program of the aberrant Japanese society is becomingcommonsensical to many people.

Local paper editorials point out subordination to U.S.

The first example is the call for redressing Japanese politics subservient tothe United States. Japan’s extremely abnormal state of subordination to theUnited States is now being questioned by the public.

Movements of the Article 9 Association have been spreading throughoutJapan, opposing moves to revise the war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitutionso as to enable Japan to fight wars abroad together with the United States. Thenumber of associations nationwide totals over 5,000, a solid national movement.

Movements against Japan-U.S. military integration and strengthening ofU.S. base functions in the name of the realignment of U.S. forces have also beendeveloping in various places of the country, involving local governments thatinclude conservative politicians, together with their residents. On July 9, a hugerally with 30,000 people from the Tokyo metropolitan area took place atYokosuka. People shouted, “Stop deployment of the U.S. nuclear-poweredaircraft carrier in Yokosuka! Withdraw the agreement on U.S. militaryrealignment!” A U.S. Navy Aegis ship was anchored in front of the rally site. TheAegis crew members must have been surprised to see 30,000 people in the rally.This is a sign that people’s movements are emerging from the grassroots.

In line with developments of popular struggles, a major change in publicopinion is taking place. Having studied local press coverage, I noticed that somelocal newspapers have carried remarkable editorials. I want to quote threenewspapers:

Kanagawa Shimbun on June 14 carried an editorial entitled “Stick to NOto nuclear-powered U.S. aircraft carrier.” It said, “Unpredictable accidents of thenuclear-powered aircraft carrier may arise, and citizens’ anxiety aboutsubsequent serious disasters will not be wiped out. ... Should Japan follow theU.S. military strategy just because there is the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty?”

Hokkaido Shimbun of May 3 carried an editorial entitled “Arguments onU.S. military realignment and Japan-U.S. Security Treaty should be based onpublic opinion and the Constitution of Japan.” The editorial sounded a warning


to the “Japan-U.S. agreement” on the U.S. military realignment plan, saying,“Hasn’t the agreement ignored public opinion and the Constitution on which itshould be based? There is the danger that Japan will be involved in U.S. wars.The Japan-U.S. alliance is entering the dangerous waters.”

Okinawa’s Ryukyu Shimpo of April 28 carried an editorial entitled“Review Japan’s excessive subordination to the United States.” It said, “Priorityis given to U.S. intentions rather than the opinion of the people of the prefecture.We want the government to rethink the framework of foreign policy and securitypolicy which is marked by an excessive dependence on and subordination to theUnited States.”

The government has the illusion that it can get away with anything just byuttering the mantra, the “Japan-U.S. alliance.” With this mantra, the governmentaims at imposing on the people an adverse revision of the Constitution and theU.S. military realignment plan. The fact is that this spell no longer works. Manypeople now think that they are not obliged to endure hardships just because thereis the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. They ask if such a way of doing things indisregard of local opinion can be allowed and if such abnormal subordination tothe United States can continue to be accepted. Such public sentiment has grownto the extent to find its reflection in the editorials of local newspapers.

Capitalism without rules faces signs of change in media comments

The JCP Program proposes overcoming the present state of “capitalismwithout rules.” Against the backdrop of the increasing social gap and poverty onthe one hand and the widespread hunt for easy money on the other hand astypified in the scandals involving the Livedoor and the Murakami Fund,criticism of “capitalism without rules” seems to be increasing among the generalpublic.

Recently, a certain change has appeared in the comments of newspaperswith a national circulation. Yomiuri Shimbun carried a running story from June22, entitled “Who fathered Horie and Murakami?” Headlines of installments are:“Reform’s dark side -- Promoting money worship”; “Business circle is excited atgiving up ethics”; and “No legal check at easy-money making.”

Asahi Shimbun on June 28 started a serial entitled “Structural reform inretrospect.” The first installment had the headline “Shadow over calls forderegulation as panacea -- Support turning into criticism of gap.” In criticizingthe economic policy for the evils it has caused, the first installment ended bysaying, “It is time to think rationally about the role the government should play,by distancing ourselves from calls for deregulation as a cure-all as well as theone-time craze for the Koizumi government.” I wish the mass media had begunto think rationally earlier, but at least a change is finally taking place in the presscoverage of political issues.


The mass media abroad have also expressed criticism. A British weekly“The Economist” had two feature articles on Japan. In the first one on October 8,2005 dealing with the Livedoor scandal, it commented that Japanese capitalism“is strikingly unregulated.” The second on June 17 this year dealt with thewidening “inequality in Japan,” under the headline “The rising sun leaves someJapanese in the shade.”

Let people know of JCP programmatic policy of perspectives for

drastically changing politics

The aberrations for which the JCP Program criticizes Japan’sextraordinary subordination to the United States and “capitalism without rules”have come to be shared by many people. People can no longer close their eyes tothese aberrations.

This is why arguments questioning the social gap and relations with theUnited States are arising even from within the Liberal Democratic, Komei, andDemocratic parties. In the LDP presidential election scheduled for autumn, it issaid that the social gap between rich and poor will be a major issue. TheDemocratic Party of Japan, as if it had forgotten that it competed with the LDP inrelaxing regulations, has begun to say that the increasing gap is a social problem.These parties, however, are just making superficial comments without proposingany correction of the underlying structure of bad government, the Japan-U.S.Security Treaty, and extreme benefits for large corporations. It is because theyare staying within the old political framework. They cannot adopt anyperspective that might overcome the contradictions now erupting.

The JCP Program not only blames the government policy for its abnormalsubordination to the United States and for the evils of “capitalism without rules”but also reveals the underlying political mechanism and shows perspectives for amajor change. The Program calls for abrogating the Japan-U.S. Security Treatyin order to turn Japan into a truly independent country, make a new peacefulJapan firmly based on the Constitution, and create an economy abiding by rulesby controlling arbitrary actions of large corporations and defending the livingstandards and rights of the people. No other party other than the JCP has aprogram to achieve a major reform of Japan’s politics as this.

I think that now is the time for the JCP Program to show its true worth.The people have begun to accept the Program’s criticism of the socialaberrations in Japan as common sense. Let us proceed further by doing ourutmost to win a consensus regarding the need for the democratic reform of Japanas called for by the Program, abrogating the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty andredressing the extreme policies favoring large corporations.


JCP has grand perspectives for future of humanity

As expectations for Japan beyond democratic reforms, the JCP Programoutlines a possibility for a socialist/communist society in the future. Among thepolitical parties in Japan, only the JCP shows a perspective for a future ofhumanity on a historical scale that looks beyond capitalism.

In the past, other parties also upheld “socialism” as a perspective for thefuture.

The Socialist Party of Japan [present Social Democratic Party of Japan]upheld a policy calling for immediate socialist revolution. When the JapaneseCommunist Party 45 years ago established the Party Program which was aprototype of the present Program, with proposals for achieving a democraticrevolution first and then for proceeding with socialism, the SPJ published aleaflet in criticism of the JCP. They alleged that the JCP is opportunistic in that itavoids aiming at socialism immediately, although conditions for socialism werethought to have matured. They made such an extremely “brave” criticism ofdemocratic reform.

Even the Komei Party at the time upheld a belief in a “humanisticsocialism.” Though its substance was unclear, the party once said that a societyovercoming the defects of capitalism should be the aim. I have here a bookletentitled “For mass welfare” published by the Komei Party in 1964. It said: “Thecapitalist system is most convenient for the capitalist class in pursuing profits. Tothe working masses, accounting for a major part of the population, however, thesystem cannot but be said to be a system that involves many contradictions anddefects, a system under which they cannot escape poverty.” I wish that thepresent Komei Party leaders reread this passage.

But at present, the JCP is the only party in Japan that publicly upholds aperspective for a future society after capitalism.

Does the reality of the world in the 21st century guarantee capitalism asthe winner and the capitalist system as everlasting? On the contrary, the world isconcerned that the conditions for human survival itself is endangered under thecapitalist system. The system cannot resolve the widening gap between the richand poor, the North-South problem, and the environmental issues that humanityfaces on a global scale. People who are seriously concerned about the future ofhumanity have expressed their worries at various occasions.

I was invited to give a lecture at the University of Tokyo in 2005. Iintroduced to students a book entitled “Technology for global sustainability”written by Komiyama Hiroshi, a global environment expert and now thepresident of the University of Tokyo. The author criticized the chorus for


relaxing regulations, and says:

“Can markets function appropriately to meet the needs of humankind andmake a long-term response to such issues as the environment and energy, part ofthe gradually depleting foundation of human civilization? The answer is no.Expectations for a pre-established harmony utilizing the market principle isimpossible as long as business corporations act with a short-term view.”

This statement left me with a strong impression that the profit-firstprinciple based on a quest for quick profits in the short term will not be able toundertake the tasks that humankind should deal with using a long-termperspective.

I want to quote another person. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, one ofthe leaders of the democratic revolution now under way in Latin America, said inthe fourth summit on social debts in February, 2005: The capitalist model cannotresolve poverty and inequality. This model destroys the global environment, andmakes life on earth unsustainable. With a proviso that he is speaking from thecapacity of one person, the president added that countries should establish theirvision of socialism in the 21st century.

The 21st century is the century in which the capitalist system will waneand its period of duration will expire. This is when people will begin to explorenew ways of organizing the future of humanity.

Isn’t it being narrow minded if people, in this turbulent world, think thatthe present capitalist society will last forever?

The JCP Program in this age of turbulence makes clear its goal of a futuresociety centering on “socialization of the means of production” aiming at acommunity based on human relations of genuine freedom and equality to securehuman development of all members of society. I am convinced that this is areally worthwhile undertaking.

Maintaining the name of the Japanese Communist Party, which embodiesthe ideals and perspectives for a future society, we will tackle the task facing usin the 21st century.

2. JCP influences real politics by people powerat grassroots

The second point is that the JCP is a party closely connected with people atthe grassroots and influences politics using their strength.


The JCP has 400,000 members across the country, and a total of 24,000branches at workplaces, in residential areas and at campuses. It has 3,385 localassembly members, 2.88 million members of JCP supporter organizations, and1.68 million readers of the party newspaper Akahata.

Only the JCP among all political parties has its own grassrootsorganizations and is carrying out activities day and night to help alleviate someof the hardships of the people and to respond to their requests.

Nationwide, there are 24,000 post offices, 23,000 primary schools, and23,000 nursery schools. The number of JCP branches is comparable to that ofpost offices, primary and nursery schools. The JCP takes pride in its nationwidenetwork that is working at grassroots level to defend the interests of the people.

Four examples of JCP having influenced real politics with help of

grassroots movements

At first, I want to stress that the JCP, having trust in the strength of peopleunited at the grassroots, always uses its influence to move real politics incooperation with grassroots movements.

Ties between workers and JCP Dietmembers help to end unpaid overtime

One example is the struggle to eliminate overtime work without pay. TheJCP Dietmembers Group took up this issue 276 times since 1976. The result wasthat the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry in 2001 issued a circular instructingcorporations to correct the practice. As a result, for example, the major non-bankfinancing company Takefuji was obliged to pay 3.5 billion yen in backpay forunpaid overtime work. To date, 65.3 billion yen in total has been paid to workersfor past overtime work without pay. What has enabled the JCP Dietmembers toachieve such dramatic results?

We must note that even after the ministry issued the circular, laborstandards inspection offices were showing a reluctance to investigate the actualsituation at large corporations. At that time, a JCP workplace branch in a largecorporation in the electric appliances industry sent to the JCP a detailedcomplaint. They said that computers at the workplace are programmed to notcompute any entry of overtime hours that exceed the set standards and instructworkers to first get their superiors to approve the figures. Such detailedcomplaints from workers in the field helped JCP Dietmembers to know in whatways unpaid overtime is actually perpetrated and how the situation can becorrected.

JCP Parliamentarians’ prompt response to workers requests changed real


politics. I think that such close teamwork is possible only for the JCP. The backpayment of 6.53 billion yen is a joint achievement supported by struggles atworkplaces.

Cuts in usurers’ excessive rates with help of JCP consultative activities

Another example is achieving cuts in the high interest rates charged bynon-bank financial institutions. Borrowing from these money-lending institutionshad led to multiple debts, voluntary bankruptcies, and suicides. In this year’sordinary Diet session, the JCP Dietmembers Group directly raised the issue ofthe so-called “gray-zone” in interest rates that legally allow these non-bankfinancial institutions to charge an interest rate of up to 29 percent a year. PrimeMinister Koizumi said that measures should be taken to prevent disasters thatmay be incurred by using usurious money-lenders. This statement signaled amove to cut their interest rates. Yosano Kaoru, state minister in charge offinancial, economic and fiscal policy, said, “What is disagreeable to me is thatconsumer loan companies are publicly running advertisements on TV.” Thiscomment drove non-bank financial institutions to voluntarily limit their TVadvertisements.

The consumer loan firm Aiful Corporation is well known for its TVadvertisements showing cute Chihuahuas. It is said that the company ran 316 TVadvertisements a month starring Chihuahuas. The company was ordered tosuspend its operations because its gangster-like ways of collecting loans came tolight and its TV ads were temporarily suspended.

The situation over non-bank financial institutions turned into a serioussocial problem, but the LDP, Komei, and the DPJ did nothing about it. It isbecause these parties asked the political association representing money lendersto buy tickets for the fund-raising gatherings of these parties. Thus these partiesshowed no enthusiasm for regulating the money-lenders, and were ready to helpthem instead. Only the JCP was capable of calling for regulations.

Behind JCP activities in the Diet lies our livelihood consultative activitiesthat have been carried out for a long time by our branches and local assemblymembers. No other party makes such an earnest effort as the JCP regardinghardships caused by borrowing from non-bank financial institutions. The JCPhas the experience of providing consultations on this problem for more thantwenty years. In fact, the JCP is the only political party that even cares about thisproblem.

We used to ask those who come to the JCP for advice what prompted themto come to the JCP. Most said, “It is well known that the JCP will listen.” Otherpeople said that they went to the town office and were advised to visit the JCP, orthat they went to the police and the police told them to consult the JCP. SomeSoka Gakkai members were also advised to visit the JCP. This kind of


counseling activity lies behind the JCP influence exerted on real politics. I thinkthat this is one of the unique achievements of the JCP.

Government retracts its policy on PSE marks on used electric appliancesdue to JCP-citizen joint movement

Another major achievement was the retraction of the government policy offorcing secondhand electric appliances to be labeled with “PSE” marks showingthat the goods are in compliance with the Product Safety of Electrical ApplianceLaw. From February through March, it became a serious social issue that this lawwas being used to ban the sale of used electrical appliances without “PSE” marksfrom April. JCP Dietmembers many times stated that the law was initiallyintended to apply to new products and that no provisions can be found in the lawstipulating that the law is applicable to secondhand products. The governmentwas unable to defend its position as it became known that there were no legalgrounds to support their position. This dealt a decisive blow to the government,and Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry officials were shocked that theyhad to give in and that the ministry suffered a debacle. Economy, Trade andIndustry Minister Nikai Toshihiro commented, “The ministry today looks like aburnt-out zone.” This was a victory in that the government had to retract its ill-advised government policy.

Over this issue, a unique form of cooperation increased between the JCPand citizens movements. It was an achievement of cooperation with shopsdealing in used electrical goods, musicians, and many young people. The JCP’sactivities in the Diet caused repercussions on the Internet. There were entries,saying, “The left-hand batter made a clean hit.” The “left-hand batter” is a cleverexpression, isn’t it? Many messages like this were posted on Internet sites, whichwere encouraging to the JCP.

The background of this was the change in government policy by which thegovernment shifts its responsibility of guaranteeing the safety of electricalappliances to voluntary inspections by electric appliance producers. This is partof the policies of deregulation. Only the JCP clearly opposed the adverserevision of related laws.

Nationwide movements against assessment of children’s “patriotism” inreport cards

The last example is the JCP activity concerning school report cardsevaluating patriotism. During the ordinary Diet session, the JCP did its utmost toreject the proposals made by the government and the ruling parties to adverselyrevise the Fundamental Law of Education.

I took up in the Diet the issue of school report cards used at primaryschools in Fukuoka City in which pupils were ranked A, B, or C in an


assessment of “how patriotic they are.”

I handed a copy of the report card to Prime Minister Koizumi, asking himif he thinks the system is acceptable. The prime minister said, “Assessment (ofpatriotism) is difficult and unnecessary.” Taking this answer as a cue, the partyhas made efforts nationwide to block such moves.

The activities have spread in liaison with movements at the grassroots.Talks with school principals or boards of education were held in many places. Intalking with boards of education, our local assembly members and parents ofstudents showed the prime minister’s reply in the Diet, asking the board if itdisagrees with the prime minister’s response or not. The boards of educationcould not but admit that “the prime minister was right,” which brought aboutimprovements in many places. This is an example of a joint result of JCPquestionings in the Diet and actions by grassroots movements.

Asahi Shimbun had a feature story on June 25 covering the Dietinterpellations under a big headline, saying, “Education ministry’s scenario goeswrong.” The article neglected to report that it was the JCP that took up the issue.At any rate, our activity in the Diet has moved public opinion a step forward.The struggle over the plan to revise the Fundamental Law of Education willenter a critical stage from now on. Let us develop a national movement and foilthe revision bill in the next session of the Diet.

JCP local assembly members’ hard work is indispensable to

residents

Another pride of JCP strength at the grass roots is its 3,385 local assemblymembers.

Though the number of local governments recently declined due to themergers of cities, towns, and villages, the JCP has been putting up a good fight inlocal assembly elections. In the result of local elections after the JCP 24thCongress in January 2006, the percentage of JCP share in local assembly seatsincreased from 6.7 to 7.7 percent. In the past two years while municipal mergerswere under way, the JCP won 13 elections over a single seat, and won 17elections over two-seats. In the past, the JCP winning a single-seat election was avery rare thing, and was mostly limited to urban areas. However, victoriesrecently spread to rural areas in such prefectures as Nagasaki, Miyazaki, Kagawa,Kochi, Nara, Okayama, Niigata and Hokkaido.

Why has the JCP won these elections? Of course, people’s trust in JCPpolicies is the major reason. In addition, residents in every region regard JCPlocal assembly members as the only members representing the public interest.


For example, the JCP won the single-seat election in former Koyagi Townwhich merged with Nagasaki City, defeating the conservative opponent in theone-on-one fight. The decisive factor behind this victory was very simple.Residents chose between the candidate who spoke out to defend the interests ofcitizens and the other who did not. The JCP candidate spoke 126 times at theformer Koyagi Town Assembly while the opponent did not speak at all in his 8year-term. Driven by desperation, the opponent said, “Because I belong to theruling party, I need not speak in the assembly like the communists.” The JCPcandidate made a sharp rejoinder: “The assembly has no need of a person whodoes not speak.” This decided the election battle.

There are many examples in which a former chairman of a local assemblyor other influential officials supported JCP candidates following municipalmergers. In former Kuzuu Town which merged with Sano City in TochigiPrefecture, the former assembly chair who is a conservative, enthusiasticallyrecommended the JCP candidate: “The candidate’s victory will benefit KuzuuTown because he understands residents’ viewpoints, and speaks and acts in theinterest of residents. I want him in the assembly. If he loses, it will be to thedisadvantage of citizens.” Support from a wide range of conservatives wasbehind the JCP victory in this case.

To the residents of municipalities that will be merged with others, JCPseats should be maintained by all means in order to represent local opinions. Thisrequirement comes to be understood irrespective of party affiliation and has ledto JCP victories even in constituencies with just one or two seats.

The 3,385 JCP local assembly members who day by day serve the interestsof residents are the treasure of the JCP. I want you to help to increase thistreasure.

Struggle against anti-communist attacks strengthens JCP

Another point I want to stress is the special significance of the JCP’sbuilding up, defending and developing organizations at the grassroots in the faceof the traditional anti-communist political climate.

A few months ago, we held a meeting of study and exchange overworkplace problems, with delegates of JCP workplace branches participatingfrom all over Japan. Hearing their speeches, I was most impressed by the factthat they are always carrying out struggles in defense of the interests of workersand the general public, however difficult the circumstances may be. There wasa report of a victorious 13-year court struggle to end illegal discriminationagainst JCP members. The reporter said, “There were many hardships. But I’mhappy that I’ve been a member of the JCP. I’m glad the Party invited me to join.I thank senior comrades for asking me to join the JCP.”


At workplaces in Japan, unfair discrimination against those who joined theJCP still remains, though they are diminishing. It is said that such a thing isunthinkable in Western European countries such as France, Italy, Germany, andSwitzerland. A subway in Paris has a station named after Louis Aragon, acommunist poet. A street in Naples in Italy is named after Antonio Gramsci, aprewar leader of the Italian Communist Party. This is just like having aMiyamoto Yuriko Station or a Kobayashi Takiji Street in Japan. A comparisonwith these countries will give you an idea of how persistent the attacks againstthe JCP are.

We feel the pride of JCP organizations at the grassroots that have beenstrengthened in their struggle against anti-communist campaigns. I want you toextend your help to make this indispensable strength at the grassroots bigger andstronger than ever.

3. JCP finances depend on the people

The third point is that JCP finances entirely depends on the people.

Party finance indicates in whose interests a party works

The finance of a political party is not just a matter of money. It is atouchstone showing in whose interests and based on what group a political partyworks.

In the 84 years since its founding, the JCP has never received donationsfrom business corporations and other organizations. The JCP has not acceptedgovernment subsidies to political parties, which are unconstitutional because thesystem forces people to donate a certain sum to political parties in violation ofthe freedom of thought and belief. The JCP receives its finances entirely from thepeople, that is, membership fees paid by JCP members, subscription fees paid bynewspaper Akahata readers, and donations from JCP members and supporters asindividuals. These are the three components of JCP finances.

It goes without saying that such independent financial activity involvesmuch difficulty. However, the JCP policy of financial activity that relies entirelyon the public is a guarantee that we can defend the interests of the people onwhatever questions. It is the source of our strength in fighting against theoutrageous actions of business circles. We can pursue the truth of politicalcorruption without hesitation because the JCP has nothing to do with politicaldonations from business circles.


Recently, I happened to feel anew how splendid it is for the JCP financesto be supported completely by the people.

Major disasters have occurred recently one after another in the world.Every time in Akahata we called for fund-raising for relief. Many peopleresponded to our calls. After the major earthquake in Pakistan, 14.1 million yenwas donated, followed by a donation of 5.8 million yen for the relief from theearthquake on the Island of Java in Indonesia. Postal money transfer notes fromdonors carried messages, saying, “This meager sum is for milk for babies.” “Ihave a job at the center for retirees. This is my share of work for three days.”With their compassion for victims abroad, many people managed to donate amodest sum out of their frugal budgets. On reading their messages, I was filledwith an emotion that we are really supported by a wonderful human network. Wetook the donations to the related embassies. I take this occasion to report this toyou that both the Pakistani ambassador and the Indonesian acting ambassadorexpressed their gratitude.

Business circle’s scheduled policy-buying -- new feature

How are the other parties doing? The JCP has been criticizing thedonations from business corporations and other organizations as bribes intendedto buy policies with money. The corruption connected to these practices hasbecome more serious than ever. We want you to pay attention to the two newcharacteristics recently emerging in the collusive ties between the business andpolitical worlds.

Business circle leader as direct commander of political operation

The first aspect is that a new mechanism has been established in whichbusiness circle leaders act as a commander directly controlling politics. Thefollowing two organizations directly to business circles actually pursued the“structural reform” policy of the Koizumi Cabinet.

One is the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy. The panel is dominatedby Okuda Hiroshi, former chairman of the Japan Business Federation (NipponKeidanren), and Ushio Jiro, former Chairman of the Japan Association ofCorporate Executives (Keizai Doyukai). Having the annual national budgetcompilation in mind, the panel has decided on the “big-boned” reform policy --the policy of “shaving people’s bones” by imposing tax increases, cuts in socialwelfare services, and all kinds of policies adversely affecting the public.

The other body is a Council for Regulation Reform and Opening ofGovernment-driven Markets to the Private Sector. This is chaired by MiyauchiYoshihiko, Chairman and CEO of Orix Corp. During the last ten years, more


than 6,000 regulatory reforms have been imposed. (The panel was organized in1995 as the deregulation subcommittee of the Administrative Reform Committeeand has since gained increasing power. --ed.)

I have here a brochure boasting of the panel’s achievements. It waspublished by the Cabinet Office, entitled “For an affluent society throughregulatory reform and opening government-driven markets to the private sector.”

What does it say? It says, for example, “Contingent workers have a choiceof a variety of ways of working.” This is a boast of the policy that has caused anincrease in contingent workers and created a category of labor in which workersare treated as something disposable.

The brochure goes on to say, “Convenience of taxis is increasing.” Whathas taken place after regulations on taxis were relaxed? Taxi drivers haveexperienced severe wage cuts, and they are now suffering from a low wage levelof 2 million yen a year. It happens that a worker, though employed, cannotsupport his family because of low wages, and becomes an employed personliving in poverty. Newspaper Akahata reported on the dismal situation of taxidrivers, and this caused repercussions.

I want to blame government policies as the underlying cause of allowing“capitalism without rules” to go to such extremes.

We must not overlook the fact that those who promoted these neo-liberaleconomic policies have gained enormous profits from the nature of money-games. Orix Chairman Miyauchi founded the Murakami Fund, and Ushio is aninvestor in this fund. Bank of Japan Governor Fukui Toshihiko also had aninvestment in the Murakami Fund through the Orix Corp. Those who made upthe policies that hurt many ordinary people personally gained easy moneythrough their own scams. The JCP will thoroughly investigate this new type ofconcession-hunting politics controlled by business circles.

Policy-buying and vested interests

The second aspect is that the Japan Business Federation, in order tostrengthen its control of politics, in May 2003 announced that it will resume itsarrangement of political donations from business corporations, a system ofbuying political parties according to an annually fixed procedure. The procedureis as follows:

First, Nippon Keidanren annually publishes a list of policy priorities,including corporate tax cuts, consumption tax increases, and other outrageousrequests.

Next, Nippon Keidanren holds meetings with the LDP and the DPJ


separately, ostensibly to discuss policies. Neither the LDP nor the DPJ can attendthe meeting empty-handed. They are assigned to hand in a report under theheadline “Nippon Keidanren’s policy priorities and the LDP’s (or DPJ’s)policy.” I have here the two reports, one by the LDP and the other by the DPJ.The two reports are identical in form. It is as if the two parties are required to fillin a prescribed form on a test paper. Party representatives attend the meetings todiscuss policies, bringing the report with them, and Nippon Keidanren leadersquestion them about party policies. Nippon Keidanren then assesses theirpolicies with grades from A to E. Nippon Keidanren makes political donationsbased on this evaluation. This is an annual event to buy political policiesfavorable to corporate interests.

In the meeting with Nippon Keidanren held in May this year, DPJsecretary-general Hatoyama Yukio, who accompanied DPJ president OzawaIchiro, said that the ban on political donations from foreign-capitalizedenterprises should be lifted. I was surprised at hearing about this. MitaraiKiyoshi, Canon Inc. chair, has become the new president of Nippon Keidanren,and Canon is virtually a foreign-owned enterprise with a majority of its sharesheld by foreign corporations. Therefore, under the present law Canon is notallowed to make political donations. Hatoyama said to Mitarai directly that theDPJ wants the law to be changed so that the DPJ and LDP can accept donationsfrom Canon. Isn’t this a very disgusting statement?

The LDP and the DPJ are calling for slashing away all sorts of vestedinterests. But how can they end the system of defending business interests, thebiggest and worst form of vested interests, if their leaders act that way? I want tomake it clear that the political parties whose policies have been bought bycorporate and business donations are not qualified to talk about politics in theinterest of the public.

Government subsidies to political parties

-- a degrading and corrupt system

In addition to corporate donations to political parties, the system ofgovernment subsidies to political parties also creates a serious problem. I wantyou to pay attention to the extent this system has degraded and corruptedpolitical parties in Japan aside from the JCP.

Ten years have passed since the system of government subsidies topolitical parties was introduced.

From the viewpoint of healthier political party’s finances, we made aresearch into the LDP finances. Membership fees and personal donations aresound income of a political party, though, in the case of the LDP, “phantommembers” or “paying membership fees for another” once became problems. At


any rate, what has taken place in the LDP finances? The percentage of incomefrom party membership fees and personal donations was 14.4 percent of theLDP’s income in 1995. In 2004, the percentage sharply declined to 5.1 percent.This shows that the share of sound income from member fees and personaldonations declined while the party was receiving government subsidies.

How about the DPJ? From the outset, the DPJ percentage of income frommember fees and individual donations is very small. The percentage of party feesand personal donations to the whole party income is 0.8 percent. Personaldonations to the DPJ head office in 2004 was 360,000 yen. That amount isequivalent to that of a local branch in the JCP.

Thus, the two parties’ dependence on government subsidies is increasing.The percentage of subsidies to the total party revenue is 59 percent for the LDP,and 84 percent for the DPJ. How can the two parties, advocates of privatization(from the government to the private sector) and which are competing forprivatization and cuts in government employees, explain the fact that they are“state-operated” parties funded by 30 billion yen in tax money each year?

Subsidies granted by the government to political parties end the need forfinancial ties between political parties and the people, and turn political partiesinto rootless entities responsible to no one. Like narcotics, political parties areaddicted to government subsidies once they are hooked on them. With time,addiction increases to the extent of killing the body itself.

No halfway measure will be possible in dealing with this issue. In the lightof the Constitution, the system of government subsidies to political partiesshould be totally abolished. The JCP will maintain this position to the last.

The JCP rejects corporate donations and government subsidies, and itsfinancial activity depends exclusively on the people. We want that the peopleknow that this is the surest guarantee that supports our political belief that thepeople are the key players.

4. JCP has consistent history before and after WW II

The fourth point is that the JCP has a 84-year history of consistency before andafter WW II.

How could it operate for 84 years under the same name?

During the 84 years since the founding of the Japanese Communist Party,the JCP has continued without changing its name.


We are frequently confronted with the question why don’t we change thename. It is this point that we want the people to understand -- how the JCP canoperate without changing its name?

To begin with, isn’t it often the case that a political party changes its namebecause it has committed a major disgraceful mistake? Regarding this point,before and after World War II, political parties in Japan stood at the historicalcrossroads at which their worth was put to a test.

JCP’s unyielding struggle against war of aggression and its

contemporary significance

The first test was the attitude towards the war of aggression andcolonization perpetrated by Japanese militarism. The war caused tremendoussuffering to the peoples of Asia, including Japan. It is only the JCP thatconsistently opposed the war even at the cost of party members’ lives. This iswhy the JCP could resume its activities after the war, proudly using the samename. Only the JCP can take pride in its prewar history.

The significance of this fact is not restricted just to mentioning the past.Prime Minister Koizumi Jun’ichiro’s visits to Yasukuni Shrine amount toapproving the Yasukuni Shrine’s view that the war was a just war, as its warmusenum Yushukan’s display clearly indicates. This is the crux of the matter westress in our criticism of the prime minister’s visits to the shrine.

This criticism has spread both at home and abroad. I really think that theJCP can get to the heart of the problem because the party has the valuable prewarhistory of opposing the war of aggression at the risk of party members’ lives.

This history of the JCP is a major source of trust in our exchanges with thepeoples of East Asia on whom the Japanese militarist war of aggression inflictedirreparable suffering.

Some countries in Asia outlaw communist parties because of varioushistorical backgrounds . For example, an Akahata reporter visited Singapore inthe early 1990s. A Jiji Press reporter wrote that the Singaporean pressreceptionist who had met the Akahata reporter said, “Can you guess whathappened today? I talked with a communist for the first time in my life. I wasscared at first, but there was nothing unusual about him.” In the past, such anencounter with a “communist” was certainly a thing to talk about.

In our exchanges with people in other Asian countries, we have had manyexperiences of people soon coming to trust and respect the JCP when we saidthat the JCP always opposed the war of aggression and colonization, and that


many JCP members were imprisoned, tortured, and killed. They said: “We didn’tknow that such a party existed in Japan. Your party fought on the same side ofthe barricade as us.”

The JCP history of consistent opposition to the war of aggression andcolonialist rule now acts as a bridge when Japan promotes friendly relations withthe peoples of Asia. Isn’t this a valuable asset not only to the JCP but to allJapanese people?

Constitution and Fundamental Law on Education must not be

changed by parties with the same prewar mentality using a new

name

How about the other parties? History shows that all of them supported thewar of aggression. All prewar parties except the JCP, whether they wereconservative parties like the Democratic Party (Minsei-to) and the PoliticalFriends Society (Seiyu-kai) or a party nominally advocating socialism like theSocial Masses Party (Shakai Taishu-to), disbanded themselves to be merged intothe Imperial Rule Assistance Association on the eve of the outbreak of thePacific War. That was why these parties had to change their names because theycould not continue to use their discredited names after Japan was defeated.Conservative parties later merged and established the Liberal Democratic Party.The forces succeeding to the Social Masses Party and other social democratsformed the Socialist Party of Japan.

However, a serious problem has been retained. Those forces whopromoted the war of aggression changed their names, but retained the samementality, showing no remorse for the war. They were seated at the center ofpostwar politics. This fact lies behind Prime Minister Koizumi’s Yasukuni visits,the problem of school textbooks distorting history, and other recent retrogressivemoves in relation to history.

In the House of Representatives special committee on the FundamentalLaw of Education during the latest Diet session, the LDP and the DemocraticParty of Japan engaged in outrageous discussions. Reading the committee’sminutes, I was shocked at what they had to say.

A Liberal Democratic Party member lauded the prewar Imperial Rescripton Education which forced the people to give their lives for the Emperor. TheLDP man said that the rescript is “really liberal, generous, egalitarian, andmodest,” and went on to say that new moral codes should be legislated as arequired national moral charter, taking the rescript as a model.

Then a DPJ member distributed copies of what the DPJ described as a


“modern translation” of the Imperial Rescript on Education. I read the “moderntranslation” text. It is literally a “mistranslation” arbitrarily omitting the partsthat are unacceptable today. The DPJ Dietmember said that the Imperial Rescripton Education was superb, and that it is regrettable that these principles have beenlost in today’s education. Reading the minutes, I felt as if I might have traveledthrough a time warp into the prewar Imperial Diet.

The ringleaders of these arguments are LDP and DPJ members in the“Dietmembers’ Committee of Japan Conference.” It does not publish the namesof its members, either in publications or on the Internet. I suspect that it may beshameful for them to announce their memberships, but what they advocate isvery clear: the Constitution should be changed; the Fundamental Law ofEducation should be changed; the prime minister’s visit to Yasukuni Shrineshould be made routine, and education should inspire patriotism. This is aparliamentarian rightist group approving wars of aggression and demandingconstitutional revision.

We must not allow these forces to change the basic education law for theworse and destroy the future for children and to eliminate our contribution to theworld, the war-renouncing Article 9 of our Constitution.

Postwar JCP always in confrontation with LDP

I also want to stress that in postwar politics, only the JCP has always beenmaintaining its clear-cut opposition to LDP politics.

Particularly after the re-grouping of parties after 1993, all political forcesexcept the JCP were either partners or are now partners with the LDP. Thisnegative legacy of theirs has become a weakness of government by partypolitics.

For example, the so-called two-party system is trumpeted. But whatpolitical groups formed the Democratic Party of Japan?

Under the new leadership of the DPJ under Ozawa Ichiro, the party leadersvisited Prime Minister Koizumi. After the meeting, Koizumi said to the press,“DPJ president Ozawa, secretary general Hatoyama, and Diet Affairs Committeechairman Watanabe Kozo all formerly belonged to the Liberal Democratic Party.It’s like talking with the Tanaka faction or the Takeshita faction of the LDP. I’vefound it difficult to look on them as opposition leaders.” This was an unusuallycandid comment.

The DPJ is a political mixture made up of members of the former SocialistParty, former Sakigake (Harbinger), and former Liberal Party, those who formedcoalitions with the LDP in forming a government, plus spin-off members of the


LDP. We remember that all those parties that had once formed coalitiongovernments with the LDP had to change their party names or disbandthemselves. The DPJ is a political merger of such forces.

The DPJ has no major issues to confront the LDP, though the party toutsconfrontation with the LDP. It cannot get out of the political framework ofcompeting with the LDP for further mal-administration, such as the adverserevision of the Constitution, adverse revision of the Fundamental Law onEducation, and consumption tax increases.

Thus, only the JCP has been maintaining the position as an oppositionparty unambiguously confronting the LDP during the postwar period.

The JCP does not pretend to be free of all errors. In the party history book,“Eighty Years of the Japanese Communist Party,” we admitted that errors weremade and that historical constraints existed. However, throughout the 84 years ofits existence the JCP has always worked as the defender of people’s interestswhen it faced such fundamental issues as peace, democracy, and people’slivelihoods. Please understand that this is why the JCP has never once changedits name in the 84 years since the party’s founding.

I want to stress that in the name “Japanese Communist Party” is inscribedthe struggles of members and supporters before, during, and after the war, havingundergone the severe tests of history.

5. Maintaining sovereign independence and seeking international solidarity

The fifth point is that the JCP seeks international solidarity based on the positionof sovereign independence.

JCP established sovereign independence 50 years ago

The Japanese Communist Party had a bitter experience called the “1950question” -- a split within the party as a consequence of the then Soviet and otherforeign interference. Summing up the matter at the 7th Congress in 1958, theparty restored its unity and established a position of sovereign independence.The JCP does not allow any foreign parties, no matter how powerful theircountries may be, to interfere in the internal affairs of Japanese revolutionarymovement, and the JCP debates and decides about party activities by and foritself, and acts on its own decisions to create a better future for all. The JCPestablished this position over a half century ago.


Later, the JCP experienced high-handed interference by the Soviet Unionunder Nikita Khrushchev and China under Mao Zedong. The interferences werenot just limited to verbal condemnation. They placed agents inside the JCP tosubvert the JCP from within. After the Soviet Union collapsed, it came to lightthat the Communist Party of the Soviet Union planted agents inside communistparties throughout the world, so the CPSU had a secret network to controlforeign communist parties from within. There were some JCP leaders whobecame agents for the CPSU.

At the time when the JCP was fighting against Soviet interference, the JCPdid not realize the extent of interference. The JCP, however, squarely confrontedthe superpower that called itself the authentic socialist state, using all its statepower to attack and destroy the JCP. In the end, the JCP repelled the Sovietattack. I want to express my respect for the wisdom and courage of oldermembers who carried out this difficult struggle.

That struggle supplied the JCP with its source of strength to date.

Through this experience, the JCP has established the following principlesfor our relations with parties abroad: the JCP does not allow interference or anyunlawful attacks from anyone; the JCP refrains from interfering in the internalaffairs of other countries, even if the situation does not conform to JCP views. Atthe same time, on questions having international aspects, the JCP does nothesitate to speak out and clearly express its opinions.

We have maintained these principles in our diplomatic activities in allinternational arenas.

Take our relations with the Communist Party of China, for example. In thelate 1960s, relations between the JCP and the CPC were severed due to extremeinterference in the JCP by the Mao Zedong leadership. However, the CPCleadership in 1998 traced back and admitted its past errors in order to normalizerelations between the two parties. At that time, we were surprised to know thatthe CPC leadership publicly announced a self-criticism of their past relationswith the JCP in newspapers and on TV. When I visited China with then JCP chairFuwa Tetsuzo in 1998, I found in this publicity the sincerity of the CPCleadership in dealing with historical matters.

During the subsequent eight years, relations between our two parties havegreatly improved. The relations have not been limited to a common response tointernational issues such as opposition to the Iraq War, but further developed intotheoretical exchanges concerning the world outlooks of the two parties.

In these exchanges, we also maintained a position that we will speak out,frankly but in moderation, our opinion of China’s internal affairs, if they have


international implications.

In April 2005, the so-called “anti-Japan demonstrations” were taking placein China. Immediately after the demonstrations, Lu Yongxiang, vice chairman ofthe Chinese National People’s Congress, visited Japan. I had an opportunity tomeet him at that time. I expressed concern about the worsening relationsbetween peoples of the two countries. I pointed out, “One of the causes of thedeterioration is the fact that in Japan there are some who try to propagate viewsaffirming and even glorifying the history of the Japanese war of aggression andcolonialism.” I said that I hope that the Chinese people take into account thefollowing three points:

First, the Japanese war of aggression and the present business activitiescarried out in China by Japanese firms must not be considered to be the same.

Second, although some Japanese politicians turn against the lessons ofhistory, they must not be seen as representing the opinions of all the Japanesepeople.

Third, the use of violence must be rejected as a means of expressingprotests or criticism of the reactionary moves of some Japanese leaders and thatit is important to maintain a reasoned and calm attitude in dealing with anyemerging issues.

NPC Vice-Chair Lu nodded approval to each of my three proposals,confirmed them in his own words, and then commended the JCP for maintaininga firm position on issues during difficult times. He said that the three points wereall reasonable, adding that “the Chinese government and the Chinese people willendorse that position.”

The talks gave me a warm and secure feeling because we could understandeach other’s position. Subsequent responses of the Chinese government movedin the direction pointed to by Lu. Through this experience, we sensed therationality of the Chinese leadership in dealing with issues.

We won’t allow any interference into internal affairs of our movement, wewill refrain from interfering in that of; but we will say moderately what we needto say. These are the principles that we have maintained and will continue tomaintain in international activities.

Trust in JCP independence has made us new friends in Islamic world

Our position of sovereign independence is the surest guarantee of JCPcredibility when we extend diplomatic activities to countries with which we hadhad no relations before.


For example, we attach great importance on developing friendly relationswith Islamic countries in our foreign relations as an opposition party. The firstJCP delegation to an Islamic country was the one to Malaysia, led by the thenCentral Committee Chair Fuwa in 1999. In 2002, International Bureau directorOgata Yasuo visited six countries in the Middle East: Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, SaudiArabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. In the same year I visited Pakistan,and in 2003 then Chair Fuwa visited Tunisia. Thus, JCP footsteps spread fromSouth-East Asia to North Africa and the Middle East.

How has it been possible for our international activity to increase to suchan extent? The major reason is trust in the JCP policy of sovereign independence,particularly in light of the JCP history of having struggled against Soviethegemony.

In the Islamic world, criticism of the former Soviet Union is very strong.But this was not so when the Soviet Union first came into being. The history ofSaudi Arabia, regarded as the Islamic leader, shows that the country in the 1920swas very friendly with the Soviet Union, being the first country in the Arabworld to enter into diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union. However, asStalin’s despotism increased, Islamic brethrens living in the Soviet Union cameto suffer persecution. The faith and pilgrimages to the holy cities by Muslimsliving in Central Asia in the Soviet Union were banned. Taking the ban as a cue,relations between the two countries worsened, and in the late 1930s Saudi Arabiasevered its relations with the Soviet Union, and the severance continued untiljust before the collapse of the Soviet Union. In addition, the 1979 Sovietaggression against Afghanistan aroused severe criticism in the Islamic world asaggression on Islamic brethrens. This shows that the Islamic world was notopposed to communism but was severely critical of Stalin’s despotism, Soviethegemony, and associated tyrannical rule.

With such a history, Islamic countries can have a favorable view of theJapanese Communist Party when they realize that the JCP consistently struggledagainst Soviet hegemony and its despotism. I feel that strong ties of trust havenow been formed between the JCP and the Islamic world.

I want to refer to the example of our relations with the Pakistanigovernment. Pakistan has a population of 150 million, and plays an importantpart in the Islamic world. Relations between its government and the JCP haveundergone an important development in the last several years.

It happened when Mr. Touqir Hussain, former Pakistani Ambassador toJapan, “discovered” that Japan has a sovereign independent party in the JapaneseCommunist Party. During the Afghan War in 2001, the JCP sent a delegation ledby Ogata to survey the situation in Afghanistan. After the survey, Ogata visitedAmbassador Hussain to pay his formal respects. Saying that it was the first time


that the ambassador ever met anyone from the JCP, Mr. Hussain asked Ogatamany questions, including questions about the history of the JCP and about itsrelations with Moscow and with China. After Ogata talked about the JCP historybased on sovereign independence, the ambassador approvingly said that that wasvery interesting, and said that he wanted to invite the JCP to visit Pakistan again.Mr. Hussain later told us that he took that occasion to study the JCP and wrote areport on the JCP to the home government.

After these developments, a five-member JCP delegation, including myself,Ogata, and International Bureau deputy director Morihara Kimitoshi, visitedPakistan in December 2002. Our travel plan was to visit India, Sri Lanka, andthen Pakistan. When we finished our stay in Sri Lanka and were about to headfor Pakistan, we learned from a newspaper that the then Iranian PresidentMohammad Khatami was to visit Pakistan at the same time as us. The Iraniandelegation had 150 members, including key cabinet ministers. We imagined thehost country’s trouble of having a major delegation of a neighboring country atthe same time as a five-member delegation of a Japanese opposition party.

When we entered Pakistan, it turned out that much importance wasattached to the JCP delegation, and we were able to meet key cabinet ministers.

First we held talks with additional secretary of Foreign Affairs KamranNiaz (present Pakistani ambassador to Japan). The Iraq question was a majorsubject in our talks. At my statement expressing the JCP position of opposing theuse of military force against Iraq and calling for the question to be resolvedwithin the framework of the United Nations, he agreed with me, saying that thatwas also the position of the Pakistani government. Later, intense discussionsover the Iraq question took place at the United Nations Security Council.Pakistan, then a non-permanent member of the UNSC, displayed a lot of courageby maintaining openly and firmly to the last its opposition to the use of militaryforce against Iraq.

During this visit I also held talks with Mr. Shaukat Aziz, advisor toPakistan's prime minister in financial affairs, and the talks turned out to befruitful. Among our topics was the major damage incurred on Pakistan by anenormous inflow of refugees, guns and narcotics into Pakistan following theSoviet aggression against Afghanistan. I said that the JCP protested against theSoviet Union over this issue and that severe polemics continued but that theSoviet Union collapsed before the polemics were settled. Mr. Aziz commented,“They fell before they answered, didn’t they?” This was impressive to me.During the talks he said that the Pakistani government studied the JCP and knewwell that the JCP is an important opposition party in Japan. This comment alsoremains imbedded in my memory.

Mr. Aziz became the Pakistani prime minister. He visited Japan in August2005, and I had talks with him again. The scope of our talks widened to the


creation of a new international order in the 21st century. Prime Minister Aziz inMarch 2005 wrote an essay on Pakistani foreign policy in a new world order. Inthis essay, he gave the following four points as the basic principles for a justworld: (1) solid U.N. system; (2) peaceful settlement of disputes; (3) toleranceand understanding of different values and cultures; and (4) economic order basedon equality and fairness. I said to him that I read the article carefully and that hisviews share common points with the new JCP Program. Prime Minister Azizwelcomed my comments, and the talks became really enjoyable.

Pakistan’s attention to the JCP policy of sovereign independence led totheir agreement with JCP views on the Iraq question, and then further to a sharedview of a world in the 21st century. In this way, relations of friendship anddeepening exchanges are developing. Through this experience, I keenly felt thatthe JCP policy of sovereign independence is really valuable.

To make Japan truly independent

The foreign relations experiences of the other political parties in Japan areoften referred to as their representatives acting as messengers by justunconditionally listening to foreign requests and conveying them to the Japanesegovernment on their return home. Their common trait is the tendency to curryfavor with great powers and their lack of a position of sovereign independence.Their weakness is typically shown by the government and the ruling parties thatsee nothing wrong in accepting any U.S. requests by freezing when the phrase“Japan-U.S. alliance” is uttered.

The JCP is determined to firmly maintain its long-standing policy ofsovereign independence, with whatever countries and in whatever diplomaticactivities. We are determined to join hands with the people to end subservienceto the United States and to enable Japan take the course of sovereignindependence.

To win next year’s two major elections

I have talked about what kind of a political party the Japanese Communist Partyis from five aspects: the Party Program calling for a fundamental change ofpolitics; influencing politics by the power of people at the grassroots; partyfinances depending on the people; prewar and postwar JCP history ofconsistency; and international solidarity while maintaining sovereignindependence. Each of these aspects is what a political party must stand for if itis to be responsible to the people. The JCP takes the high-road as a political partyputting into practice these principles as common sense.


The House of Councilors election is a year ahead, and simultaneous localelections are 9 months ahead. We aim at winning an advance in these localelections and obtaining more than 6.5 million votes in the proportionalrepresentation constituencies for the House of Councilors election in order for allthe five candidates who have just been introduced to be elected without fail. Allfive candidates are younger than me and will be able to work in parliament aspeople’s representatives. In the House of Councilors election, we will put upcandidates in all prefectural constituencies. We want Ogata’s Tokyo seat for theJCP be turned over to Tamura Tomoko. In addition, we are determined to takeback seats in the prefectures of Saitama, Kanagawa, Aichi, Kyoto, Osaka, andHyogo where we lost seats in the last election.

At the beginning of my speech, I referred to changes that are taking placein politics. But we must not forget that the JCP will not be able to win anyelection if it counts on “chance factors.” We are determined to create the chanceby ourselves to create a favorable wind and win. The JCP is determined to growinto a strong party so that it will create a favorable wind under whateverturbulent situation and to win in elections.

I close my speech by expressing my determination to lead the electionstruggle to win in the next year’s two major elections, and I earnestly call forsupport and cooperation nationwide. Thank you.

= JPS BOOKS =ASIA, AFRICA, AND LATIN AMERICA

IN THE PRESENT-DAY WORLD

By Tetsuzo FUWA

An overwhelming majority of the countries in Asia, Africa, and LatinAmerica have achieved independence during the last 60 years and aremaking efforts to build new nations. It is increasingly important for Japanas a member of Asia, Africa, and Latin America to carry out diplomacythat will earn the trust and respect of the countries of these regions in the21st century.

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BREAKING JAPAN'S DIPLOMATICSTALEMATE


By Tetsuzo FUWA

An examination of Japan’s relations with its Asian neighbors at the 60thyear since the end of World War II

Japan’s diplomatic stalemate is very serious today. The major cause is theJapanese government’s attitude toward the wartime past, Japan’s war ofaggression and colonialism. In the 60th year since the end of World War II,every Japanese citizen is called upon to face up to the question “What wasthat war about?”

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Published by Japan Press Service25-6, Sendagaya 4-chome, Shibuya-ku, Tokyo 151-0051, Japan

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