indigenous rangeland resources and conflict management by the

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Indigenous Rangeland resources and Conflict Management by the North Afar Pastoral Groups in Ethiopia

A Pastoral Forum Organized by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia, June 27-28, 2003, Mekelle, Ethiopia

By Yayneshet Tesfay and Kelemework Tafere

November 2004

DCG Report No. 31

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Indigenous Rangeland resources and Conflict Management by the

North Afar Pastoral Groups in Ethiopia��

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A Pastoral Forum Organized by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia, June 27-28, 2003,

Mekelle, Ethiopia.��

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DCG Report No. 31 November 2004�

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The Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) is an NGO-driven forum for exchange of practical experiences and knowledge on food security and natural resource management in the drylands of Africa. DCG facilitates this exchange of experiences between NGOs and research and policy-making institutions. The DCG activities, which are carried out by DCG members in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Mali and Sudan, aim to contribute to improved food security of vulnerable households and sustainable natural resource management in the drylands of Africa. The founding DCG members consist of ADRA Norway, CARE Norway, Norwegian Church Aid, Norwegian People's Aid, The Stromme Foundation and The Development Fund. Noragric, the Centre for International Environment and Development Studies at the Agricultural University of Norway, provides the secretariat as a facilitating and implementing body for the DCG. The DCG’s activities are funded by NORAD (the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation). This Report was carried out on behalf of the DCG branches in Ethiopia and Mali. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the DCG secretariat. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed in this publication are entirely those of the author(s) and cannot be attributed directly to the Drylands Coordination Group.

@Tesfay, Y. & Tafere, K., Drylands Coordination Group Report No. 31 (11, 2004) Drylands Coordination Group c/o Noragric P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 64 94 98 23 Fax: +47 64 94 07 60 Internet: http://www.drylands-group.org ISSN: 1503-0601 Photo credits: T.A. Benjaminsen, Gry Synnevåg. Cover design: Spekter Reklamebyrå as, Ås. Printed at: Rotator, Ås.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS General Introduction 1

PART I. THE STUDY 3 Acknowledgement 3 List of Tables 4 List of Figures 4 Executive Summary 5 1. Study area description and objectives 9 1.1 Location of study area 9 1.2 Climate and vegetation 9 1.3 Population and Social Organization 9 1.4 Objectives of the study 12

2. Methodological approach 13 3. Pastoral natural resources management in northern Afar 13 3.1 Background 13 3.2 Changing times and the need to manage variability 15 3.3 Mobility as ecological and economic adaptation to variability 17 3.4 Herd management strategies 21

3.4.1 Pastoral herd structure 21 3.4.2 Herd splitting and labor organization, and water management 21

3.5 Managing grazing reserves and other stock attraction areas 24 3.6 Recognizing and managing drought 24

3.6.1 Frequency and impacts of drought 24 3.6.2 The use of EWS for improved tracking of variability 27 3.6.3 Intervening during drought 27

3.7 Re-designing government support of pastoral natural resources management 30 3.7.1 Problems of current planning approach 30 3.7.2 Transforming pastoral development approaches 30

4. Indigenous Conflict Management in North Afar, Ethiopia 32 4.1 Introduction 32 4.2 Background to the Afar 32 4.3. Economy, Household Property Relations and Gender Issues 33

4.3.1.Land Use System 33 4.3.2. Household Property Relations and Women’s Status 35

4.4 Intra-Community Conflict and Conflict Resolutions 36 4.4.1 The Indigenous System 36 4.4.2 The Afar Customary Law (Mad'aa) 38 4.4.3. The Judicial Procedure 39

4.5 The Role of Formal Institutions 40 4.5.1 The Police Force 40 4.5.2 The Sharia Courts 40 4.5.3 The Modern Court 41

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4.6 Inter-community Conflict and Conflict Management 41 Recommendations 45 References 46 PART II. THE FORUM 50 Opening speech 50 Keynote address 52 1.Full text presentations of invited papers 55 1.1. Research and development experiences of DHP in North-Afar, Ethiopia 55 1.2. Pastoral risk management project (PARIMA) in Southern Ethiopia and Northern Kenya 56 1.3. Experiences of pastoral development in Somali Regional State, Ethiopia 60 1.4. Pastoral community animal health services in Borana Areas 69 1.5. Natural resource management experiences of the Erob people in Tigray, Ethiopia 71 2. Group discussions and recommendations 74 2.1. Session 1 74 2.2. Session 2 80 PART III. PASTORAL EXPERIENCE SHARING PROGRAMME 82 Annexes 86 Annex 1. List of forum participants and programme 86 Annex 2. Forum Programme 87 Annex 3. Terms of reference 88 Annex 4 List of people interviewed during the field work (NRM) 90


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GENERAL INTRODUCTION The member organizations that constitute the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia have been widely involved in documenting and disseminating various studies aimed at community natural resources management and food security. As part of this major role, a forum on pastoral development issues in Ethiopia was convened from June 27-28, 2003 in Mekelle, Ethiopia and an experience-sharing programme organized for specific groups of pastoral community representatives drawn from northern Afar and held from July 12-21, 2003. The forum was preceded by a short-term case study on indigenous natural resources and conflict management by north Afar pastoral groups in Ethiopia. The results of this study were presented and discussed at the forum. Moreover, papers that deal with various dimensions of pastoral development were solicited from other pastoral areas in Ethiopia, and were presented and discussed. This includes pastoral development experience of CARE in southern Borana pastoral areas in Ethiopia, Hope for the Horn's pastoral development experiences in the Somali Regional State in Ethiopia, pastoral research experience of Global Livestock Collaborative Research Support Programme (GL-CRSP) focusing on Pastoral Risk Management Project in southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya, action oriented research and development experiences of Dryland Husbandry Project (DHP) in Ethiopia, and natural resources management experiences of the Erob people in Tigray, northern Ethiopia. After the forum an experience-sharing programme was organized by DCG Ethiopia for specific members of pastoral community in northern Ethiopia from July 11-23, 2003. This took place in a predominantly pastoral production system in southern Ethiopia. The aim was to strengthen project implementation capacity of north Afar pastoralists by providing a platform for discussing and mutually understanding the experiences of other pastoralists in southern Ethiopia. The experience-sharing programme involved extensive tours, participatory discussion, and field observations. For the sake of convenience the case study that contributed to the forum is presented in part I, the forum itself in part II, while the experience-sharing programme is presented in part III of this report.

Drylands Coordination Group

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PART I: THE STUDY ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The authors express their great appreciation and gratitude to DCG Norway for fully sponsoring the case study on pastoral natural resources and indigenous conflict management in northern Afar, Ethiopia. The facilitating role played by Mekelle University is also highly appreciated. Last but not least, we would also like to extend our heart-felt gratitude to the Afar people in the research sites for their hospitality and sincere cooperation throughout the field research.


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LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Population estimates for seven wereda in Zone 2 10 Table 2. Rangeland micro-patches used by Assengola pastoralists in normal years 17 Table 3. Rangeland micro-patches used by Gelaesso pastoralists in normal years 18 Table 4. Rangeland micro-patches used by Haridan pastoralists in normal years 18 Table 5. Rangeland micro-patches used by Wossema pastoralists in normal years 19 Table 6. Rangeland micro-patches used by Erepti pastoralists in normal years 19 Table 7. Comparison of number of pastoral stock (TLU) between three pastoral groups in Ethiopia. 21 Table 8. Watering frequency of pastoral and agro-pastoral stock in Aba’Ala 23 Table 9. Chronology of drought/famine in Ethiopia 25 Table 10. Frequency of drought as explained by Afar elders in Aba’Ala 25

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Map of the study area (not to scale) 9 Figure 2. Patterns of marriage as practiced by the north Afar pastoralists 11 Figure 3. Herd splitting strategies of pastoral stock in north Afar 22 Figure 4. Average pastoral stock holding/average of a six family members between major drought years (1984-2002) 26 Figure 5. Food aid needs in Afar Region (1993-2002) 26 Figure 6. Phases within a drought 28 Figure 7. The structure of the overall legal system in Aba’Ala 37 Figure 8. Afar clan elders settling a dispute case in their assembly 40


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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Pastoralism in Ethiopia as elsewhere has been put under increasing pressure resulting from natural and human induced factors. In the past pastoralism was systematically alienated from mainstream development. More than any other pastoral groups in Ethiopia the north Afar pastoralists have been neglected in terms of research and development programmes. Thus, this case study was conduced in north Afar pastoral settlements to address issues of pastoral natural resources management and indigenous conflict management. The specific objectives were:

1. Describe patterns of rangeland resource utilization and trends of change observed in

north Afar pastoral areas

2. Assess characteristics of pastoral herd mobility

3. Identify major herding strategies employed by Afar pastoral groups

4. Examine and evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of existing pastoral development

interventions

5. Understand the nature of intra and interethnic conflicts in Afar land and its vicinity.

6. Examine local strategies for conflict mitigation both at the community and inter-ethnic

level.

7. Investigate the institutional dynamics in conflict management among the Afar

8. Assess the effectiveness of the local institutions in bringing long lasting solutions to

conflicts.

9. Understand the functional relationships between local indigenous institutions of

conflict resolution and modern judiciary structures.

10. Identify the challenges and prospects of local institutions of conflict management in

the wake of current socio political changes at the national level particularly in

connection with the new ethno-federal arrangement in Ethiopia.

11. Provide a platform for discussing pastoral development issues and its challenges

The study team first reviewed relevant documents and spend 2 weeks in the field collecting data and 1 week for deskwork in Mekelle. Data was collected using participatory methods that include semi-structured interview, key informant discussion, focused group discussion, as well as field observations of communal rangelands The pattern of natural resources management has shown dramatic changes in 4-5 decades time and this is caused mainly by the encroachment of cultivation and human population pressure. Traditional strategies of pastoral resource management have been eroded and resulted in pastoral socio-economic transformations. Traditionally the Afar people have been practicing both short and long distance movements. The time, direction, duration, and frequency of


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movement varies from one pastoral group to another but all have the essential feature of avoiding long period stay in a given rangeland micro-patch. The movement is guided by a team of range scouts (Eddo) who monitor the state of a grazeable rangeland before allowing herds to use it. Contrary to what is commonly believed the Afar pastoralists have herd size below the minimum maintenance requirements. Females are by far the dominant groups allowing pastoralists to recover following a stress. Herd splitting into smaller groups is characteristic of north Afar pastoralists involving elaborated divisions based on age and production status of stock. Grazing reserves once used to sustain pastoral livelihood during drought periods are no longer widely used by community. Customary laws that were effective means of ensuring sound use of grazing reserves are weakened by the creation of incompatible administration system and recurrent drought. In the last decade the Afar region has experienced major droughts every 2-3 years exposing them to external relief food aid. The current Early Warning Systems in pastoral areas are generally found to be ineffective to overcoming such frequently occurring droughts and reverse deteriorating pastoral natural resources. The current planning approach towards pastoral natural resources management in the Afar region requires a radical shift in design and implementation of projects. Many range management projects designed in the region are proving ineffective partly due to top-down planning and influence of an equilibrium thinking about pastoral development. Thus, transformation in government support of pastoral natural resources management is an essential component of sound pastoral natural resources management and this needs to devolve decision-making responsibility to grassroots indigenous institutions. In a separate but interrelated study, attempts were made to address institutions of conflict management in the northern Afar administration. The aims of the study was to examine the causes of natural resource based violent conflicts arising at the intra and inter community level; and assess the indigenous mechanisms of peace-making and peace-building vis-à-vis changing circumstances in the political and socio-economic arena. The study revealed that intra-community conflicts of the Afar heightened with a change in land use system from nomadic pastoralism to settled agriculture. However, there has been a tremendous decline in the frequency of inter-community conflict involving the Afar and Tigrayan highlanders over the last few decades. This was mainly due to the increased economic interdependence and crosscutting ties as well as the growing power balance between the two communities. Dynamism in Afar mobility pattern has also contributed to such an effect. However, conflict is always inevitable. Whether in the distant past when the Afar were nomadic pastoralists or the present time when a good deal of Afar are settling down in semi-permanent centers, conflicts mainly over pasture and water points arise at different levels. However, people seem keen not to prolong hostilities that may eventually divide community members in blood feuds. Thus, elders and community leaders converge to discuss matters pertinent to stability thereby allowing disputes to subside at least temporarily. The Afar have local assemblies through which inter-clan conflicts are sorted out and thoroughly addressed. Together with highland communities, they have also acquired a long-standing tradition of settling inter-community disputes through a joint institution called Gereb. Both the Gereb and the local assembly of the Afar function as indigenous courts whose rules emanate from shared norms and mutually binding value systems. Nevertheless, the traditional institutions never exist in a vacuum. On the contrary, they have symbiotic relations with modern governmental administrative and legal machinery. State organs intervene at different stages although the actual conflict


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management drama is executed within the context of the traditional system. The prevalence of such a complementary rather than competitive relations between the state and traditional system has contributed to the resilience and continued influence of the latter. The paper concludes that the indigenous system is an efficient means of dealing with intra and inter-community conflicts in the study area. However, it should also be noted that such institutions work within a set of limitations. It is against this background that the paper recommends a merger and further integration of the two systems for better outcomes. NGOs and development agents can also play a pivotal role by creating a conducive environment for inter-community socio-economic integration through community based development interventions.


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1. STUDY AREA DESCRIPTION AND OBJECTIVES 1.1 LOCATION OF STUDY AREA The study was undertaken in Assengola, Wossema, Gelaesso, Haridan and parts of Erpeti in Zone 2 of the Afar Regional State (fig. 1). The study sites lie below an altitude of 1500 meters above sea level.

Figure 1. Map of the study area (not to scale). Source: USAID Famine Early Warning System Network (2002) 1.2 CLIMATE AND VEGETATION Aba'ala is climatically categorized as semi-arid receiving an annual rainfall of less than 500 mm with evapo-transpiration exceeding precipitation during most parts of the dry months of the year. The rainfall pattern is bimodal with the main rainy season (Karma) falling in the months of July – August and the short rainy season (Gilal) occurs in April – May (Hunting, 1976). The dominant soils are sandy in texture developed from alluvial deposits resulting from flood coming from nearby upland areas. Exposed rocks and gravel dominate most of the hills and ridges. Deposits of silt and fine sand particles occur in the plain flat areas where cultivation is practiced (Hunting, 1976). Acacia dominated woodland is the dominant vegetation with a poor understory cover. Among the acacia species A. etbaica, A. nubica, A. tortilis, A. mellifera are widely observed in the project site. Besides, Salvadora persica, Aloe species, dwarf euphorbia, and others are scattered in the acacia dominated woodland (Diress, 1998). 1.3 POPULATION AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION The population of Afar is estimated at 1.2 million most of whom are subsistence pastoralists that heavily depend on livestock for their survival. According to the Ethiopian population census undertaken by Central Statistical Authority (CSA, 1996), the following estimates of population size are reported (table 1).


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Table 1. Population estimates for seven wereda in Zone 2. Population

SN Wereda Males Females

Total

Per cent

1. Aba’ala 15418 11573 26991 12.8 2. Megale 10719 8945 19664 9.3 3. Erepti 21789 16878 38667 18.3 4. Afdera 8820 6834 15654 7.4 5. Berahle 18209 14242 32451 15.3 6. Kuneba 20553 15750 36303 17.2 7. Dalul 23024 18778 41802 19.8 Total 211532 100.0 Source: CSA, 1996. Central to the Afar social organization are decent and affinal ties. The Afar have a patrilineal decent system based on which a person belongs to a particular clan (mela). Afar settlements are composed of a mixture of clans although each locality is identified with a major clan and affines. This makes it easier to organize social, economic and political support in times of crisis. Betrothal for marriage engagements may begin during childhood. This is done following a nominal payment in cash. Actual wedding however usually takes place when girls reach their mid teens during which there is a transfer of bride wealth (alekum) amounting to about 1000 Birr or more. After the wedding (Digib) residence is patrilocal. The Afar exercise exogamous marriage and Polygyny is exercised in accordance with Islamic laws. There are several marriage patterns. These include inter-clan marriages between unrelated people, cross-cousin marriages (Absuma) and leviratic arrangements (widow inheritance). It is claimed that cross-cousin marriages are stronger than marriages between unrelated persons because no serious harm is inflicted on ones own blood and flesh in times of conjugal conflict. The diagrams below show marriage patterns exercised according to Afar custom (Ad) along with some restrictions.


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Cross cousin Marriage, Absuma

Marriage Restricted by Afar Ad

Marriage Restricted by Afar Ada Figure 2. Patterns of marriage as practiced by the north Afar pastoralists


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1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY The study was conducted in northern Afar pastoral groups with the purpose of identifying and popularizing patterns of pastoral natural resources and indigenous conflict management. This is among the north Ethiopian pastoral areas with little attempts to understand the mechanisms of pastoral natural resources and conflict management. It is believed that the study will contribute to the on-going debate about pastoralism and its future fates. The specific objectives were to:

1. Describe patterns of rangeland resource utilization and trends of change observed in north Afar pastoral areas

2. Assess characteristics of pastoral herd mobility 3. Identify major herding strategies employed by Afar pastoral groups 4. Examine and evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of existing pastoral development

interventions 5. Understand the nature of intra and interethnic conflicts in Afar land and its vicinity. 6. Examine local strategies for conflict mitigation both at the community and inter-ethnic

level. 7. Investigate the institutional dynamics in conflict management among the Afar 8. Assess the effectiveness of the local institutions in bringing long lasting solutions to

conflicts. 9. Understand the functional relationships between local indigenous institutions of

conflict resolution and modern judiciary structures. 10. Identify the challenges and prospects of local institutions of conflict management in

the wake of current socio political changes at the national level particularly in connection with the new ethno-federal arrangement in Ethiopia.

11. Provide a platform for discussing pastoral development issues and its challenges


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2. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH An extensive literature review was undertaken to cover current issues in relation to natural resources and indigenous conflict management. Data were collected using semi-structured interview, key informant discussions, focused group interview, and field assessment of the situation in five selected pastoral areas in zone 2 of the Afar region. 3. PASTORAL NATURAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT IN NORTHERN AFAR By Yayneshet Tesfay 3.1 BACKGROUND In the past pastoralism was regarded as an outmoded and environmentally damaging production system of change resistant traditional people with little contribution to the national economy. Government and international agencies have often seen pastoralism as destructive, due to the assumed inability of communal systems to control rangeland use and overstocking, inevitably leading to overgrazing and inefficient livestock management (Øygard et al, 1999). Many development interventions such as forced destocking, settlement (in the form of villagization), land tenure modifications (in the form of formulation of group ranches and privatization of the rangeland) and others were tried as means of providing solution to these pastoral crises (Ellis and Swift, 1988). The major development model guiding the above interventions comprises elements of what is commonly called the equilibrium model and has been applied to a characteristic non-equilibrium environment. Thus, the use of carrying capacity, for example, is based on the equilibrium assumption that increased herbivore number beyond the carrying capacity of the rangelands leads to destruction of the grazing resource and this in turn leads to an inevitable herd crash (Behnke, 1993). Discouraged by the failure of many projects in pastoral areas of Africa investment in the pastoral environment has declined dramatically in the last 3-4 decades of pastoral development (Scoones, 1995). The disappointment was reflected in the sharp reduction of donor investment in pastoral livestock development. For example, the World Bank's livestock lending for sub-Saharan Africa decreased from a 20% share of total agricultural sector lending in the 1970s to 7% in the 1980s (de Haan, 1999). This is against the role of pastoralism that provides a living and a way of life for more than 25 million people in Africa. Mainly in Ethiopia it supports about 12% of the total population (Coppock, 1994; Hogg, 1997) and the contribution to national wealth of these pastoral groups is more than their shear size (Fecade Gedamu, nd). It has been strongly argued that pastoralism can be a more efficient and sustainable land use system than commercial ranching in arid and semi-arid regions of Africa (Behnke, 1993; Scoones 1995; Lane 1998). This failure in project/programme implementation has been used as a lesson for future directions of pastoral development and the following has been learnt (UNSO, 1993). • Settlement, re-location and forced destocking have adverse ecological, economic and

social impacts on the pastoral systems of Africa


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• Common property tenure if vested in local institutions can be a viable alternative to state control and privatization of rangelands and can bring effective natural resources management in pastoral areas

• Protection of scarce rangelands resources through land use planning and enforcement of law is necessity if undertaken in traditional and participatory manner

• Strengthening and empowering local institutions of natural resources management is essential for ensuring sustainability in pastoral areas

• Mobility of herds in pastoral areas where there is high temporal and spatial variability of ecosystem should be encouraged

• Indiscriminate development of public water points has adverse effects on the environment • Technological packages have been inappropriate to, and rarely tested or delivered in

pastoral setting • Delivery of social services to remote, mobile people has been inappropriate and/or non-

existent • Pastoral populations have very little or no access to credit services and this is still true for

the Ethiopian pastoralists who are denied of bank services

Elements of emerging ‘New pastoral development paradigms The new understanding of pastoral development differs from the conventional one in the use and interpretation of resource use by pastoralists. These two paradigms offer two very different interpretations of pastoralism and pastoralist strategies and, by implication, different instruments for pastoral development. The latter is highly dependent on the use of “carrying capacity” as a management tool for managing rangelands. Basically this assumes that pastoral environments are overgrazed and destocking and commercialization of pastoral herding strategies are the only viable technical solutions for the problem. There is now general recognition of many aspects of ecological and economic rationale in the traditional use of grazing lands, for example, movement of livestock, manipulation of herd structure and livestock species composition. These are all part of a coherent and adaptive response by pastoral people of arid rangelands towards variable rangeland systems. The maintenance of these rangelands depends on careful and wise utilization of the local knowledge of community at large. In this regard local knowledge has played a paramount role for the sustained use of communal rangelands in the arid and semi-arid lands of Africa (Niamir, 1990). The new paradigm has the following components (UNSO, 1993):

1. Decentralization of power and decision making to the level of the user groups for the management of common property such as rangeland resources

2. Participator research and development in the pastoral areas 3. Recognition of indigenous knowledge of traditional people such as pastoralists 4. Mobility and flexibility in rangeland use 5. Focus in institutions with checks and balances to ensure equity, accountability, and

accessibility of rangeland resources 6. Managing conflict 7. Resource tenure legislation and inclusion of customary tenure 8. Focusing range management activities on “key area management”


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3.2 CHANGING TIMES AND THE NEED TO MANAGE VARIABILITY Traditional rangeland use and expansion of arable farming as a panacea to current pastoral crisis Best use of rangelands of northern Afar is achieved through the use of extensive pastoral livestock production with different animal species. The Afar have traditionally classified rangeland use into livestock suitability ratings using different parameters that span from analysis of vegetation composition to feeding preferences of domestic livestock. Oba and Kotile (2001) have reported knowledge of land use of pastoralists in the Borana rangelands in Ethiopia. Camels and goats generally prefer areas dominated by woody species such as Acacia mellifera, A. nubica, A. nilotica, Dobera glabra, Cadaba rotundifolia and others. Soils are also vital components of this rating and during the cold season (Gilal) stock especially camels avoided white soils as they believe that the low temperatures result in stress and reduced milk production. Studies made in Kenya among the Turkana and Maasai pastoralists also indicated a similar pattern of preferences for other livestock species (Niamir, 1990). Season based suitability rating of land use involving vertical movement of herd is also commonly used among the Afar pastoral groups. During the rainy season (Karma) people trek their stocks to high altitude ranges and increasingly sloping areas, as goats prefer these. The existence of seasonally or year long availability of water at some distance from the periphery of the grazing orbit makes a particular grazing land suitable for some but not for others. Rangelands limited by water availability during the dry season are best used by camels. As early as 1960s, the north Afar pastoral groups sustained on extensive livestock production using the variety of resources of the natural vegetation by different species of animals including wildlife with limited movement between and within years. They maintained strong market and other social interactions with their neighboring Tigray and other ethnic groups. They used to be called as camel herders indicating their social rank and level of food security with infrequent exposure to external shocks such as drought. The Afar well understood the ability of rangeland to replenish itself from soil seed bank reserves and they used to exercise careful timing of grazing to safeguard plants during seed production. However, due to the aggravating pressure on the rangelands, currently they are unable to apply this. In principle the Afar are culturally alien to cutting of trees that serve as browse and source of edible fruits for humans. Ziziphus spina christi, Grewia erythrea, G.tenax, Dobera glabra, Balanites aegyptica, Adansonia digitat are given special treatment to protect them from being cut. In occasions when tree cutting is necessary such as for feeding animals during drought only the branches are cut so that regenerative capacity of the trees is maintained. This gradually started to change 4-5 decades ago when cultivation encroached onto prime grazing lands of the Afar pastoralists by Tigray nobility from northern Ethiopia. At the same time there were a few pastoralists with good exposure to and interaction with highlanders who started cultivation in the Kala plain rangeland. Fortunately, their action was regarded as an anti Afar culture (adda) and abandoned it immediately after 2-3 years of cultivation. Such conversion of prime rangelands into arable lands inevitably reduced the vegetation cover, increased number of people who wanted to cultivate land, contracted the traditional migration routes, and further pushed the pastoralists to less potential lands. Consequently, no single


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micro-patch in Aba'ala can be categorized as being in good state and large proportion of the hitherto rangeland areas in Aba'ala are converted to flood based crop production fields. In the last 3-4 years the need to cultivate rangelands is being introduced to other pastoral territories such as Wossema, Assengola, Haridan, and Gelaesso. In the latter a large proportion of communal prime grazing lands are already individualized in response to the increase in the deteriorating food security situation of the Afar and another large land already apportioned among the pastoral members. Divergent interests on the use of the Kalla rangeland are also observed between pastoralists of Haridan and Gelaesso. Informants uncovered that such eagerness for expanding cultivation emanated emotionally by individuals without consulting the broad pastoral mass that has little or no skills of cultivation. Apparently the pastoral groups from the latter territory are interested in rangelands and avoid share cropping while the former have keen interest on cultivation with the support of the Wajirat people of Tigray on the basis of agreed share cropping. Paradoxically, the pastoralists of Gelaesso see these farmers as rivals of the range resources and it is in the presence of such latent tension of resource competition that the rangeland is privatized for arable farming. The need to initiate cultivation is justified by the fact that traditional pastoral livelihood strategies are becoming inadequate to address current complex pastoral social security needs. However, such expansions need to be effective on the basis of mutual consultation and land use principles and should consider longer-term ecological and social costs. The current attempt has far reaching consequences for the pastoral people of the region. Firstly, the land, which originally was planned for cultivating crops, is only seldom used due to 3-4 multi year droughts and inability of the local administration structure to solve such differing interests of the local pastoral groups. Secondly, the pastoralists that depend on highland farmers for cultivation are becoming more dependent as a result of increasing arable land. Major transformation in the socio-economics of the Afar culture started to take a different shape with emphasis on cultivation of land on the basis of share cropping with Tigray farmers. Many Afar started to migrate to the emerging town of Aba’ala and other areas and begun to follow different livelihood strategies as daily laborers, civil servants, traders and others. Surprisingly, at least the north Afar in the past were not involved in charcoal and fire wood selling but recently they are seen involving in such off pastoral activities triggered by combined effects of human and climatic induced pressures. All this undoubtedly resulted in increased pressure on the scarce and dwindling rangelands resources and served as agents of environmental destruction, which is beyond the capacity of the pastoral community. These changes are accompanied not only by shifts in herd size that are required to satisfy the maintenance requirements of a pastoral household, but also the composition of the herd. In the past people were herding camels and cattle but today except some rich families the majority maintain small stock. With changing times and situations they tried to maximize small stocks notably goats. In line with this people also started to diversify their livelihoods from other means such as seasonal and long-term migrations, inland trades, crafts, etc.


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3.3 MOBILITY AS ECOLOGICAL AND ECONOMIC ADAPTATION TO VARIABILITY

In the case of equilibrium environments immobility has slight costs compared to its costs in non-equilibrium environments (Behnke, 1993). Thus, it is logical for Afar pastoral groups in Ethiopia, as do many other pastoralists in Africa, to practice some form of transhumance involving seasonal movement to regular pasturing areas. For some this demands regular routes but almost all have regular areas that they send their livestock in every normal year. This movement necessitates different size of micro-patches secured by territorial rights and alliances with nearby neighbors (Niamir, 1990). The north Afar pastoralists have been able to perpetuate their rangelands for centuries due to their ability to regulate resource use level over a wider patchy landscape by employing different strategies of mobility. Mobility enabled them to use the spatially variable rangelands for a limited period of time. The time, direction, duration, and frequency of visit vary from one pastoral territory to another but all have the essential feature that they avoid heavy grazing pressure induced by repeated and longer period of time grazing. A major ecological advantage of mobility is thus there is little chance for pastoral stock to inflict long-term damage on the rangeland. The movement can be between short distance landscapes as applied for the majority of north Afar people or between long distance rangelands. The latter is applied when drought strikes over wider area and when local movements become useless. In essence, each cluster of pastoral households has its own territorial home range where they have an exclusive access right to grazing their animals. For Assemgola pastoralists the movement during normal years entails the following (table 2). Table 2. Rangeland micro-patches used by Assengola pastoralists in normal years. SN Micro-patch Main season of use

1. Bodas Gilal & Hagai 2. Boroki Hagai & Gilal 3. Dergaha Hagai, Segum, Gilal 4. Gibat Hagai 5. Liaena Segum 6. Mebda Gilal & Karma 7. Murga Gilal & Hagai 8. Subulee Gilal & Hagai 9. Wa’ali Hagai 10. Wegari Hagai 11. Wosma Ali Gilal & Hagai

Apart from the above normal year home ranges, there are also micro-patches irregularly used during drought periods. The commonly used ones are Addu, Aseba’a, Kalla, Wogari, Megale, Gore, and Arga’a. When herds are moving to distant areas some milking animals (Hamaito) are left around settlements to feed the remaining family members. The normal year grazing lands for Gelaesso pastoralists in some ways overlap with that of other pastoral groups such as Haridan, and Megale pastoral groups but there is also spatial differentiation that allowed them avoid overlapping use of the same landscape (table 3).


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Table 3. Rangeland micro-patches used by Gelaesso pastoralists in normal years. SN Micro-patch Main season of use

1. Adagubi Karma 2. Aytededas All seasons 3. Baireta Karma 4. Bolahmo Karma 5. Daida Gilal & Hagai 6. Dergassa Segum & Karma 7. Gabari Karma 8. Gallicoma Karma 9. Kufofeli Hagai & Gilal 10. Kuhulaitu Karma 11. Lebhat Gilal & Hagai 12. Lisheli Karma 13. Ouredu Karma 14. Sebukebera Karma

During drought periods these pastoral groups migrate to remote areas reaching up to Adi Gudum (Lembuyo Nabute, and Daerogurro) trekking for 3 days; Megale (Giraet, Guyaf, Gemaro, and Seyat) involving 1-2 days trekking. These are serviced by perennial watering points (Lewhat, Dergaha, Derii, Kirassino, Liimbuye) and seasonal ones include Kofofle and Belahimo. Movement to Aba'ala rangelands gives to Gelaesso pastoralists dual benefit by providing browse and crop residues for their livestock. At times of above average rainfall and adequate production access to crop residues are free except the use of manure for fertilizing the land. During lean periods in situ access is allowed on payment basis. The short distance movement territories for Haridan pastoralists are given in table 4. Table 4. Rangeland micro-patches used by Haridan pastoralists in normal years. SN Micro-patch Main season of use

1. Asa Aliyta All seasons 2. Asseba'a Hagai & Gilal 3. Bahri Debaba & Segum 4. Gor Karma 5. Hirum All seasons 6. Lewhat Karma 7. Subla Gilal 8. Wagari Hagai & Gilal

Haridan pastoralists move at times of drought to different areas such as Aba’ala, Megale (Hafelu & Ganduli), Erepti (Golal & Haita), Zone 4 (Dirma and Terru). In fact long distance movement is traditionally applied for cattle as camels and goats can be maintained on drought resistant and enduring browse species. Movement to Aba'ala rangelands gives the Haridan pastoralists the dual benefit that they can browse their animals and use the crop residues of farmers. At times of above average rainfall and adequate production access to crop residues are free except the use of manure for fertilizing the land. During lean periods in situ access is allowed on payment basis. The closely located rangelands are served by perennial (Lahibe'a,


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Toranto, and Endalto) and seasonal (Gahartini, Bokoldera, Fie'alu, and Hargeda) water sources. For the Wossema pastoralists the movement of herds is effected along the micro-patches bordering Tigray, Aba'ala, and Afdera (table 5). Table 5. Rangeland micro-patches used by Wossema pastoralists in normal years. SN Micro-patch Main season of use

1. Bekarti Hagai 2. Gel’ele Hagai 3. Gube Karma & Hagai 4. Ketkatu Gilal 5. Kidi Hagai 6. Mai Dabero Hagai, Karma, Gilal, & Segum 7. Rassa Karma 8. Selahu Karma & Hagai 9. Wol’a Karma

Other micro-patches used on occasional basis during drought times include Mebda (together with Asengola pastoral groups), Enga, Des’a, Lake’ulu (together with Derga’ajen community in Tigray), Kalla (With other pastoral groups such as Gelaesso, Haridan and others), Subuli, Aduu, and Bahri (together with Erepti pastoral groups). Table 6. Rangeland micro-patches used by Erepti pastoralists in normal years. SN Micro-patch Main season of use

1. Af Assa Gilal 2. Af''as Karma 3. Asahmad Atea'a Hagai & Gilal 4. Asfeho Gila 5. Bekaru Karma, Gilal & Hagai 6. Boka Gilal 7. Dermas Gilal 8. Doga Karma 9. Enda Alayeti Gilal 10. Galossa Karma 11. Haitan Gilal & Karma 12. Kadalaitii Gilal 13. Killa Karma & Gilal 14. Sahnan Gilal & Hagai 15. Saho Gilal 16. Sarae Hagai & Gilal 17. Yerga'ille Gilal 7 Hagai

When multi-year drought strikes people start to move to other distant rangelands such as Aba'ala, Higubo, Terru, Megalle, and Amo Dartii, which range from 5-10 days trekking. Generally the existence of a variety of micro-patches in closer and farther localities proved to be ecologically and socio-economically effective and sound means of using the local


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rangelands. However, with changing times pastoralists have experienced migratory shifts that lead to contraction of their normal dry season and drought period territorial boundaries in response to ecological and economic, and political pressures. The movement to farther micro-patches is now a days declining due to the recurrent drought situation that reduced availability of feed and water along the main trekking routes. This is exacerbated by the development of territorial feelings among the Afar pastoral groups that might be a consequence of multitude of factors such as human population increase, shrinking resource availability, and others. Mechanisms of mobility The criteria used for making decisions of movement vary from time to time and pastoral group depending on changing social and environmental circumstances. This gives them the flexibility for meeting environmental challenges and subsistence needs of pastoral families. Contrary to this, such flexibility is often interpreted as random, inconsistent, and irrational by many scholars (Niamir, 1990). In the past clan leaders and elders of one pastoral territory (Hirta) instruct their community members to move to different areas where there are feed and water in combination. Those members who failed to respect such instruction were forced to pay fine by slaughtering camel (Daereba). A group of herders can leave a particular rangeland micro-patch not only due to depleting feed and water for their animals but also due to other enforcing factors such as the presence of biting flies, mosquito, ticks, and predators. In the case of Afar pastoralists, a team of people who monitor the state of the rangeland before allowing herds to use it guides any movement of people and herd. This team is locally termed as Eddo that literally translates to range scouts in modern range management. The movement may or may not involve the entire household members. The family members may remain sedentary throughout a given year or succession of years with a tendency for the residents to last for many years. Selection criteria for Eddo Individual members selected as Eddo for rangeland assessment should be reliable and free of bias, gentle and calm, physically strong and capable of walking long distance, married and have livestock assets, and well respected by the members. Clan affiliation is not a criterion for being an Eddo member and any member belonging to a particular Afar clan can be elected as a member of Eddo team provided that he fulfils the above criteria. Main duties and credibility of Eddo team An Eddo team when engaged in assessment of rangelands has the following specific tasks: 1). Assess whether the area has recently received rainfall and its extent of coverage and amount. The latter is confirmed by inserting a stick into the soil and estimating soil moisture depth. 2) Assess the availability and quality of fodder and water for different livestock species. 3) Give a rough qualitative estimation of the grazing duration of an area. 4) The presence of rival groups and diseased animals are part of the monitoring tasks of Eddo members. The visual assessment made by Eddo members is later augmented by the Afar information network system (Dagu). The information gathered by an Eddo team is supplied to a group of herders and discussed together and credibility of the information and the Eddo team is tested after arriving at the searched rangelands. The group can use such selected micro-patches up to 3 months and decision to terminate a micro-niche is dependent on close monitoring of landscape, behavioral and productivity changes such as restlessness, a need to frequently move, milk yield reduction.


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3.4 HERD MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES 3.4.1 Pastoral herd structure Contrary to the traditional belief that pastoralists accumulate herds, on average, Afar pastoralists possess the minimum number of Tropical Livestock Units (TLUs) required for subsistence, which is estimated at 4-5 TLU per person (Breman and de Wit, 1983). Table 7 shows a comparison of three pastoral groups in terms of possession of TLUs. Table 7. Comparison of number of pastoral stock (TLU) between three pastoral groups in Ethiopia. Pastoral group Livestock ownership (TLU) Afar 3.98 Borana 7.66 Somali 2.96 Source: USAID Famine Early Warning System Network, 2002 Equally important is the tendency of pastoralist to maximize females while keeping males at the minimum number needed to ensure effective breeding and food security through market exchange of livestock (especially small ruminants). A similar pattern of female dominated herds is reported for other pastoral areas such as Somali, Borana whereby the male: female ratio is maintained at 1:2.4 (Coppock, 1994). The important adaptive and economic implications of such female dominated herd/flock structure is that it ensures a minimum number of animals for survival during a drought and fast reconstitution of herds/flocks after a drought (Niamir, 1990). Although periodicity of mating and parturition are strongly influenced by climatic cycles, the Afar made every effort to confine these two processes to the long (Karma) and short (Segum) rainy seasons. Except under rare events mating of camels is assisted by herders and hence easy to control mating time. Strict controlled mating is applied for sheep by tying the penis of rams when not required to mate ewes. Thus, in some manipulative manner the Afar are able to reduce the pressure on the range resources at a time when it is weak to support the animals. The north Afar pastoralists choice of breeding males is also extraordinary in that they first carefully evaluate the merits of the male before deciding to mating their camels. They assess mothering ability and physical appearances such as small ears, long flank and brown and curled hair. The Afar livestock population dynamics is affected by pre-weaning male killing (Me’ere) practices of herders. This is done for two purposes: 1) to save the life of the mother when the young is born during a lean period; 2) to increase milk for human consumption. A similar practice is reported for the Somali pastoralists and if such practice is done in a regular and continuous manner the pressure on the rangeland can be relieved during stress period (Niamir 1990). 3.4.2 Herd splitting and labor organization, and water management Herd splitting The splitting of herds and flocks into smaller groups is not new for many pastoral groups in Africa and this is done in relation to spatial and temporal variability of the rangeland vegetation. Herd splitting is regarded as an adaptive herd management that, despite external stress, at best tries to conserve and safeguard range resources from being degraded and overgrazed in irreversible way. Herds and flocks are broadly split into base camp and satellite


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herds. Less productive but strong herds are sent as satellite herds to remote areas and managed by adults. Milking and young animals are tended as base herds closer to settlement centers by young girls and boys. The Afar have also an elaborated herd splitting strategy that stratifies pastoral stock into several groups. For goats this consists of the following three strata. Very young kids (Bokole) tended by young boys and girls close to settlement centers. Immature flocks before the age of puberty (Rihid) form another group and are tended by older boys and girls at relatively far distance from settlement areas. Adult males and females (Kada wodar) tended by old boys and girls in still farther grazing territories. For camels the stratification consists of the following: 1) Very young camels (Dayna) often enclosed within night camps and hand fed by cutting browses. 2) Young camels (Neriga) that can browse on their own in nearby browsing areas. 3) Weaned camels (Ekale) that are separately herded by older boys and girls around settlements. 4) Lactating camels (Hamo) that serve as source of milk for the family and hence herded around settlement centers. Hamo are of two types: Those normally herded by men (Gurgura) and those send without herders but habitually return to settlement areas every night (Areyu). 5) Dry and pregnant female and male camels (Adi galla) that are herded by strong men at a farthest distance from settlements. Pregnant females after calving are later after calving run as Areyu and Gurgura camels. Fig. 3 shows how herds are split based on age and production status.

Figure 3. Herd splitting strategies of pastoral stock in north Afar It should be noted that base camp and satellite herd size is dynamic and is determined by factors such as availability of feed, water, and labour. A shift of part of base camp herd to satellite herd and subsequent increase in satellite herd size has been observed for the Boran


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during the 1980s drought and indicated an initial stage of a drought crisis (Coppock, 1994). Such shifts can be harnessed as an early indicator of emerging drought crisis for timely drought contingency planning and intervention Herding Labour organization The allocation of labour for pastoral stock herding among the north Afar pastoral groups is based on gender and age clustering of family labour force. This pattern of division of labour among the family members determines the level of control and use of the grazing resources on daily and seasonal basis. Most often than not women and young girls are responsible for herding small stock while men and boys are responsible for camels and cattle. Women virtually have no role in making decisions about pasturing areas and movement schedules. Herders are involved in a number of activities that determine their success of daily herding strategy. Some are given the task of water management before the arrival of stock, others are given the role of searching adequate fodder areas, and others guide animals to water and grazing lands. While the duties of an individual herder can change from time to time, the task of milking remains at the hands of few, as they believe that changing milking hands reduces yield. Water management Sustained use of rangelands is partially dependent on careful planning and execution of water development. The existence of natural perennial and seasonal water sources enables the Afar to make use of the rangelands located at far distance from main water sources. When water availability starts to decline the Afar pastoralists recognize the need to move to other ranges where water and fodder are closely available. It is often easier for the Afar to control access to artificially dug water than the natural ones. Thus, use of rainwater harvested in shallow ponds (Horoyo) is tightly regulated by the user groups. Such regulation includes time of accessing it, number and age of livestock species allowed to use it, and means of improving the structure. A rather flexible controlling mechanism is applied for natural sources of water during times of scarcity such as at the height of the dry season and during drought times. Similar to the Borana water system, coordination of labour for watering stock from deeper sources is not uncommon among the north Afar pastoralists. In drier pastoral systems less frequent watering of stock is regarded as a management adaptation to minimize long distance walking between water and grazing and maximize the grazing radii. This has an important bearing on those NGOs working in pastoral area water development projects. This infrequent watering of pastoral stock should be considered as positive due to the fact that it increases the grazing orbit of the rangelands and reduces the danger of stock concentration and resultant overgrazing. Yayneshet (2000) reported the following pattern of watering frequency of livestock in Aba'ala (table 8). For Borana cattle the watering frequency during the dry season is 3-4 days (Coppock, 1994). Table 8. Watering frequency of pastoral and agro-pastoral stock in Aba’ala.

Watering frequency (days) Species Average Range

Cattle 1.97 1-3 Small stock* 2.06 2-3 Camels** 4.94 2-8 Equines 1.73 1-3

* Predominantly goats; ** Males and non lactating and barren female camels have access to water once in 20 days if green browse is available. Source: Yayneshet (2000).


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Water management is expressed in the form of guarding from external intruders, denying unhealthy stock of access to water, and providing water for those lactation and weak animals. 3.5 MANAGING GRAZING RESERVES AND OTHER STOCK ATTRACTION AREAS Grazing reserves (Desso) are useful means of sustaining pastoral livestock during dry and drought periods when the support capacity of other normal year rangelands decline. In the past people were able to establish grazing reserves for the purpose of emergency feeding of their livestock. Such instances include the grazing reserves of Gelaesso, Wagari, Asseba’a, Desa’a, Sulum, Gibat, Le-Inna and other areas. Accessibility to such reserves is based on agreed customary laws that are commonly shared by all users. The rights and obligations of users were clearly known to all members and elders responsible for controlling and regulating rules. Use of such grazing reserve areas is only allowed after ensuring that other territories are inadequate to provide fodder for the members. Outsiders can use any grazing reserve on the basis of negotiated access. This process requires long and persuading discussion among “owners” and outsiders. After negotiation and making decisions for using the reserve outsiders are given a separate space to pasture their animals. There are critical pre-conditions that outsiders should respect and include: that access is allowed only for lactating and young stock; that they have to make sure that all authorized animals are free from any apparent disease; that they access such grazing reserves for only a pre-defined period of time. Improvement of grazing reserves is limited to termination of grazing on heavily used areas. Now a days such institutional protection of grazing reserves are eroded by the existence of recurrent drought that make it difficult to reserve grazing and the creation of modern administration system weakened the strength of clan leaders and elders in administrating the reserves. As a result most traditional grazing reserves such as in Assengola, Wossema and Gelaesso are now completely abolished. The existence of recurrent drought is a major factor for breaking customary rules of using reserves. The creation of modern administration units has also weakened the tradition of drought period grazing reserves. 3.6 RECOGNIZING AND MANAGING DROUGHT 3.6.1 Frequency and impacts of drought Drought is a relative term that can mean different things to people with different training and profession. From the context of pastoral settings drought implies two or more consecutive years when rainfall is less than 75% of the long term average (Coppock, 1994). "Meteorological drought" is defined as a sustained period of deficient precipitation with a low frequency of occurrence and a three-month period is defined by the American Meteorological Society to be the shortest period that can be defined as a drought (UNDP, 2000). The need to recognizing drought as a regularly occurring climatic even in the African content is not new and accepted as a recurrent feature of the environment (Kenworthy, 1991). The frequency of drought occurrence in Ethiopia has been observed for a long period with increasing frequency (Tsegay, 1997).


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Table 9. Chronology of Drought/Famine in Ethiopia Drought/Famine Regions 1543-1562 Hararghe 1618 Northern Ethiopia 1828-29 Shewa 1864-66 Tigray and Gondar 1876-78 Tigray and Afar 1880 Tigray and Gondar 1888-1892 Ethiopia 1899-1900 Ethiopia 1913-1914 Northern Ethiopia 1920-22 Ethiopia 1932-1934 Ethiopia 1953 Tigray and Wollo 1957-1958 Tigray and Wollo 1964-66 Tigray and Wollo 1973-1974 Tigray and Wollo 1983-1984 Ethiopia 1987-1988 Ethiopia 1990-92 Ethiopia 1993-94 Tigray, Wollo, Addis Source: Tsegay (1997) For the Afar people the frequency of drought is not different from other areas in Ethiopia. The region has experienced major droughts every 2-3 years since 1993, affecting an increasingly large number of the rural population (DPPC 2000). According to the informants the drought frequencies that Afar people faced during the last three government regimes include the following (table 9). The Afar people normally name a drought after its completion. Table 10. Frequency of drought as explained by Afar elders in Aba’ala.

*Started in 2000

Regime Drought nomenclature “Godmali” “Lele Hagai” “Bahriaki” “Gerelle Hutekta” “Labekiti” “Bagulgere” “Kadadaban” “Kahti”

Haileselassie

“Brurubbuks” “Lafofli”

Derg “77” “Undu 77”

EPRDF Current*


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Droughts affect pastoralists only after extended period of desiccation and unlike crop farmers pastoralists have better resistance to early drought stages. An extended drought such as the one that is currently observed for 3-4 years in Aba’ala leads to loss of purchasing power and entitlements. A major impact of drought is on the loss of livestock assets that take longer time to replenish. Figure 4 shows how this changes over a number of years. Figure 4. Average pastoral stock holding/average of six family members between major drought years (1984-2002).

156 9 8

23 17 19 192312

28

8 8 8

23

110

020406080

100120

Before 1984 1984-1992 1993-2001 After 2001

Ave

rage

num

ber

CamelsCattleGoatsSheep

As a result of drought decimation of pastoral herds the livelihood systems of poor pastoral groups faces risk and ultimately leads to an increased exposure of pastoral families to external relief food aid (figure 5).

Figure 5. Food aid needs in Afar Region (1993-2002) Source: DPPC, 2002.


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3.6.2 The use of EWS for improved tracking of variability In uncertain environments avoidance of meteorological drought is difficult but its impacts such as famine, disease outbreak, and destitution of pastoralist groups can be greatly influenced by timely and effective intervention. This is possible by using different policy and institutional tools. One such instance is the use of Early Warning Systems (EWS) that detect timely drought induced stress on livelihoods (Sommer, 1998). From the outset, EWS were set up in relation to the 1970s drought to support international food donating organizations (Buchanan-Smith and Davies, 1995) and since then they have not been able to change in their approach. They focus on how the livelihood systems of people failed rather than on how people pursue their livelihoods (Sommer, 1998). The success rate of EWS in discharging their role is thus generally slow and the current EWS operational in Ethiopia is focused towards agriculturists (IRIN-CEA, 2002). An early warning system is only as good as the information it collects. This information needs to both reflect the points of stress in the system and trigger a pre-determined response. Pastoral early warning systems can only be effective if they are based on a thorough knowledge of the pastoral system in general and pastoralist strategies in particular. Every wereda in the pastoral areas of Ethiopia should have its own early warning system linked to a drought contingency plan, which reflects both the nuances of its own local conditions and adequately covers all the pre-determined responses to triggers in the system. There is a need to elaborate pastoral based warning systems and contingency plans for the Afar. Finally, there is little point in developing a sophisticated set of early warning indicators without at the same time preparing a package of interventions to respond in a graduated way to a developing crisis. Such a package if it is to work, requires careful pre-planning and allocation of responsibilities as well as resources. The most effective basis for these plans, within the regionally or zonally developed pastoral based contingency plan, is the wereda, as the smallest effective unit of administration. It is at this level that the more generalized statements in the regional plan will be fleshed out on the ground, e.g. the exact location of emergency buying centers, temporary food warehouses etc (Hogg 1997). EWS in Aba’ala like in other parts of pastoral areas in Ethiopia face the same problems and in most cases the information collection on both endowments and entitlements are slow and irregular and need to be decentralized to the lower administrative structure. The Afar pastoralists have a keen cultural association with camels and most believe camels are valuable in ‘telling’ the future. Long before a drought strikes camels show certain expressions during a normal year. These expressions are related to reductions in milk yield and foam despite the prevailing normal climate, increasing appetite, deteriorating body condition, restlessness, and reluctance to return to night enclosures. Similarly, camel-herding people in north Afar believe that an ending drought is 'read' from the behavioral changes observed on camels. This consists of changes in vocal sound that is equated with a regurgitating sound without having a cud, a need to return to night closures earlier than normal, docility, smooth hair, secretion of liquid from the body, and successful mating. 3.6.3 Intervening during drought The recognition of drought as a recurrent climatic event occurring at varying intervals and its prediction by appropriate tools of EWS are essential components for effective drought intervention. The nature and intensity of intervention during drought period can vary depending on severity and duration of drought. Stages of drought described by Toulmin


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(1995) and Hogg (1997) can be used as a general framework for choosing the right time and form of drought intervention. Toulmin (1995) described the following phases of a drought (fig.6).

Figure 6. Phases within a drought. Source: Toulmin (1995) According to Hogg (1997), four phases of drought are recognized. In phase 1–Rainfall failure causes a sharp drop in available feed resources. Animals can be taken out of the area affected through slaughter, purchase or movement, or fodder can be brought in to permit the survival of reproductive stock. In phase II– Livestock owners try to sell their reproductive as well as non-reproductive stock that have low market value due to emaciated body condition and at the same time grain prices rise steeply. The purchase of livestock at this stage is more as a direct income transfer to pastoralists to maintain purchasing power. The practical difficulty at this stage is to target the most needy and vulnerable groups. . In phase III (only under sever drought situations)-Human disease becomes a major problem and the livestock population has crashed. Relief food aid continues but on for free basis. In phase IV–Drought recovery is underway but livestock numbers remain well below the level which could make effective use of the range. After the first heavy rains livestock are especially vulnerable to respiratory diseases. Many will need to depend on external assistance during the slow process of herd re-constitution. There are two contrasting views on how to intervene during the post drought period. The extreme view expresses that encouraging pastoralists to continue their traditional livelihood system by providing them with breeding


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animals (restocking) leads to environmental collapse of already degraded pastoral rangelands. This concern has its origin from the old equilibrium paradigm that asserts pastoralists as agents of over grazing and degradation. It has been indicated that such problems are local in nature and occur only around water holes and settlement areas (Oxby, 1989). The more recent view supports restocking of destitute but viable pastoralists in the post drought rehabilitation efforts and this is considered as a desirable long-term pastoral development effort. It should be noted that in some cases where drought frequency is short poor restocked pastoral families can loss their herds and hence drought proofing through encouraging pastoralists to hold a more diversified portfolio of assets is essential (Hogg, 1997). The Afar Integrated Pastoral Development Programme (AIPDP) gives one example of a drought restocking of pastoral and agro-pastoral areas in the present study site. The AIPDP (2002) regarded supporting poor (agro) pastoral households in the post drought period as long-term development programme and means of addressing poverty and food insecurity and the project supported 35 pastoralists and agro-pastoralists. Another example of drought intervention for pastoral people in Aba’ala by the AIPDP includes credit provision for women. By the end of 2002, the AIPDP has been able to provide credit for 90 pastoral and agropastoral women in three phases as a revolving fund. The default rate from the first batch is nearly nil and this experience has vividly etched on the remaining two batches. As most members are from pastoral background they used the money for restocking and selling goats in the weekly Thursday market in Aba’ala and others have used it to buy butter and selling it again in Aba’ala and Mekelle. Linking relief to development In Aba’ala the traditional response to drought has been in the form of indiscriminate free handouts of food. This tendency if repeated over several years is likely to yield dependency on food aids as already happening in some pastoral and highland areas. The government’s disaster policy clearly spells out that for the population considered able-bodied relief should be linked to employment generation schemes (EGS). Hogg (1997) argues that in pastoral areas with their low population densities and need for mobility there are particular problems of implementing EGS. However, putting large numbers of pastoralists to work in return for relief may be an unrealistic endeavor in Ethiopia’s lowlands: one obstacle is developing a suitable shelf of projects, which make economic sense, in pastoral areas, and the other is the particular distribution of the population which would place considerable administrative burdens on the management of the programme. Despite such technical obstacles proving aid in the form of EGS is undoubtedly the viable option for pastoral areas including Aba’ala and there is a need to look for alternative food aid forms other than the traditional grains and supplements. The recent initiative by FARM Africa to popularize dried meat as a supplement in Awash and south Omo pastoral areas is one example of changing in traditional forms of food aid and this can also improve the purchasing power of pastoralists during and post drought crisis. Pre-requisites for its success include existence of slaughtering facilities and willingness of relief agents to purchase and re-distribute dried meat.


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3.7 RE-DESIGNING GOVERNMENT SUPPORT OF PASTORAL NATURAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT 3.7.1 Problems of current planning approach The current planning approach in most pastoral areas of Ethiopia is highly centralized with more power and decision making role given to the regional States. Those involved in the identification, planning, and implementation of most pastoral development programmes and projects have passed through formal education that heavily relied on the old pastoral planning approach. Thus, the current planning approach in the Afar region is likely to inherent the peculiar characteristics of the blueprint approach. The following are among the most pressing problems for effectively managing rangeland resources in the region:

1. Top-down planning and lack of participation of the broad mass 2. Lack of capacity at different levels (including lack of understanding of changes in

pastoral development process) 3. Lack of coordination and integration 4. Lack of monitoring, evaluation, transparency, and accountability 5. Inappropriate technical packages (such as fattening, AI, animal health services,

poultry, fertilizers but not camels) 6. Faulty provisions of social services (such as schools, clinics) for mobile pastoralists 7. A lack of land use planning, an increasing interest in re-location of people, settlement,

and cultivation as a panacea for the current pastoral crisis 8. HIV/AIDS pandemic and its far reaching socio-economic impacts 9. Inadequate preparation for drought

The local leaders in Aba’ala are traditional Afar with a great deal of experience on pastoral challenges. This can be considered as an opportunity for familiarizing and implementing the new pastoral development from local context. 3.7.2 Transforming pastoral development approaches Since the creation of the Regional State of Afar the focus on pastoral development issues by the federal government of Ethiopia is by far better than the previous regimes that neglected pastoral development as a national issue (MEDAC, 1996). Ironically, the success of pastoral development interventions is low and at times wrong in their design and priority setting. In the past government funded projects were not able to meet expectations and despite the enormous public expenditures there is no any viable pastoral development in the region. A typical example for the Afar includes the former North Eastern Rangeland Development Unit (NERDU), which was administered by the Third Livestock Development Project. NERDU focused on the boosting of meat production by increasing market off take and individualization of high potential area rangelands (such as the Teru depression in zone 4 that was communally used during drought times) for cultivation (Metaferia, 2000). Those with substantial funding from government and donors were found to be inappropriate for pastoral settings. These include the development programmes by the Ethiopian Social Rehabilitation and Development Fund (ESRDF), National Livestock Development Project (NLDP), and Pilot Project. ESRDF guided by the experience of highlands of Ethiopia focused on building fixed schools and clinics that are of little use for a mobile system typical of the major part of the Afar region. The NLDP has been formulated as a 5-year project (1992-1996 EC) and largely framed by the old style of pastoral development model targeting at increasing meat


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supply for the market. It tried to distribute exotic forage species as cowpea, lablab, and Rhodes that poorly adapt to the climate of the area and are of little use for an ordinary pastoral household. It tried to change the existing locally adapted breeds of cattle by training AI technicians. The coordination between implementing departments is very poor and lacking clear understanding of project goal, objectives, activities and reporting system. The current Pilot Project which is formulated as a 3–year project in three selected Wereda (Aba’ala, Amibara, and Eli Dar) across the region is not radically different from its predecessors in terms of its planning approach, which is top-down with more decision making power vested in the regional focal point. It focuses on building access roads as a means of increasing livestock market off take, improved fodder seed multiplication, and increasingly on the involvement of pastoralists in fattening, The above evidences indicate that the influence of the mainstream planning approach is still persistent in the region as reflected in the consultation report by Metaferia (2000). This consultancy document admits that the ‘tragedy of the commons’ is still prevalent in the Afar rangelands due to the communal ownership of rangelands and private ownership of animals and recommends that the region should pursue a crop dominated farming policy to come out of the current crisis. Very recently the Federal government of Ethiopia has formulated an Alternative Basic Education Programme for pastoral areas. Although the success rate of this remains to be seen in the future such initiatives indicate one-step forward in promoting appropriate social services for pastoral areas. The initiatives by the Afar Pastoral Development Association (APDA) in mobile education system are also encouraging and needs the support of the regional government. The Afar Pastoral Development Programme (AIPDP) under Mekelle University and funded by the Norwegian Development Fund is also attempting pastoral development issues in Aba’ala by incorporating some of the elements of the new approach. These include capacity building of the local administration, provision of credit for women, based on the local tradition and knowledge development o f shallow ponds and cisterns, HIV/AIDS, restocking after drought, training of mobile paravets. However, a lot remains to be done to ensure their sustainability. Creating grassroots pastoral social institutions for devolved NRM When power and decision-making processes are devolved to the grassroots level there is a need to ensure accountability for discharged responsibilities. Thus, strengthening and establishing different indigenous institutions of natural resources management shall be considered as a prerequisite for effective devolution. For the establishment of new indigenous institutions for devolved natural resources management in pastoral area, Sylla (1994) suggested that such endeavors should be participatory involving grassroots pastoral beneficiaries, flexible and adaptive planning processes, and focusing on internal institutional capacity.


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4. INDIGENOUS CONFLICT MANAGEMENT IN NORTH AFAR, ETHIOPIA By Kelemework Tafere 4.1 INTRODUCTION Judicious management of resources and sustainable livelihoods can be achieved through an effective management of conflicts arising at different levels. Through proper coordination of projects, NGOs and governmental agencies can assist in the management of resource conflicts and post conflict reconstruction within a given institutional framework. However, prior to such third party intervention, an adequate conflict management assessment (CMA) must be made in order to understand local socio-cultural processes at the grassroots level (Warner and Jones, 1998). This study was conducted to address such micro-processes at the community and inter-community level. 4.2 BACKGROUND TO THE AFAR The Afar are a Cushitic speaking people living in the arid and semi-arid areas of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Djibouti. Outsiders have used many different terms to refer to the Afar. These terms include Danakil, Adal and Teltal, even though the Afar liked none of them (Savard, 1970). The Afar inhabit an inhospitable land and their total number in Ethiopia is reported to be 1,098,184 (Central Statistical Authority, 1996). The Afar are classified into two distinct decent groups: the Asaimara (“Red”) and Adaimara (“White”). The former are considered a nobility group, while the latter are said to form the class of the commoners (Lewis, 1969). Historically, their economy was based on multi-species livestock husbandry. But with increased vulnerability to drought and famine due to ecological disasters, they now depend mainly on camel and goat pastoralism. Research reports contend that the Afar had until recently been outside Ethiopian state administrative control. Prior to their political incorporation into the Ethiopian state was accomplished in 1905, the Afar are said to have lived in self-contained and self-supporting communities (Getachew, 1997:441). Afar land remained outside the effective control of the Ethiopian State until 1944. In fact, Ethiopia as a whole did not have a centralized administration before the end of Italian rule in 1941, when attempts were made to set up a civil and military bureaucracy (Gamaledin, 1993). Incorporation of Afar into the Ethiopian state coincided with the introduction of agricultural reforms to consolidate the position of the newly established bureaucracy, a class that formed an alliance with the local aristocracy, which was the junior partner. Bureaucrats also presided over the introduction of agrarian capitalism (Markakis and Nega, 1978). One consequence this new mode of production took was the promotion of wholesale commercialization of land in the Awash Valley, which involved foreign capital and management. After 1941, the Ethiopian government began to recognize the political and economic importance of Afar territory due to its location at the entrance to the Red Sea and its agricultural potential in the Awash Valley (Pastner, 1979 cited in Gamaledin 1993). In 1962, the Awash Valley Authority (AVA) was created with the responsibility of managing development activities in the area, including large-scale mechanized enterprises run mainly by foreign investors in collaboration with the state (Ali, 1994:2). The formation of the Awash


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Valley Authority was followed by the establishment, in the Middle Awash, of a National Park in 1966 and the construction of the Koka Dam in the Upper Valley. These developments constituted the first initiatives in a consistent process by which Afar started to experience a dramatic reduction in the size of pasturelands available to their herds. The loss of grazing land by the Afar pastoralists was exacerbated when the Derg came to power in 1974. The Derg promoted a rapid expansion in state-run irrigation schemes, which brought under crop vast tracts of rangeland. The demise of the Sultanate of Aussa also led to the weakening of the political strength of the Afar (Helland, 1980:80). The changes in natural resource use in Afar territory have had negative implications for the pastoral mode of production and culminated in resource use conflict (Ali, 1994: 2). These changes have contributed considerably to the vulnerability of the Afar to drought and famine and the resultant human and livestock losses. In the great famine of 1973/74 alone, the Afar have lost a fourth of their livestock. A third of their population is believed to have perished. Drought frequently affects Afar land and occurs every few years (Helland, 1980; ILCA, 1981; Ayele, 1991). Drought also had another effect on the Afar pastoral economy. It disrupted the balance of trade between pastoralism and agriculture. During such periods of disaster, the Afar had to sell their drought affected livestock instead of allowing them to die - a situation which created more supply than demand on the local market and hence a fall in the price of livestock (Ali, 1997) The change in state policies in the Awash Valley did not only create conflict and confrontation between the Afar and state bodies, but it also adversely affected inter-clan relations, particularly Afar relations with neighboring ethnic groups. On the social and cultural dimensions, the growth of small urban centers largely inhabited by highland migrant workers has had a serious impact on traditional mode of living. Town life undermined clan solidarity and cultural integration (Ibid). The continued growth of the human population is believed to have increased competition for natural resources, particularly land, in recent decades (Helland, 1980). Population growth in the agricultural areas forced people to migrate into marginal lands, which are often key grazing areas for nomadic herds. As a result large areas of natural grasslands have been converted into arable lands and settlements. The case of the Afar is neither unique nor isolated. Throughout dryland Africa, herders have lost prime grazing lands, particularly in low-lying areas, to make room for flood recession and irrigated agriculture. Population pressure, recurrent drought, ill conceived development policies, encroachment of cultivation and subsequent disruption of traditional institutions are some of the causes of pressure on the Afar pastoral system in Ethiopia (Helland, 1980; Ayele, 1991; Ali, 1995). 4.3. ECONOMY, HOUSEHOLD PROPERTY RELATIONS AND GENDER ISSUES 4.3.1. Land Use System Land use and tenure system play a pivotal role in shaping livelihoods. Resource tenure also determines the viability and sustainability of rural production systems. For example, nomadic pastoralism is viable in a situation where a communal form of land ownership prevails, while crop cultivation requires a more privatized or individualized type of land use system as it entails a more sedentary form of life.


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The land use pattern in the study area has exhibited a significant change over time. At the time of the Emperors and earlier, the Afar relied on “nomadic” pastoralism in which multi-species livestock husbandry formed the crux of their livelihood. Afar nomadism was founded on the pastoral philosophy of individual ownership of livestock in communal land, which enabled pastoralists to move freely in the different ecological sub zones in different seasons and guaranteeing an optimum use of the temporally and spatially variable resources. Favorable range resources were the hallmarks in the study area in the past. Numerous households enjoyed the ownership of at least adequate livestock size along with strong economic and social institutions. Sharing and transfer of resources on different occasions constituted the bulk of the Afar normative culture. Transactions were largely made through the medium of livestock. The Afar had already developed complex adjustment techniques to minimize the risk of being driven out of the pastoral mode of living. One of these was the ownership of large multi-species herd. Herd diversification provided a means for efficient utilization of available range resources. As the different species have different feeding habits, severe degradation was avoided by maintaining a relatively low grazing density. Diversification was also economically advantageous because the different species were utilized for different purposes. Camels were mainly used for milk while cattle were raised for milk and their skin was used in the making of bed (Oloiyta). Goats were used for similar purposes: milk, sale and the processing of their skin for making water containers (locally called Sara). As will be discussed in more detail later, some animal species were also used in certain important social events, particularly in resolving inter-clan conflict within the Afar community. Diversification and size maximization of herds were forms of traditional resource management designed to minimize risk. In addition to herd maximization and diversification, other strategies for maintaining Afar pastoral way of life included establishment of extensive support networks. The networks were formed through both granting livestock as gift to impoverished kinsmen and forging of political and military alliances against neighboring highlanders. With the advent of the new land proclamation during the imperial period, conditions began to change. Tigrayan nobility and a few immigrants from the highlands cleared large tracts of the lowlands for cultivation thereby introducing a new land use system. The magnitude of land alienation by the nobility appears considerable. In recent years, the Afar are losing confidence in their traditional pastoral production system. It has become increasingly difficult for them to adhere to old adjustment techniques as a result of persistent ecological hazards and a decline in the resource base. This has led pastoralists to devise new strategies of coping with the drought catastrophe. These strategies include increasing the numbers of drought resistant livestock such as camel and goat. They now prefer to engage more on goat husbandry because of their better adaptability. Goats are also preferred because they can be easily converted into cash and have high rate of reproduction. Nevertheless, goats require more attention to protect them from wild beasts and thieves. Other coping strategies include the adoption of small-scale trade, wage migration, sedentary life and crop production. It is often the case that Afar with agricultural plots invite Tigrayan peasants for sharecropping. The Tigrayan farmer prepares, ploughs it with his oxen and undertakes the sowing. The produce is then shared. The Tigrayan might take half or a fourth of the produce depending on the verbal contractual agreements. It has been pointed out by observers that the decrease in the availability of grazing and water can also be the result of ill-conceived development policies by governments (ILCA, 1981.)


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However, unlike the situation in the southern part of the Afar region, particularly the Awash Valley, government intervention is not a big problem in this area as there are no large projects competing for land. In a nutshell, the Afar had a sounder living standard in the nomadic years during which they enjoyed economic, social and political integrity. In recent years, demographic, ecological and environmental factors put maximum pressure on the pastoral production system resulting in significant loss of income. Coping mechanisms include the rearing of drought resistant livestock species, a change in the land use system, sedentary life, trade and wage labor migration. Generally, these changes in the modes of livelihood have had implications to other aspects of their social organization: - Settling in semi-permanent centers has facilitated urbanization along with the values dictated by it. The Afar had to redefine principles guiding their social relationships both within their system and their neighbors. With increased urbanization, established power relation and norms are disrupted. For example, Gerontocracy (the rule of elders) weakened. - Increased involvement in cultivation means a development of an individualized form of land ownership and hence the emergence of social cleavages as a result of competition over land and other productive resources. - Increased frequency of out-migration lead to the fading away of old pastoral values including kinship obligations. Dispersal of kin-groups weakened clan integrity making it extremely difficult to maintain support networks. It must be noted that although the adoption of agriculture and sedentary life incurred marked social costs (as described above), the Afar tend to perceive such a move adaptive to maintain household economic viability. Following sedentarization, the Afar have also become beneficiaries of social services (mainly education and health) although such services are not yet fully developed in the region. 4.3.2. Household Property Relations and Women’s Status In typical Afar households, men are heads of respective families. Men are generally accepted as an authority figure and have the greatest share of rights over property and children. Household heads also decide on such matters as mobility and sale of livestock. Although household decision-making is often based on subsequent negotiations with women, men have the ultimate say. Livestock may be owned individually although they are regarded assets of the entire household. Children have their own livestock. Following birth, a child receives female goats or a camel “to see the luck’. This takes place during initiation ceremonies such as circumcision or the tying up of the umbilical cord. If the animal reproduces and survives environmental hazards, the child is considered lucky. First-born babies have the advantage of getting more animals. Female children often receive fewer animals than male children. Women generally occupy a lower social status in Afar society. When the head of the family dies, moreover, daughters do not inherit property on an equal basis with sons. Should the children of the deceased father be females only, the father’s close agnatic kins (especially the father’s-brother) will have a share in the inheritance. Another area in which the lower status of women is reflected is in the area of conflict resolution. The witness account gained from a


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male and a female are never given the same weight. In fact, two women are equated with a single man as witnesses in settling disputes. In a similar fashion, the blood price for a deceased woman is said to be half that of a man while male children are equally treated with adults as far as compensation is concerned. During divorce, the woman is allowed to take only that which she brought from her family. For disputes arising at the local community level, women are not allowed to participate in the negotiations (Mablo) and decision-making process. On the cultural ground, it is evident that women are considered weaker than men. 4.4 INTRA-COMMUNITY CONFLICT AND CONFLICT RESOLUTIONS 4.4.1 The Indigenous System In any conflict, an Afar has two main options for settlement: resort to the modern system of state courts or recourse to the indigenous Afar institutions of conflict management. Most Afar, however, seem to go for the latter option. Though resort to court to settle a dispute is, in principal, open to the Afar, most cases of intra-Afar conflicts are resolved outside courts. The Afar generally tend to channel disputes to local mediation where conflicts are addressed in a less rigid manner, compared to the modern court where adjudication is based on largely standardized and uncontested rules. There is an indigenous Afar institution promoting local mediation in conflict resolution. Central to the indigenous mechanism of conflict management are the tradition of forgiveness, respect for elders (because of their symbolic authority to enforce decisions) and the transfer of resources as compensation payments. Resolutions by local mediators may take the form of negotiation or arbitration and are generally reached with reference to Afar norms and values. In theory, proceedings of mediation may be subject to manipulation by the different parties, including the arbitrators. In practice, however, such manipulations seem severely constrained by the elaborate and meticulous provisions of Afar customary law (Ma'ada) particularly in an inter-clan context. As soon as guilt is proven, the customary law provides guidelines for the amount of compensation or fine to be paid. It is conspicuous in inter-clan conflicts that once the proceedings for dispute settlement by the indigenous system commence, possibilities for referring the case to the state court become minimal. In general, the state itself does not seem eager to be involved in intra-Afar disputes. The only instances of state intervention thus are confined to situations of escalated inter-clan Conflicts involving reprisal killing and counter-raiding of herds. Even in such intervention, the state seems to target restoration of relative peace in order to enable Afar clan leaders to resolve the conflict through customary law. Thus the state apparatus may find it imperative to intervene only when an Afar disagrees to the decision reached by the indigenous court. Such cases of disagreement are rather uncommon, and even when appeals to the modern court are made court officials often tend to encourage recourse to the indigenous system.


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Figure 7. The structure of the overall legal system in Ab'ala.

Over the decades, the Afar have experienced progressive incorporation into the Ethiopian state administrative system, including the establishment of peasant associations and modern courts. Nevertheless, their indigenous institutions for the resolution of intra-Afar conflict have demonstrated resilience and persistence. Several factors contribute to that resilience: internal and external factors. The most important internal factor is that the indigenous institutions acquire their status of authority and power from Afar normative frameworks. The indigenous institutions do not seek mere restitution and lifting of injustice. They simultaneously strive to avert ruptures in social relations and to create conditions conducive to peace in the post-conflict future. Another internal factor is that the persons intervening to resolve disputes (clan leaders, elders and local mediators) are generally well known to, and respected by, the conflicting parties. The disputants thus know both the procedures and the personnel beforehand. In other words, the system seems quite transparent at the grassroots and offers a reasonable degree of local participation. These features contribute to the consolidation of confidence and trust in its resolutions and, by implication, to its persistence. Last but not least, social sanctions by the wider society on individuals rejecting resort to the indigenous system, or disagreeing to its resolutions, also play a role in the apparent resilience and persistence of the system. The external factors contributing to the persistence of Afar institutions of conflict management may be analyzed at two levels: the general attitude of the Woreda Court officials (implying a de facto state policy) towards intra-Afar conflicts and certain features of state institutions, particularly of the judiciary.

THE MODERN COURT

LOCAL FORMAL AGENCIES The Sharia Court

INTERMEDIARY AGENCIES The Police

LOCAL INFORMAL MEDIATION Kinship and Residence Group The council of clan elders

Formal

Extra Local

Local

Informal


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At the first level of the external factors, earlier it was explained that the state does not seem keen to intervene in intra-Afar disputes. Two factors seem to contribute to that effect. Firstly, intra-Afar disputes seem numerous, albeit often trivial to jurists, and may demand greater resources on the part of state courts to handle them. Afar customary law in this respect provides the state, represented in Woreda Court, with virtually a free mechanism to maintain law and order. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, experience has demonstrated that decisions by state courts were not generally successful or effective in resolving conflicts or restoring peace in the manner achieved by the Afar indigenous system. In recognition of this fact, the state seems to adopt a de facto policy of encouraging Afar to settle disputes on their own. The second level of the external factors pertains to characteristics of the procedures, the standards and the personnel of the Woreda Court. Unlike the case in the indigenous system, both the procedures and the standards of the court are not readily comprehensible to the Afar. The laws and regulations are promulgated by a higher central body that could not be sensitive to Afar customary law and values (not least due to the multi-national composition of Ethiopia itself). The modern court is thus far from transparent to ordinary Afar, and this may entice lack of confidence in its resolutions. Additionally, court verdicts do not normally take into account the extra-judicial context of Afar, where concern over stable and amicable social relations is often paramount. Through the interplay of internal and external factors, Afar indigenous institutions for the settlement of intra-Afar conflict seem to persist. However it is also important to underline the fact that this persistence is not in a context of competition with state courts. As it is by now amply demonstrated, the indigenous system and the state institutions seem to work on complimentary and often symbiotic bases. The indigenous system avails an effective mechanism for the peaceful resolution of serious inter-clan conflicts. The state, on its turn, supports the indigenous system in addressing serious conflicts by creating conditions favorable to local mediation. 4.4.2 The Afar Customary Law (Mad'aa) Afar elders strongly emphasize that all Afar are governed by the same custom (Ada) irrespective of their clan membership, area of residence or changes in national politics. This, of course, may be a reflection of the new Afar ethnic identity formation, or is probably meant to indicate that differences in clan identity and residential features within the Afar are no longer important. Indeed, the new federal system of administration in Ethiopia has given ethnicity a new impetus as a result of which the Afar now see themselves as a national group. The Afar believe that all disputes within their ethnic group should be settled peacefully and according to the long standing customary laws (Mad'aa) It consists of specified guidelines and rules on how to handle dispute cases. This is a tradition pursued from the time of their epical ancestors. Once a dispute case is in the hands of elders, there can be very little room for an individual to further his interests by force. This seems to be the norm no matter how long it takes the elders to process the dispute and reach a settlement. In hearing a dispute case, it is imperative that the judges be treated with humbleness and utmost respect. Failure to execute patience and tolerance will lead to an immediate fine. It is required that proceedings take place in good order with persons talking only when asked to.


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Offence against another member of the Afar community is usually resolved upon the payment of compensation both in livestock and cash. An entire clan or sub-clan is said to be responsible for a crime committed by one or some of its members. The money and livestock to be paid in compensation must in principle come from contributions by clan members regardless of their place of residence. According to Afar customary law, the amount of compensation depends on the type of offence and the context in which it occurred. 4.4.3. The Judicial Procedure As indicated above indigenous ways of resolving conflicts are guided by specific rules and procedures. In an inter-clan context, the procedures to follow are well established. An example of how inter-clan disputes are settled at the community level is given below: In cases of inter-clan homicide, the judges (Mekabon) summon the leaders of the concerned clans as soon as the identities of both the murderer and the deceased are identified. The judges (Mekabon) are often drawn from clans other than those involved in the conflict. Traditionally, the Mekabons are composed of leaders of the Damohita and Seka Clans. As the meeting is convened, a cow or camel is sacrificed. This is said to be an important step and a pre-condition for the commencement of the actual dispute settlement procedures. The Afar claim that the victim would not be buried before sacrificing an animal (Waidal). Once sacrifice and burial are carried out in that order, further investigation proceeds. The final verdict depends on the nature of the murder, i.e. how the incident took place, the type of weapon used, and whether or not it was intentional. A period of forty days (Morotem) is given to finalize investigation of the murder case. In the mean time, clan and family members of the deceased remain under oath that they will not attempt to retaliate. After the Morotem period is over, people gather for the final judgment, which always takes place according to pre-existing rules. The family of the victim is asked whether it seeks capital punishment to be meted on the murderer. The response is usually negative so that the community would not be divided in blood feud. There is always a tendency for institutional forgiveness. Once the offender is excused, a specified time is fixed for the transfer of compensation or blood money, which is contributed by affluent clan members. Camels are given to the family and clan members of the deceased. It is important that all livestock be in good condition. Disagreement over the condition of animals is believed to lead to further complication of the conflict as offering unhealthy animals is considered a gesture of contempt. The clan leader of the deceased receives one camel (Loinalah). The final procedure in the achievement of reconciliation involves slaughtering a sheep in the presence of the judges who, as stated earlier, are composed of elders from the Damohita and Seka clans. The latter recite verses from the Quaran to signify the conclusion of reconciliation. The Seka elders also give their blessings (Doa). This final sacrifice (Sola) usually takes place along trodden roads so that passers-by may draw lessons in forgiveness and thereby contribute to the persistence of the tradition. The animal is roasted on fire lit on a collection of black stones, which are not supposed to be removed from the area for years after the ritual. Virtually all cases of inter-clan homicide end up in reconciliation. In some cases, relatives of victim may decline to offer forgiveness at the inception of procedures, refuse mediation and threaten to take revenge. Upon such intransigence, some members of the murderer's clan may assemble to exercise further begging (Dubarti). The clan leader would then normally seek to exert pressure to influence the person(s) threatening to take revenge. A person who resorts to retaliation in spite of all these cultural procedures is doomed to denial


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of clan membership and recognition. He would simply be an outcast. This ostracisation is reflected in many social and economic activities. In rare instances, some murder cases may obstinately lead to reprisal killings and close agnates of the murderer may come under attack. The potential victims of retaliation may extend up to the 7 generations in the genealogical order. In principle, only a few members of the patrilineage should be affected but, in practice, the clan leader or any other person with high respect and prestige in the clan may also be targeted. Figure 8. Afar clan elders settling a dispute case in their assembly (picture by Kelemework Tafere).

4.5 THE ROLE OF FORMAL INSTITUTIONS 4.5.1. The Police Force The police force is part of the formal modern state institutions even though it acts locally. It can be labeled as an intermediary agent whose prime task is to channel dispute cases to appropriate higher agency in the formal legal structure. During violent conflicts particularly in an inter-clan fierce encounters armed units brings situations under control by tracking down culprits and putting them in custody temporarily. Then, subsequent negotiations take place between state administrative bodies and clan elders making it easier for the latter to intervene and reach a final settlement. 4.5.2 The Sharia Courts The Sharia court is a system that is run by local persons but is nevertheless part and parcel of the formal legal machinery. The tentacles of Sharia courts may extend up to the kebele (settlement) level. Marital disputes that could not be resolved by informal moots are often referred to the Sharia courts where the disputants face a statement of verdict given by the religious judges (Qadi). This structure has some links to the government court at the woreda level. Its decisions are approved and implemented by the other formal legal and administrative bodies at the higher level. But the sharia court works independently of the modern court and does not look into cases being handled by the latter.


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4.5.3 The Modern Court This is a formal state judiciary system that may be viewed as external to the community with regard to both its principles and procedures, viz., the modern court established at woreda level. This court handles both civil and criminal cases. The parties to a court case are typically unrelated through kinship or marriage, though in recent years disputes among kinsmen are rising. Except in cases of grave physical injury, local disputants who bring their cases to the modern court are advised to settle their differences through informal means. This is particularly true in cases where the disputants are related by kinship and marriage. As explained earlier, members of a settlement in the study areas are often related through either descent or affinity. In effect the modern court encourages related disputants to resolve their case outside the formal state system. At the inter-clan level, there seems to be very weak links between the modern woreda court and the indigenous council of conflict resolution. Generally, the council makes no appeal to the court. Rarely, individual disputants may, on their own accord, take their cases to the court. However, they are usually told by the court officials (almost to the point of forcing them) to go to their respective clan heads in order to allow intervention by the indigenous council. It has now become an established fact among the Afar that this is the only solution as far as inter-clan disputes are concerned. Past experience shows that the modern court is not effective in handling such disputes; and resolutions made at this level have generally failed to bring long lasting peace to the community. In this connection Cossins (1972:32) has reported that, in general, government involvement in inter-clan conflicts was confined to returning raided animals from other groups and bringing murderers to justice when the victims are non-Afar. Beyond such government involvement, the Afar were quite free to settle their internal affairs without much government intervention. Only in incidents inducing chaos and feud would the government administrative and military organs intervene to prevent further escalation of conflict and avoid destruction to property and human lives. Once relative peace is restored, however, the government police and military units hand over the case to the council and prepare the necessary ground for settlement of the dispute according to customary law. 4.6 INTER-COMMUNITY CONFLICT AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT Inter-community conflicts arise between Afar lowlanders and pockets of neighboring Tigrayan communities in the highlands. Among those who come into frequent interaction with the Afar are, the Dirgajen, Didba, Wajirat and Raya people. Amicable relations between Afar and Tigrayan communities took the form of economic exchange, bond-friendship, cross-territory resource sharing, and sharecropping. On the other hand, there have also been incidents of conflict. Afar-Tigray conflicts have colored the interaction between members of the two communities through their long mutual history. Such conflicts mostly relate to competition over resources such as land, cattle and water points. Competition often induced series of raids and counter raids. During the last century, particularly in the period prior to the Italian occupation, the Afar experienced a series of raids from the Tigrayan highlanders generally and the Wajirat and Raya communities in particular. In what they locally called the Gas(Gad) expedition,


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Tigrayans mobilized hundreds of villagers for the raid, which culminated in a considerable loss of lives and property from both sides. Such raids were propelled by economic factors. However, some socio-cultural factors such as the quest for social honor and prestige were also important. Historically, there were also times in which the Afar raided the Tigrayans. But Afar raids were less frequent as most highland areas enjoyed a concentration of government units and perhaps a natural protection as well. Generally, inter-group raids before the establishment of an effective Ethiopian central administration were not unique to Afar-Tigrayan relations. Other pastoral and non-pastoral groups in Ethiopia also carried out raids for social prestige and status (see for example, Taddesse, 1988). However raiding by Wajirat and Raya highlanders is claimed to have been particularly vicious. Upon a raid, they not only indiscriminately killed any Afar on their way, but also took away large numbers of livestock. Sometimes, they even killed the livestock on the spot. With the institution of effective government administration in Ethiopia, conflicts involving large groups of Tigrayans and Afar have become very few and far between. At present, most conflicts take the form of individual incidents of theft, injury, murder and rape. The desire to take revenge is often propelled not only by such incidents occurring at particular times but also by the collective enmity resulting from unfavorable past history. During periods of nomadic existence, the Afar used movement as one of the strategies of dealing with conflict with highlanders. Now, movement is no longer an effective response. This is because, following the shift to sedentary life and the subsequent heightening of economic interdependence, the degree of the Afar-Tigrayan interaction has intensified and thus a more sustainable means of dealing with conflict is sought. i.e. resort to mutual institutional arrangements for non violent intervention. Conflicts between the Afar and Tigrayans continue to arise even today. But whether in the distant past when conflict involved large groups, or at present where conflict is confined to individuals, both Afar and Tigrayans seem keen not to prolong hostilities to the point of blowing up all sorts of inter-community relationships and peaceful co-existence. It is in this regard that the long standing Gereb has from time immemorial served to contain conflict between the Afar and Tigrayan communities. The Gereb is a mutually established institution which functions as an indigenous court and is run by the council of elders from both sides of the ethnic boundary separating the Afar from the Tigrayan communities. The elders are elected from different localities on the basis of their proven abilities in sound decision making, impartiality and honesty. They hold regular monthly meetings to review conditions in their respective territories. There are separate Gereb councils based on which particular communities are involved in the conflict. Like the Intra-Afar institution of conflict management, the Gereb also works on the basis of negotiations and arbitrations. All compensation payments in an inter-community conflict management are paid in cash. Women do not participate in the actual dispute settlement process but are equally treated, as men as far as commensuration payments are concerned. Besides women prepare the foods and drinks that are consumed publicly to herald the advent of intercommunity peace following violent conflict. A settlement is never reached without such a ritual of sharing foods and drinks.


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The Gereb, like other local institutions of conflict resolution, functions according to well-established guidelines, rules (Sirit) and procedures and is considered an effective alternative to modern litigation. The apparent effectiveness of Gereb stems from the fact that it is based on, and invokes principles and values shared by both Afar and Tigrayans: fair treatment of bond friends, prioritization of offences (for example, compensation for victims not immediately involved in a conflict first) notions of justice and reason, etc. Disputants from both groups thus generally accept the resolutions by Gereb. In cases where non-compliance with resolutions occurs, social sanctions, traditionally enforced by armed villagers and pastoralists, serve to ensure implementation. In recent years, enforcement of Gereb resolutions is also undertaken by the state. However the role of the state is multifaceted. At present, it may be observed at three stages:

1) Prior to the commencement of Gereb proceedings, particularly when inter-community conflict escalates and leads to reprisal killings and general chaos. The state seeks to restore relative order to create an enabling environment for Gereb intervention.

2) During the Gereb proceedings phase: the state provides logistical support to Abo Gereb (elders) to convene their assembly

3) After the Gereb arbitration, when resolution are made and have to be enforced. The state often assists in enforcing resolutions.

It must be noted that the indigenous institutions, though very effective, work within a set of limitations. Some of their limitations include:

1) Gender insensitivity: Women are excluded from community decision making because of their lower social status

2) Representational problem. There is neglect of the main actors in conflict. A council of

elders runs the indigenous institution. The younger generation, which apparently is the core group in initiating and escalating conflict, is not properly represented in the assembly.

3) Failure to take pre-emptive measures on disputes before they turn into violent conflict.

There is a tendency to act on consequences of disputes rather than on the inherent causes.

To sum up, Afar modes of livelihoods passed through significant dynamism dues to ecological, social and political pressures and the resultant decline in their economy. Such changes have had an impact on the pattern of relations among Afar clans on one hand and between the Afar agro-pastoralists and Tigrayan neighboring communities on the other hand. Among the Afar, the old philosophy of pastoral communal land gave way to territorial claims of land for cultivation purposes. Sedentary life and the decline in livestock size together with institutional changes in the region set a limit to the extent of Afar mobility, which in turn reduced the frequency of inter-community conflict with highlanders. Sedentary life also gave the Afar more opportunities to diversify their income for sustainable livelihoods. Conflict is an inherent part of the social structure. Thus conflict, be it within the Afar or involving neighboring cultural groups, will continue to occur in the future too. However, crosscutting ties and growing economic interdependence among people in the region enables them to contain conflict through non-violent means. The indigenous local institutions,


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together with formal legal machinery, provide the mechanism for redressing conflict although high-level participatory government and NGO interventions are still needed in order to establish sustainable peace and post-conflict reconstruction.


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RECOMMENDATIONS

1. Indigenous institutions, ecological and technical knowledge plays paramount importance in resource management and should be focused by research programmes

2. The current attempt to expand cultivation to pastoral settlements should be done according to land use planning and participation of the beneficiaries

3. The use of rangelands through short and long distance movement should be further strengthened

4. Some communal rangelands (such as those in Dergaha) are diminishing in their productivity as they attract stock throughout the year. Thus, some form of regulatory mechanism needs to be devised together with all stakeholders. The former drought reserve grazing practices should be re-vitalized with the full devolvement of decision making power to local institutions

5. The design and implementation of technical packages and social services need to be target oriented and adaptable to the living style of the users

6. The level of drought preparedness and management in the study areas is weak and lacks coordination with other governmental structures. Drought management strategies are not in place and should be formulated at wereda level with the incorporation of local indicators of drought and coping mechanisms

7. The current planning approach for pastoral development in the study areas and in the region as a whole is centered at the regional state capital and needs to be decentralized to lower appropriate administrative units including indigenous social institutions

8. NGOs and Development agents can participate in the peace-building process by adopting targeted community development projects such as community based natural resource management. Joint projects involving neighboring communities deepen inter-group contact enabling people to develop a common vision and goal.

9. Efforts must be geared towards developing an integrated approach to conflict management by merging existing customary law with the formal institutions.

10. Building institutions for good governance, the consolidation of civil society and democratic rule can prevent conflicts from occurring on a large scale.


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Ethiopia. Haan Publishing. Ayele, G. 1991: L̀ivestock and Economic Differentiation in North Eastern Ethiopia; Behnke, R.H. and I. Scoones (1993) 'Rethinking range ecology: Implications for

rangeland management in Africa,' pp. 1-30 in R.H. Behnke, I. Scoones, C. Kerven (eds). 1993. Range Ecology at Disequilibrium. London: Overseas Development Institute.

Behnke, R.H., I. Scoones and C. Kerven (eds) Range Ecology at Disequilibrium. London:

Overseas Development Institute. Behnke, R.H. 1993. Rethinking Range Ecology: Implications for rangeland management

in Africa. In: Behnke, R.H. Scoones, I, and Kerven, C. (eds.) 1993. Range Ecology at disequilibrium: New models of natural variability and pastoral adaptation in African savannas. Pp. 1-30.

Breman, H. and C.T. de Wit. 1983. Rangeland productivity and exploitation in the Sahel.

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Intermediate Technology Group, UK. Central Statistical Authority (CSA). 1996. The 1994 population and housing census of

Ethiopia, Afar , Region statistical report. Volume I, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Coppock, D.L. (1994). The Borana plateau of southern Ethiopia: Synthesis of pastoral research, development, and change, 1980 – 1991. ILCA Systems Study 5. ILCA, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Cossins, N. 1972: No Way to Live; A Study of the Afar Clans of North-east Range- lands. Livestock and Meat Board. Addis Ababa. Ethiopia. de Haan, Cees. 1999. Future Challenges to International Funding Agencies in Pastoral

Development: An Overview. Paper presented at the VI International Rangeland Conference, Session 20AMA: International Perspectives of Rangelands, Townsville, Australia, 18- 23 July 1999.


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Diress, T. 1998. Impact of land use on woody vegetation in the semi-arid area of Abala district, north Afar, Ethiopia. MSc thesis, University of Nairobi, Kenya.

Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Commission (DPPC). 2002. Emerging food crisis

in Afar Region and East Shewa Zone, Ethiopia. Famine Early Warning Systems Network/Ethiopia Food Security WARNING Issued: 8 July 2002 Extended: 23 July 2002 Valid Until: 23 August 2002

DPPC (2000) Food Supply Prospect in 2000 (Volume 3 of 3), DPPC, Early Warning

System Report, January, Addis Ababa Ellis, J.E. and D.M. Swift. 1988. Stability of African pastoral ecosystems: Alternate

paradigms and implications for development. Journal of Range Management 41(6): 450-459.

Fecadu Gedamu. n.d. Arid Land and the Role of Pastoral Nomads in the

Economic and Political Integration of the Horn of Africa with Particular Reference to Ethiopia. Accessed at: www. Eiipd.org/publications/occasional papers/arid_land.htm

Gamaledin, M. 1993: `The Decline of Afar Pastoralism’ in J. Markakis (ed) Conflict and the Decline of Pastoralism in the Horn of Africa. New York: The Mac Millan Press

Getachew, K. 1997b: P̀astoralists in Town: A case study of the Afar in the Middle Awash, North Eastern Ethiopia.’ in Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Conference of Ethiopian Studies. Kyoto, Japan. PP. 411-427. Helland, J. 1980: An Analysis of Afar Pastoralism in the North Eastern Range Lands of Ethiopia. ILCA, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Hogg, R. 1997. Drought contingency planning to support pastoralist livelihoods

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http://www.sceinceinafrica.co.za/2002/march/news/htm Kenworthy, J.M. 1991. The recognition and interpretation of recurrent drought in Africa.

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Lewis. I.M. 1969: The People of The Horn of Africa. London: International African Institute

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Ethiopia: Pastoralists vs ecologists. A Paper Prepared for the International Conference on Policy and Institutional Options for the Management of Rangelands in dry Areas. May 7 - 11, 2001, Hammamet, Tunisia.

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Savard. G. 1965: `War Chants in Praise of Ancient Afar Heroes’ Journal of Ethiopian Studies. V.3. No 1. PP. 105-108. Scoones, I. (1995). New directions in pastoral development in Africa. Pp. 1-36. In:

Scoones, I. (ed.) (1995). Living with uncertainty: New directions in pastoral development in Africa. Intermediate Technology Publications, UK.

Sommer, F. Pastoralists, drought, early warning and response. Accessed at:

http://www.odi.org.uk/pdn/drought/somer.html Sylla, D. 1994. Pastoral institutions. In: United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office

(UNSO)/United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). 1994. Pastoral natural resources management and policy. Proceedings of the sub-regional workshop held 6-10 December 1993, Arusha, Tanzania. Pp. 49-62.

Taddesse, B. 1988: Traditional Warfare among the Guji of Southern Ethiopia. M.A. Thesis, Michigan State University. East Lansing. U.S.A.

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at: www. Bradford.ac.uk/research/ijas/ijasno2/Georgis.html United Nations Sudano-Sahelian Office (UNSO)/United Nations Development

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Consequences of Poor Rains. Rapid Assessment Mission: 19 – 24 April 2000. United Nations Development Programme Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia

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watering points in Aba’ala Wereda, Afar. Report prepared for the Afar Integrated Development Programme (AIPDP). Mekelle University, Ethiopia.


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PART II: THE FORUM OPENING SPEECH By Dawit Kebede, Current Coordinator of DCG Ethiopia/Sudan Dear, Mr. Chairperson, Workshop participants, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is my pleasure to make this opening speech to this workshop. Thank you for giving me that opportunity. At this point I would like to especially welcome Ms. Solveig from DCG Norway to attend this workshop and visit our beautiful country. I hope you will enjoy and learn more about DCG Ethiopia/Sudan and Ethiopian situation. This workshop was planned to be conducted last year (2002), however due to time pressure and various assignment it could not be carried out. As you already been informed the workshop is organized by the Mekelle University and Drylands Coordination Group (DCG). Dear Colleagues, I would like to say a few points about DCG: DCG is a network/forum basically of Norwegian government funded NGOs – working in the dry lands of Africa (formerly known as SSE Countries).

DCG is a network where organizations working in the same field of area share experiences on Food Security and Natural Resource Management.

The overall objective of DCG is to contribute to improved food security of vulnerable HH and sustainable natural resource management in drylands of Africa.

Specific Objectives ��It contributes to improving the capacity & quality of development activities that are

carried out by its members and partner organization. ��To become a recognized competent forum on food security and natural resource

management. In the drylands of Africa and on the UN Convention to combat desertification.

In Ethiopia DCG established in 2000 and it is called DCG Ethiopia-Sudan. The members are ADRA-Ethiopia, ADRA Sudan, CARE Ethiopia, Norwegian Church Aid, Mekelle University, Relief Society of Tigray, Women Association of Tigray and recently as associate member EPA and ENCCD Network/Forum. Generally, DCG activities are implemented by members and partners. The types of activities are: ��Technical assistance to projects


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��Workshops & seminars ��Studies on specific issues on food security & management of Natural resources. ��Results are disseminated to wider audience by way of seminar, publications and websites So far DCG-Eth/Sudan conducted quite a number of relevant studies, workshops and seminars. To mention some of them: � Study on NGOs & CBOs participation on the implementation of UNCCD/NAP, � Study on dryland agriculture extension � Water harvesting � Credit/micro enterprise � Conflict mgt. in pastoral areas � Integrated pest management � Copping strategies in Afar & Borana Dear Participants, DCG believes and hope that this workshop will give us again some experiences from various pastoral areas and may strengthen our networking to different organizations. Once again I would like to thank Mekelle University for taking a lead coordination in organizing this workshop and thank everybody came to attend the seminar. I wish good deliberation/dialogue and experience sharing Forum. Thank you.


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KEYNOTE ADDRESS By Ms Solveig Raaheim Grønsdal, DCG Norway Coordinator First I would like to thank DCG Ethiopia-Sudan and Mekelle University for inviting me to this seminar. DCG Norway appreciates this greatly and thinks it is important for the different parts of the DCG network to meet and discuss pertinent issues like the topic for the seminar today. Pastoral development issues lies in the core of DCG’s work, which is sustainable livelihoods and sustainable natural resource management in the drylands. I have been asked to present DCG’s history and its work with pastoral issues, and I will try my best to give a brief overview over how the DCG was established and what the concept of this network is all about. I will also give some broad outlines of what I think DCG can contribute to in relation to pastoral development. To tell DCG’s history, I have to start with the Sudan-Sahel-Ethiopia Programme (the SSE). This Programme was launched in 1985 after the 1984-1985 Sahel drought to channel Norwegian assistance to countries in Sub-Sahara Africa affected by drought, poverty and environmental degradation. Its thematic focus was food security, ecological rehabilitation and women’s situation, and the main geographical focus was on Ethiopia, Mali, Sudan and Eritrea. The programme consisted of three components: development aid through non-governmental organizations (NGOs) projects, development research, and support to multinational organizations’ projects. Mutual benefits and synergy effects were expected to result from interaction and cooperation between the three components. After 10 years of operation a large workshop was held to evaluate the program, it was held in Honne in 1996. The conclusions of the Honne workshop were that the programme had succeeded in many aspects and that although it was started right after a devastating drought, it had nevertheless contributed to achieve visible results in the area of food security and improved management of natural resources in the programme-areas. Some examples of successful SSE projects are water management, rebuilding livestock, soil protection projects, horticulture (which increases diversification in income and food security especially for women), seed banks, tree planting, credit programmes, applied research, capacity building etc. However, despite these achievements the Honne workshop stated that there were problems and challenges as well. Research results had been obtained in many fields, but the exchange and communication of results had been modest. Overall, the SSE Programme had achieved the objectives in the different components but, due to the limited communication and coordination of efforts between components, the intended synergy effects had not been attained. It had also been difficult to measure the Programme effects. So, when the Programme despite the recommendations from the Honne workshop was closed down, some of the NGOs involved decided to form the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG). With this group the NGOs wanted to keep up the good work and the successes of the SSE programme but also to address the challenges that had been discussed at the workshop. Today the DCG has five members in Norway, CARE Norway, NCA, Norwegian Peoples Aid, the Development Fund and ADRA Norway. The secretariat for the network is at Noragric, the Centre for International Environment and Development Studies, which is a part of the


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Agricultural University of Norway. Noragric acts as a facilitating and implementing body for the DCG. Besides the Norwegian members listed above, national DCGs exist in Mali, Ethiopia (including Sudan) and Eritrea. Their main responsibilities, besides carrying out DCG’s annual activity plan, are to jointly develop new proposals for activities that contribute to achieving DCG’s objectives. The establishment of national networks brings coordination of dryland activities closer to the partners, and aims to improve in-country communication. National networks also play a bridge-building role in the coordination with other relevant organizations in their respective countries. The DCG defines itself as a forum for capacity building through exchange of practical experiences and appropriate knowledge on food security and natural resource management in these areas. The main objective of DCG is to: Contribute to improved food security of vulnerable households and sustainable natural resource management in the drylands of Africa. The sub-objectives of the DCG are as you can see on this overhead: 1. Contribute to improving the capacity and quality of development interventions carried out by our

member and partner organizations. 2. Become a recognized competence forum on food security and natural resource management in the

drylands of Africa and on the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD). 3. Contribute to the follow-up of the National Action Programmes for the UN Convention to Combat

Desertification. 4. To strengthen its institutional viability The objectives are obtained through the implementation of several types of activities funded by NORAD, the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation. . The different types of activities are: • Technical assistance to individual projects • Workshops and seminars on relevant issues and common interests • Studies on specific issues related to food security and natural resource management in

drylands, and • Information dissemination of the outcomes and results of the activities to a wider

audience. When proposals for new DCG activities are submitted first to the national board of DCG and then to the DCG board in Norway, they are assessed according to three main criteria. The criteria for assessment of proposals for DCG activities are as follows: 1. Synergy effect 2. Capacity Building: 3. Relevance and applicability. In the types of activities and assessment criteria you can clearly see the legacy from the challenges posed to the SSE Programme. Synergy effect, information and coordination are


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issues that the DCG has consciously incorporated into its way of working and into the network concept itself. Because the DCG is not an independent organization, but a network of members representing NGOs, Research Institutes, the government etc. we believe that synergy effect is easier to achieve, and that the DCG may function as a platform for exchange of experiences, knowledge and information between these different representatives. As the DCG is active in four countries in Africa, we hope also that the members of the network can learn not only from the members in their own country, but also from the DCG groups in other countries. Now, to get to the topic that we are all gathered here today to discuss, I’ll just give you a brief outline of how I think DCG can contribute to the work with pastoral development. In my opinion, there are three main areas where the DCG as a model can achieve something in relation to pastoral development. • Working within the framework of the United Nations Convention to Combat

Desertification • Involvement of Civil Society • Synergy effects and cooperation over borders I hope and think that this forum will create a platform on which we all can stand when we are dealing with development issues in pastoral areas, and which can make cooperation and synergy effects between us more necessary and also more possible. I would like to wish us all good luck with this seminar! Thank you!


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1. FULL TEXT PRESENTATIONS OF INVITED PAPERS 1.1. RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCES OF DHP IN NORTH AFAR, ETHIOPIA By Diress Tsegaye DDHHPP--EEtthhiiooppiiaa hhaass bbeeeenn ooppeerraattiinngg iinn tthhee sseemmii--aarriidd aarreeaa ooff AAbbaa’’aallaa wweerreeddaa ssiinnccee 11999966 iinn rreessppoonnssee ttoo:: –– TThhee rreeccuurrrreenntt ddrroouugghhtt –– LLaanndd ddeeggrraaddaattiioonn,, aanndd –– SSoocciioo--eeccoonnoommiicc ccrriissiiss.. TThhee oobbjjeeccttiivvee ooff tthhee pprroojjeecctt hhaass bbeeeenn ccrreeaattiioonn ooff aann eennaabblliinngg eennvviirroonnmmeenntt aanndd ssttrreennggtthheenniinngg llooccaall iinnssttiittuuttiioonnaall ccaappaacciittiieess ttoo pprroommoottee aa sseeccuurree lliivveelliihhoooodd.. Introduction - TThhee nnoorrtthheeaasstteerrnn rraannggeellaannddss ssuuppppoorrtt 2299%% ooff tthhee ppaassttoorraall ppeeooppllee iinn EEtthhiiooppiiaa.. --TThhee lliivveelliihhooooddss ooff ppeeooppllee iinn tthheessee rraannggeellaannddss aarree ddeeppeennddeenntt oonn sseemmii--nnoommaaddiicc aanndd aaggrroo ppaassttoorraall pprroodduuccttiioonn ssyysstteemmss.. --TThheerree iiss llaacckk ooff iinnffoorrmmaattiioonn oonn tthhee pprroodduuccttiioonn ppootteennttiiaall aanndd rreessoouurrccee bbaassee.. Project Activities ••CCaappaacciittyy BBuuiillddiinngg ••WWaatteerr HHaarrvveessttiinngg ••RReesseeaarrcchh && DDeemmoonnssttrraattiioonn TTrriiaallss ––BBaassee lliinnee ssuurrvveeyyss ––PPaarrttiicciippaattoorryy aanndd aaccttiioonn oorriieenntteedd rreesseeaarrcchh ttrriiaallss:: ••FFrruuiittss aanndd vveeggeettaabblleess ••FFoorraaggee aanndd ddrryy llaanndd ccrrooppss ••RReessoouurrccee mmaannaaggeemmeenntt PPoolliiccyy ddiiaalloogguuee aanndd ccoo--ooppeerraattiioonn:: ––SSeemmiinnaarrss,, wwoorrkksshhooppss,, mmeeeettiinnggss,, mmaassss mmeeddiiaa aanndd eexxcchhaannggee vviissiittss.. ––PPrroommootteess ccooooppeerraattiioonn aammoonngg ppaassttoorraall aanndd aaggrroo--ppaassttoorraall ggrroouuppss,, eexxtteennssiioonn wwoorrkkeerrss,, rreesseeaarrcchheerrss aanndd ppoolliiccyy mmaakkeerrss iinn aallll aassppeeccttss ooff ccoommmmuunniittyy bbaasseedd ppaassttoorraall eexxtteennssiioonn aanndd ddeevveellooppmmeenntt.. ––LLoobbbbyyiinngg rroollee bbaasseedd oonn tthhee oouuttppuuttss ooff ssttuuddiieess aanndd ttrriiaallss.. Conclusion -TThhee rreesseeaarrcchh oouuttppuuttss,, ppuubblliiccaattiioonnss aanndd ddooccuummeennttaattiioonn aarree uusseedd ttoo aaddddrreessss ppaassttoorraall iissssuueess tthhrroouugghh vvaarriioouuss ttrraaiinniinngg,, ppoolliiccyy ddiiaalloogguuee aanndd wwoorrkksshhooppss aatt vvaarriioouuss lleevveellss.. --DDuuee ttoo tthhee hhiissttoorriiccaall bbaacckkggrroouunndd ooff tthhee wweerreeddaa,, tthhee pprroojjeecctt iiss aann eeyyee ooppeenneerr ffoorr tthhee llooccaall ppeeooppllee.. --TThhee pprroojjeecctt aapppprrooaacchheess aarree wweellll aacccceepptteedd && sspprreeaadd qquuiicckkllyy aammoonngg tthhee llooccaall ccoommmmuunniittyy.. --TThhee ddeemmoonnssttrraattiioonn ttrriiaallss aanndd ggrraassssrroooottss lleevveell ttrraaiinniinngg aarree tthhee eennggiinneess ooff tthhee mmaajjoorr cchhaannggeess tthhaatt hhaavvee bbeeeenn bbrroouugghhtt aabboouutt bbyy tthhee pprroojjeecctt.. --TThhee ppeeooppllee--ffrriieennddllyy wwoorrkkiinngg aapppprrooaacchheess aanndd ooppeennnneessss ooff tthhee llooccaall ppeeooppllee iiss aann iimmppoorrttaanntt lleessssoonn.. IItt iiss rreeccoommmmeennddeedd tthhaatt tthhee ffiinnddiinnggss ooff tthhee rreesseeaarrcchh ccoouulldd sseerrvvee aass aa ggeenneerraall gguuiiddee ffoorr iinntteerrvveennttiioonn..


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1.2. PASTORAL RISK MANAGEMENT PROJECT (PARIMA) IN SOUTHERN ETHIOPIA AND NORTHERN KENYA. By Getachew Gebru (PhD) Background Pastoral Risk Management Project (PARIMA) is being implemented in southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya pastoral areas and it is financially supported by the Global Livestock Collaborative Research Support Program (GL-CRSP) and Utah State University Department of Environment and Society technically backups the project. The pastoral groups living in East Africa are exposed to various risks. Traditional coping mechanisms are increasingly under stress and are becoming unstable leading to declining welfare of pastoral systems. Thus, it is hypothesized that improved capacity to mitigate risk and uncertainty at individual, household, community, and regional levels will improve the well being of pastoral peoples and the quality of the natural and social environments on which they depend. Research Design The study is composed of team members who represent different disciplines such as anthropology, economics, and rangeland management. Both quantitative and qualitative approaches with quarterly surveys, case studies, and others were used. It involves multiple scales ranging from individual, household, community, and national levels with temporal and cross sectional comparisons. Behaviors and perceptions of pastoralists were continuously recorded. Site selection Eleven sites in the study region in Ethiopia and Kenya were selected to represent variation in country, market access, ethnicity, and agro-ecology. The research program began by identifying risks related to climate, market, insecurity, and animal and human disease prevalence. Pastoral risk reduction strategies Selected strategies of pastoralists to reduce risk exposure include herd accumulation, mobility, marketing, activity diversification, and external assistance. Pastoral systems and food security in Borana The Borana are commonly regarded as cattle pastoralists with recent experience in camel production. Given population pressures, the main way the food security situation could be improved for people like Borana is to develop human capital via education to help conserve wealth that is otherwise lost as massive livestock mortality. Survey on annual expenditure indicated that grain accounted for 17%, livestock 13%, clothing 16%, tax and contribution 19%, other food items 21% and others 14%. Income is derived from different sources in different proportions. These sources include sale of livestock, trade, salary, wage, and other sales. The terms of trade between livestock and grains has also varied across different times. For the period in 1996 and 2000, this is given in the following table.


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Table 1. Comparison of terms of trade of the year 2000 with 1996.

Terms of trade (quintals/head) Trade

Year April May June July August 1996 9.9 8.46 8.32 8.57 9.67

Mature male: maize

2000 1.67 1.82 2.00 2.61 2.83

1996 7.78 7.17 6.71 8.11 8.57 Cow:maize 2000 1.51 1.53 2.44 2.79 3.05

1996 1.00 0.94 0.80 0.90 1.13 Goat:maize 2000 0.58 0.53 0.55 0.62 0.70 Cattle herd dynamics and system trend among Borana pastoralists The cattle holding per household exhibited downward trend wit typical boom and bust cycles. For example, between 1980-2000 the Borana have lost 35-67% of their cattle holdings and this is in monetary value equivalent to hundreds of millions of US$. Over the same period, death losses were 10-15% times greater than net sales. A decline in availability of grazing lands and milk production led to increasing demand for grains, increase in cultivation, increase in camel production, and loss of confidence in pastoralism to support their livelihood in the future. Thus, communities need opportunities to diversify their economy given increasing pressure on traditional resources. Risk mitigation and food security benefit from including non-pastoral investments along with cattle. Preliminary findings based on risk mapping indicate that lack of food and water is commonly mentioned risks and sources of food insecurity for people in the Borana plateau. Mobility and herd accumulation remained important traditional strategies to mitigate risk of livelihood losses in pastoral system, though overcrowding of grazing lands and increasing regular losses of livestock limit utilities of these strategies. Public service delivery (Education, health, food aid, etc) is extremely limited and in some cases inappropriate to meet the needs of pastoralists. When pastoralists have ready access to viable livestock markets, they use them to sell and to restock following crashes. Alternative income generating strategies include non-traditional means of income generation to pastoralism is not a substitute but rather a complement to it. Pastoralists have limited access and little utility for modern climate information as an early warning system. PARIMA's outreach activities include awareness and capacity building on pastoral risk management and food security through knowledge transfer and non degree training, implementation of community based pilot projects through grass roots partners, documentation of implementation processes and human and other impacts. Networking, workshops, training, and tours. Lessons from PARIMA work in Borana • Technical interventions and policies should support and not undermine pastoralists

traditional means of mitigating risk and improving food security such as mobility, appropriate species diversification, natural resources management, etc.

• Investment in more security could also help reduce risk associated with resource access and hence favor some restoration of herd mobility

• Investment in education (relevant) is important because it can lead to skills that enable people to augment livelihood


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• Investment in marketing is essential; initiate linkage between pastoral producers and livestock processing enterprises

• Favorable policy on cross border livestock trade • Food aid distribution need to be responsive to variations in need for food among

households and communities • Promotion of investment in non-pastoral economic activities, to widen the range of

desirable employment and investment opportunities, (encourage more timely sales of animals and investment of proceeds in endeavors that enhance human capital and diversify local economies); more attention should be given to women

• Need to institutionalize participatory research and development approach that enhance self reliance and empowerment of communities

• Facilitate cross border movement of people and livestock to improve trade, peace, mobility, and knowledge transfer

Discussion After the presentation, the chairman invited participants to raise questions for clarification on the presented paper. The following issues were raised: • Ato Mulugeta asked clarification regarding herd accumulation and marketing as a risk

reducing strategy. How do you see this because it is contradictory in the case that pastoral households have low number of animals? How?

• Ato Yaynshet asked the following issues to be clarified further: o In what condition do you suggest income diversification as a risk reduction strategy?

In normal or abnormal conditions? o To what extent ILRI had informed policy makers to improve livestock production?

• Ato Yemane asked clarification regarding diversification and livelihood: o The relationship between wise indigenous resource management and your intervention

in affecting their livelihoods? • Ato Mengistu asked where is the real participation? Where are they fitting in? How is the

participation processes participatory? • Ato Yonis asked clarification regarding charcoal making and emergency preparedness • Ato Diress asked the presenter personal view regarding:

o The application of the conventional and the new thinking regarding pastoral development. How is the understanding at local level? And what was your approach in implementing your project?

Responses He indicated that he would give his own view regarding the issues raised, as he is not representing ILRI (ILRI is a partner to GL-CRISP): o Regarding research and outreach. There is a team PARIMA. This team undertakes the

activities in a participatory way. The team goes and stays with the people talking about a certain issue and analyzes problems and solutions together with the people. Community action plan has been developed. There is less research but more outreach activity in a participatory manner.

o Our involvement is working on key resource sites o He stressed that pastoralism is a way of life and it has to continue. The magnitude of the

problem, however, is becoming difficult. The issue is that drought and insecurity is high. o ILRI and GLCRISP-PARIMA are collaborators. As a personal view, ILRI was involved

in pastoral research but withdrew somehow from pastoral areas and now active in high potential areas (highlands)


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o Income diversification through sales is not a critical period activity but is a normal process.

o Herd accumulation is a practice of pastoralists but it is a risky business. We need to find out the real solutions in this aspect.

o Charcoal making is an activity usually exercised by people who are not pastoralists and those who are excluded from the pastoral community (outcaste ones).

o So far there is no well-developed EWS for livestock nationally. o Regarding the debates for conventional and new thinking for pastoral development, there

is no clear demarcation both are working. The coming 7th International Rangeland Congress to be held in South Africa has a theme for discussion. A clue may be given in this congress.

o Disaster and risk management should be rethought. Then the chairman summed up the session by appreciating the presenter and the reaction from the participants.


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1.3. EXPERIENCES OF PASTORAL DEVELOPMENT IN SOMALI REGIONAL STATE, ETHIOPIA. By Abdulkerim Ahmed Guleid Introduction Pastoral problems are common to all the pastoralists in the world. Afar or Somali or Oromo or any other ethnic pastoralists, they all have almost the same flight of situation just like the approximately 180 million pastoral peoples in the developing world, living in close association with about 360 million cattle and 600 million small ruminants. They are all one of the most vulnerable groups on earth. Not only do many pastoral groups belong to the most marginal and poorest parts of the society, the have also to eke out a living in some of the most variable and unstable environment in the world. From the hope of the horn experience briefly I would like to point out how the RBC (Resource based Conflict) can be dealt with. • How do we define resources? • What are our principles on resources? • What is the uniqueness of pastoral resources? • How HFH tried to develop the resources in SRS? • What types of conflicts are found in SRS?

We believe that unless all the resources are developed simultaneously, natural resource development alone will not have the full impact.

Natural Human

Government

Social

Financial

Physical


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HFH’s Principles on Resources •••• Resources are available or should be made available to every clan/community among the pastoralists. •••• If not available, resources need to be created •••• Resources do not develop themselves •••• Resources are either developed or damaged or wasted •••• People develop their resources •••• Therefore people have to be empowered to develop the resources around them to meet their basic needs •••• Resources when developed and linked with people, they become their sustainable assets •••• When there are enough resources for everyone, the possibility of RBC is minimized

Pastoral Resource Systems

Natural Resource system

Resource

Users System

Pastoral production is a complex form of natural resource management involving the direct interaction between three systems in which pastoral people operate, i.e.

- The natural resource system - The Resource users systems and - The larger geo-political system

In order to protect the pastoral populations against shocks and conflicts the following 7 key elements of the user system should be differentiated:

1. Mobility 2. Species and species mix 3. Economic Orientation 4. Socio-territorial Organization 5. Economic Shocks

Larger geo-political System


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6. Institutional Shocks 7. Climate related shocks

Mobility Mobility is clearly a matter of life and death for pastoral populations to cope with drought, which might lead to conflicts. Therefore, any development programmes or suctions should consider this key factor of the pastoral life

Species and species mix Appropriate species mix protects against climatic events. For example, the diversification of nomads in Northern Kenya in small ruminants besides camels greatly helped them to cope with the collapse of the camel market following the civil war in Somali. Economic Orientation Economic orientation is often overlooked but it is also a key factor in determining pastoral resilience. For example, the ban on livestock due to the so-called rift valley fever was a real shock in Somali region Socio-territorial Organization The management of social structures and the control of access to resources clearly is a critical factor in the management of conflict resolution. How they adapt to the increasing population pressures, often affecting their most valuable grazing or water resources, is important. Economic Shocks Although some pastoral systems are only partially integrated in the monetary economy it still can produce significant effects. Again the example of “ban on livestock” due to the rift valley fever is a good one. Institutional Shocks Institutional shocks will come from changes in resource access and decision making structures. Changes in resource access are most probably the most serious challenges facing many pastoral societies. Converting the high potential areas and trying to push the pastoralists to marginal areas are some examples. Climate Related Shocks Drought is natural phenomena of arid pastoral systems. However, drought preparedness is given little attention and there is a significant paucity of information on measures on how to prepare pastoral populations better to cope with these climatic events. Explain Learning Circles LCs are small groups of people (minimum 5 to maximum 20) organized to discuss and learn about those issues which are serious concerns in their lives. One of the most serious problems is the absence of learning opportunities for the pastoralists. The pastoralists community should first and foremost be organized in such a way that they will have learning possibilities wherever they live. Organizing learning circles is one way of providing the pastoralists this opportunity. Each circle in a kebele, settlement, village or town can meet in any place convenient to them. The frequency of the circles’ meeting should not be limited. Ideally weekdays meeting is the best for some practical impact on the groups.


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The learning circles can be easily formed among the existing institutions such as elders, pastoralists, NGOs, Gos, WDA, trade unions, and youth clubs or creating new community based organizations. Profile of LCs - Willingness to learn - Willingness to attend the circle regularly - Willingness to implement what is leant

Preparation of LCs - NRM committee will organize the LCs - -Learning circle leaders and focal points have to be selected to coordinate meetings - Preparing the curriculum - Training the volunteer leaders

Activities - Choose their LC leaders - Choose sic months topics - Choose the frequency of meetings - Prepare timetable/place - Discuss their problems/issues - Record their decisions and pass it to village focal points

Outcomes - Those who are illiterate will become literate in three years - They will learn life skills that are necessary to manage natural resources - The people will understand the issues that affect their lives through regular discussion. - They will come up with project ideas, which will be forward to NRM committee.

In a nutshell: The community will be built and be able to solve their problems leading to NRM What do the LCs learn?

Literacy Low literacy, poverty and exclusion are the all part of the same problem. People from pastoralist families as well as the long-term unemployed, seniors, native people, prisoners, people with disabilities, and racial and cultural minorities all have higher rates of both illiteracy and poverty. They have fewer choices in jobs, education, housing and other things we need to have full lives. Children from pastoralists and disadvantaged families are at risk of illiteracy. Many barriers keep low-income adults out of literacy and job training programs. Information most needed by lower income people is often not accessible to them. Literacy is itself a defining characteristic of social class. What can be done? One of the major components of the LCs is literacy. Illiteracy keeps the pastoralists out of the mainstream economic activities. If the people are properly organized and motivated, all of them would like to be literate.


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NR Development plans (based on the NRM curriculum prepared by HFH) Conflict Management techniques Self-Development plans Therefore, individuals should be helped to plan ‘their life plans’. This is not a completely new approach. Individual Education Plan or Individual Development Plan is normally prepared in many successful schools for ‘pastoralists’ (weak) students. The basic concept is the need to think of developing oneself. This does not imply that the pastoralists are poor because of their lack of effort to develop themselves! No, most of the pastoralists got into their present situation because they are concerned by the circumstances. If they are taught or motivated to face the shocks and vulnerabilities, they will not be poor anymore. It will be a huge plus if systematic plans are devised and implemented for human assets of the development of the pastoralists in parallel with the development of other resources. Does it look like an impossible task to sit with all the poor and assist them to prepare and implement their development plans? Just let us think of another scenario. How do we think of starting education for millions and millions of children? How is it becoming a reality? Schools were organized and the school going children were admitted into schools and then into classes. We need to organize similar groups for the pastoralists-may be not having all the infrastructure of the school but the concept of educating is the same as the developing of the individual.


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RBC (Resource Based Conflict) RBC (Resource Based Conflict) * Grazing areas and forage reserves; * Keeping multiple species of livestock, including grazers and browsers. * Well defined and managed access rights to area of land, or resources e.g. trees which may be protected by customary practices, and water; * Practicing low-input opportunistic crop production; * Making use of, and storing wild fruits and foods, especially tree products; * Selling stock and buying grain (and vice versa)

Resource Bank (RB) Ideas RB is a system to encourage both pastoralists and non-pastoralists to take part in the development of resources by investing any of their resources such as skill, time, etc. through this bank in their kebeles. The principle is we all have one or other types of resources and if opportunities are given we can invest for the development of pastoralists.

1. Each kebele will have a resource bank linked with their woredas and National Resource Banks

2. Anyone who has any type of resources can own a share in RB

3. The share holders value of resources will be credited in the form of resource credits

4. The bank will have six types of different accounts such as Human, Natural, Physical,

Social, Government, and Social resources.

5. The income of the bank will be the impact of the investment of the shareholder.


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* Dividing herds into smaller units; * Having a social structure that enables sharing and lending livestock; and * Having links with other types of resource users to make the best use of a resource, for instance, manuring agricultural land, and use of crop residues. For pastoralism to continue to continue as a viable land use system, it must be economically, socially and ecologically viable. There is a pressing need to develop economic models, and analyses to show the role of Natural resource management, and pastoralism in reference to its local, national and international economics with respect to the extensive arid and semi-arid lands they occupy. (source: Barrow 1996) Resource Development by HFH • NRM • Seminars/workshops • Earth Dams & Haffir Dams • Reforestation • Gully Control • BBS


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Resource Based Conflict (RBC) • Pastoralists Vs. Berka owners • Pastoralists vs. Earth dams • Berka Owners vs. Haffir Dams • Pastoralists VS. Enclosures Pastoralists vs. Local administration/Government HFH Strategies

PR

Build the Sustainability Build Networks

Build the Resources

Build the Individuals

Build the Society

Build the Builders


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P R + + • Learning Circles • Resource Inventory • NRM Committee + • Resource Bank Monitoring • NRM Curriculum • Resource Development

Pastoralists Resources


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Major Areas of Concern/themes 1) Challenges and mechanisms of institutionalizing project strategies and lessons into government organization 2) Strengths and weaknesses of traditional and formal conflict management institutions/systems

- Compatibility - Integration - Development Potential

3) Opportunities, challenges and strategies of applying/adopting the six framework of resource (social, human, financial, natural, and government) into pastoral development process.

1.4. PASTORAL COMMUNITY ANIMAL HEALTH SERVICES IN BORANA AREAS By Mulugeta Shibru Borana Drought Recovery Project - Care has initiated a drought recovery project through financial support secured from OFDA since October 2001 - The overall goal of the project is to facilitate drought recovery and strengthening the resilience of pastoral households residing in Dire and Yabello woreda of Borana zone from the effect of recurrent drought. Project components 1. Community- based animal health care 2. Improved access to water through

- Cistern Construction - Rehabilitation of traditional wells and springs - Through Construction

3. Dissemination of water and sanitation education among pastoral households Rationale of CBAHC - A high population of livestock is found in Borana plateau, which plays an important role

in food security as well as economic development - It is an established fact however that most pastoral herds in Borana have little or no access

to existing SORDU’s Stationary veterinary services. - This is exacerbated by remoteness, inaccessibility and seasonal mobility of pastoral

communities. Results of our own need assessment, baseline survey and initial community dialogue also indicate that animal health delivery is poor and do not meet the need of the community.

- As a result, pastoralists purchase veterinary drugs from any source available and administer them improperly. This can potentially create drug resistance.

- CBAHC has been identified as an alternative veterinary service delivery to enhance accessibility of the veterinary services to the livestock owners and to fill the service gap created.


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- CBAHWs have successfully been used in other parts of Africa to control livestock diseases. It is in this context that CARE initiated CBAHCP in Yabello and Dire Woredas.

Implementation Modalities - Flexible, iterative and participatory approaches - CAHC system based private business as opposed to revolving fund - Partnership (SORDU, Private Vet, CARE, Community, Regional Bureaus, NGOs) - Local Capacity Building (training exchange visit, On the job training, Supervision, and

linkages) - Advocacy (practical demonstration, local voice) - Continuous learning though M&E

Project Accomplishments - The project has successfully trained and equipped 25 CAHWs and 5 Vet scouts and has

linked them with a private veterinarian for reliable drug sources. - The CAHWs and vet scouts have also started to offer the basic veterinary sources

entrusted to them for about 6700 HHs. - 60, 000 and 72,000 heads of livestock were treated and vaccinated respectively. - Some of the fruits of their contributions have started to be acknowledged by the

community, the “sole” service provider (SORDU) and even policy makers in the regional government.

- Advocacy on CBAHC proper and favorable policy environment.

Challenges/ Constraints - Lack of supporting policy environment in promoting the concept of CBAHC proper - Training packages - Cost Recovery (the current vet. services delivery strategy leaves no room for at least

partial cost recovery for vaccination) - The Availability of illegal traders and subsidized/ free/ services provided by the

government veterinary services have negative implications on the performance of CAHWs regardless of the intensive awareness raising efforts.

Lessons Learned - The implementation of the animal health care component revealed the willingness of the

communities to pay for curative services and even vaccinations for their animals. This was contrary to the previous perception that livestock keepers in the pastoral communities are unable to pay for drugs along with the profit margins and fees for services necessary to ensure sustainable service delivery.

- There is an overall agreement that a one-year time frame is not sufficient in establishing “sustainable” animal health care system that will bring impact.

- Women CAHWs have been treating animals and have participated in several vaccination campaigns in communities where women are considered unproductive. This is bringing attitudinal change and has a direct impact on community empowerment.

Ways forward - It is too early to claim the establishment of a sustainable community-based animal health

care system in the region. - More refresher training and technical backstopping should continue in the subsequent

phase of the project - Improvements in the policy environment and legislative framework in which the CAHWs

are expected to operate vigorously in order to ultimately achieve the desired impacts. The


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policy. The policy advocacy initiatives started in this project period need to be further strengthened.

- Continuous M&E to learn more on the CAHC approaches and practices to improve it. 1.5. NATURAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT EXPERIENCES OF THE EROB PEOPLE IN TIGRAY, NORTHERN ETHIOPIA. By Mengistu Hailu Introduction The research area: • Irobland: a district in NE Ethiopia • Landscape: rugged, stony deep narrow valleys; very inconvenient for conventional

farming • Altitude: ranges from 900m-3200m above sea level • Rainfall: highly variable, 200mm – 600mm • Bordered by: Eritrea, Afar, Tigray The people • Israel; Axum; Kilteawlaelo (Tsirae); Irobland • Categorize themselves as Semitic; While sharing Language and many other livelihood

styles and sources • Believe they adopted pastoralism as a livelihood and Saho as a language from the then

indigenous people • Now transformed into agro-pastoral life • Christian island in the Saho speaking communities • Have had a historical animosity with their Eritrea Neighbors b/c of grazing lands • Furious fighters, an identity they chose to safeguard their livelihood Factors that Accompanied the Livelihood Transformation�• Deteriorating Relations with Neighbors b/c of NRs

o Population boost; Increased need for pasture o Heightened conflict o Limited movement of cattle and people

• Perception of the people that pastoralism was precarious, uncertain and a tiring source of livelihood o It let they depend on the mercy of neighbors for pasture – precarious livelihood o It caused them conflict, forced them to hostile areas and thus life uncertainty.

• Declining dependence on livestock economy due to ecological deterioration and over

grazing o Unconscious grazing practices-resulted in declining livestock and bee fodder o Declining number and market value of livestock

• The introduction of Beles(Cactus) by the Catholics

o It served as human and animal food o Encouraged sedentary life - reduced uncertainties


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o The tradition of feeding cereals and their movement to ADI-Hagere Nigus

• How come Cultivation on Gorges? Innovation on NRM The Soil Making and Flood Agriculture (Deldal) • What? Making farmland from mountain gorges by constructing check dams • Idea: benefiting from adverse situations • Harnessing erosion (flood) and gully into farmland How are they made? • Construct a row of check dams to trap soil • The check dams are founded on a bedrock of the gorge – to make them firm & unshaken • In the row, the first check dam begins:

o At the bottom end of the gorge (farmers) o At the top end of the gorge (BoA)

• The height of the check dams increases each rainy season: • The width of the foundation gets narrower as it gets higher so that:

o It leaves bigger space to trap more soil o To economize stone – difficult to mine

• A space is left unploughed to grow grass and stabilize the check dam • The upper check dam is considered as a protection one- thus left unploughed • A devil’s tie is used to protect gully formation by the flood (Riverbank protection) Characteristics of the created farms • Mixed soil types and minerals trapped from a large catchments • Rich soil fertility (compost washed away from natural vegetation and upper farmlands) • Long soil depth • Keeps moisture for long time (moisture from one rainy season can be used to harvest

twice in some areas) • Can be harvested using three to four floods • Could support all sorts of crops (farmers); mainly maize and beans (BoA) • Very dependable when compared to other traditional farms • Needs 5-10 years to have a full farm status; but cultivable more than twice depending on

water availability What Happened to the deep gorges of Irobland?

They are: -The saviors of the Irob soil -The 2nd/3rd livelihood providers of the Irobs -The livelihood protectors (livestock) by providing Grass and other bee fodder trees -There has been a Gorge distribution twice Common Grazing Land Management (Sengede) • An institution • Started 70 years ago


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• Got a written by-law 28 years ago • Has structures that run the by-law

o Judges; supervisors; and guards (elected by clans) o Has fines

• The Boknietos consider it as a manifestation of their long history of consciousness The By-law • Closed from June 15 till October 28 for grazing and human intervention • Other grazing areas (like Silah and Meshafta) are used as alternative grazing • No payment for judges and supervisors but for guards – six cattle each • The favor of being a guard is rotated –by turns • Cutting a grass and carrying home his a taboo • Only cattle and the Boknietos are entitled • Tabiyas have their share – demarcated


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2. GROUP DISCUSSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 2.1. SESSION 1. Chairperson: Ato Dawit Kebede Rapporteur: Ato Diress Tsegaye The workshop participants were divided into three groups and four discussion points were provided to the groups by the morning session presenter (Ato Yaynshet Tesfay). Group 1

1. Diress Tsegaye 2. Yonis Berkele 3. Mrs Solveig Raaheim Grønsdal 4. Mulugeta Shibru 5. Mengistu Hailu 6. Gayo Huka 7. Fekremariam Yeneneh

Group 2

1. Abdulkerim A. Guleid 2. Mamusha Lemma 3. Muluget Tefera 4. Koronso Redae 5. Haji Mohamed Aile Gugsa 6. Dr Mulugeta Berhanu 7. Liben Arero

Group 3

1. Dawit Kebede 2. Dr Mebrahtom Mesfin 3. Dafa Gudina 4. Dr Getachew Gebru 5. Amin Ibrahim 6. Momin Mohammed 7. Ahmed Aliu 8. Kidanemariam Baraki 9. Yemane G/Her

The discussion points were:

(1) Challenges of natural resource management and long-term development strategies (discussed by group 1)

(2) Modalities of social services provision in pastoral areas (discussed by group 2) (3) Comparative advantages and costs of reallocations, settlement and mobility in pastoral

areas (discussed by group 3) (4) The challenges of \HIV Aids in pastoral areas in relation to changing circumstances

(discussed by all groups).


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Group 1 Challenges of natural resource management and long-term development strategies The rapporteur of the group informed that the group listed the major challenges 1st then recommended solutions accordingly. He then listed the major challenges as follows: • Decline of NRM and a growing demand • Population growth (both human and livestock) • Climatic change and associated drought • Poor livestock marketing and Animal health problems • Government policy (Unclear)

o Strong bias towards sedentarization o Regionalization problem affecting mobility and increased conflict o Less recognition of indigenous resource management systems o Land tenure insecurity

• Lack of mutual understanding among various stakeholders working in pastoral areas • Lack of commitment to work together both by the government structures and NGOs • Effects of Absentee pastoralists

Then the group recommended the following points as a solution to the above-mentioned problems: • Equal recognition should be given to pastoral economy like the other sectors • Strengthen the existing income diversification initiatives taken by pastoralists such as

non-pastoral employment activities and others. • Recognizing and strengthening local resource management practices such as grazing

reserves, mobility, protecting watering points, etc. • Strengthening pastoral extension services in a holistic manner • Devise appropriate land use policy that recognizes local management practices • Strengthening local initiatives in promoting marketing in pastoral areas (e.g. absentee

pastoralists initiatives in Borana) • Avoid forced sedentarization in pastoral areas • More policy work and lobbying with the government • There should be mutual understanding among stakeholders regarding development

initiatives in pastoral areas. NGOs should involve the local government structures in the implementation of their activities to create capacity at local level

• There is a need to give an emphasis on research in pastoral areas. HIV/AIDS Regarding HIV/Aids, the group recognized that there is a big threat in pastoral areas but there is less work in awareness raising. Group 2 Modalities for Social Service Delivery in pastoral areas

The group rapporteur presented the outputs of the discussion as follows: The group identified the basic social services in pastoral areas as: • Water supply • Health services (human and animal) • Education


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• Road • Financial institute • Communication • Legal and security service The group then identified possible strategies for social service delivery as follows: • Water

o Development of appropriate water supply points taking into account the movement pattern and stocking pressure

• Health Services o Training of community health agents and paravets selected from the pastoralists

themselves o Provision of sustainable support for drugs and basic equipment

• Education o Promote wet season education considering seasonal settlement pattern of pastoralists.

It could be either mobile or fixed. o Encourage and support boarding school

• Road o Access roads shall be expanded in relation to other essential social services

• Communication o Means to be explored in the future

• Financial services o Financial services/banking facilities needs to be established in pastoral areas

• Marketing services o Provision of market information o Establishment of market infrastructure

HIV/AIDS Regarding HIV/AIDS the group recognized that: • There is a big threat in pastoral areas but the prevalence not well investigated • Keeping pastoralists to be aware of the danger before too late is however, the best and

timely solution (prevention first). Group 3 Comparative advantages and costs of Re-location, settlement and mobility in pastoral areas. The group presented the discussion points as follows: 1. Settlement

A. Advantages o It is cost effective for infrastructural establishment and makes easy provision of

social services such health centers, road, school, water supply, electricity, market access, etc.

o Diversification of livelihood such as crop production, trade, etc. o But it should be done by participating the people and not hinder mobility

B. Disadvantages

o It aggravates unwise utilization of natural resources


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2. Mobility

C. Advantages o It is a coping mechanism during drought periods o Useful for pest control o Gives opportunity of equal utilization for spatially distributed natural resources o Experience sharing o Becomes a means to have another income source

D. Disadvantages

o A cause for conflict o Facilitates disease spread o Ad-mixing genetic make-up

HIV/AIDS The group recognized the following:

o No awareness among the pastoralists how it is transmitted o Government effort is low in pastoral areas o Introduction of alcohol, chat, etc. aggravates the situation in pastoral areas.


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Discussion Following group presentation, the chairperson invited participants to raise issues, which were not clear by the presenters, and additional inputs for the discussion points. His Excellency Ato Abdulkerim gave a general comment on some of the points raised. He indicated that settlement is the opposite of pastoralism, and restricts the movement of pastoralists. Mobility is a way of life because the resources are variable over time and space. Pastoralists know the advantage of mobility and do not restrict other pastoralists to move. And in this regard the chance of conflict occurrence is minimal. People are tolerant regarding movement. Ato Yonis also shared the ideas of Ato Abdulkerim. He, however, informed that settlement usually do not affect mobility as this is done during the dry season. He mentioned the mobility of Kereyu pastoralists through settlements during feed shortage. Dr. Getachew indicated that the issue of settlement should be looked at a wider perspective. There is a need to strike a balance between mobility and settlement as most of the pastoralists are partially settled. He also added that that cross border movement is not touched by all the groups. He stressed that such mobility needs to be also strengthened. His Excellency Ato Abdulkerim also raised the following points:

o Diversification of livelihood is a pastoralist strategy. People always misunderstood this. People who have grown up in pastoral areas, including himself, are always expected to invest in pastoralism whatever status they have (educated, government authority, etc.). This and other non-pastoral employment are some of the income diversification strategies of pastoral families. He stressed that diversification is not new to pastoralists where we can introduce but we can support such initiatives.

o He has his own doubts about participatory research and development in pastoral areas. Most of the books and theories written about pastoralism and the people are by people who have no knowledge about the system. They usually say that the study is participatory. He indicated that who defines what? / What needs as defined by who? He said that participatory is a vague term. What is participatory and how is participatory? There is a need to have a common understanding.

Summing up the group discussion The chairperson informed that a number of issues were raised in the group discussion based on the previous presentations and useful recommendations were given. The organizers will include these in the workshop proceeding. Before the end of the session Ato Yonis reminded the chairperson that the pastoralists should give their ideas regarding the behavior of animals as EWS. The chairperson then gave an assignment to pastoralists on their views regarding the situations in: • HIV/AIDS • Food security • Sedentarization • EWS • Others He then concluded the session by appreciating all the participants for their contribution during the group and general discussions.


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The next day before the start of the other session the chairperson gave a chance to pastoralists to say a few words regarding the presentations and particularly on EWS. Ato Momin Mohamed from Afar tried to explain the behavior of animals as a signal fore-coming drought as follows: • The animals will be depressed even if there is enough pasture and water • The animal disappears and go to other areas before the start of rain in that particular area • If the coming season is good the animal show sign of heat for reproduction and their body

condition is good. • He also raised that there is no good health service particularly for camel as the diseases

are not known by professionals and lack of appropriate drugs.

Ato Ahmed from Borana indicated that animal behavior is an indicator of drought. • When drought is coming the bull is isolated from the herd • Animals defecate while they are sleeping • They do not utilize the available grazing resources properly When the pastoralists observe these signs they will try to find means to escape from drought hazards if it is not severe.


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2.2. SESSION 2. Chairperson: Ato Mamusha Lemma Rapporteur: Ato Mengistu Hailu Through a comprehensive brainstorming, the three groups described above discussed prominent issues from the series of presentations. The main focus was, however, on the mechanisms of conflict mitigation and management in its wider context. Following experience-sharing discussions, group members carried out a comparative analysis of traditional and modern institutions of conflict management. Accordingly the weaknesses and strengths of both institutions were identified as follows. 1. Traditional Institutions Strengths • -Are more transparent • Rules are based on established culture, which is the basis for social cohesion and

day-to-day activities • -Concern for sustainable community peace rather than fixing immediate problems arising

between separate individuals • -Are cost effective as people involve in the mediation process owing to their moral

obligation. Weaknesses • Sometimes people may not be willing enough to expose culprits into the indigenous court,

which may escalate the conflict. • Indigenous people may not have the military and political power to execute or enforce

decisions. • Indigenous institutions of conflict management are based on negotiated settlements, which

can be easily manipulated by those who have the economic and social resources or those who have political power in the state system.

2. Modern Institutions

Strengths • The modern system is equipped with the rules as well as the mechanisms of enforcing

decisions. • There is continuity in handling conflict cases and the fact that it is based on standard rules

makes the dispute settlement a consistent process. • The modern institutions give litigation, which are not liable to manipulations by

disputants. Weaknesses • Are rigid in reaching a settlement. Decisions are reached in a simple straightforward

manner following adjudication. • Modern institutions simply serve justice and have very little or no concern for future

relations in the community. They do not take into account how the outcome of the litigation process affects social and economic interaction between community members.


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• They are expensive and inaccessible to everyone. Modern institutions are found only in higher administrative units in the Ethiopian/ African context

In general, it was mentioned that in some counties there could be an incompatibility of interests between the state and indigenous system of conflict management. It was recommended that awareness strategies on national laws and conflict management practices should be considered. This will enable local people to integrate their grassroots’ experience with exiting laws at the national level. Closing Speech (by Ato Yaynshet) Yaynshet pointed out that there has been a practice of organizing workshops on various issues pertinent to development whether pastoral, agro-pastoral, or otherwise. However, there is a missing element. Often, there are workshops after workshops and nice proceedings are produced in the end. Nevertheless the ideas and outcomes of such important research exchange are not read let alone adopted into policy considerations. This trend has to change. There should be a link that enables us to use research outputs in development planning and implementation. The sphere of influence actually begins from the self. The horizon may then be gradually widened to institutions and environments making its way to the level of leadership. The workshop was concluded with compliment and applause.


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PART III. PASTORAL EXPERIENCE SHARING PROGRAMME Pastoral experience sharing programmes are considered essential for effectively implementing community development projects and promote sustainable social development. Thus, the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia organized an experience-sharing programme for specific members of pastoral community in northern Ethiopia from July 12-21, 2003. This took place in a predominantly pastoral production system in southern Ethiopia. The aim was to strengthen project implementation capacity of north Afar pastoralists by providing a platform for discussing and mutually understanding the experiences of other pastoralists in southern Ethiopia. The experience-sharing programme involved extensive tours, participatory discussion, and field observations. Major focus was given to community project implementation experiences of CARE Ethiopia's project sites in the Borana plateau. The team has been able to visit and discuss the following major community project components of CARE Borana. Credit and Savings for Borana Pastoral Women The team visited one of the cluster project areas in Borana named Harboyu Pastoral Association (PA) where CARE Borana is undertaking a pilot credit and savings scheme. The team discussed the challenges of creating an institutional base for the savings and credit services and this was a good lesson for the team as there is an already initiated endeavor in creating a credit and savings association in Aba'ala by the Afar Integrated Pastoral Development Project (AIPDP), funded by the Development Fund (DF). During the discussion, both groups from Borana and Afar pastoral regions expressed their concern on the potential obstacles that might be faced while trying to establish a legally supported credit and savings association. This concern emanated from the fact that the current legal framework for cooperatives in Ethiopia hardly addresses the realities for pastoral systems. Thus, lobbying for sound policy support in relation to cooperative establishment is needed in the Afar region through focused dialogues. Shallow Circular Cistern Development Another important lesson learned by the team is a shift from deep permanent water system development to shallow and seasonally accessed water development. Previous project approach (such as that followed by the South Eastern Rangeland Development Unit) towards water development was targeting at developing deep bore holes that finally proved to be destructive to the fragile rangelands and destroyed the Borana traditional water management systems. The current approach gives more attention to shallow circular wells with a capacity of no more than 100m3. The management and maintenance of such water system was found within the capacity of the community. An important aspect of this water development activity that is of great interest to the team was the training of community members in basic building skills that later enable them to get self employment in their respective community. Basic sanitation education is also offered side by side with water development plans. The contribution of community in water development in the form of local materials such as sand, stone was also a lesson for the team in general and the Afar visitors in particular as the current practice in Aba'ala is complete dependence on projects.


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Community Animal Health Workers Training A critical aspect of pastoral livelihood systems is capacity to provide animal health services to pastoral communities residing in remote areas. Many projects including the AIPDP have been training community animal health workers commonly referred to as paravets. Understandably, one common problem of many paravet training programmes is their sustainability in terms of providing uninterrupted services to their community. The lesson learned by the team from such training is that there is closer link between paravets, private drug vendors and government officials that provide a working environment for the paravets. During the field visit to Harboyu PA, a woman paravet was contacted and her experience on providing primary animal health services explained to the participants. Contrary to the Afar case, in Borana the involvement of women in such service delivering activities is not hindered by culture and religion. It was also possible to learn that paravet services is based on agreed terms of references such as providing only primary services such as treating wounds, applying acaricides, and vaccination. The profit margin is normally fixed at the time of training and the Department of Agriculture in Yabello regulates the level of profit made and quality of services provided by these paravets. The project has also been lobbying for recognition of paravet services by regional officials and able to lift the ban on involvement of paravets in primary health services provisions. In the Afar region there is poor spatial coverage of animal health services and if paravets are officially recognized and supported by the region, the problem can be minimized. Thus, continuous and strong lobbing tasks are required to strengthen the role of paravets in remote areas of the Afar pastoral region. Bush Control and Management Where favorable climatic and edaphic conditions prevail, rangelands are perceived to naturally lead to woody dominated vegetation system. Traditionally, this natural succession was checked by the Borana using fire that suppresses the sprouting of new emerging woody seedlings and thereby reduces the recruitment rates. However, with the indiscriminate introduction of fire ban by the Ethiopian government in the early 1970s, the encroachment of woody species into the rangelands has been accelerated and this was facilitated by the development of wrong water development designs. At present significant tract of rangeland is bush encroached with an inevitable reduction in carrying capacity, increased vulnerability of the cattle based economy of the Borana, and the team has been able to observe these problems over wider areas. As fire is commonly considered as a destructive agent, the members from Afar were not persuaded by the paradoxical but justifiable pyromanic attitude of the Borana pastoralists towards fire and an extended discussion was held on this issue. The Borana pastoralists explained that traditional use of fire is highly controlled and restricted to targeted sites and species and is only lit when the density of woody species reaches a point where it physically deters livestock movement and competitively reduces grass cover and production. As the fire ban is still not lifted the alternative innovative solution taken by them is to mechanically clear selected thick bushes using hand tools distributed by CARE Borana. The Afars finally accepted the use of fire as a range management tool but considering their specific region which is susceptible to erosion and the fact that reducing browse cover can also affect their camel husbandry practices they have opposed popularizing fire use on their rangelands.


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Expansion of Cultivation into Prime Rangelands The expansion of cultivation into marginal rangelands is taken as a panacea for pastoral crisis and in the Borana as elsewhere in Afar and other areas in Ethiopia there is a growing interest to introduce and further expand cultivation to the pastoral areas and this arises from the need to diversify pastoral livelihoods in the face of recurrent droughts and subsequent famine. If this is not done on the basis of sound land use plans both ethnic groups have expressed their worries over the expansion of arable farming to the fragile rangeland systems. Both pastoral groups discussed concrete examples from Aba’ala and Kalla of Afar and Dire of Borana. The Borana described one good example of the devastating effects of cultivating prime rangelands in the nearby Dire Wereda where cultivation started 3-4 decades ago and led to frequent exposure to drought and Dire residents are not better off than the cattle dependent Borana community in Yabello Wereda. Finally, all participants expressed their determination to overcome inappropriate conversion of prime grazing lands into arable lands and as a way forward the Borana traditional leader-Aba Gada is working hard to prevent such encroachments in the Boranaland. Enclosure Establishment The existence of recurrent drought in the Borana rangeland has forced people to develop enclosures that are used when a drought strikes. The idea was first introduced by external agents and later adopted by the community. In each PA, there are as many enclosures as there are labour forces that can provide free labour for thinning of bushes, fencing, and protection. These dry/drought time feed reserves have shielded the Borana pastoral families from the adverse impacts of at least mild droughts. The team visited one of these PAs- Kosibabo and discussions about internal regulations and bylaws made with the beneficiaries. Similarly, the Afars expressed their experiences of enclosure development and management long time ago but nowadays due to recurrent drought combined with population pressure the practice is almost non-existent. The way enclosures are managed by each PA has been taken as a good lesson for the Afar pastoralists and could be replicated in each Kebele so that small aggregations of pastoral households can greatly and closely benefit from enclosures. Early Warning and Policy Lobbying Project staff of CARE Borana described that there is regular collection of information on endowments and socio-economic indicators that later are processed for the purpose of alerting pastoralists about the occurrence of drought. This information is then distributed to the Borana pastoralists through appropriate local networks. The team believes that such early warning task can be initiated in its simplistic way and use it to reduce the vulnerability of Afar pastoralists during drought periods. One of the striking and influential activities performed by CARE Borana is lobbying for the formulation of appropriate pastoral policies at regional and lower levels. This included policy for credit and savings, recognition of paravets, and permission for the use of prescribed fire for controlling bush encroachment of rangelands. It is vital that other projects such as the AIPDP should increasingly engage in policy dialogue with regional and national officials. Traditional Water Well Complexes The Borana are well known for their traditional development and management of deep-water well complexes. The team visited three traditional deep-water well complexes in the vicinity of Dincho village. One of these was traditional while the other two were slightly modified. This modification entails replacement of mud made water troughs that are frequently exposed to collapse by concrete masonry and widening of the main corridor for fast and easy


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movement of livestock. The Afar pastoralists explained that a similar technique is being used in some areas of north Afar and the skills used in Borana can be applied for such well systems. Normally in other areas including northern Afar, livestock are kept long around watering points and this inevitably leads to overgrazing and degradation of the rangelands. Surprisingly, this is not true around the traditional water well complexes in the Borana and the team was fascinated by the ability and consistent interest of Borana herders to keep their livestock away from the watering points right after they drunk. A similar practice can be adopted by the Afar in Kalla and Bahri rangelands where stock are unnecessarily held long around watering points.


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ANNEXES Annex 1. List of forum participants and programme

No. Name Organizations P.O.Box Tele. Fax Email 1. Abdulkerim A.

Guleid Hope for the Horn 26060code100

0 01513631 0151620

3 [email protected]

2. Dawit Kebede NCA 1248 01512922 518167 [email protected] 3. Diress Tsegaye DHP 231 04407000 400793 [email protected] 4. Mamusha Lemma Mekelle University 231 04404204 400793 [email protected] 5. Yayneshet Tesfay Mekelle University 231 04407500 400793 [email protected] 6. Yonis Berkele ENCCD 30357 01611405 [email protected]

7. Kelemework Tafere MU 231

8. Ms Solveig Raaheim Grønsdal

DCG Norway [email protected]

9. Dr Mebrahtom Mesfin

MU 409018

10. Mulugeta Shibru CARE 4710 06-312158 [email protected]

11. Muluget Tefera CARE 4710 01-538040 [email protected]

12. Koronso Redae REST 20 406670

13. Dafa Gudina CARE 4710 02240055 [email protected]

14. Mengistu Hailu MU 231 407500 [email protected]

15. Dr Getachew Gebru GL-CRSP PARIMA

5689 463215/30 [email protected]

16. Amin Ibrahim Aba’ala Depart Agri.

17. Momin Mohammed Aba’ala Council

18. Ahmed Aliu Aba’ala

19. Haji Mohamed Aile Gugsa

Aba’ala

20. Dr Mulugeta Berhanu

REST 20 406681 [email protected]

21. Kidanemariam Baraki

WAT 406966

22. Yemane G/Her MU 407500

23. Liben Arero CARE 4710 06-312158 [email protected]

24. Gayo Huka CARE 4710 06-312158 [email protected]

25. Fekremariam Yeneneh

Aba’ala Depart Agri.


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Annex 2. Forum Programme

Forum on Issues of Pastoral Development in Ethiopia Organized by Mekelle University and DCG Norway

June 27-28, 2003, Axum Hotel, Mekelle, Ethiopia

June 27, 2003

Chairperson: Dr Mulugeta Berhanu Rapporteur: Ato Mulugeta Tefera Time Event Presenter/facilitator 8:30 -9:00 Registration of participants Organizing committee 9:00 - 9:15 9:15-9:30

• Opening speech

• Keynote address

• Ato Dawit Kebede, DCG Ethio-Sudan Board Chairperson

• Solveig Raaheim Grønsdal, DCG Norway Coordinator

9:30 - 10: 30 Rangeland resources management by north Afar pastoralists

Yayneshet Tesfay

10: 30 -11:00 Coffee break 11:00-12:00 Rangeland resources management by north Afar

pastoralists Yayneshet Tesfay

12:00-12:30 Pastoral research experience of DHP Ethiopia Diress Tsegaye 12:30 - 14:00 Lunch break

Chairperson: Ato Dawit Kebede Rapporteur: Ato Diress Tsegaye 14:00-15:00 Pastoral research experience of ILRI Dr Getachew Gebru 15:00-16:00 Group discussion 16:00-16:30 Coffee break 16:30-17:30 Group presentation and discussion Group rapporteurs

June 28, 2003 Chairperson: Ato Mamusha Lemma Rapporteur: Ato Mengistu Hailu 8:30 - 10:00 Indigenous conflict management in northern Afar Kelemework Tafere 10:00-10:30 Experience of pastoral development in Somali Abdulkerim Ahmed Guleid 10: 30 -11:00 Coffee break 11:00-11:30 Experience of pastoral development in Borona Care Ethiopia 11:30-12:00 Indigenous conflict management in northern Afar Kelemework Tafere 12:00-12:30 Agro-pastoral development experiences of Erob

people in Tigray Mengistu Hailu

12:30 - 14:00 Lunch break Chairperson: Ato Yonis Berkele Rapporteur: Ato Diress Tsegaye 14:00-14:30 Experience of pastoral development in Awash Care Ethiopia 14:30 - 15:30 Group discussion 15:30 – 16:30 Group presentation Group rapporteurs 16:30 - 17:00 Coffee break 17:00-18:00 General discussion 18:00 Closing remark Mekelle University


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Annex 3. Terms of reference

“A learning and experience sharing tour and a forum

on pastoral development issues” Background and Relevance: Having an experience-sharing visit to pastoral community members is valuable in terms of sharing the experiences and skills of one ethnic group from the other. Such an experience-sharing visit in the form of a mobile workshop is beneficial to accomplish community projects successfully. It is believed that such an experience sharing and action-learning visit will benefit community members in terms of improving their skills in designing and supervising project activities. Earlier this year the Somali pastoralists have visited and exchanged their experience with the northern Afar pastoralists. Both groups have discussed the roles of pastoral people in the conservation of natural resources.

The organization of a pastoral forum will also be of paramount importance in terms of discussing current pastoral development issues among the community, development agents, researchers, and thereby influencing policy makers. Purpose and Objectives: The purpose of the experience sharing visit and pastoral forum is to improve the skills and talents of pastoral people in implementing community based development projects.

The specific objectives will be: • To provide a platform for discussing pastoral development issues and its challenges, • To gain the experience of other people on community based development projects and

mode of operation at grass roots level, • To create awareness on the broad issues of pastoral development at national, regional and

lower levels. Scope and Methods: The experience sharing tour to the Borana rangelands will benefit both the people of northern Afar and the Borana pastoralists. The experience sharing tour will be organized in a form of mobile workshop and entails extensive tour, participatory discussion, and video shows.

The forum will be organized in such a way that it will serve as a platform for creating awareness among development agents, researchers, and policy makers about the challenges of pastoral development. Case studies from northern Afar areas will be presented and other invited papers and open dialogues and discussions, audio-visual shows. The participants will be drawn from the Afar, Somali, Borana, and others. Moreover, regional and national representatives from the major governmental and non-governmental organizations concerned with pastoral development issues will be invited.


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Expected results: • A better chance for pastoral community to implement and sustainably manage pastoral

development issues, • Identification of key pastoral development issues and a better understanding of the

challenges of pastoral development by policy makers, development agents, and researchers,

• Production of proceedings of a workshop. Human Resources and Lead Institution: Two national consultants will be hired to do the preparatory work for the pastoral forum, as well as writing the proceedings. Mekelle University will recruit people internally to lead the exchange programme. Time Frame: The pastoral forum will be arranged in the end of June and the exchange programme in mid-July, 2003. Responsible Organization: Afar-Integrated Pastoral Development Programme (AIPDP), Mekelle University and Zone 2 Department of Agriculture (Afar). Budget: The budget for this activity is 125 000 NOK.


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Annex 4. List of people interviewed during the field work (NRM) SN Date Name Of interviewee Occupation Settlement 1. 03/06/2003 Abdu Enahaba Local leader & pasoralist Assengola 2. 03/06/2003 Ali Mohammed Pastoralist Assengola 3. 04/06/2003 Diressa Alyu Pastoralist Assengola 4. 04/06/2003 Ahmed Abdella Pastoralist Haridan 5. 05/06/2003 Ousman Diressa Pastoralist Haridan 6. 05/06/2003 Yayo Boluh Pastoralist Haridan 7. 06/06/2003 Mohamed Ibrahim Pastoralist Gala'esso 8. 06/06/2003 Hamet Mohammed Pastoralist Erepti 9. 06/06/2003 Abdu Tateber Pastoralist Erepti 10. 07/06/2003 Mohammed Ali Pastoralist Erepti 11. 07/06/2003 Hassen Mohamed Pastoralist Erepti 12. 07/06/2003 Ousman Yassin Pastoralist Erepti 13. 07/06/2003 Mohammed Ibrahim Pastoralist Gala'esso 14. 07/06/2003 Abdu Ali Pastoralist Gala'esso 15. 07/06/2003 Surar Mohamo Pastoralist Gala'esso 16. 08/06/2003 Ali Humphere Local leader & pasoralist Aba'ala 17. 08/06/2003 Mussa Hassen Pastoralist Wossema 18. 08/06/2003 Kedir Leae Pastoralist Wossema 19. 08/06/2003 Idris Mohammed Pastoralist Wossema 20. 09/06/2003 Ali Ahmed Local leader and pasoralist Wossema 21. 09/06/2003 Mohammed Abdella Pastoralist Wossema 22. 09/06/2003 Ali Mohammed Pastoralist Wossema 23. 10/06/2003 Mohamed Dimis Pastoralist Erepti 24. 10/06/2003 Burelle Aidahais Pastoralist Erepti 25. 11/06/2003 Ali Belay Soil expert Depart. of Agricul. 26. 11/06/2003 Gezahegn Mamo Forest expert Depart. of Agricul. 27. 11/06/2003 Kidanu Tadesse Watershed expert Depart. of Agricul. 28. 11/06/2003 Sirak Alemayehu Animal health assistant Depart. of Agricul. 29. 11/06/2003 Wondiferaw

G/Mariam Development agent Depart. of Agricul.

30. 11/06/2003 Sileshi Shiferaw Development agent Depart. of Agricul. 31. 12/06/2003 Abdella Mohammed Pastoralist Gala'esso 32. 12/06/2003 Ali Ahmed Pastoralist Gala'esso 33. 13/06/2003 Gezahegne Tadesse Water shed expert Depart. of Agricul. 34. 13/05/2003 Mesfin Getaneh Livestock expert Depart. of Agricul. 35. 14/06/2003 Amin Ibrahim Head Depart. of Agricul. 36. 14/06/2003 Fikremariam Yeneneh Extension agent Depart. of Agricul.


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List of Publications Reports: 1 A. Synnevåg, G. et Halassy, S. 1998: “Etude des indicateurs de la sécurité alimentaire dans deux sites de la zone d’intervention de l’AEN-Mali: Bambara Maodé et Ndaki (Gourma Malien)”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 1 B. Synnevåg, G. and Halassy, S. 1998: “Food Security Indicators in Two Sites of Norwegian Church Aid’s Intervention Zone in Mali: Bambara Maoudé and N’Daki (Malian Gourma)”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 2 A. Aune, J.B. and Doumbia, M.D. 1998: “Integrated Plant Nutrient Management (IPNM), Case studies of two projects in Mali: CARE Macina programme and PIDEB”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 2 B. Aune, J.B. et Doumbia, M.D. 1998: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV), Etude de Cas de deux projets au Mali: Programme de CARE Macina et PIDEB”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 3 A. Berge, G., Larsen, K., Rye, S., Dembele, S.M. and Hassan, M. 1999: “Synthesis report and Four Case Studies on Gender Issues and Development of an Improved Focus on Women in Natural Resource Management and Agricultural Projects”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 3 B. Berge, G., Larsen, K., Rye, S., Dembele, S.M. et Hassan, M. 1999:“Rapport de synthèse et quatre études de cas sur Les Questions de Genre et Développement d’une Approche Améliorée concernant les Femmes et les Projets d’Agriculture et de Gestion des Ressources Naturelles”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 4 A. Sydness, M. et Ba, B. 1999: “Processus de decentralisation, développement institutionnel et reorganisation des ONG financées par la Norvège au Mali”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 4 B. Sydness, M. and Ba, B. 1999: “Decentralisation Process, Institution Development and Phasing out of the Norwegian Involvement in Mali”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 5. Waktola, A. and Michael, D.G. 1999: “Institutional Development and Phasing Out of the Norwegian Involvement, the Case of Awash Conservation and Development Project, Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 6. Waktola, A. 1999: “Exploratory Study of Two Regions in Ethiopia: Identification of Target Areas and partners for Intervention”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 7. Mossige, A. 2000: “Workshop on Gender and Rural Development – Training Manual”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 8. Synnevåg, G. et Halassy, S. 2000: ”Sécurité Sémenciére: Etude de la gestion et de


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l’approvisionnement en semences dans deux villages du cercle de Ké-Macina au Mali: Kélle et Tangana”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 9. Abesha, D., Waktola, A, Aune, J.B. 2000: ”Agricutural Extension in the Drylands of Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 10. Sydness, M., Doumbia, S. et Diakité K. 2000: ”Atelier sur la désentralisation au Mali”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 11. N’Dior, P. A. et Traore, N. 2000: ”Etude sur les programmes d’espargne et de credit au Mali”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 12. Lode, K. and G. Kassa. 2001: ”Proceedings from a Workshop on Conflict Resolution Organised by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG), November 8-10, 2000 Nazareth, Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 13. Shiferaw, B. and A. Wolday, 2001: “Revisiting the Regulatory and Supervision Framework of the Micro-Finance Industry in Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 14 A. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2001: “Intergrated Plant Nutrition Management (IPNM): Practical Testing of Technologies with Farmers Groups”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 14 B. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2001: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végetaux (GINV): Tests Pratiques de Technologies avec des Groupes de Paysans”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 15. Larsen, K. and M. Hassan, 2001: “Perceptions of Knowledge and Coping Strategies in Nomadic Communities – The case of the Hawawir in Northern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 16 A. Mossige, A., Berkele, Y. & Maiga, S., 2001: “Participation of Civil Society in the national Action Programs of the United Nation’s Convention to Combat Desertification: Synthesis of an Assessment in Ethiopia and Mali”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 16 B. Mossige, A., Berkele, Y. & Maiga, S., 2001: “La Participation de la Societe Civile aux Programme d’Actions Nationaux de la Convention des Nations Unies sur la lutte contre la Desertification”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 17. Kebebew, F., D. Tsegaye and G. Synnevåg: “Traditional Coping Strategies of the Afar and Borana Pastoralists in Response to Drought”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 18. Shanmugaratnam, N., D. Mamer and M. R. Kenyi, 2002: “From Emergency Relief to Local Development and Civil Society Building: Experiences from the Norwegian Peoples’ Aid’s Interventions in Southern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 19. Mitiku, H. and S. N. Merga, 2002: Workshop on the Experience of Water Harvesting in the Drylands of Ethiopia: Principles and practices”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.


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20. Tesfai, M., V. Dawod and K. Abreha, 2002: Management of Salt-affected Soils in the NCEW « Shemshemia » Irrigation Scheme in the Upper Gash Valley of Eritrea”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

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21. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2002: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végetaux (GINV): Tests Pratiques de Technologies avec des Groupes de Paysans- Rapport de la Campagne 2001”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 22. Haidara, Y., Dembele, M. et Bacha, A. “Formation sur la lutte contre la desertificationatelier organisé par groupe de coordination des zones arides (gcoza) du 07 au 10 octobre 2002 a gossi (Mali)”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 23. Aune, J. B. 2003. “Desertification control, rural development and reduced CO2 emissions

through the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol - an impasse or a way forward?” Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 24. Larsen, K. and Hassan, M. 2003. “Sedentarisation of Nomadic People: The Case of the Hawawir in Um Jawasir, Northern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 25. Cissé, I. et Keita, M.S. 2003. ”Etude d’impacts socio-économique et environnemental des plaines aménagées pour riziculture au Mali.” Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 26. Berkele, Y. and Mossige, A. 2003. ”Indicators to Promote Civil Society’s (NGOs and CBOs) Participation in the implementation of Ethiopia’s National and Regional Action Programs of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. A guideline Document”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 27. Assefa, F., Dawd, M. and Abesha, A. D. 2003. “Implementation Aspects of Integrated Pest Management (IPM): Policy and Extension Gap in Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 28. Haile, A., Selassie, D.G., Zereyacob, B. and Abraham, B. 2003, “On-Farm Storage Studies in Eritrea”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 29. Doumbia, M.D., Berthé, A., Aune, J.B. 2003, “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV): Tests Pratiques et Vulgarisation de Technologies”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

30. Mossige, A. and M. Macina 2004, “Indicateurs visant à promouvoir et suivre la participation de la Société Civile (ONG et OCB) dans la mise en œuvre des Programmes d’Action National, Régional et Communal de la Convention des Nations Unies sur la lutte contre la desertification”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway. 31. Tesfay, Y. and Tafere, K. 2004. “Indigenous Rangeland resources and Conflict Management by the North Afar Pastoral Groups in Ethiopia. A Pastoral Forum Organized by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia, June 27-28, 2003, Mekelle, Ethiopia. Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.


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Proceedings: 1. Seminar on the Formation of DCG Ethiopia-Sudan. Proceedings from a Seminar organised by the Drylands Coordination Group in Nazareth, Ethiopia, April 10-12, 2000. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås. 2. Seminar on the Formation of DCG Eritrea. Proceedings from a Seminar Hosted by the National Confederation of Eritrean Workers (NCEW) in Asmara, Eritrea, March 26th-28th, 2001. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås. 3. Amha, W. 2001. Revisiting the Regulatory and Supervision Framework of the Microfinance Industry in Ethiopia. Proceedings from a Seminar Organised by the Relief Society of Tigray (REST), on behalf of the Drylands Coordination Group in Ethiopia and Sudan, In Mekelle, August 25, 2001. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås. 4. Mossige, A. and Berkele, Y. 2001. Civil Society’s Participation in the National Action Program to Combat Desrtification and Mitigate the Effects of Dought in Ethiopia. Proceedings from a Workshop organised by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia, Debre Zeit, September 13-14, 2001. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås. 5. Maiga, S. et Mossige, A. 2001. Participation de la Societe Civile dans la Mies en Euvre Programme d’action pour la Convention Sur la Desertification (CCD) au Mali. L’atelier Organise par le Groupe Coordination sur les Zones Arides (GCOZA) Au Centre Aoua Keita, Bamako, Les 5 et 6 novembre 2001. GCOZA/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås. 6. Do conventions need civil society? A critical review of the role of civil society in the implementation of international conventions. Proceeding from a Seminar Arranged by the Drylands Coordination Group and Forum for Development and Environment (ForUM) in Oslo, January 15th, 2002. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås. 7. Berkele, Y. 2002. Workshop on training of trainers in UNCCD/NAP implementation in Ethiopia. Proceedings from a workshop arranged by the Drylands Coordination Group in Ethiopia, Nazareth, June 10-15, 2002, DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås. 8. Sustainable livelihoods of farmers and pastoralists in Eritrea. Proceedings from a workshop organised by DCG Eritrea in National Confederation of Eritrean Workers Conference Hall, Asmara, November 28 –29, 2002. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University Of Norway, Ås. 9. DCG networking seminar 2002, 15th-22nd November 2002, Khartoum, Sudan. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås. 10. Soumana, D. 2003. Atelier d’information, d’exchange et de réflexion sur l’élargissement du Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides (GCoZA) au Mali, Au Centre Aoua Keita, Bamako, Les 18 et 19 février 2003. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University Of Norway, Ås.


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Dryland Coordination Group Addresses in Norway: ADRA Norge Akersgata 74, 0180 Oslo, Norway Tel: +47 22 11 20 80, Fax: +47 22 20 53 27 e-mail: [email protected] CARE Norge Universitetsgt. 12, 0164 Oslo, Norway Tel: +47 22 20 39 30, Fax: +47 22 20 39 36 e-mail: [email protected] Development Fund Grensen 9b, 0159 Oslo, Norway Tel: +47 23 10 96 00, Fax: .+47 23 10 96 01 e-mail: [email protected] Norwegian Church Aid P.O. Box 4544 Torshov, 0404 Oslo, Norway Tel: +47 22 22 22 99, Fax: + 47 22 22 24 20 e-mail: [email protected] Norwegian People’s Aid P.O. Box 8844 Youngstorget, 0028 Oslo, Norway Tel: + 47 22 03 77 00, Fax: + 47 22 17 70 82 e-mail: [email protected]

Noragric, Centre for International Environment and Development Studies Agricultural University of Norway, P.O. Box 5003, 1432 Ås, Norway Tel: +47 64 94 99 50, Fax: +47 64 94 07 60 e-mail: [email protected]

indigenous rangeland resources and conflict management by the

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