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Flmmakec, srudents, and assorred members of the Now generarioo who weredrawn to video. Portable video served as a bonding agent for individuals insearch of a new source of communiry and shared sense of purpose. They were"the progeoy of the Baby Boom, a generatioo ar home with technology theBomb and the carhode-ray tube, ready to make imagioative use of rhe commu-nications media ro convey rheir messages of change. "4 A*are of the centralityo[ media in modern life, of the way television shapes reality and consciousness,they tried to gain access to mass media. rWheo frusrrated, they created rheirown underground and alternative media, taking seriously A. J. Liebling's ob-servation, "Freedom ofthe press is guaranreed only to ahose who own one."

Turning the limits of their technology into a virtue, underground video-makers invented a distinctive style unique ro rhe medium. Some pioneers usedsurveillance cameras and became adept at free-handing" a camera becausethere was no viewfinder. t Tripods with their 6xed viewpoiots-were out;hand-held lluidity was in. Video's unique ability to capitalize on rhe momentwith instant playback and real-time monitoring of evenrs also suited the era'semphasis on "pfocess, nor product." Process art, earrh at, conceprual art, andperformance art all shared a deemphasis on the linal work and an emphasis onhow it came to be. The absence of electronic editing equipment-which dis-couraged shaping a tape into a finished "product"-ftrrther encouraged the de-velopment of a '?rocess" video aesthetic.

The early video shooting styles were as much influenced by medrtationtechniques like t'ai chi and drug-induced epiphanies as rhey were by existingtechnology. Aspiring to the "minimal presence" of an "absorber" of informa-tion, videomakers like Paul Ryan believed in waiting for rhe scene to happen,trying not to shape it by direcring events. The fact that videotape was rela-tively cheap and reusable made laissez faire work as feasible as it was desirable.

Underground video groups appeared throughout the Unired States, butNew York City served as the hub of the sixties video underground scene.Prominent early groups included the Videofreex, People's Video Theater,Global Village, aod Raindance Corporation. The Videofreex was rhe move-ment's preeminent production group! acring as its technological and aestheticinnovator; People's Video Theater used live and taped feedback of embattledcommunity groups as a catalyst for social change; Global Village initiated theIirst closed-circuit video theater to show underground work lfotlowed by thePhilo T. Farnesworth Obelisk Theater, a project of the Electric Eye io California); and Raindance seryed as rhe movemenr's research and development arm.

Since the chronicling of any movement tends to encourage its expansion,Raindance played a key role, producing uoderground video's chief informarionsource and national networkin g tool, Radical Sr{tuwre (e<Jiced by Beryl Kororand Phyllis Gershuny). In addition, Raindance members contributed to a cul-

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monitor lacked the impact and spontaneity demanded of the happenings of theera, producers devised multichannel video installations as Iive theatrical events.

This called for live mixing of a variety of inputs including performance,video feedback of an audience, and edited video and 6lm clips-displayed onten or more monitors in specially designed video theaters.

Ira Schneider, Frank Gillette, Les Levine, Rudi Stern, Skip Sweeney, and

Steina and \Woody Vasulka were some of the early explorers of multichannelvideo. In the early r97os, two major documentary installations were produced,and their innovation oo the form proved sensational but shortlived.

Global Village's cofounder John Reilly became interested in the conllictsin Ireland in r97o. He invited Stefan Moore and a crew to shoot what turnedout to be some highly explosive sequences in Belfast, pioneering the use ofhalf-ioch portable video in a combat zone. Moore's quest to edit one hundredhours of tape was still unrealized after three versions when Reilly suggestedthat he edit three chaonels instead of one for playback on ten monitors. Notonly would Moore be able to escaPe the linear narrative form, but he couldcreate an "event" to engage viewers more deeply in the dramatic, emotionallycharged scenes on tape. The format allowed Reilly and Moore to iuxtapose thehard-edged reality of the war-torn lrish with images and attitudes about theItish at a New York City St. Patrick's Day parade.s Their live performance ofTbe lfub Tapa was presented in r973 and was greeted with controversy andacclaim.e

On the West Coasr, The Ca inuing Stary of Carel awl Fad by ArthurGinsberg and Skip Sweeney of Video Ftee America was presented as a mrrlti-channel show in r91z ar,d billed as an "underground video documentary soap

opera a closed-circuit, multiple-image, videotape novel about pornography,sexr.ral identities, the institutioo of marriage, and the effect of living too closeto an electronic medirm.""'This improbable chtonicle of the mariage be-tqeen a porn star and a bisexual juokie was performed usiflg three cameras(one oo the audience, one on the operators, one orr the preview monitors) andrhree VTRs (one with rhe narrative line, one with highlighting comments, onewith bold visuals). All six inputs were processed through a matrix switcherand juxtaposed in varying combinatioos on twelve monitors.

Arthur Ginsberg noted at rhe time rn Radical Softuare #4 that he aodSkip Sweeney begao taping the couple as "a piece o[ video erotica, but theirproject quickly metamorphosed into "a \Warholesque study of a couple offreaky people, then a hip study of the institution o[ marriage, and finally . . .

a number about media process and public life style. "Both Carel and Fud aod The lrish Tdpet wete later updated aod ediced

ioto single-channel tapes for broadcast rn r911by !flNET-TV. By the mid-r97os video theaters were a thing ofthe past, multichannel installations were

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The 1970s: Alternative TV

The r97os trshered in a new era of alternative video. The underground becameao above-ground media phenomenon as magazine afticles on rhe .,arternare-me-dia guerrillas" appeared in mainstream periodicals like Neuueek and Neu yotkmagazine. When federal rules mandated local origination programming andpublic-access channels for most cable ,yra"-., aubla ."a_j ,i o.o-,r. u n"*,utopian era of democratic information, functioning as u decent.alized

"lterna-tive to the commercially driven broadcasr medium.The new AV format porapak appeared in r97o, conforming to a new internarioflal standard for half_ioch videotape. For the 6rst rime, tJpes m^dewith one manr.rfacrurer's portable video equipment could be playei back oncompering manufacturers' equipment. Not only did this boost competition

among video manufacturers and accelerate the developmenr of portable video,it also facilirated the exchange of tapes, which would become even more wide_spread once the 3/4-inch U-matic cassette became available in r972. The newAV format, with an eyepiece that allowed instanr playback in ,1i..o..r..", pro_liferated across rhe counrry as more and -o." p"opi" Legun to e*plore the me_dium

Government funding for video was inaugurated by the New york StateCouncil on the Arts in r97o. ri7ith it, rhe..all_for_one,,camaraderie of earlyvideo activity, which had begun to break down io the scramble for Ctss dollarsthe year before, soon deteriorated into an all_out funding battle as videogroups competed for their share of rhe pie.,r rVithin a year, sharp divisionsbetween "video artists" and ,.video activists,, surfaced. In time alternative vid-eomakers subdivided inro two factions: communicy video advocares and guer-rilla television producers.

Currilla Telea*iot

Although exponenrs of guerrilla television professed an interest in communrtyvideo, they were generally far more interested in developing rhe video mediumand getting tapes aired on television than in serviog ^ lo.uliz"d constrrueocy.Probably the best-knowo guerrilla television *us p.odrrced by an ad hoc groLrpof videomakers assembred io rtl1z to cover the political conventions for cabretelevision. Top Value Television (aka TVTV) produced hour-long, documen_tary tapes of the Democratic and Republicao National Conventiirs and madevideo history, providing national viewers with an iconoclastic, alternarive vi_sion of rhe American political process and the media thar cover it. TVTV re-lied upon the technical and artistic expertise of groups like the Videofreex,Raindance, and rhe San Francisco-based g.orp An, Farm, adding u di.ain.aiu"way of producing and promoting the event for cable television.

7o Fozr More Yeat (t912), TVTV's crew of nineteen threaded its way

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TVTV's success with its lirst two documentaries for cable TV attractedthe interest of public relevision, and TVTV was the 6rst video group commis-sioned to produce work for national broadcast on public television. New tech-nology-notably color portapaks, electronic editing equipment, and the stand-alone timc base corrector made it possible to broadcast half-inch video. Andso guerrilla television revised its revolutionary aims into a reform movement toimprove broadcast television by example. Vithout the radical politics of ther96os to inspire them, guerrilla television's producers became incteasingly con-cerneJ v,rth the polrtics of bruxd!nstinA.

In i974, shortly atter TVTV introduced national audiences to guerrillatelevisioo, rhe lirst all-color portable video documentary was produced byDo*'nrorvn Community Television Center (DCTV) and aired on PBS. DCTVwas lormed as a community video group serving New York City's Lower EastSide. But unlike other community video organizations, DCTV did not confineirselfsolely ro social issues on the local level. Crba:'fhe People (r974) offered afasr paced tour of life in Cuba, indicative of a style of investigative video iour-nalism that DCTV developed throughout the r97os. More conventional thanTVTV's gr:errilla iconoclasm, DCTV modeled itself on television documenta-ries but introduced an advoca.y viewpoint disarmingly interpreted by codirec-torJon Alpert. For this tape, DCTV toured the mountains, countryside, afldcapital of Cuba, talking with pcoplc about life lffore and after the revolution.These interviews were linkcd by Alpert's narration. Unlike the detached state-ments ofa srand up reporter, Alpcrt's high-pitched voice registered irony, en-thusiasm, and frequent surprisc, pointing up improvements since the revolu-!ion wirhout glossing over some dehcits under socialism. Public televisionagreed to air the tape, but not without a wraparound with Harrison Salisburyto stave off possible criticism. The wraparound afforded an unexpected andamusing conrrasr between old-style TV journalism and DCTV's contribution toguerrilla television's direct, informal, advocacy style. ''

One of the most talked about tapes of the period was produced by twofilmmakers ,x,ho decided to explore the potential of low light video camcras tocaprure rhe nightrime reality ofan urban police fbrce. Alan and Susan Ray-mond s Ile Police'lapet (1976) was a disturbing video r,y'tly' view of ghettocrime as seeo by the policemcn ofthe 44th Precinct io the South Bronx, betterknown as Fort Apache. Structured around the nightly patrols, it focuscd onten real-life dramas and the leadership of an above-average commanding ofli.crfrustrated by "commanding an army of occupation in the ghetto." Distilledfrom over forty hours of videotape, Tbe Police Tapu was produccd for publictelevision and then reedited ioto an hour-long version for ABC. 1r

Bccause guerrilla television was given national exposure on public TV, itsgutsy style influenced many documentary video produccrs around thc country.Not only were many community video groups affected, but as televisrun news

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local origination programming; in Minoeapolis, Universiry Community Videopurchased a half hour of broadcast time weekly to air its half-hour documen-tary video series on local public television; and the New Orleans Video AccessCenter (NOVAC) relied on the public affairs interest of a local network affiliateto get its documentary productions broadcast. For various reasons each group'sinvolvement with television whether cable, public TV, or network TVevenrually jeopardized the organization's commitmenr to community-mademedia.

Broadside TV *as founded by Ted Carpeoter, a former VISTA volunteeraod Ford Foundation Fellow, who had combed the backhills of Appalachiaduring the early I97os, making short documentaries or "holler rapes" on re-gional issues. Carpencer held his camera in his lap and used a monitor ratherthan his camera viervlinder to frame a picture, allowing him to establish an itr-timate rapport with his speakers. He rhen shared these tapes with remoteneighbors, inviting them to make their own tape. Half-inch video's portabil-ity, simple operatioo, and unthreatening nature made it easy for people tospeak their piece before the camera. Caipenter's form of networking informa

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arts center for nationally recognized video artists. Other forces besides those oftelevision were influencing once-thriviog community video groups.

Realizing that New Orleans would not be wired for cable for years andthe local public television affiliate was uninterested in airing community videoproductions, the New Orleans Video Access Center (NOVAC) turned to net-work television for distribution of its documentary tapes in the mid-r97os.NOVAC staffers began producing social documenraries on the problems facingthe city's low-income black population for a local network affiliate and wonawards for their work. With the pressure to produce technically sophisticatedand conceptually complex documentary productions, NOVAC-like UCV in-creasingly relied on staff producers rather than community members. NOVAClearned, as did many other community access groups ofthe time, that once thenovelty of exploring video equipment worc off, many commuoity members hadlittle interest in becoming video producers. Although many residents expressedinterest in using this new tool for social progress, few had the time to developthe skills required to become producers of documentaries for broadcast.'o Andso the pressure to produce for television, with its large audiences and increasedpossibility for influencing social change, unwittingly seduced many communtyaccess cenrers away from their original purpose of facilitating people to peoplevideo-

New Conttituencie.r

Community video activists were not only dedicated to serving regional constit-uencies but also to serving the specialized interests of multicultural communr-ties such as womenj gays, blacks, Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans,among others.

Pormble video's debut coincided with the burgeoning of the women'smovement, and documentary video offered another avenue of expression forwomen who were rede6ning their hisaory as well as their future. Since half-inch, black-and-white video was still a lightweight, low-status medium,women were free to move into the forefront as video producers, and therr con-cerns represented a distinctive voice in early video work. Women began ex-changing videoletters; ahey started their own video access centers aod pro-grammed their own cable channels; and they ran rheir own video festivals.

In 1972, Susan Milano organized the l'rrst Women's Video Festival inNew York City, de6niog guerrilla activity in feminist terms. In r973, thel'rrst feminist documentary aired on public television was produced by a SaoFraocisco video group known as Optic Nerve. Sherrie Rabinowitz and LynnAdler went behind the scenes for an unusual view of the Miss CaliforniaBeauty Pageant. 50 Wot@al Year in afuitl style subtly asked viewers to con-

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oeered documcntary video durinli the r97os, ioined in the I98os by a growrngcommunity ol concerncd Asian videomakcrs, iocluding Shu Lea Chang, ChrisChoy, Sachiko Hamada, and Renee Tajima, to name a few.

Native Americans sere actively cngaged in producing community videothroughout rhe r97os, addressing locai and national issues from tribal councilmeerings ro American Indian N{ovemeot protests.ri By the l98os, Amcrrc.Lnlndian producers had penerrated mainstrealn media with conventional documenlaries about pressing social and polirical issues, such as disputed landrights and the tragedy of alcol-rolism and unemployment, as wcll as experimen-tal do.umentaries like those by Hopi documentarist Victor Masayesva, Jr.,ll,ho focuses on spiritual concerns and vanishing traditions.

Rilt of Inlepedent Dotttnexlary Produut

By the mid-r97os, tcams aocl individuals had replaced the collcctivcs, a resultofchangiog funding patterns, thc cnd of an era of collecrivism, and a,r..rriv.need fclt 6y many individuals to branch our ancl clevelop their own styles ancl

subjccts. People who had learncd their craft as members ofvidco colle,rirts orcommunity groups began to produce inclepcndent documentarics lor public and

nctwork TV, for exan-rple: Grcg Prart and Jim Mulligan of University Com-munity Video; I-ouis Alvarcz, Andy Kolker, and Stevenson Pal6 of Neu' Or-leans Video Access (ienter; aod Blaine Dunlap of Broadsidc TV.

One of thc most Promincot ne*"' inclependents was Skip Blumberg, wlrohad developed the intimate style of video camer^man/intervicwcr as ^ vetelanmember of such collectives as the Videofreex, TVTV, Videopolis, ancl lrrageUnion. In the micl-r97os, Blumberg bcgan pro<Jucing livcly cultural docu-mcntaries on ski jumpers, whistling champs, jugglers, ancl musical sa'w' play-ers q'ork that he fclt warn-recl up thc cool medium of tclevision. Blum-berg's artful cuttirrg of his Emmy Au'ard winning tape. Pah Llp YurrFeet:'l he

DnbL Drtch -!ra? (r98I), macle his largely one-camcra shootinll seem like li-ve-TV studio mixing, revealing an underAround aPPreciation of stretching thclimics oi loq-budgct rechnologl' to their nraximum cffcctiveness. r' }-lis rnslir-ing portrair of black and Hispanic urban girls excelling in a sPort of rheir ownc1'pi6ed ir net sole ofdocumenrarl suiterl fir thc I98os, one thar addressed

-" r Ll rs.rr.- rn .n oblrou. bur .tle.trre m.,nn,.r.

The 1980s: Docunentary Pluralism

The rgllos arrivcd on a $ilve (la conservil(ivism that rhredtened to Llndurmrncthe efforts of social activisrs and licleo ionovators ot earlier decades. As youngvideomakers opred to make lucrative music videos or neo expressionist narra-tives hailcd bv thc art u,orld, the.locumentary seemed on the verlle oF bccom-

64

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DEIBDRE BOYLE

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culture in conllict with a hostile world. A far cry from the realism typicallyemployed in political documentaries, Meta Mayan 11 spoke powerfully butsymbolically. By juxtaposing an American news broadcast about a Marxisrpeasant "uprising" with the slow-motion walk of an lndian woman down a

.ountry road, Velez used the womao's floating passage as an emblem oF herpeoplc s plight: Iike her, they were suspended in time and space, vulnerable toexrernal forces over which they had littie control.

Dan Reeves's romantic autobiographical cssay on his wartime expcriencesin Vietnam further stretched the boundaries of documentary video. His hallucinatory collage of audio and visual images snatched from the collective databank of television and popular music culminated in a re-creation of an ambushoo the Cua Viet River in Vietnam in r969 that had haunted him ever since.rVeaving togethcr childhood dreams of military glory with adult nighrmarer ofgruesome death, Smothering Dreams (rL18t) was a cathartic reenactment, a burn_ing antiwar statement, and a devastating analysis of the mass media's role ininculcating violence aod aggression from childhood onward.

Hopi videomaker Victor Masayesva, Jr. used the natural landscapes of Ar-izona to poetically evokc the history of his people. In lt.i ] Ha*in H.tpilt(r984), the last male member of the Bow Clan recounted his own personal his-tory as well as traditional versions of the Hopi Emergence story and dn accountofthe Pueblo Revolr of r68o. By adapting the latest state-oF-the art videotechniques to serve his age-old oral tradition ancl culaure. Masayesva slipped effortlessly fiom realism to surrealism, colorizing imagcs and speeding up ac

tions, visually creating a mythic dimension that invited viewers to exprrienct.rdifferent, Hopi scnsc oF time, place, and meaning.

ln contrast with tlre special eflects and symbolic language of thesr rxl-errmentirl documentaries, a new interest in stripped down minimalist portr.ritsand straig;htforward storytelling was seen. Fred Simoo's Frank: A Vietnan Vet-.td, (r981) offered a relentlessly compelling account oF rvhat it is like to lovekilling onl1 to live long enough to ref1et every bloody deed. Simon concentrated the black-and-shite camera on Frank talking a style that, in the handsofa lesser person. nould produce nothing more than a banal 'talkiog head"but Simon s persistence in rcrealing the deeper messages conveyed in Frank'srormenred eyes and strained iice rielded a forceful, moving portrait.

Wendl Clarke s ninimalist portraits, collected in her scrics The Lote T apet(i98r). *ere equall\ spare and emotionally riveting. Traveling around thecountry, Clarke set up video boorhs slhere individuals ofall ages, races, andwalks of life could recr-rrd rheir rhorrghts abour love for rhree minutes, thenplay it back and decide *hether ro erase rhe rapc or keep it. Clarke then compiled edited versions drasn from the statements of more than floo people whooffered alternarely lunn1,, pained, angry, philosophic, sensitive, and weirdmonolollues on the complexity and endurancc of lovc. The deceptive simplicity

DEIADBE AOYIE66

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tioo equipment. It is not surprising rhat producers ofthe t9l3os have fre-qucntly chosen either to cast rheii forrures wirh the lot of commercialtelevision and hope for the l.lest or produce a ncw brand of low tech u,ork forlimitcd or closed-circuit distributiorr.

An example ofthe fbrmer isJon Alpert, thc only independent vicleo producer to successfully straddle rhe wodds of network TV and radical commrrnityvideo. His investigative minidocs" fbr NBC's "Today Show" have rvon L.nthcriticism and praise. As one ofthe few independent producers ro cross overfrom public TV to network TV and mainrain control over lris srories, Alperthas brought thc plight of midwestern farmers, urban squarrers! and inner crryheroin addicts as well as embattled cirizens around rhe globe inro the breakfastnooks of mainstream America. Alpert is a muckraking reformer-not of bioadcast relevisioo-but of conremporary socieay. Yer critics on thc Right and onthe Left insist hc has not been above staging sequences and enrrapping "theenemy' For dramaric effect despite NBC's sraunch defense of his journalistic in-tegrity. r7

The Faustian bargain Alpert made in his decision ro work wirhin the networks demanded an inevitablc compromise. Although his transformatron inroanother hired gun for network TV may be overstated, it suggests thc cnormousproblems thar have continually faccd documentary video producers who havetried to work within the transformativc context of broadcast television.

This issue was raised early on in G aertilla 'feleition (ryr):Anlone u,ho thixb that broadcast'fV it capable of refont jttt doetit rndertatd nedia. A ttandard ofl/rcett thal dtnands thirry n fift1 nilliott people @ lttl) trerd t0udrd h.r/try,en;zltio1t. . lnfornation ikflital dend di a diutitl ol aptitn:, axr/tfu1 te jrrt 0t plJJihlr uithin the bruadtatt tu.lr/talog) tr tlntexl.)N

Mainstream media simply absorb alternative efforts, transforming rhem inrustandard Fare. The alternative press discovered this fact the hard u,ay, and al-rernative relevision produceis have had to learn this lesson, too.

Cwtilla Video Retitwl

OnJune rz, rgli:, a historic evenr boldly pr,tclaimed the revival of guerrillatelevision and collectivc video acrion- A massive rally in support of the UnitedNations Conference oo Disarmament was held in New York City, and as apart of thar demonstration three hundred independent video producers collabo-ratcd to ioterview over three thousand individuals about their views on disar-mament. In keeping with minimal video aesrherics devcloped by WeodyClarke and orhers, each interview had a standard u'ide-angle, head-and shoul-der shot with no inrernal editinlJ oFany sraremeot ailowed. Eight hour longcompilations were made and showo trl on television-but closed cir.utr rn

OEIBDNE BOYLE68

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