ielp final report on apartheid schools 101013

7/21/2019 IELP Final Report on Apartheid Schools 101013

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New Jersey’s Apartheid and Intensely

Segregated Urban Schools

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Powerful Evidence of an Inefficient andUnconstitutional State Education System

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A Report Jointly Prepared with the Civil Rights Project, UCLA

Paul Tractenberg, Gary Orfield and Greg Flaxman

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Table l. Public School Enrollment in New Jersey, 1989-2010

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Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Common Core of Data (CCD)

26% of black students in New Jersey are enrolled in apartheid schools compared to12.9% of Latino students. Over the 20 years between 1989-1990 and 2010-2011, the State’s

share of black students in such schools actually declined modestly from 30.6% to 26%, but the proportion of Latino students increased dramatically, from 7.2% to 12.9%. That means currently

more than one in four black students and one in eight Latino students attend apartheid schoolswhere they basically have no contact or interaction with white students

But New Jersey’s school segregation problems go far beyond apartheid schools. Another

21.4% of black students and 29.2% of Latino students attend intensely segregated schools wherethe percentage of minority students is 90% or more.

We also have examined how many black and Latino students in New Jersey attendmajority-minority schools, which turns out to be almost four of every five. Over the past 20

years, the share of black students in schools with a majority of students of color rose from 73.9%to 78.5%. The share of Latinos in majority nonwhite schools rose from 75.1% to 77.4%. The



B

great majority of black and Latino students are in schools that are very different from thoseattended by most whites and most middle class children.

Figure 1. Percentage of Black Students in New Jersey Minority Schools

Note:

Minority school represents black, Latino, American Indian, and Asian students.


Figure 2. Percentage of Latino Students in New Jersey Minority ;.5##63

Note:

Minority school represents black, Latino, American Indian, and Asian students.




T

Alarming as these statewide data are, however, they don’t portray the whole story asdramatically as it warrants. There are various ways to drill deeper in order to present the

educational and social realities of these statewide data. The following two tables seek to do so.

The first table (Table 2) shows the extent to which New Jersey’s 20 largest school

districts by pupil enrollment have intensely segregated schools and students. It tells a tale of twostates with the historically urban municipalities dominated by intense segregation and the more

recent growth areas quite the opposite. Nine of the 20 districts fall into the first category. In fiveof those nine, 100% of the schools and students are intensely segregated; in the other four,

intense segregation ranges from 58.3% to 86.4%. That means in those nine districts 227 of the273 schools (83.2%) and 135,839 of the 164,802 students (82.4%) are intensely segregated. By

contrast, in the other 11 large enrollment districts, only three of the 190 schools (1.6%) and only1,048 of the 138,075 students (.076%) are intensely segregated. One further point needs to be

made here—the Civil Rights Project has not labeled schools with 90% or more white students as“intensely segregated,” although it might. It does note, though, the harm experienced by students

isolated in such schools.

Table 2. Top 20 New Jersey Districts By Enrollment with Intensely Segregated Schools andStudents, 2010-2011

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The second table below (Table 3) captures another aspect of New Jersey’s intensely

segregated educational system; it shows the breakdown of students by race and poverty in thestate’s 12 districts where 100% of the schools are intensely segregated. The white population in

those districts ranges from 0.0% to 3.8% and the Asian population ranges from 0.1% to 2.5%.The black population dominates in five of the 12 districts (68.8% to 95.6%), the Latino

population dominates in four (89.4% to 95.2%), and in the other three there are sizeable percentages of both black and Latino students. In every district except Willingboro Township,

the poverty level exceeds 60% in a state where the average is less than 33%, and it goes as highas 92.1%. Not surprisingly, all 11 high-poverty districts are “Abbott districts.” That means they

have been classified by the state as “poor urban districts.”

In one of the early Abbott decisions, the court designated 28 districts as Abbott districtsrequiring special fiscal resources. It did so based on two of the state’s own pre-existing

classifications—one identifying urban municipalities and the other grouping school districtslargely by socioeconomic factors. This District Factor Grouping (DFG) system divided all the

school districts into eight categories between A at the lowest end and J at the highest. To bedesignated an Abbott district originally, the school district had to be both urban as the state

defined it and in the A or B grouping. In the intervening years, there have been minor legislative



;A

and administrative adjustments to the list of Abbott districts, which most recently totaled 31. Ofthe 11 Abbott districts in the second table below, 10 were most recently categorized as A and

one, Plainfield, as B. The only non-Abbott district, Willingboro, was in the DE grouping, thefourth from the lowest.

Not surprisingly, the 12 districts with 100% intensely segregated schools are mainlylocated in New Jersey’s more urbanized counties with three in Essex, two in Hudson and one

each in Camden, Mercer, Middlesex, Monmouth, Passaic and Union. Willingboro is an outlierin that regard, too, since it is located in more rural Burlington County. The state’s other nine

predominantly suburban and rural counties have no districts with 100% intensely segregatedschools.

These tables dramatize the point that New Jersey has created and maintains a bifurcated

educational system. One large and growing segment, predominantly urban, has an alarmingdegree of intense segregation, and even apartheid schools, coupled with distressingly high

concentrations of poverty. This is a combination that, if unaddressed, makes successfuleducation extremely difficult. All too often the result is low high school graduation rates and

low or unsuccessful post-secondary attendance rates. The other segment is still predominantlywhite and suburban where educational success and college attendance are the norms.

Table 3. New Jersey Districts with All Intensely Segregated Schools by Race and Poverty, 2010-

2011

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New Jersey’s Apartheid Schools—the Most Extreme Examples

Predictably, New Jersey’s apartheid schools reflect the most extreme forms of both racial

and ethnic isolation and concentrated and extreme poverty. Although statewide New Jersey hadless than 33% low-income students eligible for subsidized lunches in 2010, far lower than many

other states, the state’s apartheid schools had more than 79% poverty levels.

Table 4. Percentage of Low-Income Students in Apartheid Schools


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Table 5. New Jersey Counties with Apartheid Schools and Students, 2010-2011

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Note: 10 counties are not listed because they have no apartheid schools

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Common Core of Data (CCD),

Public Elementary/Secondary School Universe Survey Data

Apartheid Schools in the State-Operated Districts

The problems of apartheid schools are particularly apparent in the districts operatingunder direct state control. Three of these four districts have extraordinary levels of apartheid



;L

education. These four districts account for 89 apartheid schools with almost 41,000 students.More than half of the apartheid schools and students are in Newark where 55% of all students

attend such schools. The highest proportion is in Camden where the 28 schools account for 72%of all the district’s schools and 79% of its students. Paterson has 12 schools serving almost a

fourth of its students (23%). Just these three districts account for 43% of the New Jersey

students in such schools. Jersey City’s much lower percentage of apartheid schools probablyreflects the gentrification of that city over the almost two and a half decades since the stateassumed operating responsibility for it.

Obviously, these state-operated districts provide the most dramatic evidence of the state’sfailure to enforce its longstanding constitutional mandate for racial balance. Given the fact that

the state has been in charge of three of these districts for an extended period of time—Jersey Citysince 1989, Paterson since 1991 and Newark since 1995—it is hard to conceive of how it can

justify that failure.

Table 6. New Jersey State-Controlled Urban Districts with Apartheid Schools and their Students,2010-2011

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Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Common Core of Data (CCD),Public Elementary/Secondary School Universe Survey Data

The Implications and Impact of Apartheid Schools

Statewide the impact of racial segregation and concentrated poverty in apartheid schools

varies dramatically by race, ethnicity and class. In all of New Jersey, only 314 whites attendsuch schools. Less than a thousand Asians and less than a hundred American Indians are locked

into such education. On the other hand, there are 55,683 black students, who make up three-fifths of the state total, and 36,597 Latinos, who make up the vast majority of the rest. These

schools have extreme poverty and educate 74,350 students living in poverty, the great majority



;Z

facing the dual barriers of race and poverty, compounded by doubly segregated schools almostentirely separated from the state’s mainstream middle class population.

Table 7. New Jersey Students in Apartheid Schools by Race and Poverty, 2010-2011

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Note: Poverty indicates eligibility for free and reduced lunch program.

Source: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, Common Core of Data (CCD),Public Elementary/Secondary School Universe Survey Data

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Table 8. Essex County Districts By Enrollment with Intensely Segregated Schools and Students Based on Minority Enrollment, 2010-2011

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Table 9. Essex County Districts By Enrollment by Race and Poverty, 2010-2011

_&$%5&,%

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;AAk -#+ %=( )%=(5 %=5(( =-7( .-%&#) $%'+(#% (#5)11O(#%$ )N U]GBkSBCG;kG

Table 10. Essex County Charter Schools By Enrollment with Intensely Segregated Schools andStudents, 2010-2011

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*1(O(#%-52F>(,)#+-52 >,=))1 6#&7(5$( >'57(2 _-%-

Table 11. Essex County Charter Schools By Enrollment by Race and Poverty, 2010-2011

_&$%5&,%U

J)%-1

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