Hru DONES|AN.rounNAL FoR tsLAMtc sTUDIES Volume5. Number 1.1998

CHntsrtnru-Must-tv RrmrloNS lN I t'toorurstn:

rHE CHRt-le NGES oF THE Twrrurv-Ftnsr Crrurunv

lbrahim Abu Rabi'

THE Mvsrtcnl FIcunr or HRltAHuno MurRvRrtru

rnovrHe VTLLAGE orCnsoLEr (Jnvn)

Edwin Wieringa

K, H , Hnsvnrt Asv'nnt's CoNTRIBUTIoN

ro lruoonestRx lruorpruoeruce

Latiful Khuluq

RSl.l@154492

SII]DHN,Ail|iliAJoumalfor lslamic

Vol. v, n0. 1, 1 998

Eorronrel Boeno,Harun NasutionMastuhuM. Quraish ShihabA. Aziz DahlanM. Satria EffendiNabitah LubisM. Yunnn YunLfKomaruddin HidarlatM. Din SynmsuddinMuslim NasutionWahib Mu'thi

Eprron-rru-Currp'Azrlumardi Azra

EprtoRs' '

Saiful Muianinenaro !!rnsetvoIohan H. MeuiemanDidin SuafruddinAli Muihanif

AssrsteNrs ro rHE EDrroR:Arief SubhanOman FathurrahmanHeni Nuroni

Er.rct-tsu LeNcuecs Apvrson,Donald Potter

Anearc Lerucuecr Aovrson,Nursamad

Covrn DssrcNrsn,S. Prinka

STUDIA ISLAMIKA (ISSN 0215-0492) is a journal published quarterly by thel_nstitttt Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN,The State lnstitute for lslamic Studieil SyarifHiday at ul I ah, I akar t a. (STT DEPPEN N o. 129 / S K/DITI EN /P P G / STT /197 O- an'dsponso,red by the Department of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia. Itspecializes in Indonesian Islamic studies, and is intended to communicate originalresearches and current issues on the subject. This journal zoarmly uelcomes contributionsfrom scholars of related disciplines.

All articles published do not necessarily represent the aiezus of the jottrnal, or otherinstittttions to tuhich it is ffiliated. They are solely the aiezus of the authors. The articlescontained in this journal haae been refereed by the Board of Editors.

Edain Wieringa

The Mystical Figure of Haji Ahmad Mutamakinfrom the Village of CabolAk (|ava)

Abstraksi: Sejarah proses pengiskman masyarahzt di pedesaan Jaua telahmelahirkan seordng tokoh mistik bernama Haji Muamakin dari desa Ce-bolek; sebuah desa di uilaryah panai utard, Pdti, Jaua Tengah. Tokoh inidiperkirakan hidup di sehitm aual aba^d kedelapan belas, Ia dikenal luasoleh masymakat-khususnya kakngan santri-Jaua leuat sebuah kiab yangditulis oleh Yasadipura I (1729-1803), seorang pujangga kraton Sulan pa-

kubuuana IV (m. 1788-1820), yang berjudul Serat Cebolek.Dakm kiab tersebut digambarkzn, Haji Muamakin adalah seorang sufi

-dtdu lebih tepatnya mistikus Jaualdng sesat, berperilaku buruk, mem-buat ajaran Ad'dh, dan mmgabaikan aturan-aturan pokok symi'ah Islam.Bahkan, lebih jauh dari itu, Muamakin dianggap mengbina golonganortodoks Islam den gan memberi nama kzdua anjing pimannya dengdn namdyangmenyerupdi seorangpenghulu (petugas agama) dan ketib (uru khotbahdi masjid) Tuban. Karena dianggap sudah terklu jauh menyimpang, pard,ulama di panai uturdyang dipimpin Ketib Anom Kudus tatu melaporkanMutamakin bpdo Sunan Mangkurat IV(m. 1719-1926), agm diadili. Se-

buah deuan yang melibatkan ukma dan pejabat isuna Surakar-ta kemudi-an dibmruk untuk menyelidihi, apakzh Haji Muamakin rekh mmyim-pangdari ajaran Islam atautidah,?

Proses penyelidikan itu berjalan alot dan Sunan Mangkurar IV sendiimeninggal pa.da 20 April 1726. Akhirnya sebuzh pengadikn agama digelar,di bauah pimptnan sulunyangbaru, Sulan Pakubuuono II (m. 1226-1749).Baran gkali kmena tidak adanya bukti yang kuat, aau juga karma kecocok-an pandzngan keagamaan Suhan drngan ajman Haji Muamakin, SulunPakubuwana II akhirnya menokh tuduhan pma ukma itu pengadilan

menerima keputusan itu dan membebaskan Muamakin dari tuduhan tehhmenyimpang dari ajaran Iskm. Hanya Ketib Anom Kudus ydng terus metn-permasalahkan ajaran Muamakin, sembari mengingatkan Sultan agarrnenjadi pelindung bagi penganut ajaran Iskm yangbenm.

25 Studid [sldm;hd, Vol. 5, No, 1, 1998

Eduin lY4einga

Persoakn ydng barangknl.i masih hmus diteliti adnlah: siapakah sebe-

narnyd tokoh yangbernama Haji Mutamakin? Apakah ia bmar'benar ada

dalam sejarah Iskmisasi laua, atau hanya figur rekaan penulis Serat Ce-

bolek ? Peristiua pengadikn di iswna itu, misalnya, belum pernah bisa diten'tukan secara pasti hcbenaran historisnya Hal ini disebabkan o leh kenyatazn

bahua kisah berkngsungnjd Wgddikn itu sendiri hanya tndapat dakmsatu naskah, tidak ditemuhan dakm naskab-naskah yang lain. Peristiwa itujuga tidak terdapat dakm laporan-laporan yang ditulis isuna; termasuk ar'sip-arsip pemerinah Hindia-Beknda sekalipun. Pma sarjana hanya meng-

ambil kesimpukn samdr yang didasarkan pdda perkiraan masa pemerin-

uhan Pakubuzadna II,yakni babua,pengadilan aus Haji Muamakin ituteriadi antard 1730 dzn 1732.

Persoalan historisitas kisah itu semakin pelik bik dihddzphzn pada kisah-

hisah Haji Muumakin yang bersumber pada oral tradisi masymakat Jaua^Menurut ceriu masyarakat yang tingal di sekitm pantai utlra itu, HajiMuamakin dipercayai sebagai seorang Muslim saleh, guru suf., yang menye-

barkan Islam di danah pedalaman utmaJawapada abad kedelapan belas. Iaadalah heturunan Raden Paah,rajapamadmi Kerajaan Demak. Setelah

pergi menuntut ilmu di Mekkzh sekma bebuapa tahun, in kcmbali dznrnenyebarkan Islarn di Jaua Di akhir hayarnya, ia hmus mmghadapi peng-

adil an istana di Surakaru lantzrdn dituduh berbuat bid'dh , mmghina para

ulama, dan rnenyebarkan klam anpa mengindahkan symi'ah. Namundemikian, rsersi oral tentdng kisah pengadilannya itu mengisyaratkankeduduhzn Muumakin y ang terhormat; sebagai sufi sederh and yang m en ge-

ahui kedakman mistik Islam, sesuzi dengan tradisi Jaua^Dua versi tentang Haji Muamakin itu mengisyaratkan akan adanya

dua kepribadian sdng tokoh. Pada satu sisi ia ditemparkan sebagai tokoh

yang buperilaku buruk, di sisi lain ia dijunjung tinggi. Oleh karenanya,

ketokohan Haji Muamakin itu ampaknya hanya mungkin bisa dijelasknn

melalui pmentungdn identitns kultural "krAton" (pusat kekuasaan klam)dan "desd" (pemeluk Iskm pinggtran), Boleb jadi HQi Muumakin adakhtokoh yan g hidup dakm sejarah. Teapi, ketok ohannya dakm Serat Cebo lekrnerupakzn kisah ciptaan yang meuahili kepentingan dzn ideologi hratonuntuk mm diskreditkan segak bmtuk pmahaman Islam yang bubedz dnri-nya. Sedangkan ketokohannya yang busumbu pa.da oral tradisi merupa-

kan kecenderungd.n masyarakat Muslim di Jaua untuk mengatakanbahua,"masih ada klam yang lain di luzr tBmbok-tembok kraton. " Ini meng-

ingatkzn k pod" kia ba]rua seklu ada ketegangan ideologis dntard vadisidg4ng (great tradition) dengan tradisi kecil (ittle tradition/ yang berlakudal am suatu masyarakat.

Stildit Islamiled, Vol. ), No. 1, 1998

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27 Studid Islam;led, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1998

Eduin lWeringa

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Studid Isl4mikd, Vol. 5, No, 1, 1998

Tbe Mystical Figure of Haji Abmad Mutamabin

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Stud;4 kldm;bd, Vol. 5, No, 1, 1998

Eduin lVieinga

o is Haji Ahmad Mutamakin?1 In the Serat Cabollk he is de

scribed as a teacher of mysticism who disregarded the shdvi'ah

(Islamic law). He lived in the village of CabolAk on the northerncoast ofJava. As he deliberatelyviolated the Islamic iaw, his behavior caused

a scandal among pious Muslims. He even wen so far as to name his dogs

after the yt gfiulu and ketibof Tuban. Finallp the coastal fulam|' decided torepon his outrageous behavior to the king of Kanasura. Led byKetib AnomKudus they went to the capital to present their charges against Mutamakinto the king. The king Sunan Mangkurar IV (1719-1726), however suddenlyfell ill and died. Investigtions into the affair, therefore, had to be postponeduntil after the installation of his son Pakubuwana n$726-I749). At a coun-cil it was decided that Mutamakin should be burnt at the stake. Mutamakinremained steadfast in his position and was only too willing to face the sen-

tence. Perhaps, in this way he hoped, the smoke from his roasted flesh

could be smelt as far as Arabia where he had studied.The newly-enthroned king did not approve of the council's decision.

The king argued that Mutamakin's mystical knowledge was only an indi-vidual conviction and that he had not attempted ro make converts through-out Java.

rffhen Demang lJrawan, the nephew and brother-inlaw of the

king, who served as royal envoy, conveyed this royal decision to the coun-

cil, all present quaked in fear at the news of the king's displeasure. OnlyKetib Anom Kuduswas courageous enough to oppose the king. Skillfullyhe argued that Mutamakin's improper actions posed a threat to the king'sdignity. The king had to be the defender of the true faith: he should take

active measures lest Mutamakin's faulty teachinp led the people astray.

Demang lJrawan returned to the paiace to repon what Ketib AnomKudus had said. He was profuse in zuperlatives in describing Ketib AnomKudus, whereas Mutamakin, accordingto hinl was as small, ugly, misera-

ble and cowardly man: "If he had not made the pilgrimage fto Mecca], he

would have been well-fined for selling paddy-stems or dealing in chickens."2The king acknowledged that Mutamakin had indeed sinned and had come

close to treason. He expressed his gratitude to the 'Lilami' for protectingtheir ruler from the threat of heresy. Nevertheles, he pardoned Mutamakinprovided that he promised not to repeat his improper conduct.

Ketib Anom Kudus told of men in the oast who had done as Muta-makin had, i.e. Shaykh Siti Jenar in the time of Giri, Pang6ran Panggung

during the Demak era, Ki Bebeluk in the Pajang era and Shaykh AmongRaga during the reign of Sultan Agnng. A11 had been executed because oftheir heterodox mysticism. He mocked Mutamakin's attempts to imitateSunan Panggung. 'When the gathering closed, at the house of Demang

Studid [sldm;ka, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1998

The Mystical Figure of Haji Abmad Mutamahin

[Jrawan, Mutamakin reveaied that he had learned his mystical knowledge

in Yemen from a teacher called ShaykhZin. The doctrine was similar to

that of the book Bima Suci or Daua Ruci. Ketib Anom Kudus recited this

$ory and afterwards asked his audience ro explain its m1'stical teachings.

Nobody dared do so. Haii Mutamakin was also unable to do so, and simply

bowed his head to beg pardon.Ketib Anom Kudus mocked Haji Mutamakin. Apparently he only re-

cited Pang6ran Panggung without reaily knowing what mysicism was about.

Ketib Anom Kudus told him that man is forbidden to repudiate sbai'ah and

may not oppose the king and bring ruin to the country because the king is

the representative of the Prophet, who in histurn rePresents God. Then he

gave his interpretation of the sory he had just read. He stresed that man's

iaions should be consonant with the Islamic law. After that, he continued

with a recitation of.rhe SulukMalangSumirangthe work Pang6ran Pang-

gung composed when he was burned at the stake. After reading the story,

all returned home.

A True Story?Thig then, is a brief outline of the Serat Caboli,kas edited by Soebardi.3

The problems which this text raises are many. The first question' which

immediately comes to mind, is whether the story is historically true. The

events are placed at about the time of the death of Sunan Mangkurat fV,

which took place on 20 April 1726, and the succesion of his teenage son

Pakubuwana II. According to Ricklefs, if the events actually happened they

musr have taken place in the period 173GI732.4 The probiem is that until

now the trial of Haii Mutamakin is not known from other texa. This does

not necessarily mean that the story is untrue, for no one has yet begun to

investigate the matter from existingJalanese and Dutch sources'

Soebardi was not interested in the isue of the historicity of the tale, and

therefore he did not wonder whether the acclaimed authorship of the text

could be correct. Soebardi believed that Yasadipural(1729-L803), the re-

nowned court poet during the reigns of Pakubuwana III (1749-L788) and

Pakubuwana IV (1788-11920), composedthe SqarCahl)A. His name, how-

ever, is not mentioned in the manuscripts, and Soebardi could only deduce

rwo very weak pieces of 'evidence'.s A more likely author of the original

text, as Ricklefs suggests, would posibly be Carik Bajra, the chief court poet

and senior adviser to Pakubuwana II.6 Actually, we cannot speak of the

Serat Cabolbk as if there were only one text. There is a Cabo/bk corpus,

which is divisible into at least eight distinct recensions, or versions of the

poem.7 Soebardi made an additional text comPosed of two different recen-

Ststlia Islamika, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1998

3Z Eduin lnleinga

sions, thereby creating a whole new version.Soebardi focussed on the religious conrenrs ofthe poerq hence the sub-

title of his book: "A conrribution to the sudy of the Javanese mysricaltradition." However, it seems that the political ovenones ofthe work are ofgreater imponance than its poetic content. According to Day, its centraltheme is the need for a certain kind of strong king:

The story of the poem, then, deals with a new king who must learn to regulatethe religious affairs of his kingdom as his fint order of business. The center of therealm, good kingship and Islamic onhodoxy are set in opposition to the peripher-ies of the kingdom, where heterodoxy and a certain amount of disorder is tolerat-e,l 8

Day sugests that the poem could have served to instruct a young andinexperienced king like Pakubuwana IV (r. 1288-1320). This would placethe date of rhe Serat Cabolbk considerably later, namely at the end of theeighteenth, or beginning of the nineteenrh century.e

In a version wrinen at the end of the nineteenrh century, the politicalramifications of this seemingly religious poem is even clearer. Printed in1885 by Van Dorp. On the title-page it is stated that the poem was writtenby an unnamed abdi dalern pulanga baton rng nagan Swaknta (a royalpoet of the court of Surakana) in the reign of Pakubuwana fV. In the 1886edition, van Dorp excluded this statement and merelysaid that the editionwas based on a copy by Raddn Adipati Panji Suryakusuma, a pensionedhEoti (regent) of Semarang which then had been corrected byRaddn panji

Jayasubrata, a cdrndt (district head) of Magetan.'oBased on the story of Haji Mutamakin, in the Van Dolp version, a

similar sory is told about Haji Ahmad Rifai, a religious teacher in the vil-lage of Kalisalak, Pekalongan. Haji Rifai was born in 1786 in Kendal, andhad spent eight years in Mecca snrdying religion. \When he returned home,he refused to recognize the reiigious aurhoriry of. rhe ptghulu,whom heaccused of being servanrs of the 'infidel king' ?olo k"rt\. Funhermore, hewas also reportedly taught the 'holy war' ideology. The local authoritiesconsidered him a danger to public order, and he had to face a public debateand trial bythe religious and the indigenous civil authorities of p.kalong..,.This resulted in his exile to Ambon in 1856.11

The description of Haji Rifai's trial is verysimilar to Haji Mutamakin's.His adversary Haji Pinang rhe ptghulu of Batang who plays the sameheroic role as Ketib Anom Kudus, called Haji Rifai

angh,era mtrkz and delap $oth meaning: greedy), candala (of low character),deksura (inpo1nQ, dinya (egoistic), tahaltur and kikr Soth meaning atrogant), saen(willing to act shameftilly), nyengungu., (obsessed with detafu, forgeaing the essen-

\rudia Islamilea. Vol. 5. No. t, 1998

Tbe Mystical Figure of Haii Abmacl Mutamabin 33

tials). He continued: "It's a pity that you are a Haji. I{ you weren't, you'd be fit

only for b.ggg from shop to shop' or you'd become a wanted criminal, or a

pici.pocket.; The list went on: dmghi (filled with hatred), ln (egoistic, dusta Qnr),

manwk (rough), cidreng bumi (devious), kbianat (vaitor), nehzd (stubbom), con-

fused pre-acher, twisted teacher, collaborator of Satan, someone with demonic in-

tension.--

Kuntowijoyo rightly concludes that ssrdr cdbollk "clearly reflects the

przyayt ideologywith regprd to religious obsenrance and the maintenance of

la* and order."13 In both storiesthepriyayiare the defenders of.shari'ahand

state.

A UteraryArchetypePerhaps Haji Mutamakin was only a literary figure. Soebardi speaks of

the "Haji Ahmad Mutamakin motif in the Serat Cabolbk ." In the story he

is likened to other mystics, i.e. Shaykh SitiJenar, Sunan Panggung, Ki Bebe-

luk and Shaykh Among Raga who propagated the 'science of Realiry' to

the uninitiated public. In another story, quoted by Soebardi, a sage namedIil/israwa from ihe Hindu period is mentioned, who likewise dared'to liftthe veil', and claimed to be God.15 It seems that every era had to have its own

heretic: Resi Visrawa in the Hindu period, Shaykh Siti Jenar during the

kingdom of Giri, Sunan Panggung in the kingdom of Demak' Ki Bebeiuk

during the kingdom of Pa.iang, and Shaykh Among Raga during the reign

of Sultan Agung (lr4ataram). The big difference is that Haj i Mutamakin was

a complete failure: he was portrayed as a miserable would-be al-Hallaj.

vhereas shaykh siti Jenar and Sunan Panggung are doubles of al-Hallaj,

becomingtrue martyrs, HajiMutamakin was described as a ridiculous per-

son, "a m)4stic without personality, without a deep knowledge of religion,

and without any authority."16

The Genealogy of Haji MutamakinPerhaps HajiMutamakin was a historical figure. At least that iswhat the

people inKajdn believe, who claim that he is buried there. The village ofKaj8n is situated in the hBcarnaunMargoyoso, kzbupatmPati, on the main

road from Pati to Tanr. Because of its many Muslim schools, it is also pop-

ularly known as'Kedhungsantri', i.e.'centre of Islamic $udents''

According to local oral tradition, which has been recorded by M I. Sanu-

si AH., Haji Mutamakin's ancestor was Raddn PatahJT Raddn Patah's son

was Sultan Trenggana. Sultan Trenggana's son-in-law was Sultan Adiwi-jaya, aliasJaka Tingkir. Sultan Adiwijaya's sonwas Candradiningrat (Suma-

hadiningrat), alias Pang6ran Benawa. This man begot Candradiningrat, alias

Sumahadinegara, who was the father of Ahmad Mutamakin. On his moth-

Studi6 kldm;bd, VoL 5, No. 1, 1998

Edvin lY4eringa

er's side he was from sal4tid from Tuban (see appendix for the genealogyresuiting from this information).t8

Of course the historical accuracy of his genealogy is very much open roquestion. Howeveq what is imponant is that the pedigree of Ahmad Muta-makinservesto underline his (]avanese) noble and (Arab) holydescent. Onhis father's side he is directly linked with Raddn Patah, who is said to havebeen the first Muslim king of Java. Ahmad Mutamakin is associated withthe kingdoms of Demak (Raddn Patah was rhe firsr and his son Sultan Treng-gana was the third king of Demak) and Pajang through Jaka Tingkir andPang6ran Benawa.le Befitting a saint in Java, he was also of Arab descent, as

is shown by the sayyid on his mother's side.

A Local Version of the EventsAgain according to the local oral tradition in Kajdn, Haji Mutamakin

studied for some years in Arabia wirh a teacher called ShaykhZain alXa-mani who taught him mpticism. He returned toJava riding amkdang-fish.The fish brought him to a place, which hencefonh was called CabolAk,because he 'arrived and thereupon opened his eyes' (ebultmts meldk).n Hethen went alone to Kaidn (uid to be derived fromijbn,alone, by oneself).2'There he began ro propagre the faith in the area.

The episode about the fish is very interesting in connecrion with otherlndonesian Islamization mphs. In the dictionary of Gericke and Roordameladhangis explained as rhe name of a seafish, otherwise known as sum-ladhang.u As in other Indonesian conversion myrhs, Haji Mutamakin ispresented as a saint who miraculously came from a country overseas.x Hemay be compared to Tuan Tunggang Parangan (also known as Tuan Tung-gang Tuan Haji di Parangan, and Tuan di Parangan), who derived his name(the Gentlemen astride a swordfish), because he came to Kutai riding aswordfish (pnangan). According to the Salasikh Kutai,itwashe who con-verted the people of Kutai ro Islam.2,

Haji Mutamakin was an ascetic, who once upon a time swore not eatand drink for fo'ty days. Thereupon he asked his wife to prepare a deliciousmeal. Before she served this meal, she had to tie him to a pillar in the house.Then his base instincts came our of his body in the form of rwo dogs. Theyate the meal, and when they wanted to enter Mutamakin's body again, herefused. He called the dogs Abdul Kahar and Kamaruddin, as it happensalso the names of the pnghuluandMatib of Tuban. The names symbolizedthat the servants of God Most High could struggle againsr their base in-stincts.2s

This story about the purification of a mystic, and the nafsintheform of

Studia Islamika, Vol. 5,No, 1, 1998

Tbe Mystical Figure of Haji Abmad Mutzmabin

a dog who wants food, is well-known in Sufi iiterature.* In Java the story is

bes known through Sunan Panggungwho kept two dogq which actually

were his lua//M]) (i.e. n$s al-kwraimah, the blaming soul) and his nnarah(i.e. the nnfi al-annmlrah, the soul that inspires evil), which accompanied

him every time he entered the moque.z Interestingly, in the SeratCabolbk

Haji Mutamakin is depicted as an impostor: he only bred dogs, twelve innumber. The biggest of them he named Abdul Kahar, whereas the leader ofthe pups was called Kamaruddin."

One day Haji Mutamakin was visited by a traveler, whom he gave rice

and dried fish. The guest ate it all, even the head of the fish. Smilingly, HajiMutamakin remarked that his dogs did not like the fish's head, eaten withgreat relish by the guest. FIis guest was insulted and left immediateiy. There-

upon the guest disclosed secrets about Haji Mutamakin in public. It was

told that Haji Mutamakin did not follow the Islamic law, because he kept

dogs with human names, and liked to watch the uayangplay of Bima Suci

or D6wa Ruci.'Because of the alleptions, Haji Mutamakin was summoned to come to

Kanasura to face trial around 1725-1726. During the trial Haji Mutamakinwas calm and patient, whereas his opponents were unable to control theiremotions. Some accused him and others defended him, and no decision

couid be reached. The king decided to adjourn the meeting, and to speak

with Haji Mutamakin himself. Before Haji Mutamakin paid his respect tothe king one of his pupils told him that he had dream that the king owneda rice field, which at the time of the harvest consisted of a pafi where the rice

had staned to become yellow, and of another,pan where the rice had jusbeen planted. Haji Mutamakin explainedthatthisdream meant that hewasnot to be convicted.

In a private conversation, in which Haji Mutamakin sat next to the kingthe king wanted to know about Haji Mutamakin's teachings. The kingbecame his pupil and had to sqrear obedience to his g,ru. At the end theking said: "If I do not follow Kyai Haji Ahmad Mutamakin's teachings, Iwill cenainly die like an infidel." The followingday,ar eight o' clock in themorning, it was announced that Haji Mutamakin was cieared of the chang-

es. Only Ketib Anom Kudus did not agree, but the envoy of the king,Raddn Demanglrawan (sic) urged all those present to safeguard the uniry ofthe ummat. Both Haii Mutamakin and Ketib Anom Kudus had dinnerwith the king and were given royai presents.

One evening RadAn Demang Irawan organized a reading of. the Serat

Bima Suci. Ketib Anom Kudus recited the story but at the point whereBima met D6wa Ruci, he had difficulties. Thereupon Haji Mutamakin,

Studia Islanrika, Vol. 5. No, 1. 1998

Eduin Wieringa

wh9 was rhe gwuahli, explained its deeper mystical meaning. The meetingended brotherly. Therefore, so sanusi concludeg Ha.ii Mutamakin did notlose the debate with Ketib Anom Kudus and did not have to bow his head"as some commentators suggest.s. In an interview, which I had with Sanusi int95,he stresed that the central Java n*e sqat cahlikwas'baton-sentris'and that its author (whom he believed ro have been yasadipura) was a'birokrat'. He claimed thar the hisorical evenrs had been distorted to suitcoun ideology.

Regional Culturd IdentityReading the serat cabolbk,we can discern a'courr vs village' opposition.

For example, when Ketib Anom Kudus and Haii Mutamakin at tfie end ofthe trial were presented with gifts, both stepped forward. Kerib Anom Ku-dus received the gift with decorum and then withdrew crouchine hkudhodhok), so gracefully that it iooked like dancing. The spectatoni-il.dapprovingly, and praised him increasingly. Vhen it was his turn, Haji Mu-tamakin wished to copy Ketib Anom Kudus's behavior, but was awkwardbecause he did not have the skill. Almost falling, he resorred ro crawling likealizard Qkekadhakn), which caused all officials to laugh and cheer.,'In theKajdn version of the evenrs, however, Haji Mutamakin is depicted as a wise,patient and calm man. Here it is his opponent, Ketib Anom Kudus, whocannot conrrol his emotions and who initially stubbornly refuses ro acceDrthe king's verdict. Finally, he is put in his place by Haji Mutamakin.

.. The figure of Haji Mutamakin lends lustre to the small village of Kajdn.

All overJavawe nowadayn find tombs of Islamic saints with a general namelike shaykh Abdul Rahman or Abdul Rahim, who are said to have comefrom Arabia and who have converted the area to Tslam.32 Hali Mutamakinis one ofihose local village saints. He personifies a specific culrural region onJava's North coast; which proudlywants ro distinguish itself ft'om 'tbraton-ridden" centralJar.a. I{ratom<entered as mostJavanologists are, he remindsus that there are "other Javas away fiom the braton" .3,

His regional imponance emerges eyery year,when, on the date of 10Muharam, the anniversary of his death is commemorated (|av. k(h)ol,rn-don. haul. on this day, Kajdn is full of people from kilometers awaywhoon this occasion make a pilgrimage to Haji Mutamakin's grave. A spictacu-lar high point is when the ciothes which cover his tomb ari replaced^. There-upon the old cloths are sold at a public action. Depending on their formerplaces on the tomb, the prices of the clothes crn go ,p to -illions of rupi-ahs. The festivities are brought to a close on 11 Muharam by a recitation ofthe story of sdh Abdulkadir Ja6lani, but mosr guesr have already left after

Sttd;d lsldm;ka, Vol. 5. No. t, t998

Tbe Mystical Figure of Haji Ahmad Mutzmahin

the auction of the clotheg which, so ir seems, is regarded as rhe most impor-tant event. Sanusi explained to me rhar AbdulkadirJa6lani was the "king ofall saints", and a recitation of his biography was a good deed, from whichone had to take hikmat, i.e. to learn how to do the right rhing in the rightway.tn

ConclusionHrisken writes that since the end of the eighteenrh cenrury Kajdn has

been a so<alledpdikan dev,i.e. a free village, nor iiable to taxeg land rentor corv6e labor. The reason for this exemption is that in Kaidn there are rhetombs of the Muslim saina Kyai Mutamakin and his pupil Kyai Rang-gakusuma. Both were followers of Sunan Muria (one of thefamous walisngq the'nine saints', who are said have brought Islam to Java), and areconsidered as the main propagators of Islam in the Northern part of Pati. "Ifthis story is true", Hrisken concludes, "Kajen's special status must date backas far as the fifteenth or sixteenth century."3s However, in the colonial ar-chives, Hiisken only found that the pdikan srarus of rhe village was ac-

quired in rhe years of the British inreregnum (1311-1816), when the regenrof Juana had granted the privilege to Kajdn in exchange for "taking care ofthe regent's family graves."36

There seem to be at least rq/o persons who were called Kyai Caboldh (t)a pupil of Sunan Muria in the fifteenth century and (2) Haji Mutamakinwho lived centuries later. In aJavanese folk tale it is told that a cer-tain KyaiCaboldk was a pupil of Sunan Muria. One day Sunan Muria wanted to givehis daughter Raddn Ayu Nawangsih to him in marriage. However, as hisname C-eboldk alreadyindicates-intelpreted as a contra crionof.cdhl (d**P)and )/)A (ugly')-he was anyrhing but a desirable match, and Sunan Muria'sdaughter therefore rejected him. According to the story, Kyai Ceboldk camefromtheviilage of Kajdn. UmarHasyim, who recorded thisstory fromoraltradition, notes that this Kyai Ceboldk cannor posibly be identical with theKyai Ceboldk, alias Haji Ahmad Mutamakin, who is buried nowadal's inK"jdr, because the rwo are separated by three centuries.3/

After we have thereby safely establiih.d *ho Ky.i Caboldk/Haji Muta-makin was not, the question of his identiry sdll remains unsolved. Thescientifi c study ofJavanese hagiography and heresiography has scarcely begunyet. For one thing, we do not even know whether the saints and sinnerswho inhabit many a manuscript only existed on paper or in real life.

Studia [slamiha, Vo/. 5, No. 1, 1998

Eduin lVieinga

Endnotes1. Material for this article was collected during a fieldtrip to Kajdn inldy 1995,

which was financed by the International Institute for Asian Studies (IIAS) inLeiden. My heartfelt thanks go to my brother-in-law Susila Sihnugraha whokindiy accompanied me at the time. I also express my gratitude to M.I. SanusiAH as well as several (anonymous) inhabitants of Kajdn, who were willing toshare their insights with me. A research fellowship of the Alexander von Hom-bold-Stiftung in Bonn enabled me to work up my notes at the Institute of Eth-nology, Westfllische Vilhelms-Universitlt Miinster.

2. The Javanese Text read: Ybn sarnptmd minggah kaji / pantes tiyang h,ilak rnerang

/ utawidagangltiqtitih //. S. Soebadri,TheBoohof Cabolih.Aciticaleditionwithintroduction, translation and notes, A contiltution to the su4dy of the Jaoanese mys-

tical tradition (Ihe Hague, 1975), p.9L3. See note 2.

4. M.C. Ricklefs, "Book review of Soebardi, The Book Of Caboldk", inz Bulletin ofthe School of Oriental and African Smdies 39 (197 6) , p. 485.

5. See for details, Ricklefs, Book review", p. 486.6. Ihidcm, p. 486.7. See T.E. Berhard, KataloglnduhNashah-nasJeahNrsantara.Jilid l.Museum Sonobu-

doyo Yogyaharta (|akarta, 1990), pp.259-261.8. A Day, "Islam and Literature in South-East Asia. Some pre-Modern, Mainly

Javanese Perspectives", M.B, Hooker (ed.), klam in Soutbeast Asia (Leiden, 1983),

p. 145.

9. Day, "Islam and Literature", p. 146; about a late 19th century 'satire' on Pakubu-wana IV, cf. Edwin Wieringa, "Another document from the funeral pyre: TheSuluk Aspiya or Suluh Endracatur by RadAn Mas Atmasutirta", Paul van derVelde (ed.), IAS Yearbook 1996 (forthcoming).

10. Soebardi, Caltoldk, pp.5-6, 14. A translation can be found in Sudibio Z.Had'is-utjipto and T.W.K. Hadisuprapta, Serat Cabolek (]akarta, 1981).

11. I base rnyself on Kuntowijoyo, "The Villian and Sage: the Book of Cabolek orthe myth of Islamic Dissent" (unpubl. paper presenred at the Fifth Dutch-Indo-nesian Historian's Conference held in The Netherlands from 23-27 lrne, 1986).An Indonesian version of this paper has appeared in Ulumul Qnran 2 (1990), pp.63-72 wder the title of .Serat Caboiek dan Mitos rentang Pembangkangan Is-lam".

12. Kuntowijoyo, "The Villian and the Sage", pp. 9-10.rJ, tQulem, p. t, IL14. Soebardi, Cabolih, p. 40.rJ. tt)tdem. D. J6.76. ILtidem,pp. ao-al.17. M.I.SanusiAH.,/y'engenangPerjuanganSyaihhHK.AbmadMutamahindariMasa

ke Masa (Kajen, n.d.), p. 10-11.

18, Based on Sanusi, Mengenang Perjuangan, p,35, Sa,ylid's are descendants of Hu-sain, the grandson of Muhammad.

19. Concerning these personalities I refer to the index in Theodore G. Th. Pigeaudand H.J. de Graaf, Islamic States in Jaoa 1500-1700 ffhe Hague, 1916).

20. Personal communication of one inhabitant of Kajdn, 7 July 1995. Cf. Sanusi,Mengenang Perj uangan, p. 7 .

21. Personal communication of one inhabitant of Kajdn, 7 luJy 1,995. To my sur-

Studia Islamiba, Vol, 5, No. 1, 1998

The Mystical Figure of Hdji Abmad Mutamabin

prise the association wkh haii was not made'

22. j .F .C. Gericke and T. Roord t, Jat aansch.Nederlandsch Handwoordenltoeh. Y ol.

II (Amsterdam, Leiden, 1901), p. 137 s.v. ladhang.

23. cf. Russell Jones, "Ten Conversion Myth from Indonesia", Nehemia Levtzion

(ed.), Conztersion to klam (New York and London, 1979). pp' L29-158.

24. See C.A. Mees, De Kroniek aan Koetai. Tektuitgaae met Toelichting (Santpoort,

1935), pp. 24A-244 (summary in Dutch, pp. 99-101); cf. lW' Kern, Comrnentaar op

de Salasilab pdn Koetai ('s-Gravenhage, 1956), pp. 142-144.

25. Sanusi, Mengenang Perjuangan, p. 13.

26. CI. Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of klam (Chapel Hill, 1883; 5th

pflntlng, p. rrr-rrJ.27 . Cf .D.A. Rinkes, "Pang6ran Panggoeng, Zijne Honden en het WajangspeI", Tijd'

schrift ooor Indische Taal', Land-en Volkenhunde 54 (1912) , pp. 135-207 and G.W.J.

Drewes, "Het Document uit den Brandstapel", Diiuti 7 (1927), pp. 97-109.

28. Soebardi, Cabolik, p. 68.

29. Soebardi, Mengenang Perjuangan, pp. 13-14

30. Soebardi, MengenangPerjuangan, pp. 15-20. The local version of rhe events as

described by Sanlsi is also summarized in Pradjarta Dirjosanjoto, Mernelihara

Llmat: Iiyai di antara lJsaha Pembangunan dan Mempertahanhan ldentitas LohaL

di Dacrab Muria (Amsterdam. 1994), pp. 45-49.

31. Soebardi, Caboldk, p. 109; cf. Kuntowijoyo, "The Villian", p. 6.

32. Claude Guillot8c Henri Chambert-Loir, "Indon6sie", Henri Chambert-Loir$c

claude Guillot (eds.), Le Culte des saints dans le Monde Musglntan (Paris, 1995),

p.244.33. This expression is from Ron Hatley et aht, Other Javas arttay from the Kraton

(Melbourne, 1984).

34. Unfortunately I was not abie to witness the recitation. See about the penerration

of Abdulkadir Ja6lani on Java. GJ.\(' Drewes and R.Ng. Poerbatiaraka, De

Miraleelen oan Abdoelhadir Djaelani (Bandoeng, 1938). For a description of a

presenl-day recitation in a lX/estJavanese village, see Muhammad Hamidi, "Tra-

disi Pembacaan Naskah Hikayat Abdul Qadir Jaelani di Kampung Suka Asih",

S.\(.R. Mulyadi (ed.), Naskah dan Kita; Special Issue of Lembaran Sastra 12 (1991),

pp.94-101.35. Frans Hiisken, "Islam and Collective Action: Rural Violence in North Central

Java in 1942', Dick Kooiman, Otto van den Muijzenberg and Peter van der Veer

(eds.), Conztersion, Competition and ConJlict. Essays on tbe Role of Religion in,4..1"2 (Amsrerdam, 1984), p. 135.

36. Ibidem.37. Urnar Ha-syirn, Sunan Muria; antara Fahta dan Legcndt (Kudus, 198a), p. 80.

Edwin Vieringa is Von Humboldt Research Fellou at the Institute ofEthnology, Universiry of Milnster, GermanT'

Stuct;4 Isldmiled, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1998

40 Eduin Wieinga

AppendixGenealogy of Haji Ahmad Mutamakin

(based on Sanusi, Mengenang Perjuangan, p. 35)

Stu<lia Islamiha, Vo/, t, No, l, l99a

Pateinal side Maternal si&

Raden Patah(suiiin

femar)s,,rian r[d;;'

Sulian adiwijaya '

(]aka Tingkii)

S"mahadiningrat(P;ns6ra| Benaw,4

Sumahadiningiar

Sayid Ali Akbar

Sayid Ali Aihgor

Radin Tanu

**Jr*

NyaiGodhdng Kyai Bagus Kyai Hndia Muhammad

FIaji Muramakin