historical and political studios. collection of research ... · mateta oleksiy a., doskach olga. s....
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HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL STUDIOS. Collection of research works
№ 1 – 2013
Content
Historical sciences
Latygina Nataliya A. Ukrainian national concept: Historical realities [3-4]
Bulvinskyy Andriy G. Origins of Ukrainian state idea [4-6]
Kovalyova Nataliya А. Political aspects of “agrarian” revolution of 1917–1922
in Ukraine [6-9]
Krasnosiletskyy Denis P. Influence of antibolshevism resistance movement in
URSR in 1920-1924 years on the process of Ukrainian nation forming [10-11]
Puyda Roman B. Activities of Ukrainian National-Democratic Union in the
History of the Polish Parliament (1938 - 1939) [12-15]
Satskyy Pavlo V. Institutional insuring of self-determination of Ukrainians
during revolution of 1917 and civil war [16-19]
Smorzhevska Oksana O. Indigenous religions of the national idea under
conditions of cultural globalization [19-22]
Glavatskyy MaksimV. Ukrainian question in the context of cultural and
educational activities of the organs of German occupational authorities on the territory
of general oblast “Kyiv” in 1941-1944 [22-25]
Political sciences Budkin Viktor S. Problems of forming the political nations in the post-soviet
countries during the stage of independence [26-27]
Kriuchkov Georgiy K. Problems on the way of becoming the political nation in
Ukraine [27-29]
Myshchak Ivan M. Problems and prospects of local self-government
reformation in Ukraine [29-31]
Chornuy Vitaliy S. Security dimensions of the national building processes in
Ukrainian society [31-32]
Kalinicheva Galyna I. Public associations activities as indicator of civil society
development in Ukraine [33-40]
Kalynovskyy Valeriy S., Kapichon Olga G. Problems of ethnic ans state
building in the works of professor Yu. Rynarenko [40-45]
Magda Evgen V. Modern challenges to consolidation of Ukrainian society [45-
48]
Mateta Oleksiy A., Doskach Olga. S. Language policy in Ukraine: National
consolidation or political risk [48-50]
Meteliyova Тetiana O. Civil society as a factor in the nation-building:
retrospective and perspective [50-52]
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Pekarchuk Volodymyr M. Culture of ethnic minorities in general ideolopgy of
state building in independent Ukraine (1991-2012) [52-53]
udenko Juliya Yu. Problems of unconformity of terminology concepts in ethnic
policy as a challenge to national security of Ukraine [54-58]
Stezhko Yuriy G. National authenticity of personality in new realities of social
life [58-59]
Chupriy Leonid V. Formation of a national identity of Ukrainians in dimension
of national security[60-61]
Samoilov Oleksiy O. Direct Democracy at local governmental level as
mechanism of political nation-building in Ukraine [61-67]
Satskyy Dmytro V. Land tax as a part of development of local self-government
[68-69]
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HISTORICAL SCIENCES
Latygina Nataliya.A. Doctor of political sciences, Professor, Kyiv National University of Trade and Economics,
Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
UKRAINIAN NATIONAL CONCEPT: HISTORICAL REALITIES
Abstract. Today independent Ukrainian state has been on a new stage of its
evolution movement – the state has announced its intention to realize large-scale social
reforms which are aimed at the formation and development of civil society and
qualitative democratization of the country.
There is no doubt that among the problems which should be solved in this context
the most vital are the processes of democratic national rebirth, enrichment of national
sovereignty by stateformation, economic, political and socio-cultural content.
It is necessary to mention that democratic national rebirth as a complex,
integrated and multistaged process is the embodiment of Ukrainian national concept.
That‟s why it is not strange, that the establishment of Ukrainian statehood at new stage
of international and European communities development is formed in the context of
Ukrainian national concept. This problem is discussed in the article.
The notion “Ukrainian national concept” is one of the least formulated, but at the
same time one of the most widely-used in modern political science. Its content is being
made more concrete and changed depending on the conditions of nation‟s existence and
those real aims and tasks which it should realize at every stage of historical
development. Modern paradigm of Ukrainian national concept is based on the fact that
it has its own history which is inseparable from the history of ethno-genesis of
Ukrainian people, formation of Ukrainian modern nation, national-liberated competition
of Ukrainians for freedom, independence and their own state.
The article analyses eight major periods of Ukrainian national concept
development. It starts from Slavonic times when the Pra-Ukrainians had the simplest,
sometimes rather primitive knowledge about their originality and the language
uniqueness, habits, rituals, love to native land, its defense which were expressed in
myths, legends, stories and other styles of oral folk art.
The author of the article attracts attention to the main conditions of national
concept existence, gives a lot of interesting examples of both positive and negative
results of national concept development.
Ukraine can present itself in the international arena only on the basis of national
concept, as national democratic state. That‟s why the author believes that one of the
most important problems of modern Ukrainian society development is the formation
and practical implementation of the concept which is capable to consolidate nation into
integrated ethno-social organism, namely, a Ukrainian national concept.
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In conclusion the author gives recommendation as to basic directions of
theoretical development of Ukrainian national concept.
Key words: nation, state, Ukrainian national concept, ethnos, democratization,
ideology, people.
References:
1. Ukraine: National Idea (2003). Kyiv: Kyiv International University (in Ukr.).
2. Grytsak, Y. I (1996) . Essay of History of Ukraine: Forming of Modern
Ukrainian nation of XIX -XX centuries . Kyiv: Geneza (in Ukr.).
3. Sytnyk, P.K., & Derbak, A.P. (1999) . Spiritual foundations and Mechanisms
of Forming of National Consciousness. Strategichna panorama (Strategic panorama),
3, 146-154 (in Ukr.).
4. Franko, I. (1986). Straightforward Letter to Ukrainian Youth in Galitsiya. In
:I. Franko. Collection of Works in 5 Volumes. Vol. 45. Kyiv: Naukova Dumka (in
Ukr.).
5. Gaevskiy, B.A. (1999). Contemporary Ukrainian Political Sciencе. Kyiv:
Interregional Academy of Personnel Management (in Ukr.).
Bulvinskyy Andriy. G. Ph.D. in history, Associate professor, Senior research fellow, State Establishment «Institute of
World History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine» Kyiv, Ukraine.
ORIGINS Of UKRAINIAN STATE IDEA
Abstract. The article proves the statement that the roots of Ukrainian state idea of
the late Middle Ages and early Modernity, embodied in the Ukrainian state of
Zaporozhian Army which was created in the middle of the XVII century, can be traced
back to the more ancient period of Ukrainian history.
The ideology of the state built by Hetman Bogdan Khmelnitsky at the turn of the
40-50's of XVII century was based on a concept that can be called "Cossacks are heir of
the knights and of the state traditions of ancient Rus princes."
Analysis of the documents and written records of this period allows us to say that
the roots of the modern Ukrainian state idea can be traced back to the traditions, ideas
and principles of the Late Middle Ages and Early Modernity. Among them:
The concept of continuity of national history from Kyivan Rus to the Cossack
Ukraine and the establishment of the thought that Kyivan Rus was the state of the
Ukrainian people (the idea of historical continuity);
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the idea of a succession of "Kyiv" state tradition of X-XIII centuries to the elite
of princes and boyars of Kyiv and Volyn of XIV - early XVII century and to the elite
of cossacks of XVII-XVIII centuries (the idea of the continuity of state tradition);
the idea of Ukrainian people that their nation has the exclusive right of self-
development and of creation of their own state within the ethnic boundaries of the
residence (the idea of a national and territorial sovereignty) which was formed in the
first half of the XVII century;
the tradition of actual or formal autonomous existence of Ukrainian lands in other
states in the XIV-XVIII centuries (the tradition of limited sovereignity over Ukrainian
lands of foreign rulers);
the idea of political self-sufficiency of Rus-Ukraine, which can be realized in a
separate Ukrainian state;
the interpretation of the Ukrainian state established in the middle of the XVII
century and called Zaporozhian Army as the successor state of Kievan Rus;
the idea of unity of the Ukrainian state finally become distinct in the times of
B.Khmelnitsky;
the idea that the state ruler has to be elected by a free ballot and can‟t be a tyrant
or absolute monarch;
the categories of "law", "freedom" and "liberty" as the key concepts to the
system of values of Ukrainian gentry and cossacks;
the strengthening of the idea that people have a natural right for freedom and that
legality has to be one of the most important principles of social and political system.
Keywords: Ukrainian national idea, traditions, values, freedom, Cossacks.
References:
1. Yakovenko, N. M. (1993).Ukrainian nobility from the end of XIV to the
middle of XVII centuries . (Volyn and Central Ukraine). Kyiv: Naukova dumka (in
Ukr.).
2. Halecki , O. (1915). Podlashie, Volynland and Kyivland in the Crown in 1569.
Krakow. (in Pol.).
3. Lytvynov, V. (2000). Renaissance humanism in Ukraine. The ideas of
humanism in Renaissance age in Ukrainian philosophy of XV and beginning of XVII
centuries. Kyiv: Publishing House of Solomia Pavlychko "Osnovy" (in Ukr.).
4. Archive of South-West Russia issued by Commission for ancient acts research
under Kievland, Podolskland and Volynland General-Governor (1914). Part 1. Vol. 8.
Kyiv (in Russ.).
5. Shcherbak, V. (2000). Ukrainian Cossacks: formation of social stratum. The
second half of XV – mid of XVII centuries. Kyiv: KM Academia (in Ukr.).
6. Sources to the history of Ukraine-Rus which are issued by Shevchenko
Scientific Society Archeography Commission (1908). Vol.8. Lviv (in Ukr.).
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7. Sas, P. M. (1998). Political culture of Ukrainian society (end of XVI - first
half of XVII centuries) Kyiv: Lybid (in Ukr.).
8. Stepankov, V. S. (1995). The problem of formation of monarchical form of
governing of Bogdan Khmelnytskyy (1648-1657). Ukrayinskyy istorychnyy zhurnal
(Ukrainian Historical Magazin), 4, 14-33 (in Ukr.).
9. Paslavsky, I. V. (1984). On the history of philosophical ideas in Ukraine at
the end of XVI – first third of XVII centuries. Kyiv: Naukova dumka (in Ukr.).
10. Smoliy, V. A., & Stepankov, V. S. (1999). Ukrainian National Revolution of
XVII century. (1648-1676). Kyiv: Alternatyvy (in Ukr.).
11. Reunification of Ukraine with Russia: Document and materials: In 3 Volumes.
(1954) . Vol. 2. Moscow: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences (in
Russ.).
12. Krypiakevych, I. P. (1954). Bogdan Khmelnytskyy. Kyiv: Academy of
Sciences of Ukrainian SSR (in Ukr.).
13. Vladymyrskyy-Budanov, M. (1995). About relations of Bogdan
Khmelnitskyy with Sweden in 1655-1657. In: Times of Bogdan Khmelnitsky (to the
400-th anniversary of birthday of great Hetman). Collection of research papers.
Kyiv: Institute of History of Ukraine (in Russ.).
14. Horobets, V. M. (1998). Cossacks Byelorussia: Colonel Ivan Nechay and
Ukrainian struggle for South-East Byelorussia (1655-1659). Kyiv: Institute of History
of Ukraine, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (in Ukr.).
6. Documents of Bogdan Khmelnytskyy, 1648–1657. (1961). In I. Krypiakevich,
& I. Butych (Ed.). Kyiv: Academy of Sciences of Ukrainian SSR (in Ukr.).
13. Smoliy, V. A. (1998). National liberation War in the context of Ukrainian
state building. In: National Liberation War of Ukrainian people in the mid of XVII
century: politics, ideology, military art. K.: Geneza (in Ukr.).
Kovalyova Nataliya. А. Ph. D. in Нistory, Associate professor, Ukrainian State University of Chemical Technology,
Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine. [email protected]
POLITICAL ASPECTS OF “AGRARIAN” REVOLUTION OF 1917–1922
IN UKRAINE
Abstract. The problem of familiarization of the Ukrainian peasantry with
political life under the conditions of the Revolution and Civil War is considered in the
article on the basis of the materials of village meetings (not introduced previously into
scientific turnover) and narrative sources. For the first time in the national
historiography, the “agrarian” revolution of 1917-1922 is characterized within the
conception of Danilov V.P., Russian researcher of the history of peasantry. The
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“Agrarian Revolution” has economic nature (the struggle of peasants against the
landlords, priests, rich peasants and later - against the state), and the analysis of its
political aspects can expand the understanding of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-
1921.
The particular attention is paid to the characteristics of peasants‟ attitude to the
authority, land question, and church. The problem of familiarization of peasants with
political life is being seen through the activity of rural meetings (gatherings, meetings):
the frequency of calling, qualitative membership, role of front-line soldiers, workers of
cities, and party agitators are highlighted in the formation of peasant attitudes and
behavior.
It is concluded that the decision of rural gatherings and land issue meetings were
determined by peasant pragmatism concerning the attitude to the church in the years of
1917-1920. Ukrainian village under the conditions of the revolution and civil war was
very far from the political process in the cities. Peasants, being in the conditions of
anarchy or permanent changes for a long time, set their rural authorities, created
independent peasant republics, and supported peasant rebel movement. Using its own
discretion, the village having made the redistribution of land tried to ward off the
negative impact of the outside world by the revival of community relations. The
Revolution and Civil War changed the outlook, lifestyle, and even the nature of the
peasantry.
Keywords: “agrarian revolution”; rural gathering, peasants, land question.
Rеferences: 1. Danilov, V. P. (2011). History of peasantry of Russia in XX century. Selected
Works: in 2 parts. Part 2. Moscow: ROSSPEN (in Russ.).
2. Smoliy, V. A. (2008). Some problems of studying history of Ukrainian
revolutions. In V. M. Lytvyn (Ed.). Ukraine in the revolutionary process of the first
decades of the XX century (pp. 6–9). Kyiv: I. F. Kuras Institute of Political and Ethnic
Studies, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (in Ukr.).
3. Verstiuk, V. F. (2007). Ukrainian revolution: metamorphosis, object,
interpretation. In V. F. Verstiuk (Ed.). Ukraine–Russia: Dialogue of historiographies
(pp. 128–134). Kyiv; Chernihiv: Desnyanskaya pravda (in Ukr.).
4. Mikhailyuk, O. (2003). As to "political program" of the peasantry of Ukraine
during revolution and civil war. Ukrayinskyy selianyn (Ukrainian peasant),7, 103–106
(in Ukr.).
5. Lozovyy, V. S. (2008). On the question of ideology of Ukrainian peasantry in
the period of the revolution (1917–1921). In V. A. Smoliy (Ed.) Formation and
activities of national governments in Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 (pp. 104-114).
Kamenetz-Podolsk: Oium (in Ukr.).
6. Kotlyar, Y. (2012). Agricultural Republic of Vradiyivka. Chornomorskyy
Litopys (The Black Sea chronicle), 5, 50–53 (in Ukr.).
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7. Kutashev, I. V. (2002). Massive peasant organizations of Ukraine in the
struggle for land and freedom (March 1917–April 1918). Visnyk Akademiyi pratsi i
sotsialnyh vidnosyn Federatsiyi profspilok Ukrayiny (Bulletin of Academy of Labor and
Social Relations of Federation of Trade Unions of Ukraine), 3, 131–137 (in Ukr.).
8. Motenko, Y. ( 2010). Self-organization of peasant movement in Kharkiv
province (February–October, 1917). Grani ( Borders), 2, 26–29 (in Ukr.).
9. Shcherbatyuk, V. M. (2010). The peasant insurgent movement in Kyiv region
in 1917–1923: modern historiography of the problem. Ukrayinskyy istorychnyy zhurnal
(Ukrainian Historical Magazin), 3, 186–204 (in Ukr.).
10. Kabanov, V. V. (1984). October revolution and peasant community. In
Historical notes. (Vol.111., pp. 100-150). Moscow: Nauka (in Rus.).
11. Kovalyova, N. A. Peasant meetings under "Agrarian Revolution" in Ukrainian
provinces in 1917–1920. In Yearbook on Agrarian history of Eastern Europe. 2012
year: Typology and Features of regional agrarian development of Russia and
Eastern Europe of XX-XXI centuries (pp. 382–390). Moscow; Bryansk: State
University of Bryansk (in Rus.).
12. Kovalyova, N. A. (2012). Social activization of peasant self-governing in
Ukraine under Revolution and Civil War, 1917–1920 (according to data of village
meetings). In Problems of agrarian history of Ukraine and Russia: Papers of nine
research readings dedicated to the memory D. P. Poyda (pp. 112–119 ).
Dnepropetrovsk.: PF Standard-Service (in Ukr.).
13. Gavrylenko, S. (1957). October in village. In Great October in Kiyv region.
Collection of memories of participants of Great October Socialist Revolution (pp.
313–319). Kyiv: State Publishing House for Political Literature of the USSR (in Ukr.).
14. Mikhailik, M. (1934). Ukrainian village under National revolution (Memoirs
since the struggle for liberation of some village). Litopys Chervonoyi Kalyny (Annals
of Red Snow-Ball-Tree), 1, 10-14; 2, 5-9 (in Ukr.).
15. Yakovlev Y. A. (Ed.). (1967). 1917 year in village (memories of peasants).
Moscow: Edition of political literature (in Rus.).
16. Andriyevskiy, V. (1963). From the Past (1917 year in Poltava region). New
York: Hoverla. Vol.1. Part. II. (in Ukr.).
17. Tsarenko, V. P. (1957). For land, for power of workers. In Great October in
Kiyv region. Collection of memories of participants of Great October Socialist
Revolution (pp. 341-351). Kyiv: State Publishing House for Political Literature of the
USSR (in Ukr.).
18. Yakovlev (Ed.). (1929). 1917 year in village. Moscow; Leningrad: GIZ (in
Rus.).
19. Chykalenko, E. (2004). Diary (1907–1917) . Vol. 1. K.: Tempora (in Ukr.).
20. Meleshko, F. (1934). Hlodosys in the time of national revolution. Litopys
Chervonoyi Kalyny (Annals of Red Snow-Ball-Tree), 7-8, 20-24.
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21. Pavlyuchenko, V. (1958). Memorable events. In October in Sumy region.
Memories of participants of Great October Socialist Revolution in Ukraine (pp. 5–12).
Sumy: Regional publishing house (in Ukr.).
22. Smoliy V. A. (Ed. ). (2006). History of Ukrainian peasants: Essays in 2 vol.
Vol. 1. Kyiv: Naukova dumka (in Ukr.).
23. Lypynskyy, B. (1954). Letters to fellow farmers. New York: Bulava (in Ukr.).
24 . About lands. March 25– November 1, 1919. Retreved from Central State
Archive of Supreme Authorities and Government of Ukraine (hereinafter –
CSASAGU). Found 1654, Description 1, File 7, Sheet 44 (in Rus.).
25. To memorandum of verdicts of Shulgovsk village community. In 1919.
Retreved from CSASAGU. F.1997, D. 1, F. 1, Sheet 148 (in Rus.).
26. Verdicts [Radolovsk village council]. January 3–December 9, 1919. Retreved
from CSASAGU. F.1771, D.1, F. 1, Sheet 44, back side (in Rus.).
27. Kachynski, V. (1927). Peasants movement. In 1917 year in Kharkov (pp.
180–269). Kharkov: Proletariy (in Rus.).
28. Nessyn, N. (2009). To overcome life is not to overcome field. In Russian
and Soviet village in the first half of XX century by position of peasants: Position from
emigration (pp. 197–212). Moscow: Russkiy put (in Rus.).
29. Verdicts of regional meetings of villages [Posuhovsk regional governing].
February 16– November 15, 1920. Retreved from CSASAGU. F.1504, D. 1, F. 2,
Sheet 18 (in Rus.)
30. Book of verdicts of village meeting of Privolniansk village community. April,
1919 – May 17, 1920. Retreved from CSASAGU. F. 3633, D. 1, F. 1, Sheet 14-15,
back side (in Rus.)
31. Records of proceedings and decisions of village meetings, regional judges and
members of conciliatory committees of inquiry. Records of proceedings of meetings of
regional governing [regional council of Medvedinsk]. February 2 – May 4, 1919.
Retreved from CSASAGU. F. 684, D. 1, F. 1, Sheet 13-13, back side (in Rus.).
32. Ganzha, A. I. (2000). Ukrainian peasantry in the period of totalitarian
regime becoming (1917–1927). Kyiv: Institute of history of Ukraine, National Academy
of Sciences of Ukraine (in Ukr.).
33. Reports of secret fellows, information and intelligence summaries about army
of UPR (Ukrainian People Republic), rebellion organizations in Ukraine. February–
December, 1921. Retreved from CSASAGU. F. 3204, D. 2, F. 11, Sheet 3(in Rus.).
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Krasnosiletskyy Denis P. Ph. D. in history, Associate professor, Humanitarian-pedagogical academy of Khmelnytsky,
Khmelnytsky, Ukraine. [email protected]
INFLUENCE OF ANTIBOLSHEVISM RESISTANCE MOVEMENT IN
URSR in 1920-1924 years ON THE PROCESS OF UKRAINIAN NATION
FORMING
Abstract. Article is aimed at analyzing the problems of forming of Ukrainian
nation during antibolshevism resistance movement of 1920 – 1924 in URSR. It is
offered reasons and pre-conditions of origin of antibolshevism resistance movement, its
structure, political directions which are known to reflect different social and business
groups of Ukrainian society. Author researches activity of insurgent detachments,
provoked by terroristic policy of soviet power, continuation of practice of food
expropriation, force institution of communist governmental organs, anti-religious
campaign, violent "radaynizatsiya" of village, realization of grain procurement
campaigns dealt with artificial hunger of 1921 – 1923, repressive, wrong, often
uncontrolled acts of members of the emergency committees, militia, voluntary
subdivisions of the Red army towards peasants, realization of a force mobilization of
citizens to army and other similar deeds.
Special attention is oriented in article at analyses of such political figures as S.
Petlura and N. Mahno who headed influential political groupings and in their turn
influences substantially the process of Ukrainian state and Ukrainian nation forming
during the period of 1920-1924 years It is discussed notions “ataman”, “atamanshchina”
which reflect the character of political processes in Ukraine during and after the Civil
war, said about the love of Ukrainians to Motherland, about aspiration of population of
Ukraine to live in an independent country. Historical events reveals self-sacrifices of
insurgents during their fight for independence of Ukraine.
Attention is concentrated on relations between ataman detachments and citizenry,
and also between representatives of different nationalities who lived on the territory of
Ukraine. A question is risen on the problem of interaction of fight of Ukrainians for
independence and their will to unity, forming of patriotism and national consciousness
of Ukrainian people. These information is extremely necessary for understanding terms
of forming of Ukrainian political nation during the separate stages of history.
Key words:, antibolshevist resistance movement, insurgent detachments,
underground organization, national poliсy.
References: 1. Arhireyskiy, D., & Chencov V. (2000). Anti-soviet national opposition in the
USSR in 20s: opinion towards the problem in dimension of archival sources. Moscow,
No2/4 (in Russ.).
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2. Bogan, S. (2003). Insurgent movement in Odesa province in 1920–1923.
Abstract of thesis for scientific degree of candidate of historical sciences. I Mechnikov
Odesa National University. Odesa (in Ukr.).
3. Ganzha, O. (1996). Resistance of peasants to becoming of totalitarian regime
in the USSR. Kyiv: Institute of history of Ukraine, National Academy of Sciences of
Ukraine (in Ukr.).
4. Zavalniuk, K. Forecasters of will. Insurgent movement in Podillia region in
dimension of personages (20-th years of XX century). Litiyn: Litinska raydrukarnia (in
Ukr.).
5. Isakov, P. (2001). Peasant insurgent anticommunist movementon in Left-bank
Ukraine (March of 1919–November of 1921). Abstract of thesis for scientific degree of
candidate of historical sciences. Institute of history of Ukraine, National Academy of
Sciences of Ukraine. Кyiv (in Ukr.).
6. Kapustian, G. (2004). The Ukrainian village under conditions of soviet
political rejime of 1920s. Abstract of thesis for scientific degree of doctor of historical
sciences. Dnipropetrovsk National University. Dnipropetrovsk (in Ukr.).
7. Koval, R. (2000). Otaman of saint and terrible persons. Кyiv: Prosvita (in
Ukr.).
8. Kotliar, U. (2003). Insurgents. Peasant movement in South of Ukraine
(1917–1925). Mykolaiv-Odesa: LTD. VID (in Ukr.).
9. Kotliar U. (2003). Repressive policy against peasantry of Mykolaiv land and
insurgent fight in 20s of XX century. Kraeznavchyy almanakh (Regional Studies
Anthology. History. Archaeology. Culture. Museum pedagogics), 2, 22–26 (in Ukr.).
10. Stegniy, P. (2000). Peasant uprising in Right-bankpart of Ukrainian SSR in
1921–1923 (on materials of movement of Petlura). Abstract of thesis for scientific
degree of candidate of historical sciences. Zaporozhye State University. Zaporozhye
(in Ukr.).
11. Krasnoseletskyy, D. (2009). Antibolshevism movement of peasants in right-
bankpart of Ukrainian SSR in 1920–1924. Khmelnytskyy: Khmelnytskyy National
University (in Ukr.).
12. Doroshenko, M. (1973). By the paths of Holodnyy Yar. Memories of 1918–
1923. Philadelphia (in Ukr.).
13. Documents. Verdict conclusions in 5 Vol. Vol. 2. State archive of Security
Service of Ukraine. Found P-6, File 67098, Sheet 299 (in Rus.).
14. Logvinenko I. (1995, Augusts 04). A fire from Holodnyy Yar. Narodna
gazeta (People newspaper), pp. 4 (in Ukr.).
15. Galchevskyy-Voiynarovskyy, Y. (1941). Against the red invaders. In 2 Vol.
Vol. 1. Krakov: Ukrayinske vydavnytstvo (in Ukr.).
16. Savchenko, V. (2008). Mahno. Kharkiv: Folio (in Ukr.).
17. Gorlis-Gorskyy, U. (1977). In a hostile camp. Memories. (2d ed.).
NewYork: Goverla (in Ukr.).
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Puyda Roman B. Ph. D. in history, Ivano-Frankivsk National Technicall University of Oil and Gaz, Ivano-
Frankivsk, Ukraine. [email protected]
ACTIVITIES OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL-DEMOCRATIC UNION IN
THE HISTORY OF THE POLISH PARLIAMENT (1938 - 1939 )
Abstract. During the second half of the 1930, the declared changes of the Polish
government were not being carried aut, that challenged the feasibility of further
continuation of the policy of "normalization." The failure of the policy of
"normalization" has led to the decline of the role of the Ukrainian national democratic
union (hereinafter - UNDO) and other legal parties and to the disappointment in the
parliamentarianism. The policy of normalization is the settlement of the Ukrainian-
Polish relations, that had been carried out by the agreement between the leadership of
the Ukrainian National Democratic Union and the Polish government. It pushed the
Ukrainian to much more radical methods of struggle, led to the popularity of nationalist
organizations. However, despite the fact that nationalism was on the rise and national
democracy decayed, UNDO and the Ukrainian parliamentary representation (hereinafter
- UPR) stayed influential factors in the political life and considered by the Polish
government.
Basis of the information sources, proposed by the author includes the archival
documents, the materials of Polish and Ukrainian periodical press, recollections of the
prominent public and political figures. The main purpose of the article is to identify the
priority areas of parliamentary work of the UPR.
The results of the elections to the Polish parliament in 1938 for the UNDO were
almost identical to the 1935 – the embassy seats got all the candidates agreed with the
government, except for Syanotskiy, district where, despite the agreements, the Poles
failed Ukrainian candidate despite the electoral compromise. "At the ballot, November
7, 1938 in Eastern Galicia attended 73,7% of the population in Volyn – 74,8%. The
Election law led to the formation of the categorically obedient parliament, that became a
puppet plaything in the hands of the President I. Mostsitskiy. Decomposition of the
political forces in the Polish parliament after the elections was not in favor of the UPR.
The blame for the not realized normalization the Ambassador put on the Polish
government, which beginning with the 1937 continued the anti-Ukrainian policy, the
actions of the government „„the vshepoles‟‟ supported. The initiative of this political
force there were series of eye, which adopted anti-Ukrainian resolution. In the wake of
this campaign there appears a slogan saving of the kreses from Ukrainians However, the
Polish press " paints the Ukrainian danger in the darkest colours...". Concluding the
presentation, V. Tselevych said: "The blame of for the high government is the fact that
beginning with 1935 there was no single step in the Ukrainian case, which would have
more general political nature and could have beneficial impact on the mood of
13
Ukrainian citizenship Moreover. The last time we have on the part of the Government a
number of moves that should not be considered happy ... "
Already in February 16, 1939 V. Tselevych – the General Secretary of UNDO
gave a statement in which "he showed his attitude to the Ukrainian business in Poland."
The Volyn Ambassador S. Skrypnyk supported the representative of the UPR, who said
that the reaction of V. Tselevych - was the "position of all deputies of the Ukrainian
population in Poland, who sat in this High House." The Ambassador of the Volyn
Ukrainian Association (hereinafter - VUO) stated that the demonstration the Ukrainians
were accused of the Parliament follows out of the "anti-Ukrainian psychosis, growing
from day to day and says again ignore everything that is connected with the
Ukrainians".
According to the head of the UPR and UNDO - V.Mudry, the year of 1939
showed that the Polish government had no plans to change the attitude to the
Ukrainians. "Last year brought to ambiguous tone of our national life reparation, - said
V. Tselevych - but conversely our position during every examination became worse".
As an example, the leader of the UPR brought a new budget in which there were no
Ukrainian expenses. For these reasons the UPR refused to vote for the budget 1939 -
1940. At the same time the representatives of the VUO did not appear at the meeting of
the Seym. The Statement of the Head of the UPR V. Mudry attracted a considerable
attention in the Polish politics.
In acute international relations, V. Mudry said UNDO never come from the
standpoint of political struggle for the rights of the Ukrainian people in Poland. The
leader of the National Democrats said: "His civic duties toward the state will perform,
while still performing, but also require the state not only guarantee and practically
translate into life full pravovist [the law on territorial autonomy - RP] but also to
reassure the national teams needs of the Ukrainian nation in Poland". Speech head unit
of the Central Committee approved unanimously.
It became obvious that the government is going to implement the basic
requirement Ukrainian Ambassadors - providing territorial autonomy to ethnic
Ukrainian lands, which were in the Second Polish Republic. Anti-government stance
provoked a number of critical performances member unit in late 1938 - early 1939,
however, the unstable political situation in Europe, the growing tension in the central-
eastern Europe were forced to UNDO in August of 1939 - the eve of the World War II,
to deliver a statement loyal to Poland that eventually must be secure against possible
Polish Ukrainian destructions.
Prospects for future research are in the conceptual formulation of the problem and
a special comprehensive study of parliamentary activity UNDO in the second half of the
1930s in the context of social and political life in the Western Ukraine.
Keywords: UNDO, seym, senate, bills, normalization.
14
References:
1. Vidnianskyy, S. (2003). Ukrainian question in interwar Poland: key issues and
areas of research in contemporary national historical science. Ukrayinskyy istorychnyy
zhurnal (Ukrainian Historical Magazin), 2 (437), 39– 55 (in Ukr.).
2. Zaitsev, O. (1993). Representatives of Ukrainian political parties of Western
Ukraine in the Parliament of Poland (1922-1939). Ukrayinskyy istorychnyy zhurnal
(Ukrainian Historical Magazin), 1 (382), 72–84 (in Ukr.).
3. Zaporowski, Z. (1992). Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1919-1939.
Działalność posłów, parlamentarne koncepcje Józefa Piłsudskiego, mniejszości
narodowe. – Lublin: Wydaw. UMCS (in Pol.).
4. Zashkilnyak, L. (1997). Genesis and consequences of Ukrainian–Polish
normalization of 1935. In Polska i Ukraina: Sojusz 1920 roku i jego następstwa (pp.
431-454). – Torun (in Ukr.).
5. Zashkilnyak L. Attempts of Ukrainian-Polish agreement in interwar Poland
(1920–1939) In Poles, Ukrainians, Belarussians, Lithuanians in interwar Poland
(1920-1939) (pp. 34–45). Drohobich: Kolo (in Ukr.).
6. Komar, V. (2001)."Ukrainian question" in the policy of governments of
Poland (1926-1939). Ukrayinskyy istorychnyy zhurnal (Ukrainian Historical
Magazin), 5 (440),120–128 (in Ukr.).
7. Kucherepa, M. (1998). National Policy of Second Polish Republic on
Ukrainians (1919-1939). In M. Kucherepa (Ed.). Ukraine - Poland: complicated
questions. Research papers of 2d II International seminar of historians ["Ukrainian-
Polish relations in 1918 - 1947 years"] Warsaw, May 22–24, 1997 (pp. 11–28).
Warsaw: World Union of combatants of Army Krayova. Association of Ukrainians in
Poland (in Ukr.).
8. Kucherepa, M. (2006).Ukrainian problem in the policy of Second Polish
Republic in the concepts and activity of Ukrainian political forces in the interwar
period. In I. Galagida (Ed.). Ukraine - Poland: complicated questions. Research
papers of 11th International seminar of historians [“Ukrainian – Polish relatins during
the Second World War”] . Warsaw, April 26–28, 2005 (Vol. 10, pp. 155–190.).
Warsaw: World Union of combatants of Army Krayova; Volyn National University of
Lesya Ukrainka (in Ukr.).
9. Makarchuk, S. (2001). International antagonisms in society of Western
Ukraine on the eve of September 1939. In K. K. Kondratiuk (Ed.). 1939 in historical
destiny of Ukraine and Ukrainians (pp.6-20). Lviv: Publishing center of Ivan Franko
National University of Lviv (in Ukr.).
10. Khruslov, B. (1999). UNDO policy on the threshold of World War II (1938-
1939 years). Galychina, 3, 181–188 (in Ukr.).
11. Khruslov, B. (1999). Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance: policy of
normalization of Polish-Ukrainian relations (1935–1937). Naukovi zapysky: zbirnyk
15
naukovyh statey (Research Papers: Collection of research articles), XXXV, 158-168.
Kyiv: National Pedagogical Dragomanov University (in Ukr.).
12. Shvaguliak, M. (1994). Little known page of political life of Western
Ukraine on the threshold of the Second World War (From the history of the Contact
Committee. 1937–1939). Zapysky Naukovogo Tovarystva imeni Shevchenka (Notes of
Shevchenko Scientific Society), CCXXVIII, 207–248. Lviv (in Ukr.).
13. Szumiło, M. (2002). Ukraińska Reprezentacja Parlamentarna w Sejmie I
Senacie RP (1928-1939): zarys problemu. Warszawskie Zeszyty Ukrainoznawcze., Z.
13/14, 153–170. Warszawa (in Pol.).
14. Kedrin, I. (1938, November 27) The day before new Seim. Dilo (Cause).
(in Ukr.).
15. Ukrainians strive for autonomy (1938, December 6). Dilo (Cause) (in Ukr.).
16. Mudryy, V. (1935). Difficulties of our policy. Shliah natsiyi. Mesiachnik
ukrayinskoyi natsionalnoyi politiki i gromadskogo zhittia (Path of nation. Month of
Ukrainian national politics and public life), 8, 24-26 (in Ukr.).
17. Speech of ambassador Dr. Vytvytskyy (1939, February 18). Dilo (Cause) (in
Ukr.).
18. Parliamentary protest of Ukrainian Volynland (1939, February 28). Dilo
(Cause) (in Ukr.).
19. Ukrainian-Polish conflict is being escalated (1939, February 21). Slovo
(Word) (in Ukr.).
20. Ambassadors of OZON reported against all statements of Ukrainian
ambassadors (1939, February 22). Dilo (Cause) (in Ukr.).
21 Ukrainian Parliamentarian representatives voted against budget (1939,
February 26). Dilo (Cause) (in Ukr.).
22. Kacharaba, S. & Komarnytskyy Y. (2009). Vasyl Mudryy is public activist,
politician, writer. – Drohobych: Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University
(in Ukr.).
23 . Kedrin, I. (1939, March 5). Why UPR declared against budget. Dilo
(Cause) (in Ukr.).
24.Declaration of UPR in Senate on case of Karpatska Ukraine (1939, March
18). Dilo (Cause) (in Ukr.).
25. Mudryy V. (1939, April 30). “Let us fulfill our public duty – let us demand
realization of our rights”: speech of head of UNDO ambassador V. Mudryy at the
session of Central Committee of UNDO on April 22, 1939. Natsionalna politika
(National Politics), ch. 16 (in Ukr.).
26. Habitation and property (1939, August 26). Dilo (Cause) (in Ukr.).
27. Mudryy V. (1962). Persons of the same age. In Anthology of 1963. To 70th
anniversary of service to Ukrainian people and their truth. Ukrainian diary
“Liberty”(pp. 25–29). Jercey city: Ukrainian People Union (in Ukr.).
16
Satskyy Pavlo. V. Ph. D. in history, Associate professor, Kyiv National Economic University named after
Vadym Hetman, Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
INSTITUTIONAL INSURING OF SELF-DETERMINATION OF
UKRAINIANS DURING REVOLUTION OF 1917 AND CIVIL WAR
Abstract. The article is dealt with a problem of social preconditions of the
Ukrainian state-building processes in 1917. In particular, social consequences of the
World War 1 on Ukrainian land that influenced national processes and between-classes
relations are researched. The social sources of revolutionary moods of Ukrainian
society in 1917, aspiration of millions of soldiers to get the personal motivation for
staying at the front are also shown.
It is stated that World War 1 created pre-conditions of deep social and national
split in Ukrainian society. Special “social elevator ” had been revealed itself in Russian
empire with due regard to emergence of privileged status of officers from below. And
those soldiers who did not have motivation for participating in war became a
counterbalance to that phenomenon.
Applying to social split in Ukrainian society the author analyses the social
sources of Ukrainian state-building processes provoked by social and national pressure
upon Ukrainians in Russian empire. At the same time processes of reconstruction of
legal organs of power and local self-government in the empire are discussed. These ones
were based on census platform under pre-war times, but were to be changed during the
revolutionary events in 1917 because of their inability to meet the requirements of
peasantry as a main part of Russian army at the front, to solve correctly the problems
of private property and social stratification, to provide wide public representation in
their activity. In that context reasons of failure of Ukrainian national state building (in
dimension of national government and self-government) as well as pre-conditions of
Bolshevik successful practice towards statehood are analyzed.
Key words: self-determination, soviet power, seniors institution, civil institution.
References: 1. Azovtsev, N. N., Gusarevich, V. D. , Tinin, A. L. et al. (Eds.). (1980). Civil
war in the USSR. In 2 Vol. Vol. 1: Suppression of internal counterrevolution.
Frustration of manifest intervention of international imperialism (October, 1917–
March, 1919). Moscow: Voenizdat (in Russ.).
2. Mihutina, I. V. (2007). Ukrainian Brest peace: way of withdrawal of Russia
from the First World War and anatomy of a conflict between Sovnarkom (Coucil of
People Commissars) of RSFSR (Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic) and
government of Ukrainian Central Rada. Moscow: Evropa (in Russ.).
17
3. Soldatenko, V. F. (1999). Ukrainian revolution. Historical Essay. Kyiv: Lybid
( in Ukr.).
4. Hvyliovyy, M. Mother. (1980). In Kostiuk, G. Hvyliovyy M. Works in five
volumes. Vol. 2. (pp. 357–369). New-York; Baltimore; Toronto: Union of Ukrainian
writers “Slovo”; Ukrainian publishing house “Smoloskyp” named after V. Symonenka
(in Ukr.).
5. Volunteer tactics overshadowed war art. Memoirs of general E. I. Dostovalov.
(1994). Istochnik (Source), 3, 41–56 (in Russ.).
6. Review of work of committee of Central Rada (council) during April 12-13,
1917. Not before April 13, 1917. (1917, May, No 5). News from Ukrainian Central
Rada. In Vestiuk V. (Ed.). (1996). Ukrainian Central Rada: documents and papers. In
2 vol. Vol. 1 (p. 67). Kyiv: Naukova dumka (in Ukr.).
7. Papers of second session of Central Rada (coucil). April 22-23, 1917.
Resolutions of Ukrainian Central Rada on the case of organization of provincial,
district and city Ukrainians councils (rady), approved by Ukrainian Central Radal at
general meeting on April 23. (1917, May, No 5). News from Ukrainian Central Rada.
In Vestiuk V. (Ed.). (1996). Ukrainian Central Rada: documents and papers. In 2 vol.
Vol. 1 (p. 69–73). Kyiv: Naukova dumka (in Ukr.).
8. Letter of E. H. Chykalenko to V. K. Vynnychenko. Pereshory–Kyiv, July 11,
1917. (1997). Ukrayinskyy istorychnyy zhurnal (Ukrainian Historical Magazin),6, 105–
106 (in Ukr.).
9. June 1–3, 1917. (1917, May, No 8). News from Ukrainian Central Rada. In
Vestiuk V. (Ed.). (1996). Ukrainian Central Rada: documents and papers. In 2 vol.
Vol. 1 (p. 99–101). Kyiv: Naukova dumka (in Ukr.).
10. June 20, 1917. (1917, May, No 10). News from Ukrainian Central Rada. In
Vestiuk V. (Ed.). (1996). Ukrainian Central Rada: documents and papers. In 2 vol.
Vol. 1 (p. 106–108). Kyiv: Naukova dumka (in Ukr.).
11. Vynnychenko V. (1990). Revival of Nation. In 3 parts. P. II. Kyiv:
Publishing house of political literature of Ukraine (in Ukr.).
12. Appeal of CPK (Coucil of People Commissars) to all workers about
emergency measures on struggle for bread. May 30, 1918. In Belov, G. A., Kurenkov,
A. et al. (Eds.). (1958). From the history of All-Russian Extraordinary Commission.
1917–1921. Collection of documents (pp. 118-119). Moscow: States publishing house
of political literature (in Russ.).
13. Issue of VChK (All-Russian Extraordinary Commission) No158 to local
extraordinary commissions. April 16, 1919. In Belov, G. A., Kurenkov, A. et al.
(Eds.). (1958). From the history of All-Russian Extraordinary Commission. 1917–
1921. Collection of documents (p. 276). Moscow: States publishing house of political
literature (in Russ.).
14. Resolution of All-Russian Central Executive Committee about transformation
of Soviet Republic into military camp. September 2, 1918. In Kariaeva, T. F., Daynes,
18
V. О. et al. (Eds.). (1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary War Council) of Republic.
Records of proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of documents (p. 14). Moscow:
Information and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
15. Record of proceedings. November 12, 1918. In Kariaeva, T. F., Daynes, V.
О. et al. (Eds.). (1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary War Council) of Republic.
Records of proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of documents (pp. 101-103). Moscow:
Information and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
16. Resolution оf Commission on the question of Ukraine. November 12, 1918.
In Kariaeva, T. F., Daynes, V. О. et al. (Eds.). (1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary
War Council) of Republic. Records of proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of
documents (p. 104). Moscow: Information and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
17. Resolution of of All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets about
liquidation of district Extraordinary Commissions on struggle against counter-
revolution, speculation and crimes regarding appointments. January 24, 1919. In (1943).
Collection of issues and instructions of Workers and Peasants Government for 1919.
Signature stamp: “For official use” (p. 16). Moscow: Upravlenie delami Sovnarkoma
SSSR (in Russ.).
18. About introduction on the territory of Ukrainian Soviet Republic all decrees,
issues, resolutions and orders regarding Red Army and People Commissariat of internal
affairs (Order of Revolutionary War Council No 1020). June 19, 1919. In (1943).
Collection of issues and instructions of Workers and Peasants Government for 1919.
Signature stamp: “For official use” (p. 467). Moscow: Upravlenie delami Sovnarkoma
SSSR (in Russ.).
19. Resolution of City Duma (Assembly) of Kharkov about Third Universal
(Declaration) of Central Ukrainian Rada (Council), December 2, 1917. In: Central State
Archive of Supreme Authorities and Government of Ukraine (hereinafter –
CSASAGU). Found 1115, Description 1, File 47, Sheet 42 (in Rus.).
20. Resolution of City Duma (Assembly) of Berdiansk approved at the meeting on
December 12, 1917. In: CSASAGU. Found 1115, Description 1, File 47, Sheet 50 (in
Rus.).
21. Record of proceedings, May 9, 1919. In Kariaeva, T. F., Daynes, V. О. et al.
(Eds.). (1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary War Council) of Republic. Records of
proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of documents (p. 233–235). Moscow: Information
and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
22. Record of proceedings No 5, June 26 9, 1919. In Kariaeva, T. F., Daynes, V.
О. et al. (Eds.). (1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary War Council) of Republic.
Records of proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of documents (p. 277–281). Moscow:
Information and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
23. Resolution, August 13, 1919. In Kariaeva, T. F., Daynes, V. О. et al. (Eds.).
(1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary War Council) of Republic. Records of
19
proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of documents (p. 276–279). Moscow: Information
and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
24. Resolution, June 4, 1919. In Kariaeva, T. F., Daynes, V. О. et al. (Eds.).
(1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary War Council) of Republic. Records of
proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of documents (p. 243–244). Moscow: Information
and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
25. Record of proceedings, January 4, 1919. In Kariaeva, T. F., Daynes, V. О. et
al. (Eds.). (1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary War Council) of Republic. Records of
proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of documents (p. 168–169). Moscow: Information
and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
26. Record of proceedings No 85, December 22, 1919. In Kariaeva, T. F.,
Daynes, V. О. et al. (Eds.). (1997). Revvoensovet (Revolutionary War Council) of
Republic. Records of proceedings, 1918–1919: Collection of documents (p. 543–548).
Moscow: Information and edition agency "Russkiy mir" (in Russ.).
Smorzhevska Oksana. O. Ph. D. in History, Associate professor, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Кyiv,
Ukraine. [email protected]
INDIGENOUS RELIGIONS AS A VERSION OF THE NATIONAL IDEA
UNDER CONDITIONS OF CULTURAL GLOBALIZATION
Abstract. The purpose of this article is the analysis of works of neopaganism‟s
ideologists and supporters. The theme of national idea formation in the conditions of
cultural globalization also considered. In these works often there is a speech about
national idea, about state-creation process in Ukraine, a way of overcoming of crisis in
our country. Adherents of neopagan movement are connected by aspiration to connect
religious and spiritual bases, history of Ukraine and its future in the whole. Keynote is
uniqueness of Ukraine, the Ukrainian people, its special historical mission.
Works of V. Shiyan has ideologizing, glorification of the historical past and
aspiration to take this glory and patriotism as a principle of Ukraine development. V.
Shiyan pays much attention to creative inheritance of G.Skovoroda and T. Shevchenko.
V. Shiyan reaches unambiguous conclusions about need of use of theoretical
development of the thinker of time of baroque for modern time and for the future.
T.Shevchenko became spiritual successor of G.Skovoroda for V. Shiyan. He
enthusiastically writes about heroism of Cossacks. He claims that heroism is a driving
force and the main line of the Ukrainian national character and outlook. V. Shiyan
speaks about a spiritual chain of development of Ukrainians: Bogdan Khmelnytsky,
Grigory Skovoroda and Taras Shechenko. They became a push for awakening of the
Ukrainian nation on the verge of XIX-XX centuries and further fight for the creating of
20
Ukraine. V.Shiyan unites philosophical, esthetic and patriotic aspects of the Ukrainian
national development. He tries to transfer all problems of historical development to the
religion plane.
L. Silenko in work "Revaluation of spiritual cost" investigates activity of some
historical people in a context of their relation to belief of ancestors. There is analysis of
important historical periods through a prism of influence of native faith on different
events. The attention is focused on patriotism. L. Silenko considers history of Ukraine
as fight of the people against Christianity and the Soviet Union. Grand prince of Kiyv
Vladimir was negatively assessed. Christianity acceptance by Vladimir is treated as
betraying of own people. In L. Silenko's estimation the prince is the weak statesman,
unlike Svyatoslav the Brave. He estimates introduction of Christianity as violence over
Slavic soul. And it became the tragedy for Ukraine forever. He notes need to have the
Ukrainian understanding of God. Only the moral and spiritual ideals lead in creating
rather viable nation and the state.
L. Luk'yanenko in the article "Civilization Choice of Ukraine" notes need of new
formation of intellectuals. This new formation will revive Ukraine. For the national and
state construction the position of mass media is very important. But for years of
independence in Ukraine actually Ukrainian information space wasn't created. The
citizens of Ukraine are under active influence of foreign mass media. Also location of
Ukraine in the East Europe, is strong position for our country. He claims that average
and young generation of Ukrainians are disappointed by Christianity. They will search
the spiritual reference points in national depths and it will promote formation of own
way of development. New generation of Ukrainians will lead the country to prosperity.
O. Shokal devotes his articles to problem of strategic development of the nation
and the state, culture role in it. For him the problem is the absence of accurately
formulated national idea. And the culture has to help for development. The combination
of social, economic, spiritual and intellectual factors has to become main in national
policy.
The mentioned works give an idea of bases of national idea and views of the
Ukrainian neopagans. All of them are connected by idea „Ukraine in the center‟. They
are keen on historical past, belief in wonderful prospects on condition of the appeal to
spiritual experience of ancestors. They want to introduce it into daily Ukrainian reality.
Key words: indigenous religions, national idea, ethnic and cultural identity.
References:
1. Kurovskyy, V. (2005). Modern Ukrainian ethnic religion: the essence and
main course. Ukrayinske religieznavstvo (Ukrainian religious studies), 33, 34-46 (in
Ukr.).
2. Mikheyeva, I.B. (2010). Neo-paganism as a religious and cultural
phenomenon of our time: the problem of definition. Tsennosti i smysly (The values and
meanings),1, 81-90 (in Russ.).
21
3.Shizhensky, R. (2010). On the terminology of Slavic variations «indigenous
religions» (for example, the term "neo-paganism"). Etnicheskaya istoriya narodov
Evropy ( Ethnic history of the peoples of Europe), 33, 121–126 (in Russ.).
4. Antonian Y. (2010). "The reconstruction" of religion: neo-paganism in
Armenia (Centre for Social Research. Laboratorium No 1). Retrieved from
http://www.soclabo.org/rus/journal/6/3/vers/84/ (in Russ.).
5. Gaidukov, A. Neopaganism as a reaction to globalization in Russia . In (2001).
Workshop "Individual and collective rights of national minorities in the conditions of
globalization. Project "The "Civil Initiative", the Heinrich Boell Foundation (6–269).
St.-Petersburg (in Russ.).
6. Gourko, A.V. (2000, March-April). Neopaganism in search of ideological
model (Bulletin of the Network for Ethnic Monitoring and Early Warning of conflicts
No 30). Retrieved from http://eawarn.ru/pub/Bull/WebHome/content30.htm (in Russ.).
7. Hutsuliak, O. (2000). Neopaganism of the second half of twentieth century as
paradigm of consciousness of subject of civilizational and cultural processes. Liudyna i
politika (Man and politics), 3, 64–68 (in Ukr.).
8. Kolodny, A. (2007). Paganism and Neopaganism. Religiyna panorama
(Religious panorama), 3, 72–78 (in Ukr.).
9. Mikheyeva, I.B. Scientific knowledge of the XXI century about man and
universe building: from the rationalist theories to the neo-pagan constructs?
International Society of philosophical and cosmological. Retrieved from
http://www.bazaluk.com/conference/183/comments.html (in Russ.).
10. Ryzhakova, S.I. (2011). Ethno-cultural conseptions of the foundations of
Latvian identity: historical context, interrelations, contemporary contexts (middle XIX -
beginning of XXI century). Retreved from http://www.referum.com/ (in Russ.).
11. Hmil, T.V. (2000). Problems of religious and national ideology of Ukraine
in the concept of L. Sylenko . Nova paradigma. Almanakh naukovyh prats (New
Paradigm. Almanac of research works), 16, 75–82 (in Ukr.).
12. Shizhensky, R. Neopaganism in the ethno-cultural space of modern Russia
(according to the Volga Federal District). In Tyshkov V. A. (Ed.). (2009). VIII
Congress of Russian ethnographers and anthropologists: abstracts (p. 62). Orenburg:
Publishing center of Orenburg State Agrarian University (in Russ.).
13. Shnirelman, V. (1999). Neopaganism in the expanse of Eurasia. Liudyna I
svit (Man and the world), 11-12, 9–15 (in Ukr.).
14. Alekseev, V. Russian neo-paganism. Center of apologetic studies. Retreved
from http://www.apologetika.ru/ (in Russ.).
15. Gaidukov, A. Slavic (Russian) neo-paganism and the problem of ethnic and
religious stereotypes. Gertsen reading of 2002: Acute issues of religion studies.
Retreved from http://gaidukov.blogspot.com/2007/12/5.html (in Russ.).
16. Shayan, V. (1970; 1998). The Bible as ideology. Studio from the sphere of
comparative religion studies. London; Lutsk (in Ukr.).
22
17. Shayan, V. (1972). Ethical, sociological and pedagogical views of Grygoriy
Skovoroda: on the occasion of 250th
anniversary of birth of great thinker of Ukraine.
Part 1. London-Toronto: Institute of V. Shayan (in Ukr.).
18. Shayan, V. (1958). Holy heroism as foundation of Ukrainian national
ideology (Report delivered at the III-d Congress of Great Britain branch of League of
Ukrainian Insurgents . August 24, 1957). Great Britain: Publication of Great Britain
branch of League of Ukrainian Insurgents (in Ukr.).
19. Shayan, V. (1990). Ukrainian symbols. Hamilton: Publishing house
"Ukrainian Renaissance" attached to Association of Ukrainians of Native Faith (in
Ukr.).
20. Silenko, L. (1988). Reassessment of spiritual value. Publication of
Association of Sons and Daughters of Ukraine of Native Ukrainian National Faith
(OSIDU RUNViry) (in Ukr.).
21. Lukianenko, L. (2008, June 24–30). Civilization choice of Ukraine (Personal
(Staff). All-Ukrainian general political weekly magazine No 24 (276)). Retreved from
http://www.personal-plus.net/276/3382.html (in Ukr.).
22. Shokalo, O.O. (2007). Ukrainian сultural an information produce - spiritual
factors of reproduction and self-development of nation. Ukrainskiy svit (Ukrainian
world), 4/6, 26–29 (in Ukr.).
Glavatskyy Maksim.V. Postgraduate student, National Pedagogical University named after Mikhailo Dragomanov,
Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
UKRAINIAN QUESTION IN THE CONTEXT OF CULTURAL AND
EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES OF THE ORGANS OF GERMAN
OCCUPATIONAL AUTHORITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF GENERAL
OBLAST «KYIV» in 1941–1944
Abstract. Cultural and educational activity of German occupation authorities, the
peculiarities of the Ukrainian question in general oblast «Kyiv» in 1941 – 1944 are
being analyzed with due regard to archival and analytical materials. Author notes that
during the 1941-1944 Nazis opened in Ukraine a network of educational institutions.
The initiative to create such institutions belonged mostly to local Ukrainian
administration. German occupation authorities opened a network of secondary schools,
colleges, various professional courses. Measures to realize educational policy on the
whole were made. However Nazis did not get desired results. Noted educational
measures were very inconsistent and limited. Besides that German occupation
administration exercised full control and fierce ideological censorship on the content of
teaching and teaching staff.
23
The researcher believes that the Nazis saw education as a tool for establishing a
“new order” policy, realizing thus the task of preparing loyal to Germany «half people».
The official position of the leaders of Nazi Germany in the educational sector during the
war varied from the denial of the right of Slavs for education to create a network of
educational pre-school, primary and secondary schools, vocational education and then
higher institutions. Concessions in education sphere were made regarding acute need for
skilled labor. Activity of Germans in educational sphere created an impression that
occupants are interested in national and cultural revival of Ukraine and provide public
involvement into voluntary cooperation. However due to the contradictive logic of
German educational policy, lack of unified standards of training procedures, a tough
vertical management of educational process at regional level, an integrated system of
education during the occupation in the general oblast «Kyiv» and Reich Commissariat
«Ukraine» as a whole did not appear.
The main directions of scientific institutions were dealing with collection and
organization of cultural values export from occupied territory to Germany, as well as
with research work. Diverse research projects were carried out by Germans with the
participation of Ukrainian specialists mainly in the interests of occupational authority.
As a result gained results together with significant number of cultural values were
delivered to Germany.
Socio-cultural policy played a minor role in the functioning of the occupation
regime. With the establishment of civil administration it had undergone transformation:
from denying the need of any development to certain concessions to Ukrainian
consumers (social security, health care, education). The nature and dynamics of socio-
cultural component of the “new order” witnessed about the failure of German
bureaucracy to provide flexible response to the directives of senior management.
Results were contradictive and inconsistent.
Keywords: archive, cultural and educational activities, the authorities of the
occupation authorities, the general area of «Kyiv», Kyiv and Poltava region.
References:
1. Zagorulko, M.M. & Yudenkov, A.F. (1980). The collapse of the plan
Oldenburg. Moscow: Economica (in Russ.).
2. Koval M. V. (1993).The fate of Ukrainian culture under «new order»: 1941–
1944. Ukrayinskyy istorychnyy zhurnal (Ukrainian Historical Magazin), 9, 15–38 (in
Ukr.).
3. Koval, M. V. (1996). Robbery and destruction of museum, archive and library
values of Ukraine by fascist invaders (1941-1944). Povernennia kulturnogo nadbannia
Ukrayiny: problemy, zavdannia, perspektyvy (Return of cultural heritage of Ukraine:
problems, objects, perspectives), 6, 34–42 (in Ukr.).
4. Lenska, V.V. (1990). Fascist school policy in the occupied territory of Ukraine.
Ukrayinskyy istorychnyy zhurnal (Ukrainian Historical Magazin), 10, 81–86 (in Ukr.).
24
5. Pershyna, T.S. (1985). Fascist genocide in Ukraine. 1941-1944. Kyiv: Naukova
dumka (in Ukr.).
6. Boltin, E. A. & Belov G. A. (Eds). (1985). Criminal purpose - criminal means.
Documents about occupation policy of Nazi Germany in the territory of the USSR
(1941-1944). Moscow: Economicа (in Russ.).
7. Kosyk, V. (Ed.) (1997). Ukraine in the Second World War in documents.
Сollection of German archival materials (in 4 volumes). Vol.1. Lviv: I. Krypiakevych
Institute of Ukrainian Studies of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine,
Lviv National University named after Ivan Franko, М.
S. Hrushevsky Institute of Ukrainian Archeography and Source Studies of National
Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (in Ukr.).
8. Mikhailyuk, M.V. (2006). Agitation and propaganda activities of German
occupation authorities among population of Ukraine in 1941-1944. (Theses for the
scientific degree of candidate of historical sciences). National University of «Kyiv-
Mohyla Academy». Кyiv (in Ukr.).
9. Department on highest school attached to the Council of People's Komisars of
thr Ukrainian SSR. Retreved from Central State Archive of Supreme Authorities and
Government of Ukraine (hereinafter – CSASAGU), Found 2443, Description 1, File
15, Sheet 137 (in Ukr.).
10. Correspondence with German authorities on the work of institutions,
enterprises and organizations. Retreved from CSASAGU, Found 2443, Description 1,
File 1, Sheet 15 (in Ukr.).
11. Nikolayets, Yu. (1999). Status and mood of population of Ukraine at the
beginning of Nazi occupation (June 1941–July 1942). Vinnytsia: Tezis (in Ukr.).
12. Kuras, I. F. et al. (Eds.). (2003). Political history of Ukraine of XX Century: in
6 volumes. Vol. 4: Ukraine in the Second Wold War, 1939-1945. Kyiv: Geneza (in
Ukr.).
13. Schemes of district councils and list of companies and enterprises located on
the territory of district councils. Retreved from Central State Archive of Public
Associations of Ukraine (hereinafter – CSAPAU), Found 1, Description 22, File 324,
Sheet 17 (in Ukr.).
14. Guidelines of Adolf Hitler and the Ministry about policy of Germans in
Ukraine and about attitude to Ukrainian population, reports of the commander of
German forces in Ukraine and economic staff in the East about economic situation and
mood of population of Ukraine. Retreved from CSAPAU, Found КМФ.-8,
Description 1, File 12, Sheet 112 (in Ukr.).
15. Correspondence with various agencies on economic questions, lists of
employees of office of chief on personnel. Retreved from CSAPAU, Found 57,
Description 4, File 118, Sheet 2–3 (in Ukr.).
25
16. Transcript of Plenary Session of Kyiv City Council, December 6, 1941.
Retreved from State Archive of Kiev Oblast (hereinafter –SAKO), Found P–2412,
Description 2, File 33, Sheet 17–26 (in Ukr.).
17. Resolutions of chief of city Kyiv, January – May, 1942. Retreved from
CSASAGU, Found КМФ-8, Description 1, File 1, Sheet 12 (in Ukr.).
18. Regulations, plan of work and other materials about work of prices sector and
margins attached to the Department of Trade and catering of Kiev City Council.
Retreved from CSASAGU, Found 1, Description 22, File 33, Sheet 3 (in Ukr.).
19. Directions and resolutions of Kyiv City Council, October 1941 – February
1942. Retreved from SAKO, Found P–2356, Description 18, File 1, Sheet 7 (in Ukr.).
20. Potylchak, O. (1998). Professional education and training of manpower in
Ukraine during the Nazi occupation (1941-1944). Kyiv: International Finance Agency
(in Ukr.).
21. Sebta, T.M. (2000). Archival Sources about Ukrainian cultural values taken by
Nazis during the Second World War. (Theses for the scientific degree of candidate of
historical sciences). М. S. Hrushevsky Institute of Ukrainian Archeography and Source
Studies of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Kyiv (in Ukr.).
26
POLITICAL SCIENCES
Budkin Viktor. S. Dr. Hab. (Econ), Head Research Fellow, Institute of World Economy and International
Relations of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Kyiv, Ukraine. buvise@ i.ua
PROBLEMS OF FORMING THE POLITICAL NATIONS IN THE POST-
SOVIET COUNTRIES DURING THE STAGE OF INDEPENDENCE
Abstract. The article describes problems of political nations arising in specific
conditions of post-Soviet transformation. The article identifies role of national idea and
civil society in this process, analyzes positive and negative aspects of its realization.
Definition of political nation is justified as a specific phenomenon of political
situation in a society where there is a need to overcome major differences between
various population groups and political forces in accordance with respective nationality,
mentality, domestic and foreign policy. Nowadays in all newly independent countries
there is a need to form political nations. The only exception, as foreign experts say, is
Armenia which has a high level of ethno-confessional and mental population‟s unity
with joint national idea in defending the rights to the territory of Nagornyj Karabakh.
It would be difficult to claim about possibility of such nation formation in
Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan with their different but still high level of
authoritarianism. These countries would be able to solve this issue after substantial
democratization of public life. Limitations of democratic basis also prevent arising of a
political nation in Belorus, but in this country there is a possibility of no need to create a
nationhood due to rise of civil society. With high economic dynamics, specific
mentality, population traditions and dominance of native population, there could be
different degree of the need to form such nation in Azerbaijan. Kyrgyzstan‟s experience
before the „tulip revolution‟ showed that forcing the democratic foundations leads to the
opposite result. High need to form such nation is now in Moldova but this could be
possible just after achieving consensus on foreign policy issues.
Transit to political nation is very important in such multinational and
multiconfessional countries as Russia and Kazakhstan. In these countries the authorities
carry out activities to expand democratic foundations of public life but they are mostly
imitative.
Experience of other CIS countries has a huge importance for Ukraine, firstly for
defining common causes of difficult transition to a political nation formation. This
experience underlines the necessity of evolutionary path of strengthening the democratic
foundations of social development, providing consensus of political forces, building the
civil society.
27
Key words: political nation, national idea, civil society, political transformation
and consensus, mentality, non-governmental organisations, Commonwealth of the
Independent States, European Union.
References:
1. Avakian, S.A. (2007). The Constitutional Law of Russia. Moscow: Yurist (in
Russ.).
2. European Integration and Ukraine. (2002). Kiev: Ministry of Economy and
European Integration; Carl Duisberg Gesellschaft (in Ukr.).
3. EG – Polen – Ungarn. Dokumentation. (1993). Wien – Zürich: Europaverlag.
4. Ishkanian, A. (2008). Democrasy Building and Civil Society in Post – Soviet
Armenia. N.Y.: Routledge.
5. The Population of Moldova (Wikipedia, 2012). Retreved from http://
ru.wikipedia.org/ wiki (in Russ.).
6. Thirty percent of GNP of Moldova is cross-border money remittance
(News from Moldova, 2013.02.08.). Retreved from http:// newsmoldova/ru (in Russ.).
7. Nisnevich, Yu. (2012). Has Russia become democracy? Rossiya vchera,
segodnia, zavtra ( Russia yesterday, today, tomorrow), 1, 52 – 64 (in Russ.).
8. Patze, P. (2011). Wie demokratisch ist Russland? Baden – Baden: Nomos.
9. Olcott, M.B. (2005). Central Asia’s Second Chance. Wash. D.C.: Carnegie
Endovment for International Peace.
10. Luong , Jones P. (2002). Institutional Change and Political Continuity in
Post – Soviet Central Asia. N.Y.: Cambridge University Press.
11. Laumulin, M. (2012). Central Asia as viewed by contemporary political
analists (2011 – 2012). Central Asia and the Caucasus, 2, 107 – 120.
12. Amin, B. Sajoo (Ed.) (2002). Civil Society in Muslim World. Contemporary
Perspektives. London: I.B.Taurus Publishers.
Kriuchkov Georgiy. K. People‟s deputy of Ukraine of III-IV convocations, Member of Central committee of
Communist party of Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
PROBLEMS ON THE WAY OF BECOMING THE POLITICAL NATION
IN UKRAINE
Abstract. Becoming of political nation as multiethnic community united by
common interests and aspirations of citizens of Ukraine is an important pre-condition
for consolidation of Ukrainian society based on preservation of identity of all nations
and nationalities, their development within the multination state. There is also need of
28
harmonious relations between nations and nationalities, guaranteed possibility of free
use of language in communication, education, studies and art.
The author explains the necessity of such approach in solving this problem. This
approach is based on inherent for the most European states morality on priority of
human and citizen rights and excludes any discrimination on national, confessional,
language or other indication.
Complicated situation in becoming political nation in Ukraine is conditioned by
multinational composition of its population and other objectives, including historical
circumstances, deep social differentiation in society and by the permanent system crisis.
As to historical background of present day challendes to formation of political nation in
Ukraine it is dealt with a fact that during centuries Ukrainian territories were parts of
other states. As a result – existing diversities in mentality of representatives of
different regions of Ukraine, their approaches to estimation of many historical events
and figures of the past, last decades transformations in political and socio-economic
development, foreign-policy orientation etc. It must be said also about absence of clear
vision of the prospects as well as program of development of Ukraine regarding
majority of existing political forces in Ukrainian society.
Among negative factors are permanent contest for power in Ukraine, attempts of
radical political forces to impose nationalistic ideology on society, national or language
discriminative approaches to realization constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens.
Among acute questions of contemporary development of Ukraine is unification of
Ukrainian society, creation of valuable foundations of political nation, forming
national idea. Among the questions is also clarification of general prospect of society
development with respect to the interests of all nations and nationalities of Ukrainian
multinational society. These are scientists who are awaited to contribute to this sphere
by deep research work upon processeses of society, in particular upon inter-ethnic and
inter-confessional relations, spiritual sphere, state building, civil society, social
institutions, modern means of influence on human consciousness in forming nation-
wide identity.
Keywords: political nation, ethnos, human rights, national minorities.
References:
1. Byriukov F. (2012, November 28). Russian political nation (Zavtra No 49
(993)) Retreved from http://zavtra.ru/content/view/russkaya-politicheskaya-natsiya-
2012-11-28-000000/ (in Russ.).
2. Vіtuhnovskaya A., & Chіbіsov B. Political nation. Retreved from
http://blackicon.livejournal.com/786577.html (in Russ.).
3. Kuznetsova, E. Formation of Modern political nation in Ukraine. Retreved
from http://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/formirovanie-sovremennoy-politicheskoy-natsii-
na-ukraine (in Russ.).
29
4. Malakhov, V. S. (2005). Nationalism as Political Ideology: Textbook.
Moscow: Kyiv State University (in Russ.).
5. Martianov, B. (2006). Construction of political nation and ethnical
nationalism. (Logos 2 (53)). Retreved from
http://magazines.russ.ru/logos/2006/2/ma7.html (in Russ.).
6. Migrationsbericht des Bundesamtes für Migration und Flüchtlinge im Auftrag
der Bundesregierung Migrationsbericht 2011. Retreved from
http://www.bamf.de/SharedDocs/Anlagen/DE/Publikationen/Migrationsberichte/migrati
onsbericht-2011.pdf?__blob=publicationFile
7. 147 million UAN were paid to the citizens of Ukraine for violation of human
rights (Korrespondent.net). Retreved from
http://korrespondent.net/ukraine/events/1545904-grazhdanam-ukrainy-vyplatili-147-
millionov-griven-za-narushenie-prav-cheloveka (in Russ.).
8. State Statistics Committee of Ukraine. All-Ukrainian census of 2001 Retreved
from http://2001.ukrcensus.gov.ua/results/general/nationality/ (in Ukr.).
9. Vorona, V. & Shulga, M. (Eds.). (2012). Ukrainian Society 1992-2012:
status and trends of change. Social monitoring. Kyiv: Institute of Sociology NAS of
Ukraine (in Ukr.).
10. Modernization of Ukraine – our strategic choice. Annual address of the
President of Ukraine to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. (2011). Kyiv (in Ukr.).
11. Constitution of Ukraine: Law of Ukraine, June 28, 1996, № 254k/96-VR.
(1996). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of
Ukraine), 30, 141. (in Ukr.).
12. Kuchma, L. (2011). Broken decade (2-d ed.). Kyiv: Dovira (in Russ.).
13. Paliy, A. (2013, January 12–13 ). Nationality in passport: is it good or bad?
Den (Day) (in Ukr.).
Myshchak Ivan. M. Doctor of historical sciences, Senior research fellow, Institute of legislation of thе Vekhovna Rada of
Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT
REFORMATION IN UKRAINE
Abstract. The important factor of the process of forming any nation is an
ability of human society for self-organization. Such self-organization appears first of all
within natural community (that is inhabitants of the same settlement) which is able to
solve itself local problems. In this dimension one of the fundamentals of state
administration in developed democratic countries along with the principle of separation
of power is an existence of independent from central power local self-governing.
30
The analysis of current legislation reveales necessity of deep reformation of the
local self-governmening system in Ukraine. Reforms must be of all-round character
including tax, budge, electoral and other spheres of law making:
1. Delegation of power into local level must be accompanied by real
possibilities of local organs to fulfill their commissions in material, financial and other
spheres. It is important in this respect to increase the part of local budgets to such
extent when greater part of funds (over 50% of all incomes) is transfered not into the
state budget, but to the budgets of local self-governments.
2. It is of necessity to give legislative ensuring to the possibility of local self-
governments to use at least a part of grants from the state budget for those needs which
are of acute character for local community under current times.
3. It seems expedient to create executive organs of district and regional councils
with their accountability only to the noted ones, to redistribute authorities between
executive branches of councils and district and regional state organizations in such way
when maximum amount of commissions regarding local problems is attached to
executive branches of corresponding councils.
4. The necessary condition in respect of strengthening efficiency of local self-
government is dealing with possibility to make decisions on the questions of local value
by community itself by the way of local referendum.
5.The important element on providing rights of the citizen is a control over
activity of the elective organs of power and officials of local self-government.
On the whole realization of a complex of reforms of local self-governmening
with the aim to provide the rights of community to solve the local problems self-
dependently and to realize control over the authorities needs gradual and measured
approach as well as understanding the necessity of such changes both among the wide
stratum of society and representatives of all branches of power.
Key words: reform of Government, local authorities, local self-government, law,
referendum.
References:
1. About local councils of people‟s deputies and local and regional self-
governing: Law of the Ukrainian SSR, July 12, 1990. (1991). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi
Rady URSR (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR), 2, 5 (in Ukr.).
2. About formation of local organs of government and self-governing: Law of
Ukraine, February 3, 1994, № 3917-XII. (1994). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny
( Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine), 22, 144. (in Ukr.).
3. Constitution of Ukraine: Law of Ukraine, June 28, 1996, № 254k/96-VR.
(1996). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of
Ukraine), 30, 141. (in Ukr.).
31
4. About Ratification of European Charter of Local Self-Governing: Law of
Ukraine, July 15, 1997, № 452/97-VR. (1997). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny
(Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine), 38, 249 (in Ukr.).
5. About Local Self-Governing: Law of Ukraine, May 21, 1997, № 280/97-VR
(1997). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of
Ukraine), 24, 170 (in Ukr.).
6. About entering changes into the Law of Ukraine "About Local Self-Governing
in Ukraine", September 06, 2005, № 2813-IV. (2005). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady
Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine), 49, 519. (in Ukr.).
7. About Local Taxes and Fees: Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine,
May 20, 1993, № 56-93. (1993). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of
the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine), 30, 336. (in Ukr.).
8. Tax Code of Ukraine: Law of Ukraine, December 02, 2010, № 2755-VI.
(2011). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of
Ukraine),13-14, 15-16, 17, 112 (in Ukr.).
9. About all-Ukrainian referendum: Law of Ukraine, November 06, 2012, №
5475-VI. Retreved from http://zakon2.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/5475-
17/print1362475022609110 (in Ukr.).
10. About all-Ukrainian and local referendums: Law of Ukraine, July 03, 1991,
№ 1286-XII. (1991). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna
Rada of Ukraine), 33, 443 (in Ukr.).
Chornuy Vitaliy. S. Doctor of Philosophical Sciences, Professor, National University of Defence of Ukraine.
Kyiv. Ukraine. [email protected]
SECURITY DIMENSIONS OF THE NATIONAL BUILDING PROCESSES
IN UKRAINIAN SOCIETY
Abstract. The article is devoted to analysis security sphere in Ukraine from the
viewpoint of formation of Ukrainian political nation. It is revealed necessity to revise
approaches to construction of security sectorof Ukraine, taking into account the
tendencies that exist in the world community.
The meaning “security sector” may be clarified with respect to international
experience and regarding development of foreign and domestic scholars. It is proposed
to distinguish three main elements of the security sector: personal security and public
security, provided by the police; state security, provided by secret services; and military
security, provided by military establishment of Ukraine.
It is proved that clear division of responsibilities of Ukrainian force structures
with due regard to their functions in security system in accordance with model which is
32
justified in the article should be one of the major direction of reformation of security
sector.
The author proposes basic principles of construction of the military establishment
of Ukraine which according to his point of view is structurally designed and
hierarchically ordered social institution of society on the one hand, and on the other is a
special element of the state mechanism vested by public authority and appropriate
logistical means (weapons and equipment) to perform certain functions in the field of
military security.
It is proved that the structure and function of the military establishment of
Ukraine should be able to meet external and internal challenges with aim to provide
military security of Ukraine.
Key words: military machinery of the statet, modernization, national security,
national interests, law guarding organs, reforming, social premises, special service.
References:
1. Fluri, Ph. H. & van Eekelen, W. F. (Eds.). (2006).
Defence Institution Building: A Sourcebook in Support of
the Partnership Action Plan (PAP-DIB). Geneva; Kyiv (in Ukr.).
2. Kaparini, M. & Marenin, O. (Eds.). 2007. Reforming the police in Central and
East European Countries. Process and Progress. Kyiv: Zadruga (in Russ.).
3. Danyluk І.G. (2008). Contemporary Dictionary of Foreign Words For Middle
And High School. Donetsk: BAO (in Ukr.).
4. Chornyy, V.S. (2009). Military state machine of Ukraine: formation and
prospects of development: monograph. Nizhin: Publishing house “Aspect-Polygraph”
(in Ukr.).
5. About the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine: Law of Ukraine, December
1, 2005. (2006). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna
Rada of Ukraine), 8, 94
6. Born, H., & Leigh, I. (2006). Making Intelligence Accountable: Legal
Standards and Best Practice for Oversight of Intelligence Agencies. Kyiv (in Ukr.).
7. Shevtsov A.I., Yizhak O.I. (2002). Problems of Legislative providing of
National security of Ukraine: Analytical material. Dnipropetrovsk, Dnipropetrovsk
branch of National Institute for strategic studies (in Ukr.).
33
Kalinicheva Galyna. I. Ph. D. in History, Associate professor, State Establishment «Institute of World History of the
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine», Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
PUBLIC ASSOCIATIONS ACTIVITIES AS INDICATOR OF CIVIL
SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT IN UKRAINE
Full text. Considering the current socio-political situation in Ukraine the problem
of native civil society institutions functioning year after year becomes more and more
urgent and practically significant. The importance of public associations in the political
life of Ukraine is quite controversial today. On the one hand, they are an important part
of civil society closely associated with the social political system and play an important
role in establishing democracy and protecting human rights and freedoms. On the other
hand, their activities mostly do not have either public or state support. Considering this
the issue of prioritizing native non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in public life
and their level of involvement in political processes as an indicator of political culture
development and Ukrainian civic engagement is becoming more and more urgent.
Particularly acute is the question of the capacity of Ukrainian public associations to act
in interests of the state and the public but not certain political groups.
Noting the sufficiently solid coverage by national publications on various aspects
of civil society in Ukraine [1-2], we notice that the issue of public associations and their
participation in public and political life of the country is analyzed by researchers both
from theoretical point of view (analysis of the interaction framework between the
government and NGOs), and the view of the practical significance (analysis of specific
mechanisms and tools for the involvement of public structures in decision-making at the
state and local levels).
The aim of our study is to analyze the functioning of non-governmental
organizations in Ukraine, to identify existing problems and to suggest ways for
optimization of activities in the nongovernmental sector in light of Ukrainian civil
society development.
Ukrainian Law "On Public Associations" establishes that public association is a
voluntary unification of private persons and/or legal persons of private law with the aim
to execute and protect human rights and freedoms, satisfaction of public interests,
particularly economic, social, cultural, environmental and in other fields. According to
organizational and legal form public association is created as civic organization or
public union [3, artlcle 1].
In the political science literature quite often as a synonym to "public associations"
the terms "public organizations", "non-governmental organizations" (NGOs), "non-state
associations", "third sector" are used. In his time J. Habermas pointed out that the
public by means of establishing new structures of civil society, opposes to the state
encroachment, despotism, absolutism, authoritarianism on human rights and places a
34
premium on the humanistic conditions and values, non-mercantile, highly spiritual,
moral behavior, self-consciousness, self-determination, freedom and dignity of the
individual [4, 225]. It is this context the role and importance of the "third sector" – as
informal, nongovernmental, noncommercial organizations in the development of civil
society in Ukraine, as formation indicator of the Ukrainian political nation – should be
considered.
In a democratic society public associations serve a dual role: they are prerequisite
and integral part of the constitutional political process as well as formal political
structure of democratic state. In one way or other NGOs are called to resolve those
problems that fail to achieve appropriate attention and solution in the state.
Official records confirm that the number of registered associations in Ukraine is
growing. For example, the data of Unified State Register of Institutions and
Organizations of Ukraine published by the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, as of
May 10, 2013 indicates the registration of 19,228 political parties, 74,728 public
associations, 24,859 religious organizations, 29 069 trade unions, 282 creative unions
and other professional organizations, 14 166 charities, 15 176 apartment building co-
owners associations, 1434 public self-organization bodies (data includes international,
all-Ukrainian and local organizations, their centers, branches and separate structural
units) [5] . Despite the growing number of public associations by the number of NGOs
per 10 thousand of population Ukraine is far behind the EU and Macedonia [6, 43].
Despite the growth in number of public associations their effectiveness and the
ability to exercise significant influence on political decision-making in the state has by
far greater influence on the level of civil society development. It should be noted that
the large number of diverse public associations does not necessarily mean a high level
of civic engagement. Obvious is the fact that the quantity and quality of public
associations are incommensurable: despite the huge number of registered NGOs, only a
minority of them is continuously and actively working, while the majority exists just
nominally. According to various estimates, the active and permanent non-governmental
organizations account for only 8-9% of their total number in Ukraine, that is about 4-5
thousand organizations working for at least two years, have experience of implementing
at least two projects and are well known in their region [7, 18; 8]. Thus only 21677
headquarters of non-governmental organizations have reported to the statistics agencies
results of their activities in 2010 which constitutes only 39.2% of the total number. Over
the years this data is hardly ever undergoes significant alteration.
There is highly uneven geographic dispersion of public associations in Ukraine.
As expected a leading role in the development of NGOs belongs to Kyiv, where
according to various sources from 91 to 150 functioning public organizations are
located. In Kyiv region including the capital there are more than 300 public associations
representing more than 25% of all public associations in Ukraine that are working in
various areas of public life. Among the regional centers the leading roles are shared by
Lviv and its region, Rivne, Kharkiv and its region, Odessa and its region, Donetsk and
35
its region, Dnipropetrovsk and its region, Crimea. In all other regions a small number of
NGOs is functioning – from 2% to 5% each.
Activity of public associations covers almost all spheres of public life in Ukraine.
Particularly they deal with the problems of children and youth, civic education, human
rights and social decisions. It is important to note weak financial viability of NGOs that
is determined by their significant dependence on external financing. As analysts
indicate in the income structure of Ukrainian public organizations the largest source is
donations of foreign donors (21.5% including Kyiv and 30.5% in total). Charitable
contributions by Ukrainian enterprises to public associations in 2010 were only 15.1%,
while in 2009 these contributions amounted to 20.7% of the non-governmental
organizations income [9, 10]. The share of financial support from the state or local
budgets (in the form of grants, reimbursements for services rendered) in the budget of
the average Ukrainian NGO is 2-3% of similar organization located in the EU member
states where financial support constitutes 40-60% [10]. In fact the socio-economic
aspect of the activities of public associations operating in Ukraine remains undervalued
and socially unclaimed.
In general Ukrainians give a rather small credit to the efficiency of public
associations despite their revitalization. It is proven by the low level of public trust and
participation in their activities. The survey conducted in March 2013 by Razumkov
Center has shown that 4.5% fully trusted Public associations , 35% sort of trusted,
45.5% expressed distrust, 14.9% found it difficult to answer [11]. Taken as a whole the
number of citizens able to stand upon their rights and interests to the government is
insignificant. According to the Ukrainian Institute of Sociology of NAS more than half
of the respondents are pessimistic about their ability to influence the decisions of central
and local government, and 80% of Ukrainians are not members of any civic
organizations [12-13]. Public polls among Kyivans conducted by experts of Razumkov
Center demonstrated more disappointing data: 93.9% of the residents of the capital are
not members of NGOs, and only 5.4% of Kyivans are involved in associations [14].
Voluntary activities of young people in the preparation and holding in Ukraine and
Poland football championship "Euro - 2012" can be considered as an exception [15].
However, unlike many European countries, the practice of voluntary work has not
become widespread in Ukraine. On the one hand this is due to excessive legal
regulation of voluntary activities, on the other hand it is a psychological reluctance and
economic inability of Ukrainian people to provide unpaid labor in the traditional areas
of volunteering (working orphan asylums, boarding schools, care for the elderly, the
sick, helping disable people, etc.).
Ukraine lacks both an efficient system of transparent budget funding, as well as
the system of incentives for domestic business to invest in the "third sector" that is a
common place practice for democratic countries. Such circumstances constrain public
associations to rely on foreign sources of funding. However, until recently the
government did not show interest in creating conditions for the formation of effective
36
system of civil society institutions (trade unions, youth movements, NGOs and
foundations, public institutions of social purpose, woman‟s and charitable
organizations, think tanks, etc.) designed to contain tendency to over-regulate the social
environment inherent to the government.
On March 22, 2012 the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted a new Law "On
Public Associations" which considerably simplifies the procedure of state registration.
However the adoption of laws and declaration of intent is not a guarantee for success.
[16] Despite joint involvement during certain activities by civil society organizations
and government it is too early to talk about their co-operation strengthening and mutual
trust. Among many causes that prevent active cooperation between the governmental
institutions and civil society organizations should be distinguished, on the one hand -
the lack of openness and transparency in Ukrainian government, and on the other -
insufficient role and influence of public associations in Ukraine's social and political
life.
These causes are the consequence of the fact that in the post-Soviet space public
associations were challenged by authoritarian or semi-democratic political regimes. For
an extended period of time the relationship between the state and civilian sector was
characterized by mutual detachment due to flaws in political communication and the
lack of accurately established cooperation mechanisms.
Establishment of cooperation between NGOs and public authorities with the
purpose to involve public associations in policy-making is an important factor and
indicator of an effective civil society development. The models of relationship between
civil society groups and governmental bodies could be various; the state can act as a
client of analytical services (the model of "client - NGO - product"). However, the
model "idea - NGO - a political decision" should be more efficient, effective and
predictable for the state.
Analysts point out that in Ukraine “... as well as to some extent in other post-
Soviet states the phenomenon of peculiar dichotomy of civil society is visualized. In
certain periods of political time the influence of such ambivalence can be seen in
varying concentrations of the public”. The causes of the phenomenon of specific duality
in civic institutions lie in the history of the development of civil society in modern
Ukraine. On the one hand in the early 1990s there was sprung of social movements that
were largely related to advocacy and dissident tradition were created, on the other hand
the organizations of the Soviet era expertly co-opted in the shifted socio-political reality
and they given the support by the state exist up to today [17].
In recent years in Ukraine there are disturbing trends related to gradual formation
of authoritarian or semi-authoritarian/semi-democratic regime arising from
concentration of power in the hands of the President and his entourage as well as their
influence on Parliament. In 2010 Ukraine was excluded from the category of free states
according to the list of Free States created by American non-governmental organization
«Freedom House». The same year the European Union pointed out on deterioration of
37
situation in Ukraine in the field of human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of
law. "Public associations and opposition parties complained regarding restrictions on
freedom of assembly" was highlighted in the reports. In addition the EU also noted that
"respect for democratic standards and fundamental freedoms such as freedom of media
and assembly has decreased in Ukraine". [18]
The «Freedom House» as to Ukraine reported that comparing to 2011 there were
only a few new facts of systematic pressure onto "public associations by the Ukrainian
Security Services and other law enforcement bodies, interferences in the activities of
civil society organizations, and hindering foreign donors to provide grants to Ukrainian
organizations. » According to this characteristic, it is concluded that the government
probably pursued more neutral and balanced policy towards the "third sector" and tried
to engage those of its initiatives which were not perceived as a direct threat to itself
[19].
The peculiarity of the 'third sector' development in Ukraine at present is its
increasing politicization of NGOs as a result of democratic rollback. At the same time
the number of distinctions from the generally accepted norms of civil society
institutions development increases as well as the variability of situations in the process
of formation and functioning of public associations.
The politicization of public associations is objective and logical process: the
society seeks for controlling and influencing the authorities. However in Ukrainian
realm public associations‟ politicization does not make them subject of the political
process, but a tool in the election campaign. Considering the existence or formation in
Ukraine Institute of lobbying (political, economic, social, etc.), public associations
serving to the interests of certain political party would have positive results. "That is
socially important interests whose representatives are supposed to be public associations
would have been incorporated into the political system, and the projects provided by
such organizations would have the political and legal implications," - said E.
Pozhidayev [20, 22]. However given to current Ukrainian realities it is parties that
represent private interests, but not public associations. Thus public associations focus
today has to be drawn to the establishment and development of social dialogue with
political parties.
Along with above-mentioned reasons there are system factors that complicate or
hamper development and activity of public organizations: 1) institutional (low
institutional capacity of public associations), 2) legal (imperfect legislation that
regulates public associations), and 3) communication (problems of partnership between
public associations and the government, and among NGOs).
The main problems in the process of establishing partnerships and alliances
between public authorities and public associations are the following. Firstly the
preservation of formal approach exercised by the governmental institutions to the
formation of advisory structures involving civil society, to consultations and
discussions on strategic issues and pressing problems of development with public
38
associations and interest groups. Such approach results in poor performance of the
work. Created as for today local councils are nominal in nature, their impact on the
development and decision-making process, the formation and implementation of public
policy is minimal or even non-existent. Secondly lack of integral strategic state policy
on the development of partnerships with public organizations. Thirdly neglect or even
disregard of public associations‟ suggestions on various aspects of politics prevents
constructive dialogue. Lack of effective communication of the government with expert
environment as well as deficiency in resource backing for such activities results in
negative consequences for both the authority of the state and the image of NGOs.
Fourthly the lack of openness and transparency of public authorities renders nearly
impossible for any NGO to execute public oversight of the authorities and
implementation of socially important programs.
However it is worth noting that part of the NGOs do not make full use of the
opportunities they are provided with the current legislation in order to establishing close
cooperation between the government and society, as it requires relevant institutional
capacity, adequate resources and a high level of qualification.
Thus the progress of civil society in our country depends on resolution of a
number of complicated problems one of which is the need to improve relations between
the state and society, the government and citizens. If that is the case the role of the state
in support of civil associations is increasing as they need a strong government that
would create the legal, political and institutional frameworks for their existence, acting
as a guarantor of their activities. Implementation of mutual rapprochement of civic
organizations and governmental authorities that would on the one hand manifest in the
deepening of state authority in the social sphere, and on the other hand in the increasing
influence of non-governmental organizations on the functioning of the political system,
would considerably accelerate development of the European model of civil society in
Ukraine. Democratic self-organization that is protected from any administrative
pressure or direct intervention by the public authorities under the conditions of true
democratization and modernization of society will contribute to the assertion of the
"third sector" as a major factor in the domestic civil society. We are confident that our
native society will assert itself as a civil society of European level in its full sense.
Keywords: public associations, non-governmental organizations, civil society, the
government, interaction, democracy.
References:
1. Kalinicheva, H. I. Study on problems of political system and civil society in
Ukrainian science. In Kudriachenko, A. I. (Ed.) (2007). Political system and civil
society: European and Ukrainian realities: Monograph (45–92). Kyiv.: National
Institute for Strategic Studies (in Ukr.).
2. Kalinicheva, H. I. Establishment of civil society in Ukraine: European context.
In Kudryachenko, A. I. Cultural and civilization space of Europe and Ukraine:
39
peculiarities of formation and current trends of development: сollective monograph
(З22–343). Institute of European Studies of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine.
– K.: University „Ukrayina” (in Ukr.).
3. About public associations: Law of Ukraine, July 05, 2012. (2013). Vidomosti
Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine), 1, 1(in Ukr.).
4. Motroshylova, N.V. (Ed.). (1995). Habermas Ju. Democracy. Reason.
Morality: Moscow lectures and interviews. Russian Academy of Sciences; Institute of
Philosophy. Moscow: АО "КАМІ", Academia (in Russ.).
5. State Statistics Service. Retreved from http://www.ukrstat.gov.ua/ (in Ukr.).
6. Krasnosilska, A. Indicators of development of сivil society in Ukraine in
European сontext. In Vinnikov, O. J., Krasnosilska , A. O. & Latsyba, M. V. (Eds.).
(2012). The Indicators of Civil Society Development in Ukraine. Ukrainian Independent
Center of Political Studies. K. : Agency “Ukrayina” (in Ukr.).
7. Palyvoda, L. & Kikot, O. (Eds.). (2006). State and dynamics of development
of Non-Governmental Organizations in Ukraine during 2002-2006. Report on data of
research. Kyiv.: [BF „Tvorchyy tsenter „Kaunterpart”] (in Ukr.).
8. Palyvoda, L. & Golota S. (Eds.). (2010). State and dynamics of development of
Non-governmental organizations in Ukraine during 2002-2009. Report on data of
research. Kyiv: Vydavnychyy Dim «KuPol» (in Ukr.).
9. Yermolayev, A. V., Gorelov, D. M., Korniyevskyy O. A. et al. About state
of development of civil society in Ukraine: Analytical Report. (2012). Kyiv: National
Institute for Strategic Studies (in Ukr.).
10. Krasnosilska, A. European standards. Indicators of development of civil
society in Ukraine in European context. Retrieved from http: //www. ucipr.kiev.ua/
modules.php?op=modload&na (in Ukr.).
11. Do you trust public organizations? 2001-2013 Dynamics. (Razumkov
Center). Retrieved from http://www.razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=81 (in
Ukr.).
12. Social self-feeling, mood and valuable orientation of population of Ukraine.
Retrieved from http://www.niss.gov.ua/Table/51006/socyolog.htm (in Ukr.).
13. 80% of Ukrainians do not take part in any public organizations. (Tyzhden,
2012, April 1). Retrieved from http://tyzhden.ua/News/46382 (in Ukr.).
14. Are you a member of any Non-governmental organization? (Questioning in
Kiev). Razumkov Center. Retrieved from
http://www.razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=790 (in Ukr.).
15. Record number of people is willing to work free of charge for the Euro-2012.
UNIAN. Retrieved from http://www.unian.net/ukr/news/news-462928.html (in Ukr.).
16. Vinnikov, O. New Law "About Public Associations" – What is really
changing for public organizations. (Pravova krayina). Retrieved from
http://pravovakrayina.org.ua/partner_news (in Ukr.).
40
17. Bakalchuk V., & Tyshchenko Ju. Relations of Non-governmental
organizations and government: on the borderline of identity, culture and politics
Retrieved from http://ua.kulturaenter.pl (in Ukr.).
18. Document of Joint Working Group "Realisation of European Neighbourhood
Policy in 2010". Report on realisation of project in Ukraine, in addition to "Common
Message of Commission to European Parliament, Council of Europe, Economic and
Social Committee and Committee of the Regions". New response on changes in
countries-neighbours. Retrieved from
http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/ukraine/documents/eu_uk_chronology/ enp_
report_2010_ukraine_uk.pdf (in Ukr.).
19. Krejmer, D., president of Freedom House et al. (July 2012). Sounding the
Alarm – Round 2: Protecting Democracy in Ukraine, which is the follow up to a
previous report (unofficial translation from English). Retrieved from
http://www.freedomhouse. org/sites/default/files/Ukraine% 202012%
20Ukrainian%20FINAL.pdf (in Ukr.).
20. Pozhydajev, Je. (2007). Non-governmental organizations in social and
political life of Ukraine: limits of participation and priorities of activity. Strategichni
priorytety _(Strategical priorities), 4 (5), 19–26 (in Ukr.).
Kalynovskyy Valeriy. S. Ph. D. in History, Professor, National Academy of Internal Affairs, Кyiv, Ukraine.
Kapichon Olga. G. Undergraduate student, National Academy of Internal Affairs, Kyiv, Ukraine. ol4ik-
PROBLEMS OF ETHNIC AND STATE BUILDING IN THE WORKS OF
PROFESSOR Yu. RYMARENKO
Full text. Ukraine is a young state in scale of the history. However these 22 years
of independence are based on a long history of our country. Having won the
independence we still have not gained our national consciousness. This is not
surprising. From ancient times the Ukrainian nation was under the yoke of its
oppressors different at different times, but equally ruthless to our nation. Of course,
during 22 years of independence it is difficult to overturn the history and lay the
foundation of the ethnic and national consciousness which first of all shall be based on
the principles of patriotism and national unity. That is why till today the ethnic
development of the state is a cornerstone for the Ukrainian people.
Many famous national and foreign scientists, philosophers and cultural specialists
tackled an issue of the identity and ethnos. From among them we should mention the
following: M. Hrushevskyi, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Johann Fichte, Pityrym Sorokin
41
etc. Yurii Ivanovych Rymarenko (1929 – 2006), a true patriot of his Fatherland, lawyer,
doctor of philosophy, professor, corresponding member of the Academy of Legal
Sciences of Ukraine, Colonel of the internal service, who at the end of the 20th – the
beginning of the XXI century was investigating the matter of the ethnic and social
revival of Ukraine, took a prominent place among the scientists [1, 473; 2]. Being a
leading expert in the field of domestic relations he actualized the issue of identity of the
Ukrainian nation. To support this issue the scientist examined in detail the theories of
many scientists, in particular: the theory of social solidarity of E. Durkheim, the idea of
the Russian philosophy of natural law, explored the works of scientists and
representatives of the national-state direction and others. At that time Yu. Rymarenko
addressed the issue of establishing the ideas of statehood, building a new democratic
Ukraine not with authoritarian power already, but with power of authority and respect to
authority the carriers of which the Ukrainian people were [3, 8]. He was confident that
to live peacefully it was necessary for the national and state interests to be as close as
possible, and for the state interests to be increasingly deprived of subjectivity, and to
approach the interest of the Ukrainian nation. In the scientist‟s opinion the ideal of unity
and the raise of political and ideological culture had to become a core of revival,
because Ukrainians were a nation with a long history of struggle for creation of their
own state [4, 31]. We cannot fail to mention Zaporizhian Sich, the 4th Universal of the
Central Rada (Council), which declared the independence of the Ukrainian Public
Republic, the creation of the independent Carpathian Ukraine in March 1939, the
adoption of the Declaration of State Sovereignty on July 16, 1990 and, as a
consequence, the proclamation of the Act of Independence of Ukraine on August 24,
1991, which showed that despite all the political tempests the idea of statehood and
national unity, which was genetically encoded in the mentality of the Ukrainian people,
was indestructible. Neither the 340-year enslavement of Ukraine by the Moscow
Empire, nor more than seven decades of the totalitarian and repressive communist
regime eliminated this idea from the minds of our people. The formation of the
Ukrainian state has a reliable basis and everlasting love of freedom of the Ukrainian
nation.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union the problem of further state structure –
“national state”, “unitary”, “federal”, “multinational” – arose to the independent
Ukraine. This dilemma found its consolidation in the Constitution of Ukraine as of
1996, where it was clearly stated in the 2nd
article: “Ukraine is a unitary state”. In the
ethnic and state aspect the unitary is treated as an association for high purpose –
national unity of Ukraine, independence in all of its spheres [ 5, 243].
Ukrainians considered the state to be the center of national spirit realization. But
to understand the boundless aspirations of Ukrainians to distinctiveness we should
compare the conceptual aspect of the definition of “nation” for our and the West
European culture. Under the concept of “nation” the foreign scientists understand a
large social group of people which through a new objective and subjective
42
preconditions accepted in some areas integrated into a single society, which was aware
of this special community and had an inherent desire to live in a common state
structure. [6, 179]. However this approach does not contain ethno-social background. It
to a greater extent concerns the political concept of “state”, as far as does not contain
such unifying ethnicity factors as language, culture, religion, psychology, common
history. Whereas it is more pragmatic, because focuses on the signs of state community
and common being within a single ethno-political organism. This is so-called etatical
theory of nation according to which the nation is identified with the population of a
particular state. According to this principle the largest ethnic community forms a basis
of the state, and the latter constitutes a state organism with different ethno-structural
elements. Therefore the concepts of “nation” and “state” in the West European lexicon
are identified.
Therewith it is objectively impossible for us, who are at the center of Europe, to
copy the West. Since the early 18th century the West has been moving by certain
political forces to the creation of a “single nation without ethnic” in the societies, that is
to creation of human communities which consist of single nation - population of
different ethnic origin, which shall not differentiate itself in segregated ethno-historical
units and is a single ethno-consolidated factor in the political area. As a result it may be
noted that the national states were mainly formed in Europe. Therefore the politically
inline concepts such as “nation”, “people” and “state” are used in the West.
It is not inherent to our mentality. For historical reasons, having no independent
state, our people have carried their identity, culture, language and traditions through the
generations. But there should be a balance and solidarity to ethnic groups in order that
the desire for self-determination does not grow into chauvinism. It is the aspect that the
Professor Yu. Rymarenko stresses in his works, pointing to the necessity of symbiosis
of the etatic and ethnic approach to the development of the Ukrainian nation. This
approach can be introduced by the concept of “Ukrainian political nation” which unlike
ethnic one may be regarded as the “sovereign co-citizenship”. Indeed such a concept
overcomes the contradiction between the root (core) nation and ethnic groups, fills the
Ukrainian idea with the nation-wide meaning and direction. The concept of the
Ukrainian political nation can become an important means of the inter-ethnic relations
stabilization, the titular nation and ethnic groups‟ interests harmonization. And only to
the extent that the population of Ukraine feels like a real subject of ongoing
transformations, it is possible to count on success of the latter. [6, 179]. The events of
the autumn 2004, when people in unison defended their choice, are a convincing
example. There was no differentiation based on the ethnic principle, but the nation was
formed as an integral unit, which in a legitimate way defended its rights and achieved
its purpose without shedding a single drop of blood. The nation is a unity of spirit of the
population and love for its Fatherland, and therewith neither color of skin, nor religion
or language plays any role.
43
Yu. Rymarenko indicates that the term “Ukrainian political nation” appears as
synonym to the concept of “people of Ukraine”. But the “nation” in this context is not
considered as a community of a higher than national level. This refers to a combination
of social and national interests of classes and social groups, residents of cities and
villages, employees of mental and physical labor, nations and ethnic groups in this
concept. This dream, the Ukrainian dream, to which we should go, stimulating the
integration processes in the society which reflect the common economic needs, political
preferences, idea and purpose – the development of an independent and united
Ukrainian state. Yu. Rymarenko stated that what we call national or All-Ukrainian unity
would reliably begin to work in this context. [6, 180]
Indeed, the ethno-social revival is a result of the raise of political culture of
citizens, and the national ideology must meet the needs of different social groups of
population and ethnic minorities. Yu. Rymarenko insisted that the nation formation was
a political process, and the nation itself was an indissoluble unity of the state and civil
society. Ethnic factors could not be a basis of the nation formation as the mono-ethnic
nations did not exist. Therefore, according to the theory of Yu. Rymarenko, it is
possible to achieve harmony in society and development of the nation only in the unity
of all ethnic groups which live on a joint territory and are united by the same purpose.
He insists that there should not be any oppression of minorities in the Ukrainian legal
democratic state. In his opinion the ethnicity consists of not dominant and controlled
nations, but of equal ethnic groups united by the same patriotic idea of the titular nation.
Thus tolerance and respect to the national minorities are indeed an indicator of
maturity and stability of the nation. But unfortunately Ukrainians have not yet reached
the level to fully realize themselves as an integral unit united by patriotism and love for
their Fatherland. Therefore an official investigation of the fact that Ukraine is a national
state which bears the name of the largest among its indigenous ethnic groups –
Ukrainian - shall become an important step towards de-politicization of ethnic
relations. Such constitution shall become a starting point for a fair resolution of all
issues of national-state and national-cultural development, and in particular overcoming
the politicization of ethnic relations. This politicization can create the grounds for
conflicts between the state and multi-ethnic population.
But the titular nation is still a fundamental in the ethnic development of the state.
For example, the problem of titular nation is absent in the USA while it is urgent in
Ukraine, because our state has indigenous population. In a multi-ethnic society one
nation necessarily dominates over all, - namely dominates, but not rules, specifically is
the most significant, the most decisive in socio-economic and politico-cultural life of
the whole nation, but not “simply outweighs all”. Naturally this is a so-called “titular
nation”, that is that part of the state's population which nationality determines the
official name of the state [7, 301]. But it has no right to impose “its idea” and take the
“mission” provided or intended for indispensable “ruling over the society”, because it
will be a manifestation of its ethno-centrism, ethno-isolation, ethno-egoism. Instead the
44
ideas of the all-nation social unity and civil-political reconciliation shall dominate in
spiritual and political dialogue and socio-economic interaction of people. And therewith
it is more than ever important to develop trust to the state, which guarantees human
rights, to overcome the anti-state disease, low patriotic consciousness, which is
sometimes associated with ethnic intransigence, strengthening of anti-state ideas in the
east and south of Ukraine. We should be proud that we are Ukrainians, proudly carry
this title and glorify our nation. But therewith, the warning of Yu. Rymarenko is quite
modern: “Be patriots, not chauvinists!” [8, 62].
The right of nation for self-esteem under certain conditions is defined in the
system of international law. The scientist argues in his works that the Ukrainian nation
meets these conditions, because it is a distinct people with its own history, culture, self-
awareness, and lives a common life in a compact territory.
National certainty of civil society with its deep historical roots firmly connects
people to their Fatherland with many social and spiritual threads. It is this context in
which the concept is defined in the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine (July
16, 1990): “Citizens of all nationalities of the Republic constitute the people of
Ukraine”.
Formation of the Ukrainian nation has a history that is rooted in ancient times. At
various times Ukrainians fought for the right to speak their native language, believe in
their God, respect their traditions. Many heads of true patriots of their Fatherland lied
down for this right. And now, when we fortunately have a peaceful sky over our heads,
we forget the deed of valor of those heroes. Sometimes we hold aloof our native
language, abandon traditions, and lose our national identity. But this is the very time
when Ukrainians have a chance for their ethnic revival, renaissance of patriotic spirit.
Only in the unity of the titular nation and ethnic groups it is possible to achieve a
common purpose, that is the national power of our country. And the fact of who you are
by birth is not important. National self-awareness and love for Fatherland – Ukraine
play a decisive role. These are the views which Yu. Rymarenko followed in his works.
Unfortunately the professor is at the end of the road, but his ideas live, his works
become increasingly relevant, and it is in our hands to make this theoretical basis a
vivid reality. And then there certainly comes the time when each of us, Ukrainians, with
head held high will be able to say: “I am Ukrainian and I am proud of it!”
Formation of ethno-national consciousness is a complicated and lengthy
process. The Ukrainian nation has a strong basis for its national existence. However due
to many circumstances this basis is being ruined nowadays. Patriotic spirit shall be
instilled from the early childhood and grow throughout the life. The 21st century
dictates its own rules which are based on material wealth, but not on formation of
spiritual wealth of a human. However the people of Ukraine at various times could
come together to show disobedience, express the same idea which was common to
millions of compatriots. Therefore even at this difficult time Ukrainians are able to
unite and fight for their right to exist as a single nation.
45
These are the issues which the professor Yu. Rymarenko investigated in his
works. The problem of the formation of national unity, legal and social position of the
titular nation and sub-ethnics in the state, development of the united Ukraine, is an
incomplete list of problems which the professor addressed in his investigations. These
are not just topical, but angular problems. Because if we do not strengthen the
foundation for national development today, there will be nothing to strengthen
tomorrow. That is why the works of the Professor Yu. Rymarenko require further
consideration and detailed research.
Keywords: nation, people, etnos, creation of the state, title nation, state,
patriotism, subethnos.
References:
1. Shemshuchenko Yu. S. et al. (Eds.). (2003). Juridicial encyclopedia: in 6th
volumes. Vol. 5. Kyiv: Ukrayinskaya entsyklopediya (in Ukr.).
2. Rymarenko, Yu. I. & Shved V. O. (Eds.). (1992). Ethnic and national
processes in сontemporary Ukraine: bibliography. Кyiv: Ukrainian Academy of
Internal Affairs (in Ukr.).
3. Olefir, V. I. et al. (Eds.). (1992). Yuriy Ivanovych Rymarenko: Life and
creative legacy. Kyiv: Kyiv National University of Internal Affairs (in Ukr.).
4. Rymarenko, Yu. I. (Ed.). (1991). Ethnic and national relations in political life
of society. Kyiv (in Russ.).
5. Rymarenko, Yu. I. (Ed.). (1997). Foundations of Ethnic and State Studies:
Textbook. Kyiv: Lybid (in Ukr.).
6. Rymarenko, Yu. I. (1995). National development of Ukraine: problems and
perspectives. Kyiv: Yurinkom (in Ukr.).
7. Rymarenko, Yu. I. (Ed.). (1991). Relations among nations. Terms and
Definitions: Dictionary-Reference book. Kiev: Kiev Highest School of Ministry of
Internal Affairs of the USSR (in Russ.).
8. Rymarenko, Yu. I. (1991). Nationalism: sources, causes, essence, psychology.
Kiev: Kiev State University (in Russ.).
Magda Evgen. V. Ph. D. in History, Associate professor, Institute of Publishing and Printing, National
Technical University of Ukraine “Kyiv Polytechnic Institute”, Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
MODERN CHALLENGES TO CONSOLIDATION OF UKRAINIAN
SOCIETY
Abstract. Consolidation means common work in order to reach common goal. The
form of consolidation depends on its roots which are defined by society itself. The
46
society shall be interpreted as consolidated when its elements are targeted on
cooperation with each other more than on cooperation with elements of outer systems.
The idea of consolidation of Ukrainian society is forming today as the idea of such
model of Ukrainian state, that would be acceptable for all political and social groups.
The main factor of consolidation of Ukrainian society nowadays is state. But there
is no understanding of the real meaning of this acquisition. We may mention several
reasons that have led to such neglecting of state. It is lack of traditions of nation-
building, “sovok” heritage, traditions of national de-identified managing.
The head count, made by Razumkov Centre, means to make an example of this.
The respondents were asked whether they would like the recovery of USSR and
socialist system. 48,7% told they would like to get “back in USSR” and 51,3% were
against. Recent past separates Ukrainians.
Such important problems that undoubtful impact the process of consolidation as
forming and realization of ethnical policy, language policy, creating political identity
always were in the limelight during election campaigns and were discussed and used by
different political parties. The main attention is always paid to the language policy, to
the status of Russian language in Ukraine.
There is a complex of problems that traditionally accompany the process of
forming and establishing of Ukrainian national identity. First of all, it is regional
differences. They are shaped up as differences in approaches to the problems that
always had high confrontational potential in Ukrainian society (language policy,
NATO, appraisal of historical events, integration to EU or cooperation with Russia).
The urgency if these problems become as high as close the election is, especially for
those who live in South and East of the state.
The ambivalence is one of the key characteristics of modern Ukrainian society.
Opposite intensions co-exist in society – greeting of paternalism versus market
economy and so on. This is the reaction on numerous and fundamental changes that
Ukrainian society faced during last 20 years. But such reaction, such ambivalence leads
to the stagnation. Moreover it makes dangerous illusion of possible “third way” or
chance to create specific way of development of our country. But this “third way” leads
nowhere, except “third world”. But little politicians or ordinary people do understand
this.
According to the recent sociologic researches society has mostly negative point of
view on those factors that may consolidate it. First of all, it is pessimist ratings of future,
dissatisfaction by authorities and by the crisis of political system. Therefore
sociologists have marked several positions that might be the basis for consolidation in
future. For 20,6 % respondents it is common history, for 14,7% it is common language
(Ukrainian), for 11,6% it is national identity, and for almost 9% it is patriotism, and for
almost 7% - the idea of nation-state building.
The problems of language, ethnical policy, regional differences and identity are
always used by politicians in order to give additional sense to their political campaigns.
47
And this is not only the answer to the real challenges. It is also one of the ways of
mobilization of the electorate before the elections. The need of realization the old script
“friend or foe” might be explained by specific features of society itself. We mean
regional differences in linguistic, ethnical and social characteristics, understanding and
interpretation of historical events, opposite understanding of future.
Despite calls for consolidation politicians often use these contradictions and as a
result strengthen deconsolidation. Their social populism conserves the ambivalence of
the society, produces and uses myths about two Ukraines, regions-donors and regions-
consumers.
Historical memory is the main constant value that unites past with present and with
future, creates national tragic and heroic senses. Historical memory may be strong and
effective instrument for consolidation. But in requires everyday work, knowledge about
past and its interpretation in appropriate way, acceptable for everyone.
We have to pay special attention to the role of the church in the process of
consolidation of Ukrainian nation. During centuries it was powerful stimulus of unity
for Ukrainians. But nowadays polarized and politicized church polarizes society. No
one confession dominates in any region. Ukraine seems to be divided between different
confessions and confrontation is going to be escalated. So it is not very helpful for
consolidation processes. In spite of all these factors, recent opinion polls show that
church has the highest level of trust in society, and the army or police has the lowest
one. So church has the greatest potential for consolidation despite division and
confrontation.
External factors values as well. Influences from the West strengthen democratic
characteristics of Ukrainian identity and obviously is more perspective. Russian
Influences slow down consolidation processes. And no one factor seems to have
absolutely positive impact on consolidation.
We may mention several reasons that break the process of consolidation. Among
them are regional and cultural differences (it turned out to be enormously hard to use
these differences as platform for consolidation not for division), the lack of acceptable
for everyone system of values, incompleteness of establishing of national elite,
communicative openness of Ukrainian society to different influences, which are not
always friendly to Ukraine as a state and to Ukrainians as nation .
To sum up we may compare consolidation threats to national security threats as far
as unconsolidated society has very little chances for successful state building.
Eventually, Ukrainian society itself has marked starting points for consolidation. These
are economic reforms and development, rising of living standards, safeguard of the
rights and liberties of man and citizen. So it seems to provide not bad start.
Key words: consolidation, consensus, elite, ethnical policy, communication,
historical memory.
48
References:
1. Do you aspire to restoration of the Soviet Union and socialist system?
Retrieved from http://razumkov.org.ua/ ukr/poll.php?poll_id=288 (in Ukr.).
2. The problems of national consolidation of Ukrainian society: positioning of
political parties. Analytical notes. Retrieved from www.niss.gov.ua/articles/236/ (in
Ukr.).
3. Sanchenko, A. (2010). The process of national consolidation under the
conditions of renewing of independence of Ukrainian statehood. Ukrayinoznavstvo
(Ukrainian studies), 2, 160-163 (in Ukr.).
4. Do you trust church? (dynamics, 2000-2013). Retrieved from
http://razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=83 (in Ukr.).
5. Feduniak, S. Influence of external factor on the process of consolidation of
Ukrainian nation. Retrieved from http://www.kennan.kiev.ua/kkp/
content/conf06/papers/Fedunyak.html (in Ukr.).
6. National mass-media as a factor of a modern Ukrainian identity forming and
consolidation of society. Retrieved from old.niss.gov.ua/Monitor/April/11.htm (in Ukr.).
7. Kulchitskiy, S.V., & Parahonskiy, B.O. Contemporary Ukrainian statehood
process. In Lytvin, V. M. (head) et al. (Eds.). (2004). Ukraine and Russia in historical
retrospective: Essays in 3 volumes. Vol 3 (156–168). Institute of History of Ukraine of
National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Kyiv: Naukova Dumka(in Ukr.).
8. Which within five noted factors unites or can unite to a greater degree the
people of Ukraine into a single community? Retrieved from
http://razumkov.org.ua/ukr/poll.php?poll_id=284. [in Ukr.].
Mateta Oleksiy. A. Ph. D. in political sciences, Associate professor, Kremenchuk Mykhailo Ostrohradskyi
National University, Kremenchuk, Ukraine. [email protected]
Doskach Olga. S. Student, Kremenchuk Mykhailo Ostrohradskyi National University, Kremenchuk, Ukraine.
LANGUAGE POLICY IN UKRAINE: NATIONAL CONSOLIDATION OR
POLITICAL RISK
Abstract. Language is social phenomenon of human consciousness. It is clearly
expressed when language reacts to social factors.
Our research is called to actualize the assertion that state language substantially
affects to formation of national consciousness of citizens in any country including
Ukraine.
49
Actuality of subject that we chose is that national consciousness of citizens is in
the making in any country which is in transitional phase. The state language has leading
part in this process.
The language serves communication, culture, provides cooperation between ranks
and social stratums, territorial and professional groups. It also makes possible the
sharing of information for realization of social interaction in society. The state language
is using as symbol of ethnic community and unity of all members of society.
The state language can gain political content in interethnic relations when one of
the ethnos politically dominates another one. It took place in relations between ethnos‟
of colonial and semi-colonial countries and their parent states. It also took place in
majority of multinational countries. The inequality of autochthonic languages is often
appears in legislation and becomes as character of juridical inequality that can be
observed in Ukraine nowadays.
The problem of split in nation because of language is appeared in Ukraine again.
That is why it is necessary to define causes and effects of such situation urgently.
Article aim: to determine the influence of language policy in Ukraine on
condition of national consciousness of citizens, based on theoretical analysis of
scientific researches in politology, philology and history.
In every country the language policy is component of national policy. It reflects
its principles and conforms ruling ideology. The direction and adoption forms of
language policy are determined by current socio-political system, political regime and
interethnic relations. The language policy is capable either to seal a lead of ruling
language or to contribute to relieve an interethnic tension by supporting minority
nationality‟s languages.
Key words: language policy, national self-consciousness, national consolidation,
state language, regional language, political risk.
References:
1. Rymаrenko, Y. I. et al. (Eds.). (1996). Small Encyclopedia of Ethnic and State
Studies. National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine. Kyiv: Geneza (in Ukr.).
2. Lyzanchuk, V. (2002). Not to be cunning by word. Lviv: Lviv National
University (in Ukr.).
3. Kuts, A. M. (2004). Language policy in the state building processes in
Ukraine: Textbook. Kharkov: V. N. Karazin Kharkov National University (in Ukr.).
4. Krivoshein, V. (2004). Risk as attribute of policy. Politychnyy menedzhment
(Political Management), 6, 38–47 (in Ukr.).
5. Masenko, L. (2004). Language and Society. Postcolonial dimension. Kyiv:
Geneza (in Ukr.).
6. Mitrofanova, O. Policy of France in the sphere of language. In Kuyevda, V.,
Masenko, L., & Radchuk V. (Eds.). (2002). Language conflicts and harmonization of
50
society: Papers of scientific conference (190–191). Kyiv, May 28–29, 2001. Kyiv:
Publishing house “Kyiv University” (in Ukr.).
7. Gorsheniova, M. S., Zakomorna, K. O., & Riyaka V. A. et al. (2005).
Constitutional law of foreign countries: Textbook. (2d ed.). Kyiv: Yurinkom Inter (in
Ukr.).
8. All Ukrainian census of population 2001. State Statistics Committee of
Ukraine. Retrieved from http://www.nbuv.gov.ua/polit/02dksvpn.htm
9. Mateta, O. A. (2004). Ethnic and language mega trend in modern Ukraine.
Visnyk Kharkivskogo Universytetu im. V. N. Karazina (Bulletin of V. N. Karazin
Kharkiv National University " Questions of Political science"), 643, 224–231(in Ukr.).
10. About the Principles of State Language Policy: Law of Ukraine. July 03,
2012. (2013). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada
of Ukraine), 23, 218 (in Ukr.).
Meteliyova Тetiana.O. Ph. D. in Philosophy, Associate Professor, Senior Research Fellow, State Establishment
«Institute of World History of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine», Kyiv, Ukraine.
CIVIL SOCIETY AS A FACTOR IN THE NATION-BUILDING:
RETROSPECTIVE AND PERSPECTIVE
Abstract. Having critically considered the approaches of procedural
understanding of communication formed by Ch. Taylor, J. Habermas, J. Coca, J. Keane,
J. Cohen, A. Arato, the author proves that presence of a legalized and legitimized
private interest is a precondition enabling the very phenomenon of a civil society.
Traditions of conceptualization of the problem of a civil society are considered. It
is shown that they have one thing in common – the civil society confronts authoritative
and political relationships, its structures have their own corporate (special) interest and
do not claim to express the overall interest (to be political) or to offer the society in
general any models of its organization. The border between the civil and political sphere
is therefore the struggle for power, whatever civilized and democratic forms it might
take. The civil society influences the authorities and controls them with a view to
resolving its special interests; however it does not struggle for power.
The interdependence of existence of the civil society and the law-abiding state is
revealed, which are formed under conditions of poly-subject space and grow from one
communicative “root”, i.e. occurrence of a difference between the general – on one
hand, and the special or single – on the other, and establishment of a correlation
between them.
51
The same conditions are also required to form a nation: in absence of poly-subject
communicative space, neither a mono-ethnic, nor a poly-ethnic community becomes a
nation. In this context, differences between a nation and an ethnos are also considered.
It is substantiated that an ethnic group is a bearer of cultural identity of a person, an
original and self-sufficient entity, to which the person belongs by its cultural origin,
irrespective of whether he or she is conscious of such provenance or not. Ethnicity is
not to be chosen – it forms ethno-cultural features of a person by itself. Instead, national
identity needs personal reflection.
It is concluded that the civil society as a condition of the formation of a self-
authorized person is a factor in ensuring its national identity. The more a person is
emancipated from the state paternalism, the more space he or she needs for self-
realization, the more possible becomes the revival of the person‟s national self-
awareness, conscious choice and acceptance of the values and patterns offered by the
cultural environment as his or her own and native.
Keywords: civil society, law-abiding state, ethnic group, nation, communication.
References:
1. Coca, Yu. (2003). The European civil society: historical roots and modern
perspectives in the East and West. Neprikosnovennyy zapas (Inviolable resourve),
2(28), 56 – 65 (in Russ.).
2. Flivberg, B. (2000). Habermas and Foucault - theorists of civil society.
Sotsiologicheskiye issledovaniya (Sociological Research), 2, 127–136 с. (in Russ.).
3. Keane, J. (2001). Democracy and Civil Society. Moscow: Progress-
Traditsiya (in Russ.).
4. Habermas J. (1987). The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity. Cambridge:
Mass. MIT Press.
5. Cohen, J., & Arato, A. (2003). Civil Society and Political Theory. Moscow:
Ves mir (in Russ.).
6. Hegel, G.W.F. (1990). Philosophy of Law. Moscow: Mysl (in Russ.).
7. Dzialoshinskiy, I. (2001). Civil Society. What is discussion about? Index:
Dosie na tsenzuru (Index: Dossier on Censorship), 16, 89–96 (in Russ.).
8. Kharkhordin, O. (1997). Dostoevsky‟s Draft. Pro et Contra, 2. (4), 41–57
(in Russ.).
9. Bochkovskyy, O. (1991-1992). Introduction to natiology. Munich: UTGI
(in Ukr.).
10. Potebnya , A. A. (1993). Thought and Language. Kyiv: SINTO (in Russ.).
11. Sapir, E. Selected Writings of Edward Sapir. In Mandelbaum, D. G. (Еd.).
(1949). Language, Culture, and Personality. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of
California Press.
12. Balibar, É., & Wallerstein, I. M. (2003). Race, nation, class. Ambiguous
identities. Moscow: Logos-Altera, Ессе Homo (in Russ.).
52
13. Malakhov, V. (2010). Cultural differences and political borders: national,
local and global context. Filosofskiy zhurnal (Philosophical magazine), 1 (4), 107–118
(in Russ.).
14. Kremen, V., & Tkachenko V. (2013). Ukraine: identity in the age of
globalization (essays of interdisciplinary research). Kyiv: Znannia (in Ukr.).
Pekarchuk Volodymyr. M. Ph. D. in History, Associate professor, Lugansk State University of Internal Affairs named
after E.O.Didorenko, Lugansk, Ukraine. [email protected]
CULTURE OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN GENERAL IDEOLOGY OF
STATE BUILDING IN INDEPENDENT UKRAINE (1991-2012)
Abstract. On the basis of general analysis of historical facts, analytical materials,
scientific arguments it is done an attempt to reveal the peculiarities of requirements of
culture of Ukraine‟s ethnics. After declaration of independence the ethno minorities of
Ukraine entered into a new stage of their life with different level of self-organization
and ethnical consciousness, and with sense of duty before Ukrainian state.
It is arisen the new conditions for satisfaction of cultural requirements of Ukraine‟s
ethnics. The speed of integration of ethno minorities generally depended on the
historical tradition which ethnics continued to follow. Those who compactly lived on
the borders of Ukraine felt themselves as owners of situation and did not think about
integration. Besides that in every neighbor country there were definite political forces
which were not interested in integration of ethnics into ethno-political space of Ukraine.
Integration processes in Ukraine progressed with definite difficulties as they required
mutual adaptation of communities. The process of preservation of own originality and
overcoming of culture of title ethnos was seen differently by ethnics. Some of them
aimed to ethno cultural isolation, others showed decision to integration transformations.
The reasons which defined the level of satisfaction of requirements of culture of
Ukraine‟s ethnics were different and at the same time complex; they laid down in
differences of historical way of development of ethnics, specificity of mentality,
different levels of urbanization, etc. It is conducted the scientific reconstruction of
process of preparing of domestic legislation, which regulated realization of rights on
culture, civil dimension of national rebirth by Ukraine‟s ethnics. It is revealed both
achievements and errors in this case and also found out the measure of concordance of
norms of laws to the similar international documents.
The legislation and legal foundation of Ukraine of this period, which regulated
development of cultural environment of ethnical minorities was being worked
sequentially. It had specificity because acquired acts, declarations, laws, regulations,
53
decrees, decisions had character of documents, which regulated cultural rights of
ethnics, activity of national and cultural communities with their defense, building of the
system of ethnical institutions of culture and their involvement to the state institutions,
etc. only indirectly. The usage of modern methodological instrumentation permitted to
clear up a lot of aspects which concerned with place of culture of ethnic minorities in
general ideology of state building and social and political transformation of independent
state.
Key words: culture, ethnic group, law, Constitution of Ukraine, Ukraine,
language.
References:
1. About citizenship in Ukraine: Law of Ukraine, January 18, 2001, № 2235-III.
Retrieved from zakon.rada.gov.ua›laws/show/2235-14 (in Ukr.).
2. About national minorities in Ukraine: Law of Ukraine, June 25, 1992, №
2494-XII. Retrieved from zakon.rada.gov.ua›rada/show/2494-12 (in Ukr.).
3. About the state of governmental bodies work on creation of conditions for
development of national minorities culture in Ukraine. Regulation of Presidium of the
Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR, February 22, 1991. (1991). Vidomosti of
Verkhovna Rada of the USSR (Bulletin of Verhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR), 13, 484
(in Ukr.).
4. About ratification of framework convention about national minorities
protection: Law of Ukraine, December 09, 1997. Retrieved from
www.municipal.gov.ua (in Ukr.).
5. Moskal, G. М. (2003, January, 17). Interethnic is All-Ukrainian. Kholos
Ukrayiny (Voice of Ukraine) (in Ukr.).
6. Hristenko, V.V. National and cultural societies of Odesa: the stages of forming.
In Modern science in a network of the Internet. Papers of All-Ukrainian scientific and
practical internet-conference. Retrieved from interonf.org.hristenko (in Ukr.).
7. Shulga, М. (1995). National minorities of Ukraine under state defence.
Ukrayina. Evropa. Svit. (Ukraine. Europe. World), April, 26 (in Ukr.).
8. Evtuch, V.B. (2001). Problems of еthnic development: the Ukrainian and
world contexts. Institute of ethnic, regional and diaspore studios. К.: Stilos (in Ukr.).
9. Тabachnyck, D. V., Moskal, G. G., Voronin, V. М. et al. (2004). International
relations in Ukraine: the state, tendencies, prospects. Кyiv: Etnos, (in Ukr.).
10. Riaboshapko, L. (2001). The legal status of national minorities in Ukraine
(1917–2000). Lviv.: Publishing Center of Ivan Frankо Lviv National University (in
Ukr.).
11. Central State Archive of Supreme Authorities and Government of Ukraine.
Found 5252, Description 5, File 10, Sheet 163 (in Ukr.).
54
Rudenko Juliya Yu. Ph. D. in political sciences, Associate Professor, National Academy of Security Service of
Ukraine, Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
PROBLEMS OF UNCONFORMITY OF TERMINOLOGY CONCEPTS IN
ETHNIC POLICY AS A CHALLENGE TO NATIONAL SECURITY OF
UKRAINE
Full text. One of the problems in the context of national security of Ukraine
today is dealt with terminological unconformity of fundamental concepts used in the
field of ethnic politics. Noted situation is becoming more and more tangible under
conversion of category "nation" and derivative concepts into object of symbolic
struggle for meaning. This struggle is carried out at the conceptual and theoretical level
as well as at the program-level policy, that is at the level of policy actors struggle.
However, if dominant logic in scientific field is dealing with notions "true / untrue",
relations in political sphere are built by the principle "friend / enemy". The danger is
that within political product – programs, political advertisements, public speeches of
politicians – a very high content of information is designed for manipulating mass
consciousness. "As a rule politicians speaking must be screened with special attention
to political speeches which under their frequent masking as “research ones” should not
conceal the essence of the case" [1, c.240]. Actuality of the article is dealing therefore
with forming certain research orientations towards diversity of approaches to key
concepts in the field of ethnic policy.
Significant research achievements of the issues outlined in the article can be
found in the works of Ukrainian scientists: Vivcharyk M. Grytsak J., Kolodiy A.
Kresina I. Kuras I., Nagorna L. Rymarenko Yu, Shkliar L. and others. However the
problems outlined in the title of the article did not find their full calarification.
Emphasis is done on diversity of concepts in ethnic policy, but the phenomenon of their
theoretical incoherence as one of the factors which challenges national security of
Ukraine is considered insufficiently.
The aim of the article is to highlight the problems that arise on theoretical as well
as practical basis with due regard to theoretical incoherence of concepts in the sphere of
ethnic policy, in particular the concepts "nation" and "nationalism.
Scientific literature distinguishes two basic meanings of "nation." Firstly, nation is
identified with the ethnic community. Secondly, the nation is interpreted as a civil
community, as a territorial and political unity. The first concept of the nation (ethnic)
originates from the works of German scholars (Herder J., Shleyyermaher F.), and
second respectively originates from the works of the French enlighteners. Thus, the
ethnic nations are those peoples which accept their ethno-cultural peculiarity as a main
source of national identity and the basis for creation of their own state. They emerged
under the conditions of statelessness, where the movement for spiritual revival and
55
political consolidation preceded the formation of the nation-state and was carried out
under the guidance of spiritual and intellectual elite, because leading political leaders
under foreign domination could not develop.
Political nations are those state peoples whose representatives accept their
nationality with due regard to citizenship, affiliation to a certain state, approval of its
principal political values. They were formed where strong and centralized state occurred
before cultural consolidation of the people, and therefore government institutions could
favour this consolidation, accelerate it using even the methods of coercion [2]. It
becomes clear that two vectors in defining nation emerged in the context of the
algorithm of formation of this community. But today they have begun to exist
independently, sometimes "clashing" at both theoretical and practical level. Moreover,
the ambiguity of the term "nation" makes it impossible to find a meaningful "point of
reference" for concepts nationalism, national idea etc. For example, following definition
of a nation is given in a quite "official" source - a nation is defined as "a community of
people regardless their ethnic origin, but united by political interests, consideration of
their identity in a certain area (land) with a certain state organization (sovereignty),
common citizenship, legal rights and duties, culture and traditions [3, p. 105].
Thus it is clear that this definition tends to the concept “political nation”. As to A.
Kolodiy, for example, "nation is an ethno-political community, which has high level of
consolidation and self-awareness, involvement into the political life, creation or desire
to create their own state" [4, p. 314]. There is a right questions appears - if nation
always includes "ethnic" component? if so - what is it in a multi-ethnic state, ethnic
group that predominates quantitatively? But if it is absent, is ethnic component in
determining nation a collection of all ethnic groups living in state? That is, the
substance of this concept at least is different for mono-and multi-ethnic state, or such
where certain ethnic group dominates and prevailes in political and national processes.
Consequently, the question arises: if the state has been established and ethnos
have already done its mobilizing and consolidating role in creation state and nation,
what is it futher function and what place it should occupy in society? Answers create a
wide range of considerations.
One of the most debatable term is “nationalism” as far as prevailing of a certain
ethnic group, logically, is based on the content of this political ideology. As A. Kolodiy
confidently asserts, “the assertion that nationalism does not disappear with the
formation of national states, but only takes another form, can not be interpreted that it
must become at once the official ideology. The latter was and is always dangerous for
liberty of a person, people, and perhaps conscious community and will never be found
compatible with the choice of democratic way of developmentof the state. The task of
the state is to reduce to a common denominator, to co-ordinate group interests, to get
compromises and harmony in society. And this role is unlikely to match the existence of
any state ideology, including nationalism. State ideology presupposes its obligatory
character and therefore spiritual and perhaps political pressure on citizens what denies
56
democracy and leads to totalitarianism" [2]. A. L. Nagorna stresses with great concern:
" One has …to state that the end of the XX and beginning of the XXI centuries have
become the time of the nationalism returning into the political arena, and this happened
at the time when the ideological victory of neoliberalism seemed obvious to many
(people). Nationalism revealed itself as an effective mobilization method and even as a
form of legitimation of political regimes. It emerged on the political proscenium with
new, "refined" by populism face and with new allies in the form of religious
fundamentalism, left radicalism, anti-globalism. As ideology nationalism made the best
use of the realities of the globalized world, trying to portray itself as a defender of the
threatened identity under the banner of "new localism" [1, p. 222].
That is, despite the fact that the terms "nation" and "nationalism" are of the same
roots, most researchers in Ukraine agree that "nationalism" is extremely right-wing
ideology and its promotion can be dangerous for stability, national security and human
rights.
However, today a certain number of researchers in Ukraine, not to mention the
politicians, continue to put forward the position about the lack of "national sentiments"
in this dimension, joining nationalism with the term "democratic", identifying it with the
national revival (it is not entirely clear of what - culture , state, ethnicity, unity? –
Auth.), opposing it to all "Soviet, totalitarian" (it must be read as to all of extremely left-
wing character, – auth.)…
If politicians can be accused in this context of preconceived opinion, researchers
can‟t be as most of them do not pose the purpose of manipulating mass consciousness,
but rather express their conscious attitude.
Thus, it is clear that outlined facts indicate unconformity of initial positions on
the definition of term "nation" and as a result, "nationalism."
Attempt to reconcile these positions were made by prominent scholar of
conservative wing W. Lipynskyy at the beginning of the XX century, who determined
that nationalism existed in two forms - in statebuilding form (patriotism), and
stateruining form (chauvinism). The first type of nationalism was defined by scolar as
"patriotism "or rather" territorial patriotism", that is as “ love to land, to all its
inhabitants irrespective of their ethnic origin" As to the second tipe of nationalism it
was accepted by the scolar as chauvinism by defining chauvinist as a “person who
accepted positively alien against fellowman” [5, p.745-746].
But if to follow at the same time logic of one of the greatest without a doubt
Ukrainian scolars, one could argue, for example, that "democracy" may be of "negative"
and "positive" character and something like that. Substantial amount of these concepts
is being "shaken" to a certain extent in this сase. Certainly, analysis of nation and
nationalism done by W. Lipynskyy was undisputed achievement of Ukrainian science
and culture for his time, but our task obviously is aimed at further research of the noted
subject in the context of contemporary conditions of Ukrainian nation.
57
The deal is that noted terminological uncertainty is not a problem of scientific
sphere only ... Unfortunately, it generates value conflicts at the level of public opinion,
which are more dangerous, because challenge stability of the country, stir up
xenophobic sentiments, national hatred and hostility, especially under speculations of
some politicians on the ethnic factor in the process of nation-building regarding
objective multiethnic character of Ukrainian society. To base any modern "Ukrainian
project" on Simulacra which exploit significant symbols of ethnicity is not to
understand the nature of the challenges facing young states in the era of globalization.
However the majority of serious scholars and analysts are sure that under the new
conditions the tasks of de-politicization of ethnicity and reducing ethnic character of
policy are put before world community. Properly speaking, popular in the West model
of multiculturalism is also based on transfering attention from ethnic to multiculture
factor.
Careless "design" of nation-building policy in Ukraine with due regard to its
traumatic historical experience can also threaten territorial integrity under the process
of artificial aggravation of regional differences by certain political elites. One would
like to emphasize that the threat to territorial integrity of the state is being created not by
regional differences and local selfidentity themselves, but by artificial speculations on
this basis. And in this context one can hardly agree with the authors of the
fundamental work "The Ukrainian political nation: genesis, status and prospects" that
the immediate problem for Ukraine is "overcoming cultural and historical diversity of
its regions, particularly those revealed in the geopolitical, ethno-cultural and religious
orientations "[6, p.188].
Leveling of regional peculiarities is not only impossible in principle (at least
within the lives of several generations), but also inefficient, because any diversity
enriches vital palette of nation. Healthy political forces should strive not to "overcome"
heterogeneity, but to civilized resolution of the problems that arise on its basis as well
as to civilized oppose to attempts to politicize regional differences. Because real threat
of split is made not by mismatches of orientations, but by conflicts of interest and by
competition of nationalisms when they enter the stage of hostility and try to “become
winner at any cost" [7, p. 278].
However, it is not awaited to accept the noted positions in dimension of
misunderstanding or rejection of importance of ethnic factors in the life of
contemporary Ukrainian society. It is said only that as far as ethnic and cultural
conflicts have become by V. Kymlichka the most widen source of violence in the world
and "there are no simple answers and miracle recipes " to soften them on the basis of
defending human and civic rights, it needs to do all possible for settling the fate of
ethnic and national groups not by nationalist xenophobers, religious extremists or
military dictators [8, p. 15, 149]. In Ukrainian context it means first of all focus on the
strategy of nationbuilding, which will minimize eventually the effect of cultural
58
distinctions and will influence the emergence of political, multi-ethnic nation of
citizens. This in any way undermines the “sense-building” function of Ukrainian ethnos.
Thus, a promising direction of Ukrainian community development is dealt with
creation of a unified multi-ethnic and multicultural nation of citizens with reservation of
uniqueness and originality of each ethnic community, where everyone could feel
himself Ukrainian regardless ethnic origin. But Ukrainian researchers should also play
in this process an important role.
Keywords: political nation, ethnicity nation, nationalism, national security.
References:
1. Nagorna, L. (2011). Social and cultural identity: traps of values distinctions. –
Kyiv: I. F. Kuras Institute of Political and Ethnic Studies of the National Academy of
Sciences of Ukraine (in Ukr.).
2. Kolodiy, A. (1997). Nation as a subject of policy. Lviv: Kalvariya (in Ukr.).
3. Shemshuchenko, Yu. et al. (Eds.). (2002). Juridical encyclopedia: in 6th
volumes. Vol 4. Kyiv: Ukrayinskaya entsyklopediya (in Ukr.).
4. Kolodiy, A. (Ed.). (2003). Political science. (2d ed.). Kyiv: Elga, Nika-
Tsenter (in Ukr.).
5. Lypynskyy V. Nationalism, patriotism, chauvinism. In Rymarenko Yu. et al.
(Eds.). (1997). Small encyclopedia of ethnic and state studies. Kyiv: Lybid (in Ukr.).
6. Krysachenko, V. S. (Ed.). (2004). Ukrainian political nation: genesis, status,
prospects. Kyiv: National Institute for Strategic Studies (in Ukr.).
7. Nagorna, L. (2008). Regional Identity: Ukrainian context. Kyiv: I. F. Kuras
Institute of Political and Ethnic Studies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
(in Ukr.).
8. Kymlichka V. (2001). Liberalism and rights of minorities. Kharkiv: Tsentr
osvitnih initsiativ (in Ukr.).
Stezhko Yuriy G. Ph. D. in pedagogical sciences, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Kyiv, Ukraine.
NATIONAL AUTHENTICITY OF PERSONALITY IN NEW REALITIES
OF SOCIAL LIFE
Abstract. The article expresses considerations about causes of delayed
development of the civil society of Ukraine, the slowdown in the rate of its
democratization. The wronged and contradictable to values of civil society thinking is
hidden in mentality of Ukrainians, their non-state psychology and individualism what
was written a lot of publications and articles. Following to the words of mr. Tolochko P.
59
it's about a conglict that arises by three appeared in Ukraine subethnics and according to
points of mr. Pavlenko Iu. it's about "misunderstanding" among average Western and
Ostern peoples.
It is proved that mentallity is not a historical constant and it is changes and
becomes a sample of democracy of a civil service character, losing their archaic features
of individualismus, uncompatible to civil society said leading scientists of today.
The most clearly national consolidation to state values arises in "critical
situations" under the influence of political conflicts sharing the view of mrs. Kvitsinia
M. Modern history gives facts of a political activity come out, Ukrainians state
aspirations-features, that mentally make Ukrainian nation near to European values.
A developing point that Ukrainians potentially are able to take Western
achievements more naturally comparing to the most different peoples, but the obstacle
to the democratical changes, reconstruction of civil society is not the the mentally of
Ukrainians, but non-dependent to the society the party representation in the domination
the same representational democracy which make stronger the state centralisation.
Confirmed this is the very time for the transition from more suitable Ukrainian
mentality a representative democracy what hictorically has depleted their its potential to
direct democracy of the participatory type.
Key words: mentality, civil society, democracy.
References:
1. Malyarenko, V. (2010, September 25). Why Ukraine is Backward Country?
Kholos Ukrayiny (Voice of Ukraine), pp. 6–7 (in Ukr.).
2. Bakhanov, K. (2005). Teaching History in school: innovation aspects.
Kharkiv: Osnova (in Ukr.).
3. Kvitsinia, M. (2010). To the question of socialization of person under the
conditions of ethnical conflict. Voprosy philosophiyi (Questions of Philosophy), 1,
166–170 (in Russ.).
4. Tolochko, P. (2010, April 16–22). Are Ukrainians able for dialogue? Gazeta
2000 (Newspaper 2000), pp. 2–3 (in Russ.).
5. Pavlenko, Yu. (2004). Background and Civilization Identity of Ukrainian
people. COLLEGIUM. Mіzhnarodnyy Naukovyy Zhurnal (COLLEGIUM. International
Scientific Magazin), 15, 149–164 (in Ukr.).
6. Tselik, T. (2004).The Problem of a Person under the Culture of Kyiv Rus.
COLLEGIUM. Mіzhnarodnyy Naukovyy Zhurnal (COLLEGIUM. International
Scientific Magazin), 15,129–149 (in Ukr.).
7. Lukianets, V., & Sobol O. (1998). Philosophical Post-Modernist Style. Kyiv:
Abris (in Ukr.).
60
Chupriy Yuriy G. Ph. D. in Philosophical sciences, Associate professor, National Institute for Strategic Studies,
Kyiv, Ukraine. [email protected]
FORMATION OF A NATIONAL IDENTITY OF UKRAINIANS IN
DIMENSION OF NATIONAL SECURITY
Abstract. The article analyzes the problems of Ukrainian national identity
formation at the present stage of development of Ukrainian society, identifies the ways
of optimization national security policy in the humanitarian field in the context of
solving noted problem
Shaping national identity is a very important issue for the present day Ukraine.
National Security Strategy of Ukraine "Ukraine in a changing world" indicates that the
immediate tasks of national security policy is the preservation and development of
spiritual and cultural values of Ukrainian society, strengthening their identity on the
basis of ethnic and cultural diversity.
National identity is inherently multidimensional. It may include, but not abolish
ethnic, cultural, professional, sexual and other forms of identity. At the same time
national identity can coexist with supranational identity (European or cosmopolitan).
According to M. Berdyaev, a person who feels himself a citizen of a world does not
lose national feelings, because his engagement into the cosmic universal life takes place
through the national life.
But at present this process in Ukraine is being constrained by the conflict of
identities which is caused: a) by the problems on shaping domestic national identity
dealt with transition from ethnic to social and political principle of its establishment; b)
by presence of elements of the post-Soviet identity, c) by enough strong positions of
regional sub-identities with different valuable dominants.
Therefore it is need to intensify efforts for shaping national identity as a basis of
existence of national community (political nation). If community members have a high
level of national consciousness, they tend (under the process of political settlement of
social contradictions and problems) to limit their personal, group or corporate interests
with aim to achieve general social harmony.
If the state does not realize effective steps to neutralize noted above threats a
situation with negative trends of social processes can lead to loss the state sovereignty.
Much of these negative trends may be stipulated by critical decline in functioning of
political system caused by internal conflicts. Under such situation political system will
be unable to solve most of its problems.
Key words: national identity, national security policy.
61
References:
1. Vorona, V., & Shulha, M. (Eds.). (2010). Ukrainian Society 1992–2010.
Sociological monitoring. Kyiv: Institute of Sociology of National Academy of Sciences
of Ukraine (in Ukr.).
2. Pyrozhenko, V. A. (2005). The humanitarian component of national security:
the subject of research and range of major problems. Strategichna panorama (Strategic
panorama), 2, 27–35 (in Ukr.).
3. Yermolaev, A., & Levtsun, О. (2011, June 10). “The Cherry Orchard” of
Ukrainian traditionalism. Dzerkalo tyzhnia (Mirrow of the week) (in Ukr.).
4. Golovakha, E. & Gorbachyk, A. (2010). Trends of Social Changes in Ukraine
and Europe: according to results of "European Social Research" 2005–2009. Kyiv:
Institute of Sociology of National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (in Ukr.).
5. Wilson, E. (2004). The Ukrainians: An Unexpected Nation. Kyiv: Publishing
House "K.I.S" (in Ukr.).
6. Stepyko, M. T. (2011). Ukrainian identity: phenomenon and foundations of
formation. Kyiv: National Institute for Strategic Studies (in Ukr.).
7. M. V. Ptoukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies of the NAS of
Ukraine. Publications. Retrieved from http://www.idss.org.ua/public.html (in Ukr.).
8. Razumnyy, M., & Andrusiv, V. (2010). Formation of national identity as a
priority of security policy. Politychnyy menedzhment (Political management), 3, 116–
126 (in Ukr.).
9. Which direction of foreign policy should be of priority for Ukraine? (dynamics,
2002-2012). Retrieved from http://razumkov.org.ua/ukr/ poll.php?poll_id=305. [in
Ukr.].
Samoilov Oleksiy O. Bachelor on Political Sciences, East-Slave National University named after Vladimir Dahl,
Lugansk, Ukraine. [email protected]
DIRECT DEMOCRASY AT LOCAL GOVERNMENTAL LEVEL AS
MECHANISM OF POLITICAL NATION-BUILDING IN UKRAINE
Full text. The modern Ukrainian society is becoming more politically active and
more involved into the political process today. An example is the case of Oksana Makar
and case of Pavlicenco family, and Sc. «Tax Maydan», and so on. The above
developments have united a rather large number of citizens of Ukraine regardless of
region of residence, thereby laying the preconditions for the creation of Ukrainian
political nation. That is why the relevance of this article is due to amplification process
of self-organization of citizens as an effective way of creating modern Ukrainian
political nation.
62
However, these processes are still quite disintegrative and did not always receive
the purpose that was expected, mainly - due to the lack of experience of the community
and absence of mechanisms to protect its rights. Therefore the need of effective
mechanisms of self-organization of communities that would have a system character
with clearly defined mathods of actions and general principles adds to the urgency of
this study. In addition the creation of such mechanism makes it possible to speed up the
process of political nation-building in Ukraine.
The impact of culture and other factors into the process of Ukrainian nation-
building and inter-ethnic conflicts was studying by Svidzinsky A., G. Kasyanov,
Dontsov, W. Lipynskyy, A. Kartunov et al. But practical mechanism of Ukrainian
political nation-building is known to be almost not clear.
The purpose of this article is to propose a mechanism that would ensure political
unity of all citizens of Ukraine in nation based on shared political culture.
In Ukraine there were always very serious problems with national idea and
identity. First of all, this is due to the existence of different, even contradictory
approaches to the understanding of the term «nation». Some local researchers accept
nation as an ethnic community united by language, culture and etc. The other scientists
are understanding «nation» as political body which is integrated not only by common
ethnic origin or cultural component of people (although of course they take place), but
by desire to create and preserve Ukrainian state.
Mobilization factor in the first model is an irrational element – the love to the
homeland as a combination of certain traditions, language and culture. This model,
however, has some significant flaws. First is outlined by Ukrainian researcher
E. Novakova and is dealt with unconscious love to country, unselfish feelings
associated with place of birth. This unconscious love, according to E. Novakova, may
contribute to a large but limited deals and is not suitable for continuous efforts of the
people. It can save the state in a moment of danger, but it can leave its fate in peacetime
[1, 164]. Another factor is that nation seeks greater autonomy for cultural development,
even independence on this basis that can often provoke increased level of conflict for
states in which there are such nations. Examples are Kurds in Turkey and Syria, the
Catalans in Spain, Chechens in Russia and so on.
Mobilization factor in the second model is rational component. Here people
perceive the nation as residents of a certain state with established order of existence who
seek to protect the state not as a sacred value, but as a set of absolutely concrete legal
provisions – familiar and comfortable standard of living for its inhabitants. The main
feature of this model regarding E. Novakova is that people are beginning to see the
relationship between their own well-being and prosperity of the state, realize that the
system of exactly this states help them to achieve well-being [1, 164]. So here is the
more important factor is not of objective (the birthplace and cultural identity), but of
subjective character – the desire and aspiration of the individual to life in this country
63
and under these conditions to improve the country of residence in order to improve his
welfare.
Moreover, as A. Svidzinsky rightly notes, «it is revealed that internal will act of a
person by which he defines his relation to a certain ethnic group in respect of of all
objective and subjective factors is of decisive character for his ethnic selfidentity » [2].
This by the way explains the existence of such modern nations as Canadians or
Americans (U.S. citizens). Their existence is an accomplished fact, and American
clearly separates himself from the Englishman notwithstanding their belonging to
related ethnic community.
Also A. Svidzinsky notes that the important factor of nation-building is culture as
a set of specific values. Thus, to create a unified Ukrainian political nation is to create a
common political culture and set of values that would be closely bound with the
existence of Ukraine. In practice such a model based on the principle «American
dream» was able to create an American political nation. Similar principles were applied
in Switzerland – today, despite the fact that its territory inhabited by four different
nations, this state is unified culturally, because it is unified by the principle of
democracy.
It is possible to create the same common culture in Ukraine by the efforts of all
citizens or by involving their absolute majority into the active participation in policy. So
far as political nation is impossible without political participation. We can not but agree
with Ukrainian political researcher, head of the Center for Political Studies A.
Romaniuk, that the term «political participation» describes the practical action of
citizens in political sphere and is a key component of the mechanisms of functioning of
democratic system. It is of conscious character, it should be aimed at achieving certain
goal or getting certain results. Political participation is also characterized by repetition
over time, that is it can not be analized by disposable actions» [3, 44].
One can accept as interesting the position of Ukrainian researcher G. Kasyanov,
who argued that the existence of the nation required a number of subjective factors,
including collective solidarity, a sense of community, national consciousness, which, in
our view, is easily ensured by increasing the political participation of citizens [4 , 55.].
However, as it is noted in the book of American researcher Robert Dahl «Problems of
civic competence», even in stable democracies «only a small group of people are
seriously interested in politics (...) even fewer participate in political life» [5]. This
phenomenon is, in our opinion, is explained by the absence of motivation (interest)
towards active participation in politics from the public. The question arises is how to
increase such interest within Ukrainian citizens. But all such attempts, and not only in
Ukraine, have failed with due regard to their verticality – the state tried to encourage
people by existing mechanisms, but nothing worked mainly because people did not
understand the need in such participation.
64
The solution of this problem may be dealt with a system of direct democracy,
which may be implemented at the local level by such already available institution of
self-governing of citizens in Ukraine as condominiums.
It is well known that people always response only those challenges and factors
that affect them directly. So it would be logically to create modern Ukrainian nation by
initial creation of such system of coordinates which would force all citizens to become
active on equal terms. This uniformity of conditions and ways is to create a common
cultural field and, as a result, to unite finally Ukrainians into a single, well-organized
community throughout the state.
It is necessary to return for ensuring this process of active nation-building by the
principles of classical liberalism – to limit the state's role only by setting «rules of the
game» for society, to return to the concept of «night watchman» at the local government
level. Functions on the local level issues resolving must be turned over to the powers of
local communities - to the level of condominiums (in villages and towns – the board
streets etc.). This will ensure the principles set by Aristotle, that "the quontity of citizens
should be limited for they know each other», because only such system reduces at
most the possibility of corruption and abuse of power as far as everyone knows who is
responsible for a this or another process and to whom one should apply in the case of
problems [6].
It is spoken about the transfer of powers of local councils of deputies to the new
institution of civil society - condominiums as community organizations aimed at settling
various issues of local importance. Thus all «domestic» problems will be resolved not
by the state organs (housing offices etc.), but institutions of civil society – «councils of
buildings», «councils of districts» and so on. Local authorities and governments as pre-
existing bodies of selforganization of citizens would also loose their actuality. It is
proposed a system under which people themselves at the meetings of condominiums or
more large organ – system of condominiums (quarter, booth, street – there may be a
great number of titles) could decide how, where and who will repair a road, settle a park
and so on as far as local government has not been realizing for a long time in Ukraine
its functions. For example, Cherkasy City Council offers citizens to co-finance
reconstruction of roads, that is actually to finance it again (firstly by the tax on local
government maintenance costs and realization of its functions, secondly – as addition
act) [7].
Besides that, the refusal from the local councils of deputies as a body of
selfgoverning would speed up the process of approval of local community initiatives as
far as intermediary in the form of a local council in implementation of the community
authority is being eliminated. Because, according to Art. 9 of the Law of Ukraine «On
Local Self-Government» initiative of the community is discussed additionally by the
session of deputies of local councils and may be rejected [8], while due to the system of
condominiums under initiative of the majority of citizens decisions are embodied into
the life. Organs of state administration which duplicate today in Ukraine the functions
65
of local government should be also eliminated from the system of state governing from
the point of view of the author, as far as the main role of the state – law making
(establishing the «rules of the game») - must be done by Parliament while responsibility
for their implementation relies on state supervising organs. Proposed organization of
local governance will lead to simplification of the system, and thus to improve its
efficiency as well as to save public funds. Also noted model realizes a task that was
posed at the beginning – creation of well-formed system of self-organization of citizens
which is based on common political principles and fundamentals, providing thereby a
unified political culture for further active building of the Ukrainian political nation.
Proposed scheme of organization of public participation is quite simple:
inhabitants of a house choose the responsible person who is entrusted to draw up a plan
of development of community (as a perspective) and plan (for a quarter or haph a year)
to handle certain domestic problems that occur in this community. Being drawn up the
plan is submitted by chairman of the house for consideration and approval by the
community. If the plan has been approved the budget of these activities is formed, and
chairman takes the responsibility for full organization of the process of implementation
of the approved plan. If the problem is global (for example, building of a hospital or
road in the region), that is if the problem is of such character that can not be resolved by
general meeting of all interested community members (according to considerable
number of inhabitants ), it is held a general meeting of heads of the region who(having
received a mandate and instructions from their citizens) adopt a decision which is then
presented to the community.
Such system of organization is aimed at realization of several functions at once:
1) prevents at most embezzlement of finances of community so far as formation
of the budget for this or anothaer project is of transparent character and the
responsibility is turned over the chairman, who is constantly among his community and
is overt to it;
2) provides direct democracy – majority of condominium members approves one
or another decision and thus is engaged to some extent to governing and responsibility.
This is confirmed by research work of American sociologist D. McGregor – the
psychological aspect of participation in governing gives individual a sence of
importance and enhance his responsibility upon realization of approved decision [9];
3) stimulates the development of competition in the market of services as far as
chairman would be interested in getting qualitative services at the lowest price. The
growing number of companies must lead to increase of a number of working places and
thus welfare.
In turn, growing of welfare must lead to apprehension by all citizens of a need of
preservation of Ukraine as independent state, because just its existence provides the
level of comfort, social standards, and way of the life on the whole which are of need
for majority of citizens.
66
Another important factor for the creation of a common cultural sphere in Ukraine
is establishment of a single information system. There is need also of means of
information influence for active work, mobilization of citizens. These are first of all
newspapers or so called agitation sheets which would present actual for one or another
condominium (or their cooperatives) problems and would impact locally limited but
well-defined audience. This process analized by A. Toffler in his book “The Third
Wave” is called «demass of media» and means narrowing of the subject which is
coveraged by mass media [10]. Scientist noted in particular that with appearence of this
new fast, cheap press each organization, community, religious group could allow itself
to have their own printed organ, but importance of the third wave was dealt not with
press only, but with broadcasting etc [10].
In the context of creation of local, for each condominium, means of information
of population such tipe of mass media will be of extremely high efficiency by two
positions: firstly, by the urgency of the problem for each member of condominium or
cooperative of condominiums, and secondly by high level trust to information sources .
That is under existence of opposing viewpoints in the information sphere of the district
the citizen would perceive as true information provided to him by the condominium
because he was involved into the process of it obtaining. For example, in Lugansk
concrete plant was closed and work of cretaceous plant was held up owing to short
leaflets and meetings of communities of several condominiums [6].
The introduction of this system throughout the country will speed significantly
the process of interintegration based on shared values - political and social freedom that
was always inherent to Ukrainians. Ukrainian political tradition always tried to create a
state that would not restrict individual freedoms and rights of citizens. And, first of all:
this state should not interfere in economic affairs, because personal economic categories
(property, money, etc.) are pledge of individual freedom. Under such organization the
state apparatus is relatively weak, but the role of assembly of citizens as a form of direct
democracy is of growing character. Such was the Veche in Kievan Rus and Cossacks
meetings during Cossachchina times, and free communities in times of Nestor Makhno.
By the way, it was the activity of Nestor Ivanovich Makhno and support to it among
Ukrainian peasants which proved aspiration of Ukrainians to the highest degree of
individual freedom,reinforced by the right for property (in this case for property for
land).
Thus it must be said that the new system of self-organization will create a modern
Ukrainian political nation by insuring certain requirements. Firstly, direct democracy
which will create common cultural value to all citizens – political and social freedom;
common mobile informational space with high level of legitimacy that will provide
rapid cultural cointegration of all citizens of Ukraine. This mechanism of self-
organization will provide association of citizens under horizontal (among themselves),
but not vertical (by the orders "from above") principle. The latter eliminates the cause
which hindered political nation-building in Ukraine during the period of its existence.
67
As M. Dragomanov mentioned, political nation «can‟t be where administrative
measures are taken to provide preference to whatever sign of ethnographic nation, that
is where the concept of the state is mixed with the concept of the nation, and where
there are no conditions for the formation of political nationality. These are conditions
when the state unity is being weakened by the measures aimed to strengthen and to
create this unity» [4].
Secondly, this model of self-organization provides a strict structure of
community, its mutual responsibility, political activity and initiative which are the main
features of its consolidation and efficiency. Thirdly, proposed mechanism is to create a
system of public order, including at local government level, which will provide
maximum growing of welfare of citizens and thus will provide their interest in existence
of independent Ukraine.
Key words: political nation, self-organization, condominiums, local government,
direct democracy.
References:
1. Novakova, Е. (2006). Political modernization and development of democratic
processes in Ukraine. Lugansk : Pulishing house of East -Slave National University
named after Vladimir Dahl (in Ukr.).
2. Svidzinskyy, A. Self-organization and culture. Retrieved from
http://dsl.sf.ukrtel.net/biblio/index.php?a_id=1&r_id= 3&t_f=kultu/cik/cik.txt20 (in
Ukr.).
3. Romaniuk, A. (2008). Comparative analysis of the main forms of political
participation of citizens in Western Europe. Viche ( Veche), 1, 44–47(in Ukr.).
4. Kasianov, G.V. (1999). Theories of nation and nationalism. Kyiv: Lybid (in
Ukr.).
5. Dahl, R. Problems of civil competence. Retrieved from
www.gumer.info/bibliotek_Buks/Polit/dal/pr_gra.php (in Russ.).
6. Aristotle. (1983). Politics: Writings: in 4 volumes. Vol. 4. Moscow: Mysl (in
Russ.).
7. Mayor office of Cherkasy City offers residents to co-finance repairing of
highways. Narod UA (People UA). Retrieved from http://narodua.com/sotsium/ (in
Ukr.).
8. About Local Self-Governing: Law of Ukraine, May 21, 1997, № 280/97-VR
(1997). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of
Ukraine), 24, 170 (in Ukr.).
9. McGregor, D. (1985). Human Side of Enterprise : 25th Anniversary Printing
(ed. 1960). New York:McGraw-Hill.
10. Toffler, А. The Third Wave. Retrieved from
http://www.gumer.info/bibliotek_Buks/Culture/Toffler/_07 .php (in Russ.).
68
Satskyy Dmytro V.
Competitor for Ph. D. in Economic sciences, State enterprise «Scientific-
Research and Design-Surveing Institute of organization of the land», Kyiv, Ukraine.
LAND TAX AS A PART OF DEVELOPMENT OF LOCAL SELF-
GOVERNMENT
Abstract. One of the oldest and the most important taxes is land tax. Assessment
of the land tax is rulled by The Land Code of Ukraine, Law of Ukraine "On Land Fees",
resolutions of The Cabinet of Ministres of Ukraine and by ammendments to the State
Budget that is adopted every year.
The land is a nature resource, wealth of the country that cannot be export abroad.
The state does not sell the land, it gives the right to private persons and enterprises to
formalize the ownership of the land. The state is aimed to get the profit in form of land
tax from using of natural resource.
The owner of the house that was built on land that also belongs to him should feel
himself safe from any possible problems. It is also possible option for him to sell the
land in his ownership. But together with rights goes duties also. The Tax Code sets the
duty of land owners to pay land tax. In case of systematic non-payment of land tax the
owner loses the right for permanent use of the land. The size of land tax is calculated by
cadastral value and tax rate.
As international experience shows that the land tax is a background of financial
autonomy of local communities is. (for example tax on property in the USA and Japan;
land tax in Germany, France; land tax on buildings and houses in France; the tax on
realty and added value of land in Spain). Collection and spending of those taxes are
executed by local authorities.
Object of taxation are land, buildings (industrial and habitable) and other kind of
realty. In almost all countries the tax is dealing with appraised value of the property. So
far calculating and withholding of this tax depends on local laws, tax rates can be
different: percentage from appraised value of the property or as a constant amount.
Key words :land ownership, land tax, organs of local self-government
.
References:
1. Smith, A. (1962). An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of
Nations. Moscow : Sotsekgiz (in Russ.).
2. Aratsky, D. B. (1998). Economic models of land management in regional
level. Nizhniy Novgorod: Volgo-Vyatskaya Academy of Public Service (in Russ.).
3. Goremykin, V. A. (2002). Economics of real estate. (2d. ed.) Moscow:
Marketing (in Russ.).
4. Lvov, D. S. (1995). Reform from the position of modern science. Nauchnye
69
trudy mezhdunarodnogo soyuza ekonomistov i volnogo ekonomicheskogo obshchestva
Rossii (Research papers of International union of Economists and of Free Economic
Society of Russia), 2, 7–16 (in Russ.).
5. The Land Code of Ukraine, October 25, 2001, No 2768III. (2002). Vidomosti
Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine), 3–4, 27 (in
Ukr.).
6. About valuation of lands: Law of Ukraine, December 11, 2003, No1378IV.
(2004). Vidomosti Verkhovnoyi Rady Ukrayiny (Bulletin of the Verkhovna Rada of
Ukraine),15, 229 (in Ukr.).
7. Eckert, J (Ed.). (1997.). Organization of real estate valuation and taxation: in
2 volumes. Moscow: Star Inter (in Russ.).