ြပgြပင်ေြပာင်းလဲေရး - free express myanmar · 2020. 9. 10. ·...

ြမနမာ')ငင၏ ၂၀၂၀ ြပည'2စ

ကမ5ာ')ငငအားလ)း၏

လ9အခငအေရးအေြခအေနက)

ပ)မ2နသ)းသပသည လ)ပငနးစ? အတက

လတလပစာထ)တေဖာေြပာဆ)မD

ငါး'2စတာသ)းသပချက

5-year review of freedom of expression

for Myanmar’s 2020 UN Universal Periodic Review

ြပGြပငေြပာငးလေရး

Reform abandoned? အပစပယခလ)ကရJပလား

ြပနLကားချက

ဤသ$ေတသနသည Creative Commons Share Alike လ$ငစငအရ

လတလပေသာထ$တေဖာေြပာဆ$ြခငး(ြမနမာ) [Free Expression Myanmar

(FEM)]၌ မUပ$ငခင WXပါသည။ဤလ$ငစငအရ FEM က$ အသအမXတြပ\ေဖာြပ]ပး၊

သင၏ အသစဖနတးမaများအား တUညေသာ စညးမျcးြဖင

လ$ငစငြပ\လ$ပထားလdင ဤစာတမးအား စးပားေရးအရ မဟ$တ

သညြပနလညထ$တေဝြခငး၊ အနညးငယြပ\ြပငေြပာငးလြခငးတ$ ြပ\လ$ပi$င

ကာ၊ စးပားေရးအရမဟ$တသည သငလ$ပငနး (စာအ$ပ၊စာတမး စသညတ$) တင

ထညသငးအသ$းြပ\i$ငပါသည။

FEM မတဆက

လတလပေသာထ$တေဖာေြပာဆ$ြခငး(ြမနမာ) [Free Expression Myanmar

(FEM)] သည လတလပစာ ထ$တေဖာေြပာဆ$ခငiXင သတငးအချကအလက

လတလပခငအေရးတင iXစပေသာ၊ ဥပေဒြပ\ြပငေြပာငး လေရးတင

ပါဝငေဆာငရကေနေသာ၊ ဥပေဒချ\းေဖာကခရသUများက$ ကာကယေနေသာ၊

ထ$အြပင အေကာငးဆ$း i$ငငတကာ အေလအထေကာငးများက$

အေလးဂn$ြပ\လာေအာင လ$ပေဆာငေနေသာ အဖo အစညးတစခ$ ြဖစပါသည။

ဤအစရငခစာသည လ$အပေနသည သငေလျာေသာ ြပ\ြပငေြပာငးလမaများ

အေလးထားဂn$ြပ\လာရန FEM ၏ ရညရယချက တစတတစပ$ငးြဖစပါသည။

• www.FreeExpressionMyanmar.org

• www.facebook.com/FreeExpressionMyanmar

• [email protected]

တ$တင ေကျးဇUးြပ\၍ ဝငေရာကဖတnai$ငပါသည။

Acknowledgements

The report is copyrighted under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlikeLicense. This license lets you remix, tweak, and build upon FEM's work non-commercially, as long as you credit FEM and license your new creations under the identical terms.

About FEM

Free Expression Myanmar (FEM) is a national human rights organisation that is expert in free expression and information, engaging in legal reform, defending victims of violations, and promoting best international standards.

This report forms part of FEM’s objective to promote appropriate and needed reforms. See:

• www.FreeExpressionMyanmar.org

• www.facebook.com/FreeExpressionMyanmar

• [email protected]

Support

FEM would like to thank Heinrich-Böll-Stiftunge for supporting this project.

အကျ$းချ'ပ Summary ..................................................................................................................................................... 2

နဒါနး Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................... 4

အြပညြပညဆ1ငရာ တာဝနဝတ7 ရား International obligations ............................................................................... 6

အလ1းစ1လ;မးြခ'သည ဥပေဒမAေဘာင Overarching legal framework ..................................................................... 8

ဒစဂျစတယ အခငအေရး Digital rights......................................................................................................................11

မဒယာလတလပမG Media freedom ..............................................................................................................................14

ဆHIထ1တေဖာခင Right to protest...............................................................................................................................17

သတငးအချကအလက ရပ1ငခင Right to information ............................................................................................19

ခြခားဆကဆြခငးHMင လGNေဆာမG Discrimination and incitement ..........................................................................21

အစ1းရသ1 FEM ၏ အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးချကများ Recommendations to the State ...........................................24

ြပ#ြပငေြပာငးလေရး အပစပယခလ3ကရ5ပလား Reform abandoned? Page 2

အကျ$းချ'ပ Summary

States recommending

အ7ကြပ#ထားေသာ

:3ငငများ

States’ UPR recommendation

:3ငင အသးသး ၏ “ကမ>ာ:3ငငအားလ3း၏ လ@အခငအေရးအေြခအေနက3

ပ3မCနသ3းသပသည လ3ပငနးစE” အေပG အ7ကြပ#ချကများ

Implemented?

အေကာငအထည

ေဖာပါသလား

Situation improved?

အေြခအေန

တ3းတကပါသလား

“အြပညြပညဆ3ငရာ :3ငငသား:Cင

:3ငငေရးအခငအေရးဆ3ငရာ သေဘာတ@စာချ#ပက3

လကမCတေရးထ3းပါ

Ratify ICCPR”

LKJ LKJ

“က3လသမဂNအထ@းက3ယစားလCယများ:Cင

ပ@းေပါငးေဆာငရကပါ

Cooperate with Special Rapporteurs”

LKJ LKJ

“ဖOစညးပ3အေြခခဥပေဒက3 ြပငဆငေရးဆပါ

Reform Constitution” LKJ LKJ

“လ@အခငအေရးအေြခြပ# ချEးကပမRနညးလမးများက3

ြပဌာနးကျငသ3းပါ

Adopt human rights approach”

LKJ LKJ

“တရားဥပေဒစ3းမ3းမRက3 ကာကယေပးပါ

Protect rule of law” LKJ LKJ

“ြမနမာ:3ငငအမျ#းသားလ@အခငအေရးေကာမTCငက3

ြပငဆငဖOစညးပါ

Reform MNHRC”

LKJ LKJ

“အြပစကျUးလနေသာလညးအေရးမယ@မRများက3 ရပတန ပါ

End impunity” LKJ LKJ

“သတငးမဒယာဥပေဒက3 ြပ#ြပငေြပာငးလပါ

Reform media laws” LKJ LKJ


“သတငးမဒယာေကာငစက3 ြပ#ြပငေြပာငးလပါ

Reform Press Council” LKJ LKJ

“ဒစဂျစတယအခငအေရးက3 ကာကယေပးပါ

Protect digital rights” LKJ LKJ

“ဆ:Vထ3တေဖာခငဆ3ငရာဥပေဒများက3 ြပ#ြပငေြပာငးလပါ

Reform protest laws” LKJ LKJ

“အငအားအလနအကWသ3းစမRက3 ေလXာချပါ

Reduce use of force” LKJ LKJ

“သတငးအချကအလကရပ3ငခင ကာကယေပးပါ

Protect right to information” LKJ LKJ

‘အမ3နးစကားလRေဆာမRက3 ေြဖTCငးပါ

Address “hate speech”’ LKJ LKJ

“လငဝေသသအ ေြခြပ#ြပဿနာများက3 ေြဖTCငးပါ

Address gender” LKJ LKJ


နဒါနး Introduction ြမနမာH1ငင၏ ဒမ1ကေရစအသငကAးေြပာငးမGသည ၂၀၂၀ ြပညHMစ

ဒဇငဘာလ ၇ ရကေနတင (၁၀) HMစ ြပည မညြဖစသည။ ၂၀၁၀

ြပညHMစတင တစစတတစပ1ငးပငလငးသည ပထမဆ1း

အေထေထေရးေကာကပက1 ကျငးပZပးေနာက အရပသားအမညခ USDP

အစ1းရ ြဖစလာခသည။ ေနာကငါးHMစအPကာ၌ ကျငးပသည ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစ

အေထေထေရးေကာကပမMာေတာ NLD အစ1းရ ြပနလညေပcေပါကခZပး

ယခ1HMစမMာေတာ ြမနမာH1ငင၏ တတယေြမာက

အေထေထေရးေကာကပက1 ကျငးပေတာမည ြဖစသည။ ထ1 ၁၀ HMစကာလ

တစေလdာကတင လတလပစာထ1တေဖာေြပာဆ1ခငHMင

ယငးအခငအေရး၏ အစတအပ1ငးများြဖစသည မဒယာ၊ ဒစဂျစတယ၊

ဆHIထ1တေဖာမG၊ သတငးအချကအလကရပ1ငခငHMင

ခြခားဆကဆမGတ1ကဖျကေရး တ1သည fကးမားေသာZခမးေြခာကမGများHMင

Pက'ေတN ခရZပး ရဖနရခါေလာကသာ ေလးစားအသအမMတြပ'ခခ ရသည။

ဤအစရငခစာတင ထ1အေြပာငးအလများက1

စစေဆးေဖာထ1တထားပါသည။

၂၀၁၀ အေထေထေရးေကာကပ 5ပးချနမCစ၍ က3လသမဂN၏

“ကမ>ာ:3ငငအားလ3း၏ လ@အခငအေရးအေြခအေနက3 ပ3မCနသ3းသပသည

လ3ပငနးစE” (Universal Periodic Review) [အတ3ေကာကအေနြဖင -

UPR] သည ြမနမာလ@အခငအေရးအေြခအေနက3

:Cစtကမစစေဆးသ3းသပခ5ပးြဖစကာ ၂၀၂၀ ြပည:Cစ ေ:Cာငးပ3ငး တင

တတယအtကမေြမာက စစေဆးသ3းသပမည ြဖစသည။

က3လသမဂNအဖOဝင:3ငငတ3ငး၏ လ@အခင အေရးအေြခအေနများက3

ယ@ပအာတင ငါး:Cစတစtကမ ြပနလညသ3းသပေလTCသည။ ြမနမာ:3ငင၏

၂၀၂၀ ယ@ပအာလ3ပငနးစဥ မတ3ငမ ေTCOေြပးအေနြဖင ြမနမာအစ3းရ၊

က3လသမဂNအဖOအစညးများ:Cင အရပဘက အဖOအစညးများက ၎ငးတ3၏

က3ယပ3ငသ3းသပေတO TCချကများက3 တငြပထား5ပး ြဖစသည။ ယ@ပအာတင

သ3းသပေနစဥအတငး က3လသမဂNအဖOဝင:3ငငတ3ငးက ြမနမာ:3ငငက3

လ@အခငအေရးအေြခအေန တ3းတက လာေစရန မညကသ3

လ3ပေဆာငသငသည:Cင ပတသက၍ ေမးခနးေမးြမနး:3ငသလ3

အ7ကြပ#ချကလညး ေပး:3ငသည။ သ3းသပမRြဖစစဥအ5ပးတင

ထ3အ7ကြပ#ချကများက3 ေဖာေဆာငရန ြမနမာ:3ငငဘကက ကတ

ကဝတြပ#ခသလား သ3မဟ3တ

မCတတမးတငy3သကသကလ3ပခသလားဆ3တာ:Cငပတသက5ပး က3လသမဂN

အစရငခစာတစေစာင ထကေပGလာမညြဖစသည။

ဤအစရငခစာသည ြမနမာ:3ငင၏ ၂၀၂၀ ြပည:Cစ

ယ@ပအာလ3ပငနးစဥအတက FEM ကတငသငးေသာ အစရငခစာ ြဖစသည။

၂၀၁၅ ယ@ပအာတင ြမနမာအစ3းရက3 က3လသမဂNအဖOဝင:3ငငများက

အ7ကြပ#ခသည အမျ#းမျ#း ေသာ တ3ကတနးချကများအနက

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ခင:Cငစပလျဥးသည အ7ကြပ#ချက အားလ3း

က3 ေဖာြပထားသည။ FEM သည ၂၀၁၅ ယ@ပအာ အ7ကြပ#တ3ကတနးချက

တစခ3ချငးစတ3ငးက3 အကြဖတ စစေဆးထား5ပး

7 November 2020 marks 10 years of Myanmar’s democratic transition. In 2010, the first partially-open general elections took place creating the quasi-civilian USDP government. Five years later, the 2015 general elections returned an NLD government. This year, Myanmar will have its third general elections. Over those 10 years, the right to freedom of expression – including its components media, digital, protest, right to information, and anti-discrimination – has faced great threats and in some cases been upheld. This report examines those changes.

Since the 2010 general elections, a UN mechanism called the “Universal Periodic Review” (UPR) has reviewed Myanmar’s human rights situation twice, and will review Myanmar a third time later in 2020. Every UN Member State has their human rights situation individually reviewed once every five years under the UPR. Prior to Myanmar’s 2020 UPR, the Myanmar government, UN agencies, and civil society organisations have all submitted their own assessments. During the Myanmar UPR, every UN Member State will be able to ask questions and make recommendations on how Myanmar should improve its human rights situation. At the end of the review, a UN report will be written in which the Myanmar government either commits to implement those recommendations, or just notes them.

This report is FEM’s submission to Myanmar’s 2020 UPR. It includes all of the different UN Member States’ recommendations relating to freedom of expression which were made to Myanmar in the previous 2015 UPR. FEM has assessed each of the 2015 UPR recommendations and explained whether those recommendations have been implemented or not, and also whether that situation has improved, remained the same, or worsened over the past five years. Due to the submission rules on word count, FEM’s response to each recommendation is a brief summary, with an endnote explaining the source of that analysis. All of the sources are FEM’s previous reports, analysis, and statements.


ထ3အ7ကြပ#တ3ကတနးချကများက3 အေကာငအထညေဖာြခငး TCမTC:Cင

5ပးခေသာ ငါး:Cစ အတငး အေြခအေနတ3းတကမR TCမTC၊

နဂ3အတ3ငးမေြပာငးလဘ TCမTC၊ ပ3မ3ဆ3းရားလာမR TCမTCက3 TCငးလငး

ထားသည။ (ယ@ပအာသ3 ) အစရငခတငသငးရာတင စကားလ3းအေရအတက

စညးမျဥးTCသည အတက FEM သည အ7ကြပ#တ3ကတနးချကများက3

အ:Cစချ#ပအေနြဖငသာ သ3းသပထားသည။ သ3ေသာ သ3းသပချကက3

TCငးလငးသညရငးြမစများက3 အဆ3းမCတစ3 (endnote) ြဖင

ြပနလညေဖာြပထားသည။ ရညÄÅနးထားသည ရငးြမစအားလ3းသည FEM

၏ ယခငကထ3တေဝထားေသာ အစရငခစာများ၊ သ3းသပချကများ:Cင

ထ3တြပန ချကများ ြဖစသည။

"အစ1းရ" ဟAေသာ

စကားရပ၏အဓပkာယဖငဆ1ချကအေပc မMတချက

ြမနမာ:3ငင၏ ဖOစညးပ3အေြခခဥပေဒတင အစ3းရ၏ များြပားလCေသာ

လ3ပငနးစEများထညသငး ပါTCထားသည။ ထ3လ3ပငနးစEများတင

ေရးေကာကခအရပသားက3ယစားလCယများ၏အာဏာြဖင

လ3ပေဆာငရြခငးမဟ3တပ စစတပအာဏာြဖင ေဆာငရကရေသာ

ရလ3ပငနးပါဝငသည။ ေရးေကာကခအရပသားက3ယ

စားလCယများ၏အာဏာြဖငေဆာငရကရြခငးမဟ3တဘ စစတပ၏

7သဇာအာဏာအရ ေဆာငရကေစရသည။ စငစစတင ထ3သ3 ထညသငးပါ

TCြခငးက လ3ပပ3ငခငအာဏာထပေန5ပး ရဖနရခါခြခားရခကသည

အစ3းရ:Cစခ3အ5ပ#င ေပGေပါက ြဖစေပGေစသည။ ဤ

အစရငခစာတငပါTCေသာ " အစ3းရ" ဟ@ေသာ စကားရပက3 သ3းစေသာ

စာသား အဓပÜာယသည အတအလငးခြခားြခငးမTCပ အစ3းရေရာ စစတပပါ

:CစဖOလ3းက3 ရညÄÅနးြခငးြဖစပါသည။

A note on the definition of "Government"

Myanmar's Constitution puts several government functions, including the police, under the authority of the military, rather than under the authority of elected civilian representatives. In effect, this creates two parallel governments whose power is overlapping and often difficult to separate. References to the "government" in this report should be understood to include both parties unless they have been explicitly separated.


အြပညြပညဆ1ငရာ တာဝနဝတ7 ရား International obligations

Requesting States

“အြပညြပညဆ1ငရာ H1ငငသားHMင H1ငငေရးအခငအေရးဆ1ငရာ

သေဘာတAစာချ'ပက1 လကမMတေရးထ1းပါ

Ratify ICCPR”

Implemented? LKJ LKJ Situation improved?

`H1ငငေပါငး ၂၇ H1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “ICCPR က1

အတညြပ'လကမMတေရးထ1းရန” အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည ၁ ။ FEM ၏

ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'တ1ကတနးချကက1

အေကာင အထညေဖာြခငး သ1မဟ1တ ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည

လAအခငအေရးHMငပတသကေသာ ကစvရပများ အေပc

အေလးထားစဥးစားမG တ1းတကလာြခငး မuMေသးေပ။

အစ3းရသည အြပညြပညဆ3ငရာ :3ငငသား:Cင :3ငငေရးအခငအေရးဆ3ငရာ

သေဘာတ@စာချ#ပ ICCPR က3 အတညြပ# လကမCတေရးထ3းမည

ြဖစေ7ကာငး လ@သTCင7ကားေြပာ7ကားချက:Cင က3လသမဂNသ3

ေြဖ7ကားချကများ၌ပါ အtကမtကမ ကတကဝတြပ#ခသည။ ၂ သ3ေသာ

အစ3းရဘကက လ3ပေဆာင 5ပးစးခြခငး မTCသလ3 လÅတေတာ၌

tက#းစားမRများက3လညး အစ3းရက လ3လားေထာကခြခငး မTCခပါ။ ၃

27 countries recommended that Myanmar:1 “Ratify the ICCPR” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

The State has repeatedly committed to ratifying the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) both publicly and to the UN.2 However, the State has not done so and a parliamentary attempt was not supported by the government.3


Requesting States

“က1လသမဂxအထAးက1ယစားလMယများHMင ပAးေပါငးေဆာငရကပါ

Cooperate with Special Rapporteurs”


H1ငင ၁၀ H1ငငက “က1လသမဂxအထAးက1ယစားလMယ (UN Special

Rapporteurs) များHMင ပAးေပါငးေဆာင ရကရန” ြမနမာH1ငငက1

အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည ၄ ။ FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM

ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'တ1ကတနးချကက1 တစစတတစပ1ငးသာ

အေကာငအထညေဖာခZပး ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည

လAအခငအေရးHMငပတသကေသာ ကစvရပများအေပc

အေလးထားစဥးစားမGသည ပ1မ1ဆ1းရားလာခ သည။

အစ3းရသည က3လသမဂNအထ@းက3ယစားလCယများ၏ တရားဝငစာများြဖင

ေြပာဆ3ဆကသယမRများက3 ထေတOဆကဆမRTCေသာလညး

ပ@းေပါငးေဆာငရကရန ပျကကကခသည။ အထ@းသြဖင ြမနမာ:3ငငဆ3ငရာ

အထ@းက3ယစားလCယ:Cင ပ@းေပါငးေဆာငရကမR မTCခပါ။ ြမနမာ:3ငငဆ3ငရာ

ယခငအထ@းက3ယစားလCယ:Cင သ@၏ အခနးကä၊ သ@၏

တရားဝငထ3တြပနချကများက3 သတငးတ3များြဖငတ3ကခ3ကြခငး၊

y3ငးy3ငးစ3ငးစ3ငး တ3 ြပနြခငးများက3လညး အစ3းရက ဆကလကအားေပး

အားေြမãာက လ3ပခသည။

10 countries recommended that Myanmar:4 “Cooperate with UN Special Rapporteurs” – FEM has seen partial implementation of this recommendation but also the underlying human rights concern has worsened since 2015.

The State has engaged with UN Special Rapporteurs’ “communications” (official letters to the State) but has failed to cooperate with them, the Special Rapporteur for Myanmar in particular. The State has also continued to encourage disinformation about and hostility towards the former Special Rapporteur for Myanmar, her role, and her statements.


အလ1းစ1လ;မးြခ'သည ဥပေဒမAေဘာင Overarching legal framework

Bahrain

“ဖNစညးပ1အေြခခဥပေဒက1ြပငဆငေရးဆပါ

Reform Constitution”


H1ငငတစH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “လAအခငအေရးက1

ဖNစညးပ1အေြခခဥပေဒတင ပ1မ1ခ1ငခ1ငမာမာ ြပဌာနး ေပးရန”

အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည ၅ ။ FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM

ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ' တ1ကတနးချကက1 အေကာငအထညေဖာြခငး

သ1မဟ1တ ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည လAအခငအေရးHMင ပတသကေသာ

ကစvရပများ အေပc အေလးထားစဥးစားမG မuMေသးေပ။

FEM သည ြပညတငး:Cင :3ငငတကာ အဖOအစညး ၂၀ က3 ဦးေဆာင၍

လÅတေတာတငး ဖOစညးသည “ဖOစညးပ3အေြခခဥပေဒ (၂၀၀၈ ခ3:Cစ)

ြပငဆငေရး ပ@းေပါငးေကာမတ”သ3

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးအတက အ7ကြပ#တ3ကတနးချကများ

ေပးပ3ခသည။၆ သ3ေသာ ေကာမတက အရပဘကအဖOအစညးများ:Cင

ေစစပေဆာငရကြခငးမTCခေပ။ ထ3 ြပင ေကာမတ၏ ေနာကဆ3း

အ7ကြပ#တ3ကတနးချကများ၌ လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ခင

အပါအဝင လ@အခငအေရးဆ3ငရာ အ7ကြပ# တ3ကတနးချကများက3

ဖယထ3တထားခသည။ ၇

1 country recommended that Myanmar:5 “Strengthen human rights in the Constitution” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

FEM led 20 national and international organisations in submitting freedom of expression recommendations to the parliamentary “Constitution Amendment Committee”.6 However, the Committee did not engage with civil society, and the Committee’s final recommendations excluded any substantive human rights recommendations, including on freedom of expression.7

Nicaragua

Portugal

“လAအခငအေရးအေြခြပ' ချ$းကပမGနညးလမးများက1 ြပဌာနးကျငသ1းပါ

Adopt human rights approach”


H1ငင HMစH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “ဥပေဒြပ'ြပငေြပာငးလေရး

ေဖာေဆာငေနစဥအတငး လAအခငအေရး

အေြခြပ'ချဥးကပမGနညးလမးက1 သ1းရန” အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည။ ၈

FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'

တ1ကတနးချကက1 အေကာငအထညေဖာြခငး သ1မဟ1တ ေအာကေြခ

တငuMေနသည လAအခငအေရးHMငပတသကေသာ ကစvရပများအေပc

အေလးထားစဥးစားမG တ1းတက လာြခငး မuMေသးေပ။

2 countries recommended that Myanmar:8 “Use a human rights approach when reforming laws” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation and the underlying human rights concern has worsened since 2015.


၂၀၁၅ ခ3:CစမCစ၍ ဥပေဒြပ#ြပငေြပာငးလေရး လ3ပငနးစဥသည

အရညအေသးအားြဖင ပငလငးြမငသာမRမTC ြခငး၊

လကလCမးမမ:3ငြခငး:Cင ဓမéဓဌာနမကျြခငးတ3 TCလာခသည။ ၉

5ပးခေသာ:Cစအတငး လÅတေတာ၌ အရပဘကအဖOအစညးများ၏

ပါဝငေဆးေ:းမRက3 အဟနအတား တ3းြမãငလ3ကသည။

၁၀ ထ3ထတင

လÅတေတာ အမတများက3 အရပဘကအဖOအစညးများ:Cင မေတOဆ3ရန

အမနထ3တြပနချကက တစခ3အပါအဝင ြဖစ သည။ အသငးအဖOများ

မCတပ3တငြခငးဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒအရ အဖOအစညးများအေနြဖင ဆ:VTCမCသာ

မCတပ3 တင:3ငေသာလညး လကေတOတင အစ3းရအရာTCများ:Cင

အဖOအစညးများက မCတပ3မတငထားေသာ အရပဘက အဖOအစညးများ:Cင

ထေတOဆကဆြခငး မTCေပ။

Since 2015, the process of legal reform has been opaque, inaccessible, and arbitrary in nature.9 Over the past year, the State has increased barriers to civil society consultation in parliament, including by ordering MPs not to meet with civil society.10 Although the Association Law provides that registration is not mandatory, in practice State individuals and institutions will not engage with unregistered civil society organisations.

Singapore

Korea

Hungary

“တရားဥပေဒစ1းမ1းမGက1 ကာကယေပးပါ

Protect rule of law”


H1ငင သ1းH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “တရားဥပေဒစ1းမ1းေရး၊ ဥပေဒဆ1ငရာ

စHGနးများHMင တရားစရငေရးမâ'င ြပ'ြပငေြပာငးလေရးက1

ပ1မ1ခ1ငခ1ငမာမာ လ1ပေဆာငရန” တ1ကတနးအPကြပ'ခသည။၁၁ FEM ၏

ေတN uMချက အရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'

တ1ကတနးချကက1 အေကာငအထညေဖာြခငး သ1မဟ1တ

ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည လAအခငအေရးHMငပတသကေသာ

ကစvရပများအေပc အေလးထားစဥးစားမG တ1းတကလာြခငး မuMေသးေပ။

အမRစရငထ3းများက3 7ကညြခငးအားြဖင တရားy3းများသည

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးအတက ကာကယခ3ခမေပးေသးသည

အြပင လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3မR:Cငပတသက5ပး

ရာဇဝတေ7ကာငးအရ တရားစဆ3ထားေသာ အမR များ၌

တရားစဆ3ခရသ@များအေပG သသာထငTCားဆ3းရားေသာ 5ခမးေြခာကမRများ

လ3ပေဆာငေနသညက3 ေတO TCနငသည။၁၂

3 countries recommended that Myanmar:11 “Strengthen the rule of law, legal standards, and judicial reform” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

Case law shows that the courts still do not defend freedom of expression, and indeed the courts pose a significant punitive threat to those facing freedom of expression-related criminal prosecutions.12

Requesting States

“ြမနမာH1ငငအမျ'းသားလAအခငအေရးေကာမuMငက1 ြပငဆငဖ Nစညးပါ

Reform MNHRC”



H1ငင uMစH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “ြမနမာH1ငင

အမျ'းသားလAအခငေရးေကာမuMငက1 ပ1မ1ခ1ငမာေအာင လ1ပ ေဆာငရန”

အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည။၁၃ FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM


သ1မဟ1တ ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည လAအခငအေရးHMင ပတသကေသာ


လ@အခငအေရးေကာမTCငသည ြပညသ@ေရးရာ အခငအေရး:Cင

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငး အပါအဝင :3ငငေရးအခငအေရး

ချ#းေဖာကမRများက3 ဦးစားေပး စ3စမးစစေဆးြခငး မTCသလ3

ကျUးလနသ@များ တာဝနခမRTCေစေရးက3 အဓက

ရညမCနးချကတစခ3အေနြဖင လ3ပေဆာငရနလညး ထညသငးစဥးစားြခငး

မTCေပ။၁၄

၂၀၁၅ မC ယေနအချနထ အစ3းရက (သကဆ3ငရာ

အဖOအစညးများ:Cင) တ3ငပငေဆးေ:းြခငးမTCဘ

ေကာမTCငအဖOဝငအားလ3းက3 အစားထ3းခနအပခသည။ ခနအပလ3ကသည

လကTCေကာမTCငအဖOဝငအားလ3းတင လ@အခငအေရး ေနာက

ေ7ကာငးရာဇဝငTCသ@ တစေယာကမX မပါTCေပ။

8 countries recommended that Myanmar:13 “Strengthen the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

The Commission does not prioritise investigations into violations of civil and political rights, including freedom of expression, and does not consider holding perpetrators accountable to be one of its primary goals.14 Since 2015, all commissioners have been replaced, without consultation, by the State, and none of the current commissioners have backgrounds in human rights.

Requesting States

“အြပစကျäးလနေသာလညးအေရးမယAမGများက1 ရပတန ပါ

End impunity”


H1ငင က1းH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “လကစားေချ တ1 ြပနသညလ1ပရပHMင

ြပစမGကျäးလနZပး အေရးယAမခရဘ လတေြမာကေနသည

ကစvရပများက1 စ1စမးစစေဆး၍ ထပမuMေစေရး ေဆာငရကေပးရန”

အPကြပ'တ1က တနးခသည။၁၅ FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM

ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'တ1ကတနးချကက1 အေကာငအထညေဖာြခငး

သ1မဟ1တ ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည လAအခငအေရးHMငပတသကေသာ

ကစv ရပများအေပc အေလးထားစဥးစားမG တ1းတကလာြခငး မuMေသးေပ။

သတငးေထာကများ:Cင လ@အခငအေရးကာကယေစာငေTCာကသ@များက3

ဥပေဒအရြဖစေစ၊ y3ပပ3ငးဆ3ငရာ ြဖစေစ၊ စတပ3ငးဆ3ငရာြဖစေစ

အ7ကမးဖကမRများသည ၂၀၁၅ ခ3:Cစကတညးက ပ3တ3းလာသည။၁၆

၂၀၁၅

တင အသတခရေသာ သတငးေထာကတစဦးအပါအဝင :3ငငအတငး

အသတခရသည သတငး ေထာကငါးဦးအတက လ3လ3ေလာကေလာက

စ3စမးစစေဆးေပးြခငးလညး မTCခေပ။၁၇

အစ3းရသည ထ3တေဖာ

ေြပာဆ3မRအေပG ကျUးလနသည ရာဇဝတမRများက3 က3ငတယေြဖTCငးရန

တစစထကတစစ ဆ:Vပ3နညးလာ သည။၁၈

9 countries recommended that Myanmar:15 “Investigate and end reprisals and impunity” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

Legal, physical, and psychological violence towards journalists and human rights defenders (HRDs) has increased since 2015.16 There has been no adequate investigation into the five journalists who have been killed in Myanmar, one of which was killed since 2015.17 The State has also become less willing to address crimes against expression.18


ဒစဂျစတယ အခငအေရး Digital rights

Latvia

“ဒစဂျစတယအခငအေရးက1 ကာကယေပးပါ

Protect digital rights”


H1ငငတစH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “အငတာနကဆ1ငရာ စညးPကပမGများက1

လAအခငအေရး စချနစHGနးများ HMငအညြဖစေစေရး လ1ပေဆာငရန”

အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည ၁၉ ။ FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM

ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'တ1ကတနးချကက1 အေကာငအထည

ေဖာြခငးမuMခသလ1 ေအာကေြခတငuMေန သည


အေလးထားစဥးစားမGသည ပ1မ1ပင ဆ1းရား လာခသည။

၂၀၁၅ ခ3:CစမCစ၍ အစ3းရသည ဒစဂျစတယကäတင

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ထပမ ကနသတရန

tက#းစားလာခသည။၂၀

အရပဘကအဖOအစညးများ၏

ကမပနးတစရပအ5ပးတင အစ3းရက ခ3ငမာေသချာေသာ ေဆးေ:းတ3ငပငမR

မTCဘ ဆကသယေရးဥပေဒက3 အေပGယမXသာ ြပငဆငခ၍ ထ3ြပငဆင5ပး

ဥပေဒကလညး လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ဟနတားစက

ဖကေနဆ ြဖစသည။၂၁

:3ငငသားများ၏ ပ3ဂN#လဆ3ငရာ လတလပမR:Cင

ပ3ဂN#လဆ3ငရာ လ3ြခ#မRက3 ကာကယေပးေရးဥပေဒက3 ြပငဆငရန

အဆ3ြပ#ထားေသာ ြပငဆငချကဥပေဒ7ကမးက3 အတညြပ#ခမညဆ3ပါက

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3မRက3 ရာဇဝတေ7ကာငးအရ

ကနသတမRများသာ ပ3များလာမည ြဖစသည။၂၂ လကTCတင

အဆ3ြပ#ထားေသာ ြပငဆငချကဥပေဒ7ကမးသည ြမငသာထငသာမTC၍

မတငမကျအေနအထား တင TCေနသည။ အစ3းရက

“ဆ3ကဘာရာဇဝတမRဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒမ@ေဘာင”တစရပက3

ေရးဆြပ#စ3ထားသည။ သ3ေသာ ထ3မ@ေဘာငတင

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ရာဇဝတေ7ကာငးအရ

ဟနတားစကဖကေနသည ြပဌာနးချကများ ထပတ3းလာမည ၊မလာမည က3

ကကြပားြပား မသTC:3ငေသးေပ။ ဥပမာ အသေရဖျကမRက3

ရာဇဝတမRအြဖစြပဌာနးသည ခ3နစ ခ3ေြမာက ဥပေဒြပဌာနးချကတစခ3

ထ3မ@ေဘာငတင ပါေကာငးပါလာ:3ငသည။

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ဟနတားစကဖကေနသည

အလကထေရာနစ ဆကသယေဆာငရကေရးဥပေဒက3 ြပငဆငရန

tက#းစားြခငး၊ ကတကဝတြပ#ြခငးလညး တစစ3တစရာ မTCခေပ။၂၃

ထ3အြပင :3ငငသားများ၏ ပ3ဂN#လဆ3ငရာလတလပမR:Cင

ပ3ဂN#လဆ3ငရာလ3ြခ#မRက3 ကာကယေပးေရး ဥပေဒက3

ြပငဆငသညဥပေဒ7ကမးက3 အဆ3ြပ#ထားေသာလညး အစ3းရသည

အနလ3ငး ပ3ဂN#လေရးလတလပမR သ3မဟ3တ ပ3ဂNလကအချကအလကက3

ကာကယရန သ3မဟ3တ ဆကသယေရးလ3ငး များက3

1 country recommended that Myanmar:19 “Ensure internet regulation complies with human rights standards” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation and the underlying human rights concern has worsened since 2015.

Since 2015, the State has attempted to further restrict freedom of expression in the digital space.20 Following a civil society campaign, the Telecommunications Law was superficially amended, without proper consultation, and the amended law continues to interfere with freedom of expression.21 A proposed amendment to the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens would if adopted add yet more criminal restrictions to freedom of expression.22 The proposed amendment is in opaque limbo. The State has initiated the development of a “cyber-crimes framework” although it is as yet unclear whether this will include further criminal interference in freedom of expression, via for example a seventh criminal defamation provision. No attempt to amend the Electronic Transactions Law, which interferes in freedom of expression, has been made or promised.23 Despite the proposed amendment to the Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens, the State has not attempted to legislate to protect online privacy or personal data, or to regulate communications interception, all of which lack a legal framework.24

The State has greatly consolidated control over access to the internet since 2015. The State gave a military conglomerate a telecoms licence, together with regulatory leeway in order for it to establish a large subscriber base, effectively reversing earlier deregulation which saw foreign private providers both gain market dominance and vastly increase internet access.25 As a result, the State has regained direct authority over more than half of all mobile subscribers, which, combined with the lack of privacy, data protection, and communications


7ကားြဖတနားေထာငြခငးက3 စနစတကျ စညး7ကပရန

tက#းစားမRမTCေသးသညအတက ထ3ကစèရပ အားလ3းသည ဥပေဒမ@ေဘာင

ကငးမေနသည။၂၄

အစ3းရသည ၂၀၁၅ ခ3:CစမCစတင၍ အငတာနကအသ3းြပ#ခငက3

အြပညအဝထနးချ#ပလ3ကသည။ အစ3းရ သည စစဘက

စးပားေရးစ3ေပါငးစပေပါငးအဖO tကးတစခ3က3 ေငသငး၍သ3းစသ@

(subscriber) စ3ေဆာငးေရး အဓကအားြပ#လ3ပေဆာင:3ငေစရနအတက

စညးကမးတငးကျပမRအပ3ငးတင လ@းသာလနသာTCသည

လမးေ7ကာငးတစခ3ြဖင တယလဆကသယေရးလ3ပငနးလ3ငစင

ချေပးခသည။ :3ငငြခား ပ3ဂNလကက3မÜဏများက3 ေစျးကကလÅမးမ3းမR:Cင

အငတာနကလကလCမးမမR၌ အtကးအကျယေအာငြမငေစခသည

အေစာပ3ငး စညးမျဥး/စညးကမးကနသတမRမC

ကငးလတခငြပ#ခြခငးက3လညး ထ3လ3ပရပေ7ကာင ထထေရာကေရာက

y3တသမး:3ငခသည။၂၅

ရလဒအေနြဖင အစ3းရသည

မ3ဘ3ငးဖ3နးအသ3းြပ#သ@ထကဝကေကျာအေပG တ3ကy3က လ3ပပ3ငခငအာဏာ

ြပနရသားသည။ ပ3ဂN#လေရးလတလပခင၊ အချကအလက

ကာကယေပးမR:Cင ဆကသယေရးလ3ငးများ 7ကားြဖတနားေထာငမRဆ3ငရာ

လ3ြခ#ေရးစညးမျဥးစညကမးများ ကငးမသည ထ3လ3ပပ3ငခငများ ေ7ကာင

အစ3းရသည ယခငက မရခဖ@းသည ြပညသ@များအေပG

တတတဆတေစာင7ကညခင:Cင လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3

ဟနတားစကဖကခငများပါ ရTCလာခေတာသည။၂၆

သ3ေသာ အစ3းရသည

မ3ဘ3ငးအသ3းြပ#သ@ ထကဝက ေကျာက3 ြခယလCယ:3ငသည လ3ပပ3ငခင:Cင

မေရာငရသညအတက လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3

ဟနတားစကဖကရန ေနာကထပ ေြခတစလCမး တ3းသညအေနြဖင

ဖ3နးဆငး(မ)ကတများ မCတပ3တငရာတင တရားဝင က3ယေရးက3ယတာ

အချကအလကများ မြဖညသည မ3ဘ3ငးဖ3နးအသ3းြပ#သ@

သနးေပါငးများစာက3 ဖ3နးလ3ငးြဖတေတာကရန (ဖ3နးဆငး(မ)ကတပတရန)

တယလဆကသယေရးဝနေဆာငမR က3မÜဏများက3 ÄÅန7ကားခြပနသည။ ၂၇

:3ငင အတငးTC ေဘးထ3တခလ@အ3ပစ3များစာသည တရားဝင

က3ယေရးက3ယတာအချကအလကများ မTC7ကသလ3 အြခားသ@များက

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3မRက3 ဟနတားစကဖကြခငး

လX#O ဝCကေစာင7ကညြခငးတ3 လ3ပေဆာငခရမညအေရးက3

ပ@ပနေန7ကသည။၂၈

၂၀၁၉ ခ3:Cစတင အစ3းရသည ယခငက မသ3းခဖ@းသည

ဆကသယေရးဥပေဒပါ ြပဌာနးချကတစခ3က3 အသ3းြပ# ၍

ပဋပကïဒဏခေနရေသာ ရခ3င:Cငချငးြပညနယအတငး

အငတာနကလ3ငးများ ြဖတေတာကရန မ3ဘ3ငးဖ3နး

ဝနေဆာငမRက3မÜဏများက3 ÄÅန7ကားလ3ကသည။၂၉

အစ3းရက

အငတာနကြဖတေတာကရန ÄÅန7ကားချကက3 စာထ3တÄÅန7ကားြခငးမTCဘ

ထ3တြပနချကအတ3တစေစာငတင အဓပÜာယေဝဝါး5ပး

အလနကျယြပနသည :3ငငေတာလ3ြခ#ေရးအတက ဟ@ေသာ အချကက3

ရညÄÅနး၍သာ အဓပÜာယမြပတမသားြဖင အေ7ကာငးြပ

ချကေပးခသည။၃၀

အရပဘကအဖOအစညးများပ@းေပါငး၍

စညးy3းလROေဆာမRများ:Cင အများြပညသ@ပညာေပးလ3ပငနးများ

ကျယကျယြပန ြပန လ3ပေဆာငခသညတ3င၃၁

ထ3အငတာနကြဖတေတာကမRသည လကTCအချနတင လ@ ေပါငး ၁.၄

သနးခနက3 အငတာနကသ3းခငမရေအာင ကနသတေနသည

interception safeguards, has given the State unprecedented opportunities to surveil the public and interfere with freedom of expression.26 Not satisfied with authority over more than half of mobile subscribers, the State has also further interfered with freedom of expression by directing telecoms providers to effectively cut off millions of mobile telecoms subscribers who do not disclose their official IDs when registering a SIM card.27 Many marginalised groups do not have official IDs, and others are concerned about the risk of State surveillance and interference in freedom of expression.28

In 2019, the State activated a previously unused provision in the Telecommunications Law, directing mobile telecoms providers to shut down access to the internet in conflict-ridden Rakhine and Chin States.29 The shutdown directive has not been published and the State has only ambiguously justified it in a short statement referencing vague and overly broad national security concerns.30 Despite civil society’s joint campaigns and widespread public awareness,31 the shutdown is now the world’s longest and currently restricts internet access for 1.4 million people.32 In 2020, the State activated another previously unused provision in the Telecommunications Law, issuing a series of directives each ordering telecoms providers to block access to certain websites.33 In a repeat of the interference in freedom of expression seen during the shutdown process, the blocking directives have not been published and only been ambiguously justified with references to “fake news” and national security concerns. Although the directives have not been published, tests have shown over 2,000 websites have been blocked so far, including news websites and pro-Rohingya websites.34


ကမ>ာကာလအ7ကာTCညဆ3း အငတာ နကြဖတေတာကမR

ြဖစလာေတာသည။ ၃၂

၂၀၂၀ ြပည:Cစတင အစ3းရသည

ဆကသယေရးဥပေဒTC ေနာကထပ အသ3းမြပ#ရေသးေသာ

ြပဌာနးချကတစခ3က3 ထပမအသ3းြပ#ကာ

တယလဆကသယေရးဝနေဆာငမRက3မÜဏ များက3 ဝက(ဘ)ဆ3ကအချ#Oအား

ပတပငခ3ငးသည ÄÅန7ကားချကများ အစဥလ3က ထ3တြပနခသည။၃၃

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ေနာကတစtကမ

ဟနတားစကဖကသည ထ3လ3ပရပတငလညး ဝက(ဘ)ဆ3ကများက3

ပတဆ3ရန ÄÅန7ကား ချကများက3 စာထ3တÄÅန7ကားြခငးမလ3ပဘ

“သတငးတ3”:Cင :3ငငေတာလ3ြခ#ေရးအတကဟ@ေသာ အချကက3

ရညÄÅနးသည အဓပÜာယမြပတသားေသာ အေ7ကာငးြပချကက3သာ

ေပးခြပနသည။ ထ3ÄÅန7ကားချကများက3 တရားဝငစာမထ3တေသာလညး

စမးသပလ3ပေဆာငချကများအရ သတငးဝက(ဘ)ဆ3က များ:Cင

y3ဟငဂျာက3 ေထာကခအားေပးသည ဝက(ဘ)ဆ3ကများ အပါအဝင အခ3

၂၀၀၀ ေကျာ ပတခခရသည။၃၄


မဒယာလတလပမG Media freedom

Requesting States

“သတငးမဒယာဥပေဒက1ြပ'ြပငေြပာငးလပါ

Reform media laws”


H1ငင uMစH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “မဒယာလတလပခငHMင

လတလပစာထ1တေဖာေြပာဆ1ခငက1 ကာကယရန အတက ဥပေဒများ

ြပနလညြပ'ြပငေြပာငးလရန” အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည။၃၅ FEM ၏

ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'တ1ကတနးချကက1

အေကာငအထညေဖာြခငးမuMခသလ1 ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည


အေလးထားစဥးစားမGသည ပ1မ1ပင ဆ1းရားလာခသည။

မဒယာလတလပခင:Cင မဒယာလတလပခငအေပG :3ငငေတာ၏

လ@သTCင7ကား အားေပးေထာကခမRသည ၂၀၁၅ မCစ၍ ကျဆငးလာသည။၃၆

သတငးမဒယာဥပေဒက3 ြပငဆငရန ယခငက tက#းစားခသည

လ3ပငနးစဥမCာ လညး ပငလငးြမငသာမRမTCသည အေြခအေနတင

ေသာငမတငေရမကျြဖင 5ပးဆ3းခကာ ထ3ဥပေဒသည

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ဟနတားစကဖကေနဆ ြဖစသည။၃၇

အလားတ@ လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3မRက3 ဟနတားစကဖကေနေသာ

ေနာကထပ ဥပေဒတစခ3 ြဖစသည

ပ3:Cပြခငး:Cငထ3တေဝြခငးလ3ပငနးဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒက3 ြပငဆငြခငးမTCသလ3

ြပငဆငရန ကတြပ#ြခငးလညး မTCခေပ။၃၈

၂၀၁၈ ခ3:Cစတင

y3ပြမငသ7ကား:Cင အသထ3တလÅငြခငးဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒက3 စစမCနသည

ေဆးေ:းတ3ငပငမRမျ#းမြပ#လ3ပဘ လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3

ဆန ကျငသည ြပဌာနးချကများက3ချနထားလျက

ြပငဆငခသညအတက ေ7ကာင y3ပသ ထ3တလÅငြခငး:Cငပတသက5ပး

အစ3းရထနးချ#ပခငTCသညအပ3ဒသည တစစနးတစစပင

မေြပာငးလခေပ။၃၉

ထ3 ြပင ဥပေဒြပငဆငချကက3 အတညြပ#ခသညတ3င

အစ3းရက ဥပေဒက3 အသကဝငေအာင မလ3ပဘ၄၀

y3ပသ :Cင

ေရဒယ3လ3ငးအားလ3းက3 တစဦးတညး ဆကလက

တ3ကy3ကအ3ပချ#ပေရးက3သာ အေလးထားခသည။၄၁

သတငးစာပညာရပ:Cငပတသက၍ ရာဇဝတေ7ကာငးအရ

တရားစဆ3မRများသည ၂၀၁၅ မCစတင၍ တစ:Cစ ထကတစ:Cစ

တ3းြမငလာ5ပး 5ခမးေြခာကမRအများစ3သည အ3ပချ#ပေရးမä#င:Cင

စစတပထမC အများဆ3း လာေလTCသည။၄၂

တရားစအေရးယ@5ပးလXင

ြပနလညလတ5ငမးခငေပးေသာလညး၄၃

y3ကတာသတငးေထာက :Cစဦး

အပါအဝင အြခားေသာသတငးေထာကများက3 ြပညတငး

လ3ြခ#ေရးဆ3ငရာဥပေဒများြဖင တရားစဆ3ကာ ြပစမR ထငTCားေ7ကာငး

8 countries recommended that Myanmar:35 “Reform laws to protect media freedom and freedom of expression” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation and the underlying human rights concern has worsened since 2015.

Media freedom and the State’s public support for media freedom have both declined since 2015.36 Previous commitments to amend the News Media Law have been left in opaque limbo and the law continues to interfere in freedom of expression.37 No attempt to amend the Printing and Publishing Law, which similarly interferes in freedom of expression, has been made or promised.38 The Broadcasting Law was superficially amended in 2018 without any real consultation, leaving all anti-freedom of expression provisions, such as State control over the broadcast regulatory body, intact.39 Despite adopting the amendment, the State still has not enforced the Broadcasting Law,40 preferring to maintain direct control over all television and radio channels.41

Criminalisation of journalism has increased year-on-year since 2015, with most threats coming from the executive and military.42 Although they were later pardoned,43 the show-trial and conviction of Reuters journalists,44 as well as other journalists under national security laws, have significantly encouraged media self-censorship,45 particularly on topics relating to conflict or other issues that the State finds “sensitive” such as the military, mismanagement, or corruption.46

Criminal defamation laws are the greatest legal threat to freedom of expression in Myanmar,47 and most journalists and HRDs remain fearful of them.48 None of the six criminal defamation laws conforms to basic freedom of expression standards.49 The laws do not define defamation, defences are lacking, and sanctions


ဆ3းြဖတခသည ၄၄

ကစèရပများက မဒယာများအတက က3ယေရးသားမR

က3ယြပနလည ဆငဆာြဖတေတာကမR လ3ပေဆာငရန သသာေသာ

တနးအားတစခ3 ြဖစသည။၄၅

အထ@းသြဖင ပဋပကï:Cင စပလျဥးေသာ

အေ7ကာငးအရာများ သ3မဟ3တ စစတပအေ7ကာငး၊

စမခနခမRအလများအေ7ကာငး၊ အဂတ လ3ကစားမRကသ3 အစ3းရက

“အကဆတသည”ဟ3 ယ@ဆထားသည

အေ7ကာငးအရာများ:CငပတသကလXင ပ3မ3သသာသည။၄၆

ရာဇဝတသငေသာ အသေရဖျကမR ဥပေဒများသည ြမနမာ:3ငငတင

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးအတက အtကးမားဆ3း ဥပေဒဆ3ငရာ

5ခမးေြခာကမR ြဖစ5ပး၄၇

သတငးေထာက:Cင

လ@အခငအေရးကာကယေစာငေTCာကသ@ အများစ3သည ထ3 ဥပေဒများက3

ေ7ကာကလနေနရဆ ြဖစသည။၄၈

အသေရဖျကမRက3 ရာဇဝတမRအြဖစ

ြပဌာနးထားသည ဥပေဒ ေြခာကခ3စလ3းသည

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3မR၏ အေြခခစ:Rနးများ:Cငပင က3ကညြခငး

မTCေပ။၄၉

ထ3ဥပေဒများတင အသေရဖျကမR က3 အဓပÜာယဖငဆ3ထားြခငး

မTCသလ3 ခ3ခကာကယပ3ငခငများလညး မပါဝငသညအြပင ြပစဒဏများမCာ

လ3အပသညထကပ35ပး ြပစမR:Cင အချ#းအစား မညမXေပ။၅၀

ဂ3ဏသကïာထက ခစားချကက3 ပ3ကာကယေပးေနသည ထ3ဥပေဒများက3

:3ငငေရးသမားများ:Cင အစ3းရအရာTCများအား ေဝဖန၊

ေလCာငေြပာငသေရာမRြပ#ပါက အြပစေပးရနအတက

အသ3းြပ#လျကTCသည။ ထ3ဥပေဒများသည အနမဆ3း:Cင

ယ37ကညစတချရေလာကေအာင မခ3ငလ3ေသာ

သကေသအေထာကအထားများTCy3 ြဖင ၄ငးတ3က3 အေြခခ၍

ြပစဒဏချခရ:3ငေြခ ၁၀၀ ရာခ3င:Rနးထ TCေနသည။၅၁

ထ3ဥပေဒများက3

ရာဇဝတဥပေဒမC တရားမ ဥပေဒအြဖစ ေြပာငးလေပးရန ေတာငးဆ3သည

ကမပနးများ:Cင ြပညသ@လ@ထ3၏ ဖအားေပးမRက3 ေြဖTCငး သညအေနြဖင၅၂

အစ3းရသည ဥပေဒငါးခ3အနက :Cစခ3က3 ြပငဆငခသည။၅၃

သ3ေသာ

ထ3ေနာကတင ေသချာ ခ3ငမာေသာ တ3ငပငေဆးေ:းမR မTCဘ

အသေရဖျကမRက3 ရာဇဝတမR အြဖစြပဌာနးထားသည ေြခာကခ3

ေြမာကဥပေဒက3 အတညြပ#ြပဌာနးခြပနသည။၅၄

ဥပေဒြပ#သည

ကာလအတငး အစ3းရသည အရပဘက အဖOအစညးများက3

ပထ3တထားြခငး၊၅၅

လÅတေတာအမတများ၏ ေဆးေ:း:3ငစမး၊

ြပငဆင:3ငစမး၊ ပါဝင:3ငစမးတ3က3 ကနသတထားြခငးတ3 လ3ပေဆာငကာ

ြပညသ@လ@ထ3၏ ဖအားေပးမRက3 တ3 ြပနခသည။၅၆

are unnecessary and disproportionate.50 The laws protect feelings rather than reputations, are used to punish criticism or mockery of politicians and public officials, are based on minimal and unreliable evidence, and attract a 100% conviction rate of punitive imprisonment.51 In response to a decriminalisation campaign and public pressure,52 the State superficially amended two of the five laws,53 but then continued to adopt a sixth criminal defamation law without proper consultation.54 During the legislative processes, the State reacted to public pressure by effectively excluding civil society,55 as well as limiting MPs’ ability to consult, prepare, or participate.56


Thailand

“သတငးမဒယာေကာငစက1ြပ'ြပငေြပာငးလပါ

Reform Press Council”


H1ငင တစH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “ြမနမာH1ငင သတငးမဒယာေကာငစ

အမMအခ1ကငးစာရပတညH1ငေရးအတက ဂဃနဏ လ1ပေဆာငရန”

အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည။၅၇ FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM


သ1မဟ1တ ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည လAအခင အေရးHMငပတသကေသာ


ြမနမာ:3ငင သတငးမဒယာေကာငစဝငများက3 အစ3းရ ေရးချယ၊ ြဖ#တချ

:3ငသညက3 7ကညြခငးအားြဖင ေကာငစ သည အစ3းရအေပG အဓက

မCခ3ေနရဆ ြဖစေ7ကာငး သသာသည။ ေကာငစသည မဒယာဘကမC

ကာကယ ေပးရာတင အနညးငယသာ ေအာငြမငခ5ပး

“ေဟာ”ြဖစသညဟ3ဆ3ေသာ အချ#OအမRကစèများ၌ ပါဝငပတသကသည

သတငးေထာကများဘကမC တကတကòကòက

အားေပးေထာကခြခငးမလ3ပဘ ေခါငးေTCာငေန သညဟ3

သတငးေထာကများက ယ37ကညထားသည။၅၈

1 country recommended that Myanmar:57 “Ensure the independence of the Myanmar Press Council” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

The Council continues to be dependent on the State primarily because the State selects and dismisses Councillors. Most journalists believe the Council has a low level of success in defending media, and in some so-called “hot” cases the Council has avoided actively supporting the journalists involved.58


ဆHIထ1တေဖာခင Right to protest

Requesting States

“ဆHIထ1တေဖာခငဆ1ငရာဥပေဒများက1 ြပ'ြပငေြပာငးလပါ

Reform protest laws”


H1ငင ငါးH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “ဆHIထ1တေဖာခငက1 ကာကယရနအတက

ဥပဒြပ'ေြပာငးေရး လ1ပေဆာင ရန” အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည။၅၉ FEM

၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'


ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည လAအခငအေရးHMင ပတသကေသာ ကစvရပများ

အေပc အေလးထားစဥးစားမG တ1းတကလာြခငး မuMေသးေပ။

၂၀၁၅ ခ3:CစမCစ၍ အနညးဆ3း လ@ေပါငး ၂၂၉ ဦးသည အ7ကမးမဖကေသာ

ဆ:Vထ3တေဖာမRေ7ကာင အြပစေပး အေရးယ@ခခရ5ပး အများစ3မCာ

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ဟနတားစကဖက5ပး ဆ:Vြပြခငးက3

ရာဇဝတမRအြဖစသတမCတထားသည 5ငမးချမးစာစ3ေဝးြခငး:Cင

5ငမးချမးစာစတနးလCညလညြခငးဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒြဖင အေရးယ@ခရြခငး

ြဖစသည။၆၀

အရပဘကအဖOအစညးများက ေပါငးစ3၍

ကမပနးများလ3ပခ5ပးေနာက ထ3ဥပေဒပါ “ဆ:Vြပရန ခငြပ#ချက

ေလXာကထားြခငး” က3 အဓပÜာယေဝဝါးသည “ဆ:Vြပရန

အသေပးတငြပြခငး”ဟ@ေသာ စကားရပ ြဖင အစားထ3းကာ

အေပGယသေဘာမXသာ ြပငဆငခသည။၆၁

ထ3ဥပေဒြပငဆငချကက3

ရတပဖOဝင အများစ3က ယ@ဆထားသညမCာ ဆ:Vြပသ@များအေနြဖင

ဆ:Vြပမည ေနရာ၊ အချန:Cင ရတဆ3မည ေòကးေ7ကာသအြပင ဆ:Vြပပ

ြပ#လ3ပရန ခငြပ#သည၊ မြပ#သည က ရတပဖO၏ အဆ3းအြဖတေပG၌

မ@တညေနသညဟ3 ယ@ဆထားသည။၆၂

အလားတ@စာ ဆ:Vြပရာတင

ေလXာကထားစဥတ3နးက:Cင မတ@ေသာ ကစèြဖစေပGပါက၊ ဥပမာ - အသေပး

တငြပချကတင ေရးမထားသည ေòကးေ7ကာသတစခ3က3 ဆ:Vြပပ၌

ရတဆ3ပါက အသေပးတငြပချက ပျကြပယသညဟ3 ရတပဖOက

ယ@ဆသည။၆၃

အသေပးတငြပချက ပျကြပယေသာ သ3မဟ3တ

ပယချခရေသာ ဆ:Vြပပတစခ3သည တရားမဝင ဆ:Vြပပတစခ3ဟ3

အဓပÜာယေဆာငေစသည။၆၄

ထ3အြပင ေTCာငတခင ြဖစေပGေသာ

ဆ:Vြပပများသညလညး စစဥသ@ဘကက

tက#တငမေလXာကထား:3ငေသာေ7ကာင တရားမဝင ြဖစေနဆ ြဖစသည။၆၅

တရားမဝငေသာ ဆ:Vြပပများက3 စစဥသ@:Cင ပါဝငသ@များသည

ဖမးဆးခရ:3င5ပး ဖမးဆးခရသ@တ3ငးသည အြပစဒဏသင5ပး

TCည7ကာလCသည တရားစရငမRက3 ရငဆ3င7ကရ5ပးလXင ြပစမR

ထငTCားေ7ကာငး ရာ:Rနးြပည စရငချကချခရ:3ငေြခTCသည။၆၆

ဤဥေပဒက3

ထပမြပငဆငထားသည ေနာကထပ ဥပေဒြပငဆငချကတစခ3လညး

TCေနသည။ လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3

ဟနတားစကဖကေနသည ထ3ြပငဆငချကအရ ဆ:Vြပပစစဥသ@များသည

5 countries recommended that Myanmar:59 “Reform laws to protect the right to protest” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

Since 2015, at least 229 individuals have been convicted for their non-violent protests, mostly under the Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law which interferes in freedom of expression by criminalising protesting.60 Following civil society’s joint campaign, a superficial amendment of the law replaced “permission to protest” with a vague “application to protest”.61 Most police interpret the amended law as meaning protesters must abide by all the police’s directives on locations, timings, and even slogans, else the application is not accepted.62 Similarly, if protests deviate from the accepted application, for example by protesters shouting new slogans, the application is voided.63 A rejected or voided application renders the protest unlawful.64 Spontaneous protests also remain unlawful in effect because protesters cannot apply in advance.65 Those who organise or participate in unlawful protests can then be arrested, and all those arrested face collective culpability, long and slow trials, and a 100% conviction rate.66 Another proposed amendment which would further interfere in freedom of expression by requiring protest organisers to include information about funding sources in their application remains in opaque limbo.67


ဘäာေရးအေထာကအပ ရငးြမစဆ3ငရာ အချကအလကများက3ပါ

တငြပရန လ3အပမညြဖစသည။ လကTCတင ထ3ြပငဆငချကသည

ပငလငးြမငသာမRမTCသည ေသာငမတငေရမကျ အေြခအေနတင

TCေနသည။၆၇

Chile

Italy

Uruguay

Norway

“အငအားအလနအကéသ1းစမGက1 ေလdာချပါ

Reduce use of force”


H1ငငေလးH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “ဆHIြပသAများက1 ပစမMတထားသည

ZခမးေြခာကမGHMင အငအားအလနအကé သ1းစမGတ1က1 ေလdာချရန”

အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးထားသည။၆၈ FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM

ယခ1 ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ' တ1ကတနးချကက1 အေကာငအထညေဖာြခငး

သ1မဟ1တ ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည လAအခငအေရးHMငပတသကေသာ


ဆ:Vြပပအများစ3သည အ7ကမးမဖက7ကပါ။၆၉

သ3ေသာ အစ3းရက

အ7ကမးမဖကေသာ ဆ:Vြပပများြပ#လ3ပ:3င ေအာင စစဥဖနတးေပးရနထက

ဆ:Vြပရန tက#တငအသေပးတငြပရာ၌ ထညသငးသေဘာတ@ထားေသာ အ

ချကများ:Cင ေသဖညသည မညသညဆ:Vြပပက3မဆ3 ပတပငလ3သည

အဓကရညမCနးချကTCေနသညမCာ ေပG လငသည။၇၀

ရလဒအေနြဖင

အစ3းရ၏ tက#တငြပငဆငမRလ3ပငနးများသည အ5မလ3လ3

လ3သညထကပ3ေန၍ အချ#းအစားလညး ညမXြခငး မTCသညအတက

ကျငသ3းသ@များက3 5ခမးေြခာကေနေတာသည။၇၁

အစ3းရသည

ဆ:Vြပပများက3 ပတရန အချ#းမစားမညသည အငအား

အလနအကWသ3းစမRက3 လ3သညထကပ3၍ လ3ပေဆာငတတသလ3

အြမတထ3တသညနညးဗျUဟာများက3

ကျငသ3းေလTCသညအတကေ7ကာငလညး ရညရယTCTC မဟ3တလXငပင

အနညးဆ3း မဆငမြခငလ3ပေဆာငမRေ7ကာင ဆ:Vြပသ@များ

ထခ3ကဒဏရာရေလTCသည။၇၂

4 countries recommended that Myanmar:68 “Reduce intimidation and excessive use of force aimed at protesters” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

The vast majority of protests are non-violent.69 However, the State’s primary aim appears to be shutting down any protest that deviates from what was agreed in an accepted application, rather than facilitating non-violent protests.70 As a result, the State’s preparations are usually unnecessary and disproportionate, and therefore threatening to observers.71 The State also uses unnecessary, disproportionate, and excessive force to shut protests down, exploiting tactics that at least recklessly if not intentionally injure protesters.72


သတငးအချကအလက ရပ1ငခင Right to information

Latvia

Cuba

Georgia

“သတငးအချကအလကရပ1ငခင ကာကယေပးပါ

Protect right to information”


H1ငငသ1းH1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “သတငးအချကအလက

လကလMမးမပ1ငခငက1 ကာကယရနHMင အဂတလ1က စားမGက1

ပငမေအာကေြခမMေန၍ ဖယuMားရနအတက ဥပဒမAေဘာင

ြပ'ြပငေြပာငးလေရး လ1ပေဆာငရန” အPကြပ' တ1ကတနးခသည။၇၃

FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM ယခ1ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'

တ1ကတနး ချကက1 အေကာငအထည ေဖာြခငးမuMခသလ1

ေအာကေြခတငuMေနသည လAအခငအေရးHMငပတသကေသာ ကစvရပများ

အေပc အေလးထားစဥးစားမGသည ပ1မ1ပင ဆ1းရားလာခသည။

အစ3းရသည ၂၀၁၅ မCစ၍ သတငးအချကအလက ရTCပ3ငခငက3

အားတကသေရာ ထနးချ#ပ၊ ကနသတ၊ ပတပငလ3ရသည ဥပေဒများ၊

မ@ဝါဒများ:Cင လ3ပထ3းလ3ပနညးများ ြပဌာနးသတမCတလာသည။ အစ3းရသည

y3ပသ:Cင ေရဒယ3လ3ငးအားလ3းက3 ထနးချ#ပြခငး ၇၄

၊ မဒယာများက3လညး

လတလပစာမလRပTCား:3ငေအာင (သ3မဟ3တ) အများြပညသ@ဆ3ငရာ

အငစတကျUးTCငးများထ လကလCမးမမေအာင ပတပငထားြခငး၊

အငတာနကက3 ေြခေြခြမစြမစ မဟ3တဘ စတထငတ3ငးပတြခငး ၇၅

:Cင

သတငးဝက(ဘ)ဆ3ကများက3 ပတြခငးတ3 ြပ#လ3ပေန သည။ ၇၇

အချနအတန7ကာကတညးက ကတေပးထားသည

သတငးအချကအလကရပ3ငခင ဥပေဒ7ကမးမCာ လညး ၂၀၁၅

ေနာကပ3ငးတင ပငလငးြမငသာမRမTCသည

ေသာငမတငေရမကျအေြခအေန၌ 5ငမသက ေနသည။ ထ3ချနတင

y3ကတာသတငးေထာကများကစèြဖစပားခရာ၇၈

ထ3ဥပေဒအစား

အမျ#းသားမCတတမး:Cင ေမာကနးဥပေဒက3 အစ3းရက ခပြမနြမန

ြပဌာနးလ3ကသည။ ယငးဥပေဒသည :3ငငေတာ လ3ြခ#ေရးဥပေဒ က3

အေထာကအပြပ#5ပး :3ငငေတာလX#O ဝCကချကအြဖစ သမးဆညးြခငးက3

အားေပးကာ သတငးအချကအလကရပ3ငခငက3

ဟနတားစကဖကေနသည။၇၉

ယငးဥပေဒအရ လမးÄÅနချကတစစ3တစရာ

သ3မဟ3တ အမCအခ3ကငးေသာ 7ကညyRစစေဆးေရးအဖOတစခ3မပါဘ

အစ3းရသည မညသညသတငးအချကအလကက3 မဆ3 “ထပတနးလX# O ဝCက”

အြဖစ သတမCတ5ပး :Cစေပါငး ၃၀ 7ကာေအာင ေမာကနးအြဖစ ဖ3းကယ

သမးဆညးထားပ3ငခင TCသည။၈၀

လ3ြခ#ေရးအဆင မသတမCတထားသည

သတငးအချကအလကများ အပါအဝင အစ3းရလကဝယTCေသာ

အချကအလကများက3 ြပညသ@လ@ထ3 သTCပ3ငခင၊ လကလCမးမပ3ငခငက3

ယငးဥပေဒက အသအမCတ မြပ#ေပ။၈၁

သတငးအချကအလကသTCရန

ေတာငးခသည ေလXာကထားချကတ3ငးက3 အစ3းရtကး7ကပေရးအဖOတစခ3က

3 countries recommended that Myanmar:73 “Reform the legal framework to protect access to information and stem corruption” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation and the underlying human rights concern has worsened since 2015.

Since 2015, the State has adopted laws, policies, and practices which actively control, limit, and block access to information. The State controls all television and radio channels,74 bans the media from moving freely or accessing public institutions,75 arbitrarily shuts the internet down,76 and blocks news websites.77 The long-promised Right to Information Bill has remained in opaque limbo since 2015. Instead, in the wake of the Reuters case,78 the State quickly adopted a National Records and Archives Law which bolsters the Official Secrets Act, furthers State secrecy, and interferes in freedom of information.79 The law allows a “strictly confidential” 30-year classification to be applied to any information without safeguards or an independent oversight body.80 The law does not recognise the public’s right to access government-held information, including non-classified information.81 Any requests for information must be individually approved by a government supervisory body.82

Anybody who tries to circumvent these information barriers and exercise their right to freedom of information is criminalised, for example under the Unlawful Associations Law,83 or Official Secrets Act.84 Although the Anti-Corruption Commission has ruled against several powerful individuals accused of corruption, Myanmar’s six criminal defamation laws, which include the Anti-Corruption Law itself, dissuade sharing and accessing information by criminalising whistleblowers.85 Amendments to the


တစဦးချငးစ အတညြပ#ေပးရသည။၈၂

အဆ3ပါ သတငးအချကအလကဆ3ငရာ အဟနအတားများက3

ေကျာလÅားရန:Cင မမတ3၏ သတငးအချကအလကရပ3ငခငအခငအေရး

များက3 ကျငသ3းရန tက#းစားသ@တ3ငးသည ရာဇဝတေ7ကာငးအရ

အေရးယ@ခ7ကရသည။ နမ@နာအေနြဖင မတရားအသငးများအကဥပေဒ ၈၃

သ3မဟ3တ ြမနမာ:3ငငအစ3းရလX# O ဝCကချက အကဥပေဒ ၈၄

ြဖင

အေရးယ@ခရ:3င သည။ အဂတလ3ကစားမRတ3ကဖျကေရးေကာမTCငသည

အဂတသတငးစပစခရသည ရာထ@းအာဏာtကးသ@ အများအြပားက3

အေရးယ@ခေသာလညး အသေရဖျကမRက3

ရာဇဝတမRအြဖစြပဌာနးထားသည ြမနမာဥပေဒ ေြခာကခ3တင

တစခ3အပါအဝငြဖစေသာ အဂတလ3ကစားမRတ3ကဖျကေရးဥပေဒ၌

သတငးေပးတ3င7ကားသ@ များက3 ရာဇဝတေ7ကာငးအရ

အေရးယ@ခငေပးထားြခငးအားြဖင သတငးအချကအလကမXေဝြခငး:Cင

လကလCမးမရTCြခငးက3 တားြမစထားသည။၈၅

ဆကသယေရးဥပေဒ:Cင

အဂတလ3ကစားမRတ3ကဖျကေရးဥပေဒ များက3 ြပငဆငခေသာလညး

ြပငဆငချကများတင သတငးေပးတ3င7ကားသ@က3

ကာကယမေပးထားေပ။၈၆

မ7ကာေသးမကလညး အစ3းရ၏ က3ဗစ-၁၉

ကပေရာဂါ တနြပနေရးလ3ပငနးစဥတစခ3အြဖစ ကျနးမာေရး:Cင

ပတသက၍ သတငးေပးတ3င7ကားသ@များက3 ရာဇဝတေ7ကာငးအရ

အေရးယ@သည လမးစဥတစခ3 ချမCတ ထ3တြပနခေသးသည။၈၇

အစ3းရသည သတငးအချကအလကဆ3ငရာ အဟနအတားများက3

ဖနတးy3မXမက တစခါတစရတငလညး ြပညသ@လ@ထ3၏ မဒယာ:Cင

ဒစဂျစတယအသပညာနညးမRက3 အြမတထ3တကာ ဘကလ3ကေသာ

သ3မဟ3တ ဝါဒြဖနချေရး (ဝါ) သတငးအတ3အေယာငေခGသည

ြပ#ြပငြခယလCယထားေသာ သတငးအချကအလကများ က3

ြဖနေဝတတေသးသည။၈၈

ထ3သ3 လ3ပေဆာငရြခငးမCာ မဒယာ၊

အရပဘကအဖOအစညးများ:Cင :3ငငတကာ အသ3ငးအဝ3ငးတ3က

ြဖနချေနသည “သတငးအတ3”များက3 တနြပနြခငးြဖစသညဟ3လညး

မ7ကာခဏ ေ7ကးတနးညãေလTCသည။

၈၉ ြပညသ@လ@ထ3အတငး စနစတကျ

ကျယကျယြပန ြပန ြဖနေဝ/ပျO :Cေနသည သတငးအတ3များတင

ရခ3ငြပညနယအတငးTC လ@မဆနမRကျUးလနသညဟ3 စပစခရသည

ကစèရပ:Cင အြပညြပညဆ3ငရာ တရားမXတမRခ3y3း (ICJ) တင

ြမနမာတရားစဆ3ခရသညကစèရပများအေပG အစ3းရ၏ပ3ဖျကမR များစာ

ပါဝငသည။၉၀

Telecommunications Law and Anti-Corruption Law have not given any protection to whistleblowers.86 Just recently, the State’s COVID-19 response has included further criminalisation of healthcare whistleblowers.87

In addition to creating barriers to information, the State has sometimes capitalised on low levels of public media and digital literacy by disseminating biased or manipulated information, commonly known as propaganda or disinformation.88 The State often justifies this action under the guise of countering “fake news” spread by the media, civil society, and the international community.89 Examples of large systematic attempts to disinform the public include the State’s domestic distortion of alleged atrocities in Rakhine State, and distortions of the International Court of Justice case.90


ခြခားဆကဆြခငးHMင လGNေဆာမG Discrimination and incitement

Requesting States

“အမ1နးစကားလGေဆာမGက1ေြဖuMငးပါ

Address ‘Hate speech’”


H1ငင ၃၄ H1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “ခြခားဆကဆမG၊ လGNေဆာမGHMင

“အမ1နးစကား”တ1က1 ေြဖuMငးေပးရန” အPက ြပ'တ1ကတနးထားသည။၉၁

FEM ၏ ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM ယခ1 ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'



အေပc အေလးထားစဥးစားမG မuMေသးေပ။

အစ3းရသည ၂၀၁၅ ခ3:CစမCစ၍ ခြခားဆကဆရန၊ ရနလ3ရန:Cင

အ7ကမးဖကရန လROေဆာမRများက3 တနြပနရန အတက သသာထငTCားေသာ

tက#းပမးအားထ3တမR မTCခပါ။ အဆ3ြပ#ထားသည အမ3နးစကားကာကယ

တားဆးေရးဥပေဒ7ကမးတင ပါဝငေသာ “အမ3နးစကား”၏ အဓပÜာယသည

ကျယြပန 5ပး အလနေဝဝါး ေနသညအတက

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ဟနတားစကဖကေန5ပး

မတ@ကြပားမR:Cင ဗဟ3ဝါဒက3 ြမãငတငေရးအတက ြပဌာနးချကက3 ဥပေဒ၌

ထညသငးမထားေပ။ လကTCတင ထ3ဥပေဒမCာလညး မေသချာမေရရာ

အေြခအေနတင TCေနသည။၉၂

အစ3းရသည ရခ3ငြပညနယအတငး

လ@မဆနေသာရကစကမRများက3 စ3စမးစစေဆးရန

က3ဖအာနနဦးေဆာငသည ရခ3ငေကာမTCငက3 ဖOစညးခသည။

ထ3ေကာမTCင၏ မဒယာလတလပခင၊ သတငး အချကအလက ရပ3ငခင:Cင

ေသးထ3းလROေဆာမRတ3:Cငဆ3ငသည အ7ကြပ#တ3ကတနးချကများက3 FEM

34 countries recommended that Myanmar:91 “Address discrimination, incitement and ‘hate speech’” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

Since 2015, the State has not made any significant attempt to counter incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence. The proposed Protection Against Hate Speech Bill, which includes vague and overly broad definitions of “hate speech” that would interfere with freedom of expression, but did not include provisions for promoting tolerance of diversity and pluralism, remains in opaque limbo.92 The State established the Rakhine Commission, led by Kofi Annan, to investigate allegations of atrocities in Rakhine State. FEM welcomed the Commission’s recommendations specific to media freedom, right to information, and incitement, but none of these have yet been implemented.93 The State has however issued a “hate speech” directive just before a reporting deadline given by the International Court of


သည ေထာကခtက#ဆ3ခသည။ သ3ေသာ

မညသညအ7ကြပ#တ3ကတနးချကမX အေကာငအထညမေပGလာေသးပါ။၉၃

အြပညြပညဆ3ငရာတရားမXတမRခ3y3း (ICJ) က သတမCတထားသည အစရင

ခစာတငရမည ေနာကဆ3းရက မေရာကမ အစ3းရက “အမ3နးစကား”ဆ3ငရာ

အမနÄÅန7ကားချက”က3 ထ3တြပနခသည။၉၄

ထ3အမနÄÅန7ကားချကပါ

“အမ3နးစကား”၏ အဓပÜာယသည ေဝဝါး5ပး အလနကျယြပန

လနးေနသညအြပင ဝာာဝနဝတú ရားများမCာလညး ေဝဝါးကျယြပနေနသြဖင

အစ3းရဝနထမးများအေနြဖင ကာကယေပးရမည ဝေသသလကïဏာများ

TCသည လ@နညးစ3များက3 ကာကယေပးရနထက 7သဇာအာဏာ TCသ@များ

အေဝဖနမခရေအာင ကာကယေပးရန တလသ3း၍ရ:3ငေသာေ7ကာင

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးက3 ဟနတားစကဖက ေနသည။၉၅

အစ3းရအေနြဖင က3လသမဂN ရာဘတအစအစEေဆာငရကချက (Rabat

Plan of Action) က3 သ3း၍ ခြခားဆကဆမR:Cင လROေဆာမRများက3 ေြဖTCငးရန

FEM သည ကမပနးများ တစေလXာကလ3း တ3ကတနးလROေဆာလာခသည။၉၆

သ3ရာတင သေဘာထားtကးမR:Cင မတ@ကြပားမR ပ3မ3အားေကာငးလာေစေရး

လ3ပေဆာငရနအတက အ7ကြပ#တ3ကတနးထားသည ေြခေြခ ြမစြမစTC၍

စနစကျ5ပး ကäအစ3:Cငဆ3ငသည အစအစဥများက3 အစ3းရက တစtကမမX

လ3ပေဆာငခြခငး မTCေပ။၉၇

:3ငငေရးေခါငးေဆာငများ၊ ပညာေရးကä :Cင

:3ငငပ3ငမဒယာများသည အချ#Oေသာ လ@နညးစ3များ၏ ဓေလထ3းတမးများ:Cင

ပတသက၍ အားေပးအားေြမãာကြပ#ြခငးကစèတင တတ:3ငသမX

ကန သတချကများထား၍ လ3ပေဆာငခ5ပး ရလဒအေနြဖင

အကျ#းထေရာကမRမTCေသာ စနစမကျေသာ အားထ3တtက#းပမးမRများသာ

ြဖစခသည။၉၈

တစချနထမCာပင အစ3းရသည အမျ#းသားေရး:ယသည

ဝါဒြဖနဇာတေ7ကာငးတစခ3 အများြပညသ@7ကားတင တညတစ5မေနေစရန

တစခါ တစရ လ3ပေဆာငေလTCသည။ :3ငငေတာက ေရးချယထားေသာ

လ@နညးစ3ဓေလထ3းတမးများ:Cင လ@နညးစ3 မျ#း:ယများသာလXင

အသအမCတြပ#ခထ3က5ပး အြခားေသာ လ@မျ#းစ3အ3ပစ3များ:Cင

ထ3းတမးများသည :3ငငေတာ၏ သy3ပလကïဏာက3

တနဖ3းေလျာကျေစရန:Cင ြပညေထာငစ3မC ခထကရန

မေကာငးေသာအ7ကအစည TCေနသညဟ3 ထ3ဝါဒြဖနဇာတေ7ကာငးက

ပ3ေဖာလျကTCေနေပသည။၉၉

Justice.94 The directive includes vague and overly broad definitions of “hate speech” as well as vague obligations which could be misused by officials to protect powerful groups from criticism, rather than protect minorities with protected characteristics, and therefore serves to interfere in freedom of expression.95

FEM has campaigned for the State to implement the UN Rabat Plan of Action in order to address discrimination and incitement.96 However, the State has not created the recommended substantive, systematic, and multi-sectoral programmes to encourage tolerance of diversity.97 Political leaders, the education sector, and the State-controlled media have at best made limited and arbitrary attempts to encourage some minority customs.98 At the same time, the State has sometimes perpetuated a nationalist public narrative according to which only State-selected minority customs and groups merit recognition, and that all others are a conspiracy to undermine symbols of the State or to secede.99


Requesting States

“လငဝေသသအ ေြခြပ'ြပဿနာများက1ေြဖuMငးပါ

Address gender”


H1ငင ၁၁ H1ငငက ြမနမာH1ငငက1 “လငဝေသသအေြခြပ' အPကမးဖကမGHMင

ခြခားဆကဆမGက1 ေြဖuMငး ေပးရန” အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးခသည။၁၀၀ FEM

၏ေတN uMချကအရ ၂၀၁၅ ခ1HMစမM ယခ1 ချနထ ယငးအPကြပ'



အေပc အေလးထားစဥးစားမG တ1းတကလာြခငး မuMေသးေပ။

အမျ#းသမးလ@အခငအေရးကာကယေစာငေTCာကသ@များ:Cင

အမျ#းသမးသတငးေထာကများသည ဖ3tကးစ3းမR ဝါဒ၏ အာဏာက3

အတ3ကအခစနေခGသညအေနြဖင “နတေနက3ငး” ကစèရပများတင

၎ငးတ3၏ လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3မRအခငအေရးက3

ကျငသ3းလာေသာေ7ကာင လကစားေချတ3 ြပနသည

လငဝေသသအေြခြပ#အ7ကမးဖကမRများက3 သသသာသာ

7က#ေတOလျကTCသည။၁၀၁

ထ3“နတေနက3ငး”ကစèရပများတင

အမျ#းသမးချငးစ3မကသ@၊ လငတ@ စ3မကသ@:Cင လငေြပာငးထားသ@များ၏

အခငအေရးအတက ကမပနးလ3ပြခငး၊ ပဋပကïအတငး လင

အ7ကမးဖကမRက3 အတ3ကအခစနေခG ြခငး၊ လင:Cငမျ#းဆကပားဆ3ငရာ

အခငအေရးများက3 ြမãငတငြခငး:Cင အမျ#းသမး၏ ပ@းေပါငးပါဝငခင:Cင

ေခါငးေဆာငမRအတက စညးy3လROေဆာြခငးတ3 ပါဝငသည။၁၀၂

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3မR အခငအေရးက3 ကျငသ3းမRေ7ကာင

လကစားေချတ3 ြပနသညအေနြဖင လငဝေသသအေြခြပ#

အ7ကမးဖကမRသည ေတOရများ5ပး အသကအ:úရာယ၊

ခ:üာက3ယ:Cငစတပ3ငးဆ3ငရာ တည7ကညမR၊ တစသးပ3ဂNလြဖစမR:Cင ဂ3ဏ

သကïာ၊ :Cင ပ3ဂN#လေရးလတလပမRအေပG တ3ကခ3ကမRပ3စများ

ပါဝငသည။၁၀၃

တ3ကခ3ကမRများက3 မညသည

အစ3းရယ:úရားအစတအပ3ငးတငမဆ3 ေတOရ5ပး လ3ြခ#ေရးဝနေဆာငမRကä၊

လ@မRအသ3ငးအဝ3ငးအတငး:Cင မသားစ3များအတငး ကျUးလနြခငးလညး

TCသည။၁၀၄

၂၀၁၃ ခ3:Cစ မတလတင စတငေရးဆသည အမျ#းသမးများ

အေပGအ7ကမးဖကမR တားဆးကာကယေရးဥပေဒ7ကမးမCာလညး

အဆ3ြပ#ထားေသာ အဆငသာTC5ပး လကTCတင ပငလငးြမငသာမRမTCသည

ေသာငမတငေရမကျအေြခအေနတင 5ငမသကေနသည။

11 countries recommended that Myanmar:100 “Address gender-based violence and discrimination” – FEM has seen no implementation of this recommendation or improvement in the underlying human rights concern since 2015.

Women HRDs and journalists still face significant gender-based violence in reprisal for exercising their right to freedom of expression on taboo topics that challenge patriarchal power.101 These taboo topics include: campaigning for the rights of lesbians, bisexuals, and transgender people; challenging sexual violence in conflict; promoting sexual and reproductive rights; and advocating for women’s participation and leadership.102 Gender-based violence in reprisal for exercising freedom of expression is common and includes attacks on life, bodily and mental integrity, personhood and reputations, and privacy.103 Attacks come from all parts of the government and security services, as well as from community and family.104 The proposed Law on the Prevention of Violence Against Women, developed in March 2013, remains in opaque limbo.


အစ1းရသ1 FEM ၏ အPကြပ'တ1ကတနးချကများ Recommendations to the State

ကမ>ာတစလÅားလ@အခငအေရးဆ3ငရာ ကာလအလ3က သ3းသပမRလ3ပငနးစဥ

တင ြမနမာ:3ငငအတက ေအာကေဖာြပပါအ7ကြပ#ချကများက3

က3လသမဂNအဖOဝင:3ငငများအေနြဖင ထညသငးေဖာေဆာင7ကပါရန FEM

မC တ3ကတနးလ3ကသည ။

ဥပေဒမAေဘာငက1 ခ1ငမာေစပါ

• ICCPR :Cင ေနာကဆကတစာချ#ပက3 အတညြပ#လကမCတေရးထ3းရန။

• ြမနမာ:3ငငဆ3ငရာ က3လသမဂNအထ@းက3ယစားလCယသစ:Cင

အြပညအဝ ပ@းေပါငးလ3ပေဆာငရန။

• :3ငငတကာလ@အခငအေရးစ:Rနးများ:Cငအည

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3မRအခငအေရးက3 ကာကယ:3ငရန

ဖOစညးပ3အေြခခ ဥပေဒက3 ြပငဆင5ပး အစ3းရ သ3မဟ3တ

အငစတကျUးTCငးများက ဆငဆာြဖတေတာကေနြခငးက3

ရပတန ေပးရန။

• ေနာငတင ြပဌာနးမည၊ ြပငဆငမည ဥပေဒတ3ငးအတက

TCငးလငးြပတသား၍ ပငလငး5ပး အားလ3းပါဝင:3ငေသာ

မ@ေဘာငတစရပ အေကာငအထညေဖာကာ

အရပဘကအဖOအစညးများ အတက အစ3းရထ လကလCမးမမ၊

ေစစပညã:Rငး၍မရေအာင အဟနအတား ြဖစေနသည ဥပေဒအရ

အသအမCတြပ#ထားေသာ အဟနအတားများ:Cင ဥပေဒအရဟ3တဟ3တ

၊မဟ3တဟ3တ လကေတOတင အမCနတကယTCေနသည

အဟနအတားက3လညး ဖယTCားေပးရန။

• တရားစရငမä#င အမCအခ3ကငးေရး:Cင

လတလပစာထ3တေဖာေြပာဆ3ြခငးအပါအဝင

:3ငငတကာလ@အခငအေရးစ:Rနးများ ဆ3ငရာ သငတနးများစစဥေရးက3

အားေပးေထာကခ5ပး အTCနြမãငတငေဆာငရကရန။ ထ3သ3လ3ပ

ေဆာငရာ၌ ဖOစညးပ3အေြခခဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒက3ကျငသ3း5ပး

ြပစဒဏချမCတေရး:Cငပတသကသည လမးÄÅနချကအသစများ

ေရးဆရနလညး ပါဝငသည။

ဥပေဒအသစများက1ြပဌာနးပါ

ေအာကပါဥပေဒများက3 :3ငငတကာလ@အခငအေရးစ:Rနးများ:Cငအည

ြပဌာနး၍ ယငးဥပေဒများြဖင ကျနအြခားဥပေဒများက3 ပယဖျကေပးရန -

• သတငးေပးတ3င7ကားသ@အေပG ကာကယေပးြခငး အပါအဝင

သတငးအချကအလက ရပ3ငခငဥပေဒ၊

• အသေရဖျကမRဆ3ငရာ တရားမဥပေဒ၊ အသေရဖျကမRက3 ရာဇဝတမRမC

တရားမမRအြဖစ ထထေရာကေရာက y3တသမးေြပာငးလေပးရမည။

• အများြပညသ@ဆ3ငရာဝနေဆာငမR y3ပသလ3ပငနးဥပေဒ၊

:3ငငပ3ငမဒယာများေနရာတင အစားထ3းရမည။

FEM urges UN Member States to make the following recommendations to Myanmar during the UPR.

Strengthen legal framework

• Ratify the ICCPR and its Optional Protocols.

• Cooperate fully with the new Special Rapporteur for Myanmar.

• Amend the Constitution to protect the right to freedom of expression in accordance with international human rights standards, and prohibit prior censorship.

• Implement a clear, open, and inclusive consultation framework for all future laws and amendments, including removing any de jure and de facto barriers to civil society accessing and engaging with the State.

• Support and accelerate judicial independence and training in international human rights standards including freedom of expression. This should include applying constitutional law and developing new sentencing guidelines.

Adopt new laws

Adopt the following laws in accordance with international human rights standards and overriding all other laws:

• Right to information law, including whistleblower protection.

• Civil defamation law, effectively decriminalising defamation.

• Public service broadcasting law, replacing all State media.

• Privacy, data protection, and communications interception law.

• Gender-based violence law.

Amend old laws

Amend the following laws to bring them into accordance with international human rights standards:

• Broadcasting Law, specifically regulatory independence and an end to State media.


• ပ3ဂN#လေရးလတလပခင၊ အချကအလကများ ကာကယေပးြခငး:Cင

ဖ3နး:Cငဆကသယေရး လ3ငးများ 7ကားြဖတနားေထာငြခငးဆ3ငရာ

ဥပေဒ၊

• လငဝေသသအေြခြပ# အ7ကမးဖကမRဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒ။

ဥပေဒအေဟာငးများက1ြပငဆငပါ

ေအာကပါဥပေဒများက3 :3ငငတကာလ@အခငအေရးစ:Rနးများ:Cငအည

ြပငဆငေပးရန -

• y3ပသထ3တလÅငမRဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒ - အထ@းသြဖင

စညးမျဥးစညးကမးပ3ငးဆ3ငရာ အမCအခ3 ကငးမR:Cင :3ငငပ3င မဒယာက3

ဖျကသမးြခငး၊

• အလကထေရာနစဆကသယေဆာငရကမR ဥပေဒ၊

• ြမနမာ:3ငင အမျ#းသားလ@အခငအေရးေကာမTCင ဥပေဒ -

အထ@းသြဖင အမCအခ3 ကငးမR၊

• အမျ#းသားမCတတမး:Cငေမာကနးဥပေဒ - အထ@းသြဖင

သတငးအချကအလက လကလCမးမရပ3ငခင:Cင

အချကအလကများက3 အဆငခြခားမR၊

• သတငးမဒယာဥပေဒ - အထ@းသြဖင ြမနမာ:3ငင

သတငးမဒယာေကာငစ၏ အမCအခ3ကငးမR၊

• :3ငငေတာလX# O ဝCကချကအကဥပေဒ - အထ@းသြဖင

ရာဇဝတြပစမRများ၊

• 5ငမးချမးစာစ3ေဝးခင:Cင စတနးလCညလညခငဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒ၊ -

အထ@းသြဖင အသေပးတငြပြခငးဆ3ငရာ လ3အပချကများ:Cင

ရာဇဝတြပစမRများ၊

• ရာဇသတtကးဥပေဒ - အထ@းသြဖင :3ငငေတာအ7ကညည#ပျကေစမR၊

အသေရဖျကမR၊ ဘာသာသာသနာညã#း:မးေစမR၊ အသငးအဖO

ဖOစညးမR:Cင စ3ေဝးမRဆ3ငရာ ပ3ဒမများ၊

• ရတပဖO ဥပေဒများ - အထ@းသြဖင အငအားအသ3းြပ#မR:Cင

သကဆ3ငသည အရာများ၊

• ဆကသယေရးဥပေဒ - အထ@းသြဖင အသေရဖျကမR၊

အငတာနကြဖတေတာကမR:Cင ပတဆ3မRဆ3ငရာ ြပဌာနးချကများ၊

• မတရားအသငးများအကဥပေဒ။

အေကာငအထညေဖာြခငး

• y3ပြမငသ7ကား:Cင အသ ထ3တလÅငြခငးဆ3ငရာ ဥပေဒက3

အသကဝငေအာင လ3ပေဆာငေပးရန - အမCအခ3ကငးေသာ

အသ3ငးအဝ3ငး:Cင ပ3ဂNလကဝနေဆာငမRလ3ပငနးများက3

လ3ပပ3ငခငလ3ငစင ချေပးရန၊

• ဥပေဒအရာTCများအေနြဖင -

o အစ3းရ၏တရားစဆ3မRတ3ငးတင အများြပညသ@

အကျ#းစးပားအတက ခ3ငမာေသာ လမးÄÅနချကအသစများ

သတမCတြပဌာနးရန၊

• Electronic Transactions Law.

• Myanmar National Human Rights Commission Law, specifically independence.

• National Records and Archives Law, specifically access to and classification of information.

• News Media Law, specifically independence of the Myanmar Press Council.

• Official Secrets Act, specifically criminal sanctions.

• Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Law, specifically application requirements and criminal sanctions.

• Penal Code, specifically provisions on sedition, defamation, blasphemy, association, and assembly.

• Police laws, specifically relating to the use of force.

• Printing and Publishing Law, specifically media licencing.

• Telecommunications Law, specifically defamation, shutdown, and blocking provisions.

• Unlawful Associations Law.

Implementation

• Enforce the Broadcasting Law, providing licences to independent community and private providers.

• Order prosecutors to:

o Adopt new and strong guidelines for a public interest test for all prosecutions.

o Conduct new transparent, prompt, impartial, and efficient investigations into all killings of journalists and HRDs.

o Investigate and prosecute police corruption and misuse of power.

• Order the removal of any de jure or de facto barriers to access to conflict areas for journalists and HRDs.

• Order all public officials to refrain from bringing criminal complaints against journalists and HRDs.

• Order the end to the internet shutdown and commit to a review of the shutdown and its effect.

• Order all State institutions and officials to proactively provide information to the public.

• Order implementation of the UN Rabat Plan of Action, prioritising training of officials.


o သတငးေထာကများ:Cင လ@အခငအေရး

ကာကယေစာငေTCာကသ@များ အသကေဘး

7က#ေတOေနရြခငးက3 ပငလငးြမငသာ5ပး၊ အချနမဆ3ငးေသာ၊

ဘကမလ3ကေသာ၊ အချနက3နလ@ပငပနးမဟ3တဘ

အမCနတကယထေရာကေသာ စ3စမးစစေဆးမR အသစများ

ေဖာေဆာငရန၊

o ရတပဖO၏ အဂတလ3ကစားမR:Cင

အာဏာအလသ3းစားလ3ပေဆာငမRက3 စ3စမးစစေဆးေပးရန။

• သတငးေထာက:Cင လ@အခငအေရးကာကယေစာငေTCာကသ@များ

ပဋပကïေဒသများအတငး ဝငေရာကသတငးမရယ@:3ငရန

တားဆးေနသည တရားဝငြဖစေစ၊ တရားဝငဟ3တဟ3တ မဟ3တဟ3တ

လကေတO မCာ TCေနသည မညသညအဟနအတားမဆ3က3

ဖယTCားေပးေရးအတက အမနထ3တြပနေပးရန

• သတငးေထာက:Cင လ@အခငအေရးကာကယေစာငေTCာကသ@များက3

အစ3းရအရာTCများက ရာဇဝတေ7ကာငးအရ တရားစဆ3မRများက3

y3တသမးေရးအတက အမနထ3တြပနေပးရန

• အငတာနကြဖတေတာကမR y3တသမးေရး:Cင ထ3ြဖတေတာကမR:Cင

၎ငး၏ အကျ#းဆကက3 သ3းသပေရးက3 လ3ပေဆာငေရးအတက

အမနထ3တြပနေပးရန

• :3ငငေတာ အဖOအစညးများ:Cင အရာTCများ ြပညသ@လ@ထ3က3

သတငးအချကအလကများ စမးစမးတမ

ြဖန ြဖUးေထာကပေရးအတက အမနထ3တြပနေပးရန

• က3လသမဂN ရာဘတအစအစEေဆာငရကချက Rabat Plan of Action

က3 အေကာငအထညေဖာေရး:Cင အစ3းရအရာTCများအတက

သငတနးများ ဦးစားေပးေဖာေဆာငေရးအတက

အမနထ3တြပနေပးရန။

• 1 2015 UPR recommendations: 143.4 (Viet Nam); 143.5 (Philippines); 143.6 (Namibia); 143.7 (United States of America); 144.1 (Paraguay); 144.2 (Latvia); 144.3 (Germany); 144.4 (Hungary); 144.5 (Sierra Leone); 144.6 (Slovenia); 144.7 (Montenegro) (Poland); 144.8 (Lithuania); 144.9 (Spain); 144.10 (Estonia) (Ghana); 144.11 (Greece); 144.12 (Bahrain); 144.13 (Switzerland); 144.15 (Algeria) (Libya); 144.17 (Turkey); 144.18 (Sudan); 144.19 (Brazil); 144.20 (Italy); 144.21 (Luxembourg); 144.22 (Georgia).

• 2 The Union Minister for International Cooperation informed the UN HRC 40th Session on 26 February 2019 that the government intended to sign the ICCPR in 2019. The Myanmar representative also informed exactly the same to the Special Rapporteurs for Myanmar and for freedom of opinion and expression on 8 May 2019. The Union Minister informed parliament of the government’s intention on 10 September 2019.

• 3 Myanmar Times (12 September 2019) “Parliament rejects motion to join international civil rights treaty” https://www.mmtimes.com/news/parliament-rejects-motion-join-international-civil-rights-treaty.html

• 4 UPR 2015: 143.51 (Republic of Korea); 143.52 (Chile); 143.50 (Turkey); 144.333 (Guatemala); 144.34 (Montenegro); 144.35 (Senegal); 144.36 (Uruguay); 144.37 (Cyprus); 144.38 (Latvia); 145.9 (Ireland).

• 5 UPR 2015: 145.7 (Bahrain). • 6 FEM (11 April 2019) “20 expert organisations urge Myanmar to fully guarantee the internationally protected right to freedom of expression in

the Constitution” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/20-expert-organisations-urge-myanmar-to-fully-guarantee-the-internationally-protected-right-to-freedom-of-expression-in-the-constitution/

• 7 Translation of the Committee’s final recommendations: http://constitutionnet.org/sites/default/files/2019-07/Amendment%20Annex%20English%20Translation.pdf

• 8 UPR 2015: 143.20 (Portugal); 143.33 (Nicaragua). • 9 FEM (6 March 2019) “NGOs call on parliament to consult on draft privacy law amendment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/ngos-call-on-

parliament-to-consult-on-draft-privacy-law-amendment/ • 10 FEM (6 March 2019) “NGOs call on parliament to consult on draft privacy law amendment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/ngos-call-on-

parliament-to-consult-on-draft-privacy-law-amendment/ • 11 UPR 2015: 143.86 (Singapore); 144.74 (Hungary); 143.48 (Republic of Korea). • 12 FEM (3 May 2020) “Myanmar’s media not free or fair” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-not-free-or-fair/ • 13 UPR 2015: 143.42 (Nepal), 143.43 (Egypt), 143.44 (Chile), 143,45 (Senegal), 143.46 (Portugal), 143.47 (Sierra Leone), 144.31 (Thailand), 143.48


(Republic of Korea). • 14 FEM (19 August 2019) “5 gaps in MNHRC’s draft Strategic Plan” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/5-gaps-in-mnhrcs-draft-strategic-plan/ • 15 UPR 2015: 145.23 (Uruguay); 143.99 (Italy); 143.82 (Argentina); 145.28 (Saudi Arabia); 143.78 (Iceland); 143.81 (Lithuania); 143.77 (Finland);

144.82 (Chile); 144.83 (Norway). • 16 FEM (2 May 2018) “Myanmar’s media freedom at risk” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-freedom-at-risk/ • 17 These include: Soe Moe Tun, killed 13/12/2016; Aung Kyaw Naing "Par Gyi", killed 4/10/2014; Kenji Nagai, killed 27/9/2007; Tha Win, killed

2/10/1999; Hla Han, killed 27/9/1999. FEM (2 November 2019) “5 killed journalists remembered on International Impunity Day” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/5-killed-journalists-remembered-on-international-impunity-day/

• 18 FEM (3 May 2020) “Myanmar’s media not free or fair” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-not-free-or-fair/ • 19 UPR 2015: 145.32 (Latvia). • 20 FEM (22 January 2018) “3rd Digital Rights Forum calls for better regulated, freer, safer online space” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/3rd-

digital-rights-forum-calls-for-better-regulated-freer-safer-online-space/ • 21 FEM (1 January 2017) “Telecommunications Law” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/telecommunications-law/ • 22 FEM (2020) “Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/laws/law-protecting-the-privacy-and-

security-of-citizens/ • 23 FEM (27 February 2017) “Electronic Transactions Law” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/electronic-transactions-law/ • 24 FEM (6 March 2019) “NGOs call on parliament to consult on draft privacy law amendment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/ngos-call-on-

parliament-to-consult-on-draft-privacy-law-amendment/ • 25 FEM (5 November 2019) “Freedom of the Net: Myanmar in 2019” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/freedom-of-the-net-myanmar-in-2019/ • 26 FEM (5 November 2019) “Freedom of the Net: Myanmar in 2019” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/freedom-of-the-net-myanmar-in-2019/ • 27 FEM (29 April 2020) “Deactivating SIM cards during Covid-19 violates rights — Covid 19” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/deactivating-

sim-cards-during-covid-19-violates-rights-covid-19/ • 28 FEM (5 November 2019) “Freedom of the Net: Myanmar in 2019” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/freedom-of-the-net-myanmar-in-2019/ • 29 FEM (24 June 2019) “Internet Shutdown in Rakhine and Chin States” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/internet-shutdown-in-rakhine-and-

chin-states/ • 30 FEM (24 June 2019) “Internet Shutdown in Rakhine and Chin States” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/internet-shutdown-in-rakhine-and-

chin-states/ • 31 FEM (21 December 2019) “Joint statement condemning one of the world’s longest internet shutdowns in Rakhine State”

http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/joint-statement-condemning-one-of-the-worlds-longest-internet-shutdowns-in-rakhine-state/ and FEM (22 May 2020) “Multi-stakeholder webinar on Myanmar’s website blocking and shutdown” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/multi-stakeholder-webinar-on-myanmars-website-blocking-and-shutdown/

• 32 FEM (21 June 2020) “Civil society marks 1-year of world’s longest internet shutdown” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/civil-society-marks-1-year-of-worlds-longest-internet-shutdown/

• 33 FEM (2 April 2020) “250 organisations condemn Myanmar government order to block websites” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/250-organisations-condemn-myanmar-government-order-to-block-websites/

• 34 FEM (2 April 2020) “250 organisations condemn Myanmar government order to block websites” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/250-organisations-condemn-myanmar-government-order-to-block-websites/

• 35 UPR 2015: 144.80 (Belgium); 144.81 (Ghana); 145.31 (Austria); 145.32 (Latvia); 143.98 (New Zealand); 143.99 (Italy); 144.83 (Norway); 143.88 (Botswana).

• 36 FEM (3 May 2020) “Myanmar’s media not free or fair” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-not-free-or-fair/ • 37 FEM (16 January 2017) “News Media Law” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/news-media-law/ • 38 FEM (20 February 2017) “Printing and Publishing Law” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/printing-and-publishing-law/ • 39 FEM (13 September 2018) “Superficial amendment leaves Broadcasting Law undemocratic” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/superficial-

amendment-leaves-broadcasting-law-undemocratic/ • 40 FEM (25 September 2018) “New bylaws are opportunity to fix Broadcasting Law flaws” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/new-bylaws-are-

opportunity-to-fix-broadcasting-law-flaws/ • 41 FEM (27 February 2017) “Broadcasting Law” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/broadcasting-law/ • 42 FEM (3 May 2020) “Myanmar’s media not free or fair” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-not-free-or-fair/ • 43 FEM (7 May 2019) “FEM welcomes release of Reuters journalists, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/fem-

welcomes-release-of-reuters-journalists-wa-lone-and-kyaw-soe-oo/ • 44 FEM (3 September 2018) “Show-trial convicts Reuters journalists to 7 years imprisonment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/show-trial-

convicts-reuters-journalists-to-imprisonment/ • 45 FEM (9 July 2018) “Reuters case encourages mass self-censorship about Rakhine conflict” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/reuters-case-

encourages-mass-self-censorship-about-rakhine-conflict-reuters/ • 46 FEM (3 May 2020) “Myanmar’s media not free or fair” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-not-free-or-fair/ • 47 FEM (3 May 2019) “Defamation? International standards and Myanmar’s legal framework” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/defamation-

international-standards-and-myanmars-legal-framework/ • 48 FEM (3 May 2020) “Myanmar’s media not free or fair” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-not-free-or-fair/ • 49 FEM (3 May 2019) “Defamation? International standards and Myanmar’s legal framework” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/defamation-

international-standards-and-myanmars-legal-framework/ • 50 FEM (11 December 2017) “66(d) no real change” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/66d-no-real-change.pdf • 51 FEM (3 May 2019) “Defamation? International standards and Myanmar’s legal framework” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/defamation-

international-standards-and-myanmars-legal-framework/ • 52 FEM (24 June 2017) “Coalition statement calling for repeal of 66(d)” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/coalition-statement-calling-for-repeal-

of-66d/; FEM (29 June 2017) “Joint statement with Amnesty to repeal 66(d)” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/joint-statement-with-amnesty-to-repeal-66d/; FEM (13 July 2017) “Repeal 66(d) to protect legal constitutionality, non-duplication and clarity” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/repeal-66d-to-protect-legal-constitutionality-non-duplication-and-clarity/

• 53 Telecommunications Law and the Anti-Corruption Law: FEM (3 May 2019) “Defamation? International standards and Myanmar’s legal framework” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/defamation-international-standards-and-myanmars-legal-framework/

• 54 FEM (2020) “Law Protecting the Privacy and Security of Citizens” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/laws/law-protecting-the-privacy-and-security-of-citizens/

• 55 FEM (6 March 2019) “NGOs call on parliament to consult on draft privacy law amendment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/ngos-call-on-


parliament-to-consult-on-draft-privacy-law-amendment/ • 56 FEM – published in Frontier Myanmar journal (15 September 2017) “The 66(d) amendment: tinkering at the edges”

https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/the-66d-amendment-tinkering-at-the-edges/ • 57 UPR 2015: 144.31 (Thailand). • 58 FEM (3 May 2020) “Myanmar’s media not free or fair” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-not-free-or-fair/ • 59 UPR 2015: 144.84 (Brazil); 145.33 (France); 145.34 (Sweden); 145.35 (Luxembourg); 145.36 (Estonia). • 60 FEM (26 March 2020) “No permission to protest” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/no-permission-to-protest/ • 61 FEM (26 February 2018) “5 violations that need addressing in protest law amendment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/5-violations-that-

need-addressing-in-protest-law-amendment/ • 62 FEM (15 May 2018) “Crackdown on anti-war activists shows protests still need permission” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/crackdown-on-

anti-war-activists-shows-protests-still-need-permission/ • 63 FEM (26 March 2020) “No permission to protest” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/no-permission-to-protest/ • 64 FEM (26 March 2020) “No permission to protest” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/no-permission-to-protest/ • 65 FEM (26 February 2018) “5 violations that need addressing in protest law amendment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/5-violations-that-

need-addressing-in-protest-law-amendment/ • 66 FEM (26 March 2020) “No permission to protest” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/no-permission-to-protest/ • 67 FEM (26 February 2018) “5 violations that need addressing in protest law amendment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/5-violations-that-

need-addressing-in-protest-law-amendment/ • 68 UPR 2015: 145.23 (Uruguay); 143.99 (Italy); 144.82 (Chile); 144.83 (Norway); 145.22 (Italy). • 69 FEM (26 March 2020) “No permission to protest” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/no-permission-to-protest/ • 70 FEM (26 March 2020) “No permission to protest” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/no-permission-to-protest/ • 71 FEM (26 March 2020) “No permission to protest” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/no-permission-to-protest/ • 72 FEM (26 March 2020) “No permission to protest” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/no-permission-to-protest/ • 73 UPR 2015: 145.32 (Latvia); 143.84 (Cuba); 143.85 (Georgia). • 74 FEM (27 February 2017) “Broadcasting Law” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/broadcasting-law/ • 75 FEM (3 May 2020) “Myanmar’s media not free or fair” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/myanmars-media-not-free-or-fair/ • 76 FEM (24 June 2019) “Internet Shutdown in Rakhine and Chin States” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/internet-shutdown-in-rakhine-and-

chin-states/ • 77 FEM (2 April 2020) “250 organisations condemn Myanmar government order to block websites” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/250-

organisations-condemn-myanmar-government-order-to-block-websites/ • 78 FEM (3 September 2018) “Show-trial convicts Reuters journalists to 7 years imprisonment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/show-trial-

convicts-reuters-journalists-to-imprisonment/ • 79 FEM (12 March 2020) “New National Records and Archives Law preserves government secrecy” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/new-

national-records-and-archives-law-preserves-government-secrecy/ • 80 FEM (12 March 2020) “New National Records and Archives Law preserves government secrecy” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/new-

national-records-and-archives-law-preserves-government-secrecy/ • 81 FEM (18 July 2019) “New Bill a big step backwards for RTI” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/new-bill-a-big-step-backwards-for-rti/ • 82 FEM (18 July 2019) “New Bill a big step backwards for RTI” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/new-bill-a-big-step-backwards-for-rti/ • 83 FEM (4 April 2018) “Right to truth” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/right-to-truth/ • 84 FEM (3 September 2018) “Show-trial convicts Reuters journalists to 7 years imprisonment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/show-trial-

convicts-reuters-journalists-to-imprisonment/ • 85 FEM (3 May 2019) “Defamation? International standards and Myanmar’s legal framework” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/defamation-

international-standards-and-myanmars-legal-framework/ • 86 FEM (6 March 2019) “NGOs call on parliament to consult on draft privacy law amendment” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/ngos-call-on-

parliament-to-consult-on-draft-privacy-law-amendment/ • 87 FEM (25 February 2020) “Proposed bill will punish government staff who release information about Corona”

https://www.facebook.com/FreeExpressionMyanmar/posts/2723452031101702 • 88 FEM (5 November 2019) “Freedom of the Net: Myanmar in 2019” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/freedom-of-the-net-myanmar-in-2019/ • 89 FEM (4 April 2018) “Right to truth” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/right-to-truth/ • 90 FEM (4 April 2018) “Right to truth” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/right-to-truth/ • 91 These included: • 9 recommendations to ratify ICERD: UPR 2015: 144.16 (Ghana); 144.4 (Hungary); 144.15 (Algeria) (Libya); 144.17 (Turkey); 144.18 (Sudan);

144.19 (Brazil); 145.1 (Austria); 143.9 (Egypt). • 11 recommendations to protect women: UPR 2015: 145.14 (Lithuania); 143.63 (Japan); 143.103 (Italy); 143.56 (France); 143.53 (Pakistan); 143.57

(Austria); 143.69 (Spain); 143.68 (Serbia); 143.66 (Sweden); 143.67 (Namibia); 143.71 (Paraguay). • 13 recommendations to protect religious minorities: UPR 2015: 143.89 (Sudan); 143.93 (Republic of Korea); 143.96 (Holy See); 143.94

(Indonesia); 143.90 (Malaysia); 143.91 (Turkey); 143.92 (China); 143.88 (Botswana); 143.97 (Poland); 145.65 (Sweden); 145.49 (Malaysia); 145.10. (Austria); 144.47 (Mexico).

• 6 recommendations to protect ethnic minorities: UPR 2015: 143.24 (Slovenia); 143.90 (Malaysia); 143.92 (China); 145.10. (Austria); 143.60 (Nepal); 143.61 (Ecuador).

• 7 recommendations to address incitement and “hate speech”: 145.12 (Norway); 143.62 (New Zealand); 145.48 (Belgium); 145.50 (Djibouti); 145.51 (Egypt); 144.51 (Algeria); 145.10 (Austria).

• 92 FEM (27 March 2017) “Protection Against Hate Speech Bill” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/protection-against-hate-speech-bill/ • 93 FEM (25 August 2017) “FEM welcomes Kofi Annan commission recommendations on media, access to information, and hate speech”

http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/fem-welcomes-kofi-annan-commission-recommendations-on-media-access-to-information-and-hate-speech/ • 94 FEM (22 April 2020) “Hate speech Directive threatens free expression in election countdown” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/hate-speech-

directive-threatens-free-expression-in-election-countdown/ • 95 FEM (22 April 2020) “Hate speech Directive threatens free expression in election countdown” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/hate-speech-

directive-threatens-free-expression-in-election-countdown/ • 96 FEM – published in Irrawaddy media (28 August 2018) “Let’s talk about “hate speech”” https://burma.irrawaddy.com/news/human-

rights/2018/08/28/168009.html • 97 FEM – published in Irrawaddy media (28 August 2018) “Let’s talk about “hate speech”” https://burma.irrawaddy.com/news/human-




rights/2018/08/28/168009.html • 100 UPR 2015: 145.14 (Lithuania); 143.63 (Japan); 143.103 (Italy); 143.56 (France); 143.53 (Pakistan); 143.57 (Austria); 143.69 (Spain); 143.68

(Serbia); 143.66 (Sweden); 143.67 (Namibia); 143.71 (Paraguay). • 101 FEM (29 December 2018) ““Shut up girl, it’s too sensitive!” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/mdrf-invitation-shut-up-girl-its-too-sensitive/ • 102 FEM (29 December 2018) ““Shut up girl, it’s too sensitive!” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/mdrf-invitation-shut-up-girl-its-too-sensitive/ • 103 FEM (29 January 2019) “Daring to defy Myanmar’s patriarchy” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/daring-to-defy-myanmars-patriarchy/ • 104 FEM (29 January 2019) “Daring to defy Myanmar’s patriarchy” http://freeexpressionmyanmar.org/daring-to-defy-myanmars-patriarchy/

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Reform abandoned?

5-year review of freedom of expression for Myanmar’s 2020 UN Universal Periodic Review

7 November 2020 marks 10 years of Myanmar’s democratic transition. In 2010, the first partially-open general elections took place creating the quasi-civilian USDP government. Five years later, the 2015 general elections returned an NLD government. This year, Myanmar will have its third general elections. Over those 10 years, the right to freedom of expression – including its components media, digital, protest, right to information, and anti-discrimination – has faced great threats and in some cases been upheld. This report examines those changes.

This report is FEM’s submission to Myanmar’s 2020 UPR. It includes all of the different UN Member States’ recommendations relating to freedom of expression which were made to Myanmar in the previous 2015 UPR. FEM has assessed each of the 2015 UPR recommendations and explained whether those recommendations have been implemented or not, and also whether that situation has improved, remained the same, or worsened over the past five years.

ြပgြပင်ေြပာင်းလဲေရး - free express myanmar · 2020. 9. 10. ·...

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