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    Geoff Mulgan Hinton Lecture 2007

    21 November 2007, address to the UK National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO)

    The paradox of civil society and the challenge of social growthNick Hinton was one of those people whose energy and idealism

    were infectious and daunting in equal measures, and its a

    humbling honour to be asked to deliver a lecture in his honour.

    Its now a full generation since Nick ran NCVO, and I want to use

    this opportunity to reflect on where we are now, and what I see

    as the paradox of civil society in Britain.

    On the one hand more organisations, more turnover, more influence and more

    visibility, perhaps than ever before. On the other, retreat in important areas,

    values under pressure from growing inequality, the slow squeeze on civil liberty

    and high levels of distrust, disrespect and disregard.

    Let me start with the words of the poet Wei Wu Wei, who diagnosed the ills of an

    over individualised, under socialised society more crisply than I could, and through

    the lens of eastern philosophy:

    Why are you so unhappy?

    Because 99.9%

    Of everything you think and

    Of everything you do

    Is for yourself

    And there isnt one

    We are now roughly halfway through the inquiry commissioned by the Carnegie

    Trust in part to look at the state of these bonds beyond our separate selves and to

    consider the future of civil society in the UK and Ireland, taking a wide view of civil

    society as meaning not just the voluntary sector but also the other places where

    people come together as equals for common goals and beliefs, from faith to trade

    unions.

    Our first task was to make sense of where we are now. Here the raw facts are

    striking, and familiar to an audience like this, whether its the number of charities

    and voluntary organisations, their share of the economy and employment or the

    growth of new fields like social enterprise and social investment.

    There are many sectors where civil society has enjoyed strong growth over the last

    generation. It dominates in social care, as well as in housing where its been

    helped by a continuing stream of stock transfers and the guaranteed subsidies of

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    housing benefit. In health there are now some 34,000 third sector providers, under

    contract to the NHS.

    Civic activism has also grown a rough doubling in a generation of many of the

    indicators of civic activism, like taking part in consumer boycotts and the rise ofsophisticated campaigns like the planes protests whose methods of consensus

    decision making have a lot to teach other sectors.

    No wonder the sector has become integral to political debate, and that NCVO has

    no difficulty getting a hearing. The marginalisation that affected the sector in

    much of the 20th century is over, and the sector can be proud of whats been

    achieved in policy: a remarkable proportion of the recommendations of past

    commissions, such as Nick Deakins, are now either enshrined in law or at least on

    their way, whether in the form of the Compact (which is bedding down, albeit with

    important remaining issues about powers), or the new charity act (again, albeit

    with remaining questions over how the Charity Commission will enforce it). If I

    dont say much about this policy agenda its mainly because so much has been

    achieved.

    But this rosy picture of influence and advance can be misleading. We know, for

    example, that the small charities have been squeezed by the large in an era of

    more competitive marketing, the less well connected by the well connected.

    Overall giving is at best static hovering under 1% of GDP

    And there are many sectors where ground has been lost. Take the field of

    information and knowledge, one of the commanding heights of a modern society. In

    the media civil society does appear as a campaigner. But as a player it is utterly

    marginal with all the dominant channels owned by big business or by one public

    sector organisation, the BBC. Just about the only other player that at one time

    inspired hope Channel 4 has in some eyes lost its way. In print the Scott Trust is

    about the only third sector player. There are the Community Channel and

    community radio stations doing sterling work but nothing remotely able to

    compete with the big players.

    In finance, another of the commanding heights of modern society, decades of

    retreat, demutualisation and privatisation, have yet to be made up for by the

    promising but still modest in scale achievements of the Charity Bank, Venturesome

    and others.

    Look through the lens of the stages of life, and the picture is equally uneven. Civil

    society has certainly lost ground in childhood. Children growing up today are

    bombarded by an intrusive and often shameless commercial culture and then taken

    into the care of the state if things go really wrong, with the voice of civil society

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    barely audible in the din. In the workplace where so many spend so much of their

    lives, professional associations remain strong but for most of the workforce the

    voice of self organisation has been greatly weakened by a combination of frontal

    assault on trade unions and neglect.

    What of the future? In the inquiry we tried to make sense of some of the big

    trends. We looked at the impact of technology which is making organisation far

    easier, but also strengthening surveillance and a concentration of power in the big

    players, from NewsCorporations Myspace to Googles Youtube. We looked at how

    globalisation is raising the importance of international NGOs and creating a quite

    new pattern of diaspora organisation, but also concentrating wealth and power in

    global cities in which many feel less commitment to the places they live and the

    people around them. We looked, of course, at climate change, an issue which civil

    society in partnership with global science has done so much to put into publicconsciousness, but also at how often it is squeezed aside when big business and big

    government pick up its agendas (and we also looked at whether business would

    become more socially engaged or whether we would only have more astroturf

    campaigns mimicking real grassroots activism).

    We then looked at how the very idea of civil society may evolve. Today very old

    traditions of charity and mutual support sit alongside a much more modern idea of

    civil society, well described in Jeffrey Alexanders monumental recent book The

    Civil Sphere. This modern civil society is concerned with universal rights andvalues, democracy and equity, a bigger sense of us, a bigger sense of here, and a

    bigger sense of now, concerned with ecology and future generations.

    This more modern perspective often challenges older norms. So, for example, it

    criticises traditional charity for only dealing with symptoms instead of addressing

    the underlying causes of suffering and need, challenging power structures, and

    acting to a theory of change. Kathryn Merchant, President and CEO of the Greater

    Cincinnati Foundation even recently described philanthropy as applied social

    science. It puts a strong emphasis on voice and sees beneficiaries as best placed todefine and understand their own needs, rather than donors or trustees which

    challenges not only traditional charity but also venture philanthropy. It sees actions

    in civil society as public in nature, rather than being extensions of private life.

    Hence the pressure for greater transparency for charities (as promoted by

    organisations like Guidestar International or the Center for Effective Philanthropy),

    the view that large non governmental organisations should be more formally

    accountable for their actions, for the bang they achieve for their bucks, and that

    wealthy philanthropists exercising power in a community through spending money

    should be in part accountable to the beneficiaries and others affected by theiractions.

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    These ideas, which have their roots in ancient Greece in Rome, as well as in the

    enlightenment, are still fuelling the social imagination, inspiring people to imagine

    and create a radically different future: a society where the mentally ill, or children

    have full voice, where the worlds poor are empowered not passive recipients,

    where there arent gulfs of power or identity, an economy without waste, a worldof enshrined genetic rights.

    This, the radical edge of civil society, reminds us that social realities are

    constructions not part of nature and that societies are made and remade by the

    people in them, not inherited fixed or immutable, finding new expressions for love

    and care, and showing the future in the present whether in housing developments

    like BedZed, or empowering people with disabilities through projects like In

    Control, or showing a different kind of economy like PeopleTree in fashion.

    Civil society often hopes too much in the shortterm. But it also often hopes too

    little in the longterm and its vital that pragmatic managerialism isnt allowed to

    obscure civil societys role as the restless agent of change, as a place where

    society dreams as well as acts.

    Yet of course any predictions are risky. Ive always liked the comment on one far

    left leader who in 1930 said that it was proof of Trotsky's farsightedness that none

    of his predictions has yet come true. A famous futurist Jim Dator also said that for

    any prediction about the future to be useful it must at first must sound ridiculous.

    We may have failed by that measure. But we did feel confident about what was

    likely to be the biggest challenge over the next 1020 years. It wasnt that

    independence would be lost or that there wouldnt be enough money. Instead it

    was that society would become more fragmented, more disconnected and less

    integrated, with wider gulfs between rich and poor, country and city, religious and

    secular, and different races, and less social capacity.

    The causes of this are many some are structural, some are consequences of

    politics. But their common theme is a weakening of the horizontal connections

    between people, bridging social capital to use the technical term, and the related

    capacities to empathise, cooperate and get on with others.

    A recent survey of 11, 13 and 15 yearolds in more than 30 countries asked the

    question do you find your peers generally kind and helpful?. More than half were

    able to answer 'yes' in every OECD country except the Czech Republic and the

    United Kingdom where only 43% felt able to answer positively, half the figure in

    Switzerland and Portugal.

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    We know the evidence about unwillingness to intervene in street issues and

    disputes which shows the UKs citizens more prone to turn a blind eye than other

    countries. Theres no shortage of evidence of people becoming less tolerant,

    quicker to become angry whether in the form of road rage or attacks on NHS

    staff. We know that levels of social trust declined steadily from the 1950s to the1990s, and although the overall trend appears to have stabilised its worrying that

    48 per cent of young people aged 11 to 18 years would not trust the ordinary man

    or woman in the street compared to 30 per cent of adults. Antisocial behaviour

    continues to be a top public concern in many areas. And when people are asked if

    life is getting better or worse, a large majority think its getting worse and the

    specifics they cite are all about daily interactions, with 47% citing a lack of respect

    and 46% levels of crime.

    This isnt about young people and old, though its sometimes misleadinglypresented through this frame. Indeed in surveys of politeness to tourists in many

    cities the young tend to score better than the old, and its men over 60 who come

    out worst.

    Instead it is about how we as humans relate to others, about the civilness of our

    society, our ability to live together.

    Its about the fear that although we may have a stronger civil society its far from

    clear that our society is becoming more civil.

    So why should any of this matter? It matters because distrust, unfriendliness, rage,

    a society where people put up shutters, retreat to gated communities and put up

    internal gates as well, is bound to be a stunted one unable to live up to its

    potential. It matters too because the presence of a civil society in all its senses is

    so critical to wellbeing and happiness. This is one of the messages from the

    growing mass of evidence on wellbeing and happiness around the world. What

    makes societies happy is in part income, in part good governance. But the evidence

    again and again reinforces that its also about trust, about the quality of

    relationships at the most micro level, how people live together, whether they feelsafe walking down their street, talking to a stranger, and whether there is a rough

    and ready equality of recognition.

    The sorts of trust and love which fuel social growth are the lifeblood for any

    society. A metaphor for what isnt working can be seen on the streets and parks

    this month. Look at any leaf and you see a brilliant structure for distributing the

    essential nutrients to every part, a structure in which each part supports every

    other part. Civil society at its best works in a similar way, distributing resources,

    money, knowledge, trust and love.

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    Yet in important ways this isnt happening. There are too many blockages, too

    many barriers. Look at money. Were at what could be the tail end of the longest

    sustained economic boom in British history, a boom in which the top 1% have

    become phenomenally richer thanks to a winner takes all economy and generous

    tax cuts. Yet how much of that wealth has been shared? Ive tried to find thefigures everyone agrees its well under 1%, and could be as low as 0.1%, 1p for

    every 10 of city bonuses. The governments figures suggest that the most wealthy

    1% with 23% of wealth contribute only 7.3% of giving, the top 10% with 56% of

    wealth contribute only 21%. These are astonishing figures. They disprove any notion

    of trickle down; they show that philanthropy is fragile. Twenty years ago, the

    typical chief executive of a FTSE 100 company earned 25 times the pay of the

    average worker. Now the figure is close to 120 times, and the numbers with liquid

    assets over 5m has doubled to 9000 over last decade yet the recipients clearly

    believe that such windfalls do not call for any proportionate generosity.

    The US at least has the generosity of the Gates and Buffetts to temper its extreme

    inequalities. We have some exemplary philanthropists. But overall we appear to

    have got the American style inequalities but without the conscience of Americas

    rich.

    Despite a few glowing exceptions, most continue to put a higher priority on buying

    another yacht, a fifth home or a tenth Aston Martin, than sharing their wealth with

    people less lucky than them. This autumns arguments about inheritance have

    posed the choice as one between money going to the state and money going to

    children. Not surprisingly few are enthusiastic about their hard earned pounds

    going to the taxman. Yet we know that large inheritances do few favours to

    children either which is why so many of the wise wealthy from Andrew Carnegie

    to Warren Buffett have kept these to a minimum. In the run up to the next

    election the case needs to be made for a more balanced approach to how wealth

    passes down the generations. Everyone draws on the legacy of the communities

    around them, a legacy that goes far beyond the state. So any sensible inheritance

    laws should provide for a three way split some money for family and friends;some for the state; and some for charities and the community.

    Specifically, I would favour continuing to allow an untaxed band of say 500k.

    Then for a second band up to a million, Id offer a choice so that 40% can either go

    to an endowment or charitable donation, or in tax. Then, for legacies over a

    million, why not combine a slightly higher default tax rate of perhaps 50% with a 25

    or 50% tax credit for charitable donations. This would achieve a better balance

    between the three claimants to any legacy, and a Community Legacy Tax Credit

    scheme of this kind might in time contribute to a norm whereby wealth is ploughed

    back into the community, where its put to work reflecting the values and

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    commitments of the donor, rather than just the narrow interests of their family. It

    could fuel the many community foundations growing across the country. Andrew

    Carnegie said that its a disgrace to die rich. We dont need to go that far. But it

    should be a matter of some shame to die rich and pass nothing on to the wider

    community, and reforms to inheritance tax could play their part in changing theculture.

    Well, even if we dont have US levels of philanthropy, at least we have a welfare

    state, and decent public services, you might say, and its true that these have

    protected millions from the insecurities that can be seen on the other side of the

    Atlantic.

    But how weve organised public services may sometimes have exacerbated the

    problem rather than solving it, and gone against the imperatives of social growth.

    One of the most important jobs of any state is to reward cooperation and punish

    predatory behaviour. Indeed this is what states came into existence to do. Yet in

    recent decades policies have, de facto, done much more to promote a competitive

    individualism and distrust of others. When services are simply delivered to passive

    consumers; when they are portrayed only through the lens of choice; when power

    over services is centralised; this is bound to reinforce that British characteristic of

    being a society of strong verticals and weak horizontals.

    Worse, when public services do little or nothing to strengthen peoples abilities to

    collaborate, to work with others, they undercut the very outcomes they exist to

    achieve, like better health, regeneration or learning.

    This is for me the key issue in public services for the next decade more important

    than the precise balance between the different sectors, or the next phase of cost

    recovery, or whether there should be a few more or a few less targets. Instead the

    key issue for governments and for this sector is whether policy and its

    implementation enhances peoples capacity to collaborate and to govern

    themselves, or whether it erodes it; whether it strengthens selfefficacy and social

    efficacy; whether it reinforces the inner disciplines we need to succeed in life as

    well as the outward facing habits of mutual respect and recognition.

    This is very evident in education. The advent of citizenship education five years

    ago was welcome, but far too little time and attention in education goes into

    cultivating the social skills of cooperation and collaboration, skills which can only

    be learned by doing things with others rather than through pedagogy, and through

    learning how to reason and discuss. This isnt some luxury though the elite

    schools are often much better at using sports and volunteering to teach

    cooperation. Instead its the absence of precisely these social, noncognitive skills

    that is proving so debilitating to young people, particularly men, and particularly

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    from the traditional industrial white working class. Certainly this is what employers

    continually say.

    Much is known about how these skills can be cultivated through everything from

    enterprise projects that get young people out of school working with adults, toclasses in philosophy in primary schools, to the resilience lessons which some 4000

    pupils are now receiving under the Young Foundations local wellbeing

    programme. But these tend to be marginal addons, not central.

    In a very different form this is also the critical issue in health. The biggest

    challenges of the next two decades arent primarily about how to manage

    hospitals, or waiting lists. Instead theyre about how to help a growing population

    with long term, chronic diseases from diabetes and MS to heart disease and

    cancers look after themselves and those around them. Most of the care provided

    in this century wont come from hospitals, or doctors, or polyclinics it will be

    provided by people themselves, and by those around them day in and day out,

    supported by the NHS, informed by the best knowledge available, and with periodic

    visits to clinicians and it will require new skills of selfresponsibility and

    cooperation, as well support networks constructed around the frail elderly or

    disabled children. It will, in other words, require a much more humancentred,

    holistic approach that builds on the work of projects like the Expert Patients and so

    many voluntary organisations. But the critical point is that it will have to be

    grounded in selfefficacy and social efficacy too, especially if it is to make inroads

    into inequalities that in the borough where I work Tower Hamlets have left life

    expectancy 13 years longer at one end of the borough than the other.

    Much the same is true in the environment. We know that progress depends not just

    laws and regulations, and a treaty to replace Kyoto, but also on how people can

    together change their habits, pooling cars, switching to neighbourhood energy

    systems or locally produced food.

    In crime the big issue is not whether to build more prisons, its how to really get to

    the underlying causes of crime, which are so often about structures of opportunity

    but also about basic things like the ability to communicate, to get on with others.

    In local government our biggest problems stem from the excessive scale of local

    government (ten times as large as in most countries), as well as centralisation in

    London, which deny people the day to day experience of cooperating,

    compromising at the very local neighbourhood level.

    The big challenges of diversity too in a society experiencing unprecedented in

    migration are also not just, or even primarily now, about laws and anti

    discrimination but also the daily patterns of contact, friendship, understanding and

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    the ability of neighbourhoods to solve clashes between generations and races

    something were working on in neighbourhoods in Tottenham and Limehouse, and

    thats done brilliantly by projects like Peacemakers in Oldham. The bigger

    structural changes of the last few decades have certainly made this harder. Richard

    Sennett wrote not long ago that the inequalities of class and race clearly make itdifficult for people to treat one another with respect but this makes the task all

    the more important.

    Theres a connecting thread in all of this and that connecting thread is precisely

    the importance of connecting threads, and of the skills that make societies work.

    Much more is known about these skills than in the past about empathy and how its

    cultivated; about social intelligence; about how to reduce conflict, arbitrate or

    mediate. After all these are the decisive skills of a democratic age, an age when

    people sort themselves out rather than relying on hierarchy and authority. They areskills which are grounded in human nature itself but they also need to be

    nurtured, enhanced, trained.

    This was well understood by civil society in the past. In the 19th century,

    responding to the shocks of an often brutal industrialisation, the Sunday Schools

    and cooperatives, mutuals and libraries, all worked to support the qualities of

    character, and mutual respect, that Im emphasising, while also campaigning for

    such things as clean water and decent education.

    Now there are two characteristics of these skills which stand out. One is that they

    all carry within them an ethic of care the ethic which lies at the heart of every

    true profession and every true vocation. At its purest it offers unconditional love

    the love that so many people from damaged backgrounds have never had. That

    ethic is in my view rather weaker and less supported than its sister ethic, the work

    ethic, as can be seen by the still small amounts invested in paying for carers, or

    training them up, even though we know that we will need far more of it perhaps

    5% of GDP within a generation.

    Its fragile state can also be judged by comparing a cult of celebrity in whichanyone can be famous for 15 minutes for doing something useless, but most people

    who do something useful remain invisible.

    The other characteristic of these skills is scale. Care always happens on a small

    scale, face to face, with the empathy of understanding the loneliness of a

    housebound octogenarian, or the selfhate of an abused teenager, and its at a

    small scale that all social skills become most apparent, in the walking distance

    world of the GPs surgery, the church, the childcare centre.

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    This is where voluntary sector faces both opportunities and challenges. At first

    glance this should be ideal territory for voluntary sector. It should be more

    responsive, more human scale, better able to tap into motivations to care and

    help, better placed to forge the support systems of this century. The sector should

    be the obvious place to cultivate society.

    Often it is. But by no means always. I was impressed by Community Links recent

    report on the sectors values which reminded us that if the sector is to continue to

    inspire people to get involved both as volunteers and as paid workers, then it has

    to be able to rigorously and passionately demonstrate these values. Values are the

    sectors most important asset in recruiting people and sustaining their

    commitment. But as they also said the sector has no monopoly on these values,

    and certainly doesnt always live by them. Whenever serious research has been

    done comparing the sectors performance against others as in the NCCs surveyearlier this year its been found wanting. Its not automatically more innovative,

    more responsive, or more accountable.

    Now small isnt always beautiful. It can be inefficient, parochial. Im all for growth

    and being more professional. But history shows that greater scale can make it

    harder to remain true to values, and that when voluntary organisations grow they

    risk becoming more like other big organisations, bureaucratic, riskaverse,

    dedicated more to their own survival than change. I remember hearing one Chief

    Executive of a big voluntary organization joke that the true benefit of rising to the

    top of a large organization is not money or perks. It's never again having to listen to

    anyone who disagrees with you, and we all know of third sector organizations that

    have lost touch with their values.

    Many have grown successfully both as organizations and more often as looser

    federations which combine the benefits of scale with the benefits of localness. But

    the key point is that if you focus on growth then you need to also focus even harder

    on values too.

    Here I want to take a turn back into history because it can illuminate our choicestoday. We use many ancient words sometimes interchangeably civil, civic,

    voluntary, social, public. But they have different histories and meanings. The

    oldest of them is probably the word social, socius in Latin meaning living together,

    which came from an even older IndoEuropean root sequ which meant following

    along a path together, an idea that takes us back to the times when we lived in

    groups, depended on their care and protection.

    The words civic and civil come later, from the life of towns and cities that took

    that idea of the social up a stage and embodied it in institutions. The word civil

    came to be associated with states, with the townspeople (who were civil in the

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    sense of courteous, in contrast to the rough soldiers), and a civil service (that

    contrasted with the military side of the east India company). For anyone whos

    interested this was the topic of Norbert Elias, one of the 20th centurys greatest

    sociologists who was based in Leicester and whose importance has only slowly been

    recognised in the decades since his death. His masterpiece on the civilising processshowed how life changed as people became more interconnected, and learned to

    restrain their impulses to violence, and how the aristocratic notions of courtesy

    were democratised into the more encompassing ideas of civility (theres also a

    parallel literature on civility in other cultures like Eiko Ikegamis extraordinary

    book Bonds of Civility on Japans networks of artists, poets and craftspeople that

    provided outlets for individual selfexpression in a still largely feudal society).

    These words then overlap with the work public which at root means of or

    pertaining to the people but which came in time to link the ideas of universalityand equity to the state.

    Now I mention this history because you can see the progression from the very

    everyday social into words and ideas of ever greater abstraction. That abstraction

    has been one of the forces for human progress in that it has expanded our sense of

    possibility, of rights and power. But its always vital to keep in mind the roots, to

    remember that the social precedes the civil or public and is what they depend on.

    Thats why we need social growth that isnt just about rights and provision but that

    also strengthens our horizontal rather than vertical bonds; that promotes self

    knowledge and everyday care, and that encourages mutual respect and recognition

    without the submissive hierarchy of the past.

    Let me draw these threads together. From a global perspective civil society is in

    remarkable health. In retrospect 1989 signalled a shift all over the world as civil

    society found its feet and its voice. It reinforced a slow intellectual revolution and

    a burgeoning understanding in academia of how people cooperate and collaborate

    thats come from game theory, economics, psychology, even physics as well as

    sociology, from the new understandings of social capital, of wellbeing and what

    makes for good governance.

    Much of this work is taking us back to the fine grain of social relationships.

    This is important for Britain. For a generation the dominant debates have been

    about organisational form how to achieve better legal recognition, fiscal

    recognition, a place at the table. These were important and necessary moves and I

    pay tribute to the contributions of Nick Hinton himself, and to others like Nicholas

    Deakin and Stuart Etherington. Its only because of their achievements that we can

    complement the attention to form with attention to content.

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    That content is about how society is made, at the micro as well as the macro level.

    It requires new skills, new methods and I suspect some new institutions. And it

    requires forensic attention to what really works in promoting these skills and

    enhancing social growth.

    The ecological movement has forced much more serious attention to how we live

    with nature and as part of nature. But we also need similar attention to how we

    live together, and a similar combination of civic activism and innovation, creativity

    and design, as well as hard science, measurement and learning.

    This thinking informs much of what we are doing at the Young Foundation from

    new models of schooling and healthcare, to developing leaders in marginalised

    communities, to working with neighbourhoods and promoting wellbeing. All are at

    heart about remaking society from the ground up.

    Societies arent machines. But they are like machines in one important respect.

    However imposing they look, they are only as effective as the small screws that

    hold them together, and the thin layers of oil that help them move. If they neglect

    these they seize up altogether.

    What holds societies together is not glue or fabric. Instead its the skills of

    interdependence. One of the classic prescriptions for depressives is to each evening

    write down three people who deserve gratitude that day. Simply doing this has a

    marked impact on recovery levels, and its something I would recommend foreveryone in this room and to teach children too. Reflecting on the gratitude we

    owe to others makes us more content with ourselves too. We thrive in other words

    from our interdependence, and yet by an optical illusion that interdependence so

    often gets obscured. Thats why I hope we can make social growth as natural a goal

    as economic growth has been and why I hope that the voluntary sector can lead

    the way.

    Thank you.

    source : The Young Foundation website Geoff Mulgan Hinton lecture 2007http://www.youngfoundation.org.uk/node/641