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Page 1: Generously supported by - CCHR · A major source of Cambodia’s land conflict has been the devastating policy of economic land concessions (“ELCs”), whereby the RGC has granted

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Page 2: Generously supported by - CCHR · A major source of Cambodia’s land conflict has been the devastating policy of economic land concessions (“ELCs”), whereby the RGC has granted

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CambodianCenterforHumanRights

The Cambodian Center for Human Rights (“CCHR”) is a leading, non-aligned, independent, non-governmentalorganization(“NGO”)thatworkstopromoteandprotectdemocracyandrespect forhuman rights – primarily civil and political rights - throughout the Kingdom of Cambodia(“Cambodia”). CCHR’s vision is of a non-violent Cambodia in which people can enjoy theirfundamental human rights, are empowered to participate in democracy, and share equally thebenefits of Cambodia’s development. CCHR promotes the rule of law over impunity; stronginstitutionsover strongmen;andapluralistic society inwhichvariety isharnessedandcelebratedratherthanignoredorpunished.CCHR’slogo–adoveflyinginacircleofbluesky–representsthetwinprinciplesofpeaceandfreedom.

This Report – “Cambodia’sWomen in Land Conflict” (the “Report”) - is an output of CCHR’s LandReform Project (the “Project”). It examines the ways in which women in Cambodia are uniquelyaffectedbylandconflict,giventhatawoman’sabilitytofulfilltheroleprescribedtoherintraditionalKhmercultureisvitallydependentonhersecurityoftenure.

Acknowledgments

ThisReporthasbeenproducedwiththegeneroussupportoftheEuropeanUnion,DiakoniaandtheSwedishInternationalDevelopmentCooperationAgency(Sida).ThecontentsofthisReportarethesoleresponsibilityofCCHRandcaninnowaybetakentoreflecttheviewsoftheEuropeanUnion,Diakonia or the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). CCHR wishes toacknowledgeandthankeachoftheparticipantswhotookpartinthesurveys,interviewsandfocusgroupdiscussion,whichformedthebasisof theresearch,andparticularlythecommunitymemberwhogaveherconsenttobephotographedforthecoverimage.

QueriesandFeedback

ThisReportandallotherpublicationsbyCCHRareavailableonlineatwww.cchrcambodia.org,andalsoontheawardwinningCambodianHumanRightsPortal,www.sithi.org,whichishostedbyCCHR.

ShouldyouhaveanyquestionsorrequireanyfurtherinformationabouttheReport,orifyouwouldliketogiveanyfeedback,pleaseemailCCHRatinfo@cchrcambodia.org.AlternativelypleasecontactCCHRat:

#798,Street99,BoeungTrabek,KhanChamkarmon,PhnomPenh,CambodiaTel: +855(0)23726901Fax: +855(0)23726902Web: www.cchrcambodia.org

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Contents

Page

DefinitionsandAcronyms..............................................................................................................iii

ExecutiveSummary.........................................................................................................................1

1.Introduction................................................................................................................................21.1OverviewofCambodia’sLandSituation.......................................................................................21.2WomenandLandTenureSecurity................................................................................................2

2.LegalFramework.........................................................................................................................42.1ProtectionofWomen’sLandRights..............................................................................................4

2.1.1ProtectionunderInternationalLaw.......................................................................................42.1.2ProtectionunderDomesticLaw.............................................................................................5

2.2ProtectionsagainstDomesticViolence.........................................................................................52.2.1ProtectionunderInternationalLaw.......................................................................................52.2.2ProtectionunderDomesticLaw.............................................................................................6

3.PurposeandMethodology..........................................................................................................83.1Purpose.........................................................................................................................................83.2Methodology.................................................................................................................................83.3ScopeandLimitations.................................................................................................................10

4.TheEffectsofLandConflictonWomen.....................................................................................114.1Violationsoflandrights..............................................................................................................11

4.1.1Insecurityoftenure..............................................................................................................114.1.2Forcedevictions....................................................................................................................114.1.3Inadequaterelocationsites..................................................................................................12

4.2Harassmentandintimidationbytheauthoritiesandprivateactors..........................................134.3EconomicInsecurity....................................................................................................................134.4Impactonfamilialrelationships.................................................................................................144.5Domesticviolence.......................................................................................................................154.6Impactonchildren......................................................................................................................164.7PsychologicalImpact...................................................................................................................17

5.ConclusionandRecommendations............................................................................................195.1RecommendationstotheRoyalGovernmentofCambodia.......................................................19

5.1.1ConcerningDomesticViolence.............................................................................................195.1.2ConcerningMentalHealth...................................................................................................195.1.3ConcerningChildren.............................................................................................................20

5.2RecommendationstotheNationalAssembly.............................................................................205.3RecommendationstoCompanies...............................................................................................205.4RecommendationstoDonorsandCivilSocietyOrganizations...................................................20

Bibliography..................................................................................................................................22

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DefinitionsandAcronyms

Cambodia KingdomofCambodia

CCHR CambodianCenterforHumanRights

CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination againstWomen

TheCivilCode TheCivilCodeofCambodia

Constitution ConstitutionoftheKingdomofCambodia,1993(asamended)

CSO Civilsocietyorganization

DomesticViolenceLaw

2005 Lawon the Prevention ofDomestic Violence and the Protection oftheVictims

EIA EnvironmentalImpactAssessment

ELC EconomicLandConcession

ICCPR InternationalCovenantonCivilandPoliticalRights

ICESCR InternationalCovenantonEconomic,SocialandCulturalRights

ILO InternationalLabourOrganization

LandLaw LandLaw2001

LICADHO CambodianLeagueforthePromotionandDefenseofHumanRights

LRP CCHR’sLandReformProject

NGO Non-governmentalorganization

TheProject CCHR’sLandReformProject

Report ThisReportentitled‘Cambodia’sWomeninLandConflict’

RGC RoyalGovernmentofCambodia

UDHR UniversalDeclarationofHumanRights

UN UnitedNations

VGGT UnitedNationsFoodandAgricultureOrganizationVoluntaryGuidelinesonResponsibleGovernanceofTenure

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ExecutiveSummary

Inthelastdecadeithasbecomewidelyacceptedthatinsecurityoflandtenurehasauniqueimpactonwomen, particularly in the global Southwhere,more often than not, women are the primarycaregivers in a household. In Cambodia, where land conflict continues to be one of the mostprevalenthumanrightsissuesinthecountry,thisassertiondeservesparticularconsideration.

While some positive developments have been made in terms of gender equality in Cambodia inrecent years, gender inequality continues to pervade the majority of Cambodian social relations,particularly in rural areas. Khmer women are generally expected to fulfill traditional roles, whichinvolvedutiesthatcanonlybeperformedwherethereissecurityoftenure,suchasprovidingshelterand food for the family. Given their intrinsic link to land (particularly in rural areas), it stands toreasonthatCambodianwomenwouldbear thebruntofCambodia’swidespread landconflict–anassumptionthatissupportedbyexistingqualitativeresearch.1Moreover,inthefaceofwidespreadlandabusesandanabsenceofformalprotectionsfortheirlands,Cambodianwomenareoftenattheforefrontofprotestmovementstoprotecttheirlandrights.2

Throughtheanalysisofquantitativedatacollectedonwomeninvolvedinlanddisputesthroughoutthe country, this Report aims to shed light on the unique ways in which Cambodian women areaffectedbylandconflict.

Chapter 1 (Introduction) provides a brief overview of the land situation in Cambodia beforeexploringtheimpactthatpre-existinggenderbiaseswithinKhmersocietyhaveonthewaysinwhichlandrightsviolationsaffectwomen.

Chapter2 (LegalFrameworks)examinesprovisionsof internationalanddomestic law thatprovideprotectionsforwomen’slandrightsandthatprotectagainstdomesticviolence.

Chapter3 (PurposeandMethodology)outlines thepurposeof the researchand themethodologythatwasusedtoobtaintheinformationthatinformsthisReport.

Chapter4 (TheAffectsofLandConflictonWomen)presents theresearch findings,whichsupportthetheorythatwomenareuniquelyaffectedbylandconflict.

Chapter 5 (Conclusion and Recommendations) summarizes some of the main findings from theresearch and, based on these, offers concrete recommendations to the Royal Government ofCambodia (the “RGC”) and its relevant ministries, companies and donors and civil societyorganizations.

1See:LICADHO,‘“GoodWives”:WomenLandCampaignersandtheImpactofHumanRightsActivism’(2013)http://bit.ly/1MuL4FA;StreyKhmerOrganization,‘”Theytookmyland,theytookmylife”,AReportonthePscyhosocialImpactsofLandEvictionsonWomeninCambodia”(February2013)http://bit.ly/1Y1BXwK;andCICP,‘HumanSecurity&LandRightsinCambodia’(2014)http://bit.ly/1VUGJ0B2LICADHO,‘“GoodWives”:WomenLandCampaignersandtheImpactofHumanRightsActivism’(2013)

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1.Introduction

1.1OverviewofCambodia’sLandSituation

ThemajorityofCambodiansrelyonlandtosustaintheirlivelihoods-79%ofthepopulationinhabitsrural areas3 and therefore are largely dependent on access to, and control over, land and othernaturalresources.Yet,asaresultofCambodia’stumultuoushistory,whichhasresultedinsignificantchangesregardinglandownershipandthedocumentationofsuchownership,manydonotpossessformal landtitlesandthereforeareextremelyvulnerableto landgrabbing.Aweakruleof lawandwidespread corruption have facilitated such land grabbing and further exacerbated suchvulnerability.Thus, insecurityof landtenure isoneofthemostmajorandpressing issuesaffectingCambodianstoday,particularlywomen.

A major source of Cambodia’s land conflict has been the devastating policy of economic landconcessions (“ELCs”), whereby the RGC has granted over two million hectares of land to privateinterests,4whichhasgivenrise toextensive landgrabbing, forcedevictionsandanumberofotherseriousrightsabuses.AlthoughthousandsofhectareshavebeenbroughtbackunderStatecontrolasaresultofacountrywidereviewofELCsfollowingthe2012moratorium,accordingtotheRGC,asofJuly2016 thereare still 223 companies inCambodiaholdingELCs spanning1.5millionhectaresofland.5 In addition, land grabbing by powerful elites and the initiation of a number of supposeddevelopment and infrastructure projects – such as mining concessions and the construction ofhydropowerdams–havefurthersparkedlandconflictthroughoutthecountry.

It has been estimated that at least 700,000 Cambodians have been affected by land conflictsthroughoutthecountryoverthelastcoupleofdecades6-thisnumberlookssettoincreaseincomingyears with new conflicts being continuously ignited and no resolutions in sight for many existingconflicts,giventhelargelyineffectivenatureoftheexistinglandconflictresolutionmechanisms.7

1.2WomenandLandTenureSecurity

Women’saccesstolandandothernaturalresourcesareessentialtoensuringgenderequalityandanadequatestandardofliving.8Researchhasshownthatasaresultofawoman’sincreasedlandtenuresecurity, women’s participation in household decision-making increases, net household incomesincrease, the incidence of domestic violence reduces and expenditures on food and education forchildren increase.9 Such findings are of particular importance in the Cambodian context, wheregenderbiasiskeenlyfeltandassuch,awoman’sabilitytofulfilltherolesprescribedtoherisvitallydependentonhersecurityoftenure.

3WorldBank2014figureshttp://bit.ly/1Y4NLxd4Vrieze&Naren,CarvingUpCambodia:OneconcessionataTime,CambodiaDaily,March2012http://bit.ly/1Rw8z325MayTitthara,‘MinistryAnnouncesELCTaxRevenue’,KhmerTimes(27July2016)http://bit.ly/2a3U6am6HumanRightsWatch,‘Cambodia:LandTitlingCampaignOpentoAbuse’,(12June2013),http://bit.ly/17FLZsD7Formoreontheshortcomingsofdisputeresolutionmechanisms,see:CCHR,‘TheFailureofLandDisputeResolutionMechanisms’,(BriefingNote)(July2014)http://bit.ly/12zx4nE8UNWomen,‘RealizingWomen’sRightstoLandandOtherProductiveResources’(2013)http://bit.ly/1h09eJR9USAID,‘LandTenure,PropertyRights,andGender:ChallengesandApproachesforStrengtheningWomen’sLandTenureandPropertyRights’(IssueBrief)(July2013)http://bit.ly/29qAwbN

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InKhmersociety,while the teachingof the traditionalcodeofconduct forwomen,ChbabSrey, toschoolgirlshasbeen somewhat restricted in recent years,10 theprincipleof female submissivenessthat it embodies continues to inform the conception of the ideal Cambodian woman. Men andwomenareprescribedgender-specificrolesinaccordancewithdeeplyingrainedculturalbeliefsandtraditionsthatservetoreaffirmthedichotomybetweenpowerfulmasculinityandweakfemininity.Thus,duetotheirallegedweakandemotionalnature,womenareexpectedtoperformthefunctionofprimarycaregiverandprotectorofthehousehold.

A plethora of evidence suggests that gender bias within Cambodia has led to women beingdisproportionatelyaffectedbylandconflict,withlinksbetweenlanddisputes,domesticviolenceandfamilybreakdownparticularlyapparent.Forexample,theCambodianLeagueforthePromotionandDefenseofHumanRights’(“LICADHO”)‘GoodWives’reportsuggestedthatwhenwomenabandonedtheirlong-establishedhousewiferoleinordertostartcampaigningforgreaterlandtenuresecurity,adecision fuelledby the cultural pressureexertedonmothers toprovide foodand shelter for theirfamily, instances of domestic violence increased. The Cambodian Institution for Cooperation andPeace’s‘HumanSecurity&LandRightsinCambodia’reportcorroboratedthefindingsofLICADHO’sreport, insofar as it alsodiscovered that casesof domestic violence increased in thewakeof landconflict.11

Moreover,findingssuggestthatwhilewomenareoftenmotivatedtoundertakeactivismtoprotecttheir landtoensuretheirchildrenhaveastablehome,campaigningoftendepriveswomenoftimethatwouldotherwisebespentearninganincomeandcaringfortheirchildren.Inparticular,thelossinincomecanhavedevastatingimpacts,renderingfamiliesunabletopayforessentialmedicinesandtheir children’s school fees, for example. That a woman’s activism had the ability to have suchcontradictoryoutcomeswasfoundbyLICADHOtobe,“asourceofconsiderableinternalconflictforallthewomengiventhattheirmainreasonfortakingupacampaigningrolewastoprovideagoodlifefortheirchildrenbyensuringtheyhadahomenowandinthefuture”.12

10KellyGraceandSothyEng,‘ThereIsNoPlacefor‘ChbabSrey’inCambodianSchools’,TheCambodiaDaily(9June2015)http://bit.ly/1MPseWY11See:LICADHO,‘“GoodWives”:WomenLandCampaignersandtheImpactofHumanRightsActivism’(2014)http://bit.ly/1MuL4FAandCICP,‘HumanSecurity&LandRightsinCambodia’(2014)http://bit.ly/1VUGJ0B12LICADHO,‘GoodWives:WomenLandCampaignersandtheImpactonHumanRightsActivism’(November2014)http://bit.ly/1MuL4FA

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2.LegalFramework

Given that land conflicts have the potential to uniquely impact women, it is crucial that acomprehensivesystemoflegalprotectionsexisttoensuretheirsecurityoftenure. Intheory,underCambodian law, there are extensive safeguards that protect land rights in addition to women’srights.Howeverweakimplementationandenforcementmeansthatinrealitytheserightsareoftennotprotected.

CCHRhason severaloccasionsoutlinedCambodia’s legal commitments tohuman rights, includinglandrights, inbothdomesticandinternational law.Inparticular,CCHR’sFactsheet, ‘ApplicabilityofInternational Human Rights Law in Cambodia’,13 highlights main sources of international humanrights law in the Cambodian legal system, and CCHR’s Report, ‘Cambodia: Land in Conflict, AnOverviewoftheLandSituation’,14providesananalysisofthelegalframeworkprotectinglandrightsandCambodia’slegalobligationstoensurelandtenuresecurity.

Therefore,thischapterwillfocusspecificallyonwomen’srightsinCambodiabyexaminingrelevantprovisions under domestic and international law, particularly in relation to land and domesticviolence,given the latterwas found tobea significant issue facingCambodianwomen involved inlandconflict.

2.1ProtectionofWomen’sLandRights

2.1.1ProtectionunderInternationalLaw

Women’s rights to access landandothernatural resources areprotectedunder international law,andthusareautomaticallyprotectedunderdomesticlawbywayofArticle31oftheConstitutionofthe Kingdom of Cambodia (the “Constitution”), which explicitly incorporates international humanrightslawintodomesticlaw.15

TheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRights(the“UDHR”), inArticle2, laysouttheprincipleofnon-discrimination, includingbasedongender, intheenjoymentofrightsguaranteedintheUDHR,andspecificallyArticle17oftheUDHRstatesthat,“everyonehastherighttoownpropertyaloneaswellasinassociationwithothers(and)nooneshallbearbitrarilydeprivedofhisproperty.”16Similarly,awoman’srighttoownandadministerpropertywithoutdiscriminationisprotectedunderArticle15oftheConventionontheEliminationofAllFormsofDiscriminationAgainstWomen(“CEDAW”),towhichCambodia is a party.Of particular relevance, CEDAWalso calls upon StatesParties to “takeinto account the particular problems faced by rural women and the significant roles which ruralwomen play in the economic survival of their families,”17 and requires the elimination ofdiscriminationagainstwomen in ruralareas“inorder toensure,onabasisofequalityofmenand

13CCHR,‘ApplicabilityofInternationalHumanRightsLawinCambodia’(FactSheet)(January2014)http://bit.ly/1rMhUc214CCHR,‘Cambodia:LandinConflict,AnOverviewoftheLandSituation’(Report)(December2013)http://bit.ly/1KtPNVy15AsconfirmedbytheConstitutionalCounciloftheKingdomofCambodia,DecisionNo.092/003/2007,(10July2007)16TheUDHR,(10December1948),Article17,http://bit.ly/2bmH8e917CEDAW,(18December1979),Article14(1),http://bit.ly/1jEADx3

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women, that theyparticipate in andbenefit from rural development.”18 Inparticular, ruralwomenareguaranteedanequalrighttoenjoyadequatelivingconditions,includinghousing.19

The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (the “ICESCR”), to whichCambodiaisalsoaparty,callsonStatesPartiestoensuretheequalrightofmenandwomentotheenjoyment of all rights set forth in the ICESCR,20 prohibiting discrimination based on sex,21 andrecognizestherighttoanadequatestandardofliving,includinghousing.22

Although not legally binding, the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization’s VoluntaryGuidelines on Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries and Forests in the Context ofNationalFoodSecurity(the“VGGT”)includegenderequalityasoneofthetenessentialprinciplesforimplementationofresponsiblegovernanceoftenure,andemphasizegendersensitivityatallstagesof the governance process. The VGGT are an internationally recognized and accepted set ofprinciples and best practices to guide the development and implementation of policies and lawsrelatedtolandtenureandresourcegovernance.

2.1.2ProtectionunderDomesticLaw

Asalreadystated, the international rightsandprotectionsoutlinedabovearedirectlyapplicable inCambodian lawbywayof theConstitution,however therearealso specificprovisions indomesticlawwhich provide further protection forwomen’s land rights. The 2001 Land Law introduces theconcept of co-ownership of a property in Chapter 9, often translated from the Khmer text as“undividedownership”,whereby“eachundividedownerenjoysthepropertyandusesittotheextentthatsuchenjoymentdoesnot infringetherightsoftheotherundividedowners”.23Additionally,theCivilCodeofCambodia(the“CivilCode”),enactedin2011,containsprovisionsthatfurthersafeguardtherightsofwomen“touse,enjoythebenefitfromandmanagethecommonproperty”.24Inordertosella jointlyownedproperty,bothspousesmustconsent to thedeal.However, thisonly refers topropertyacquiredduringthemarriageanddoesnotextendtopropertythatwasownedbyoneofthespousespriortotheirunion.Further,theRGCisobliged,underArticle46oftheConstitution,toprovide assistance to “women, especially to those living in rural areas without adequate socialsupport, so theycangetemployment,medical care,andsend their children to school,and tohavedecentlivingconditions.”

2.2ProtectionsagainstDomesticViolence

2.2.1ProtectionunderInternationalLaw

Domestic violence is recognized in international law as a violationof human rights.While CEDAWdoesnotexplicitlymentionviolenceagainstwomenordomesticviolence,therighttoequalityandfreedom from discrimination protected under CEDAW has been interpreted as protecting against

18Ibid.,Art.14(2)19Ibid.,Art.14(2)(h)20ICESCR,Article321Ibid,Article222Ibid,Article1123LandLaw,Article17124TheCivilCodeofCambodia,Article974http://bit.ly/29QGGid

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suchviolence.25 Inaddition,Article5ofCEDAWdemandsthatStatesPartiesactivelyworktowardseliminatingbothpracticesbasedonstereotypedgender-rolesandculturalandsocialbehaviorsthatperpetuateideasofinferiorityorsuperiorityofeitherofthesexes,whichisparticularlyimportanttothe Cambodian context. Moreover, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination againstWomen,whichmonitorstheimplementationofCEDAWandmayissueauthoritativeinterpretationsof its provisions, adopted in 1992 General Recommendation Number 19,which explicitly includesgender-basedviolenceasaformofdiscriminationcoveredbyCEDAW,denouncingdomesticviolenceas “one of the most insidious forms of violence against women”.26 As well as ratifying CEDAW,Cambodia has also ratified the Optional Protocol to CEDAW, which creates a right of individualcomplainttotheCommittee,furtherdemonstratingacommitmenttotheprotectionofwomen.

In addition, a number of other treaties and conventions have been interpreted as containingprohibitions of domestic violence, although they do not specificallymention domestic violence orviolenceagainstwomen.Forexample, theUDHRstates,“everyonehas the right to life, libertyandsecurityofperson”,27a right that is reaffirmed inArticles6and9of the InternationalCovenantonCivil and Political Rights (the “ICCPR”). Similarly, the right to be free from torture is relevant todomestic violence, protected by theUDHR,28 the ICCPR29 and the Convention against Torture andOtherCruel,InhumanorDegradingTreatmentorPunishment,towhichCambodiaisaparty.

2.2.2ProtectionunderDomesticLaw

The2005LawonthePreventionofDomesticViolenceandtheProtectionofVictims(the“DomesticViolence Law”) provides a working definition of domestic violence and while it does not containspecificcrimesorpenaltyprovisions,itstatesinArticle35thatanyactsofdomesticviolencedeemedcriminal offences “shall be punishedunder thepenal law in effect”.30However, thismeans acts ofdomesticviolenceareonlypunishableiftherearestipulationsintheCriminalCodeoftheKingdomofCambodia thatdefine themas such,meaning someoffences, suchaspsychological violence,gounpunished.Marital rape is also another glaring omissionwithin theDomestic Violence Law, as iseconomicviolence,referringtoactsintendedtodecreaseawoman’sabilitytoincreaseherincomeand/orstandardofliving.TheexclusionoftheseformsofviolencefromtheDomesticViolenceLawisindirectcontraventionofCEDAW.

The Domestic Violence Law’s failure to adequately protect victims of domestic violence iscompoundedbyitslimitedunderstandingofwhomaybeconsideredapotentialvictimofdomesticviolence.Itdefinesvictimsashusbands,wives,childrenor“personslivingundertheroofofthehouseandwhoaredependentofthehouseholds”.31Bynarrowlydemarcatingwhatitmeanstobeavictim,theDomesticViolenceLawinevitablyfailstoprotectwomenin lessformalrelationshipswithmen,suchasmistressesandex-wives,whoarejustassusceptibletoabuse.

25CommitteeontheEliminationofDiscriminationAgainstWomen,GeneralRecommendationNo.19(1992),paras.6and7http://bit.ly/1pIe2Cz26CommitteeontheEliminationofDiscriminationagainstWomen,GeneralRecommendation19,Violenceagainstwomen(1992)http://bit.ly/1pIe2Cz27UDHR,Article328Ibid,Article529ICCPR,Article730LawonthePreventionofDomesticViolenceandtheProtectionofVictims(16September2005)http://bit.ly/1Uytl2Z31Ibid,Article2

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Article8of theDomesticViolence Law is another causeof concern, insofar as it couldbe seen tocondonedomestic violenceunder the guiseof “discipline”. Thearticle exempts actsof discipliningthat encourage spouses, children or dependent persons “to follow the good ways of living withdignityandthenation’sgoodcustomandtradition”fromclassificationasactsofdomesticviolence,ifsuchactsare“inaccordancewiththeprincipleoftheUnitedNationsConventionsonHumanRightsand Child Rights”. The Domestic Violence Law also fails to account for acts of self-defense. As aresult, many women have been imprisoned for killing their husbands in reaction to sustaineddomesticabusewithoutthecourtsconsideringthenotionofself-defense.

InJuly2016,theMinistryofWomen’sAffairssignedaletterofagreementwithUNWomen,markingthebeginningof a government reviewof theDomesticViolence Law.Ministry spokespersonPhonPuthborey has stated, “the aim of the review is to fill the gaps and increase effectiveness of theresponsetogender-basedviolencecases.”32Itisunclearhowlongthereviewisexpectedtotake.

TheCivilCodeoutlines theconditions inwhichawomanmay fileacomplaint fordivorce, incaseswhere mutual agreement is not forthcoming, in Article 978.33 Regrettably, the Article does notexplicitlylistdomesticviolenceasagroundfordivorce.

32SoniaKohlbacher,‘ControversialDomesticAbuseLawUnderGovernmentReview’,TheCambodiaDaily,(27August2016)http://bit.ly/2bsRWrm33TheCivilCodeofCambodia,Article978

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3.PurposeandMethodology

3.1Purpose

Ashasbeenstated,anumberofstudies inrecentyearshaveexploredtheways inwhichwomen’slivesinCambodiahavebeenadverselyaffectedbylandconflict.However,owingtothelimitedscopeof their research (largely basedonqualitative data), these studies donot lend themselveswell todefinitiveconclusions.Assuch,theLRP identifiedtheneedtobuildonpre-existingresearch inthisarea aswell as findings fromCCHR’s own prior research, in particular CCHR’s LandActivist Profileseries,34inwhichanumberofwomenaffectedbylandconflictshavebeenprofiled.ThepurposeofthisReportistobridgethegapbetweenpreliminaryqualitativeresearchandconclusivefindingsbycollectingasubstantialquantitativedatasetthatdrawsfromarepresentativesamplesize.

3.2Methodology

ExtensivedeskresearchandafocusgroupdiscussionfacilitatedbytheLRPinMarch2016servedasthe preliminary research for the report. Both suggested poor mental health, alcoholism and ahusband’s disapproval of his wife’s involvement in campaigning were three areas of particularconcern amongst women affected by land conflict; the surveys, which were to provide thesubstantivedatafromwhichthereportdrewitsconclusivefindings,were,thus,designedtoreflecttheseinitialfindings.

The surveys contained predominantly multiple-choice questions, divided into seven sections:biographical information;background informationonthe landconflict; theeconomic impactoftheland conflict; the land conflict’s impact on familial relationships; the land conflict’s impact on theinterviewee’s mental health; the land conflict’s impact on the interviewee’s children, and theinterviewee’s activism. The survey was tested among participants in Phnom Penh, to checkunderstanding and obtain feedback from participants, and revised accordingly before the fieldmissionsbegan.

In order for our conclusions to be representative of women affected by land conflict acrossCambodia,weusedthefollowingequationtodeterminethenumberofwomenwewouldneedtosurvey:

𝒙 = 𝒁 𝒄𝟏𝟎𝟎

𝟐𝒓 𝟏𝟎𝟎 − 𝒓

𝒏 = 𝑵𝒙( 𝑵 − 𝟏 𝑬𝟐 + 𝒙)

𝑬 = 𝑺𝒒𝒓𝒕[ 𝑵 − 𝒏 𝒙𝒏(𝑵 − 𝟏)

Where n is the sample size, E is themargin of error, N is the population size, r is the faction ofresponsesthatweareinterestedinandZ(c/100)isthecriticalvaluefortheconfidencelevelc.

34CCHR,‘LandActivistProfileSeries’http://bit.ly/21b6V96

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We set our acceptedmargin of error at 4% and our confidence level at 95%. This represents ourbeliefthatifweweretoconductthesamesurvey100times,theresultswouldbewithin+/-4%ofthe first timewe ran the survey, 95 timesoutof 100.Given that reports suggest at least 700,000Cambodianshavebeennegativelyaffectedby landconflict since200035and thatwomenmakeuproughly51%ofCambodia’spopulation,36thenumberofwomenestimatedtohavebeeninvolvedinland conflicts is 357,000; thus, this is the figure used for the ‘population size’ for the survey.Ourrecommendedsamplesizewas,therefore,600.

While a large number of women have been affected by land conflicts in Cambodia, inadequatecommunication networks, a dearth of comprehensive data on communities affected by landconflicts, and a lack of resources meant that identifying potential survey participants in a whollyunbiasedmannerwould be impossible.We, therefore, relied on pre-existing networks to identifysuitable communities in which to conduct our survey. This method is referred to as ‘snowballsampling’andalthoughitlimitedtheextenttowhichoursurveycouldbeconsideredrepresentative,insofarasitsrelianceonhumanreferralsrendersthemethodinherentlybiased,theaforementionedlimitationsprecludedthepossibilityofusingmorescientificsamplingtechniques.ConsultationswithcommunityrepresentativesandotherrelevantCCHRcontactshelpedustoestablish22communitiesin12provinces,inadditiontoPhnomPenh,assuitablelocationsforfieldmissions.

Overthecourseoffivefieldmissions,whichtookplacefromMaytoJune2016,CCHRsurveyed612womenfromfiveethnicgroups:71.7%identifiedasKhmer;5.1%asKuoy;20.5%asBunong;372.5%as Stiengand0.2%asKhmerKrom.All participantswere involved in land conflictswitheither theState, private companies or powerful individuals. The women’s ages ranged between 15 and 71

35HumanRightsWatch,‘Cambodia:LandTitlingCampaignOpentoAbuse’,(12June2013),http://bit.ly/1U5ECUL36TheAsiaFoundation,‘TheRoleofWomeninCambodia’(August2003)http://bit.ly/2aMXPfK37AlsoknownasPhnong

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years, although the majority of the women were aged between 31 and 60 (68.2%). Most of thewomenweremarried (76.1%), almostone fifthwerewidowed (18.5%)andonly3.1%were single.Half of the women (52.8%) had never attended school. Only 4.2% lived alone, which appears toreflecttheimportanceaccordedtomarriageandfamilywithinKhmerculture.

In addition to surveyingwomen, the LRP team conducted37 face-to-face interviews in ten of thecommunities in eight provinces, with both male and female community members andrepresentatives,toobtaindetailedbackgroundinformationonthoselandconflicts.

3.3ScopeandLimitations

TheextensivescopeofthesurveyenabledtheLRPtopronounceitsfindingsasrepresentativeofallwomenaffectedby landconflict inCambodia.However,aswithanycollectionofdata, its findingswereconstrainedbycertainlimitations.

As touched upon in the methodology section of this Report, the LRP team employed ‘snowballsampling’when identifying its target communities,whichgave the survey resultsadegreeofbias.However,employing this samplingmethodenabledCCHRtodeliveron itspromiseof followingupwithaffectedcommunitiesandcontinuingtooffersupportwherenecessary.

Inaddition,thefindingsarelikelytobeskewedslightlybyadegreeofnon-response,whichslightlycompromises the sample size for certain questions. However, ultimately we believe the biasesdisclosedhadnomaterialstatisticalimpactonthefinding’sconclusions.

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4.TheEffectsofLandConflictonWomen

This section of the Reportwill present the findings of the research,whichwill outline the uniquewaysinwhichwomenareadverselyaffectedbylandconflictsinCambodia.

4.1Violationsoflandrights

4.1.1Insecurityoftenure

Worryingly, our survey revealed that only 6.3% ofwomen affected by land conflict perceive theircurrenttenuresituationassecure.Overhalf(52.4%)ofthewomenfelttheirlandtenuretobe‘notsecure’andoveraquarter(26.5%)reportedthattheirtenuresituationwas‘notsecureatall’.Giventhatawoman’sabilitytoperformthetraditionalrolesprescribedtoherbyKhmerculturereliesonsecurityoftenure,insecurityoftenureforwomenasaresultoflandconflictislikelytobethecauseofgreatstrainonthosewomen.

Inaddition,asignificantmajorityof thewomen(80.4%)worriedthat theywouldbeevicted in thefuture-a lackofofficial landtitles(only2%ofthewomenhadformal landtitles)andthreatsfromthelocalauthoritiesandprivatecompanieswereidentifiedastheprimaryreasonsbehindthislackoftenure security. However, even being in possession of a formal land title does not necessarilyguaranteesecurityoftenure,despitethisbeingthecaseintheory,duetoweakimplementationandenforcementof the law. InKruosvillage,AnlongRuncommune,ThmaKouldistrict inBattambangprovince,theLRPdiscoveredthatthevillagershadhadtheirfarmlandgrabbedbypowerfulinterests,despite holding formal titles for that land that grant them legal protection. Even though thecommunityhasfilednumerouscomplaintswiththeauthoritiesandcourt,theyhaveyettoreceivearesolution,almost20yearsafterthelandgrab.

4.1.2Forcedevictions

Forcedevictions – those carriedout against thewill of theoccupantswithout theprovisionof, oraccessto,appropriateformsoflegalorotherprotection-constituteagrosscontraventionofhuman

0.2%

6.3%

14.5%

52.4%

26.5%

HowdoyouperceiveyourcurrentlandtenuresituaVon?

Verysecure

Secure

Neithersecure,norinsecure

Notsecure

Notsecureatall

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rights.38CCHR’s surveyuncloaked thewidespreadandsystematicnatureof forcedevictionsacrossCambodia: 24.4% of the women had been evicted from their homes and almost all (98%) of theevictionswereforcedorviolent.Exacerbatingthetraumaofeviction,89.2%ofallthoseevictedwerenotgivenpriornoticeoftheirevictionand89.9%werenotprovidedcompensation.

These findingsprovideoverwhelmingevidence thatevictionsarebeingcarriedout inCambodia incontraventionofdomesticandinternationallaw,violatingtherighttoadequatehousing,therighttosecurity of land tenure, the right to security of the person, freedom from cruel, inhuman anddegradingtreatment,andawholehostofotherinternationallyrecognizedhumanrightsstandards.39

4.1.3Inadequaterelocationsites

Ofthe149womenwhohadbeenevictedfromtheirhomes,90.8%hadbeenresettledatarelocationsite. Yet, despite being providedwith a relocation site,many continue to suffer from amyriad ofhuman rights violations. In fact, common tomanyof the interviews the LRP teamconductedwithcommunity representatives was concern at the poor living conditions found at many of therelocation sites offered to those involved in land conflicts. This corroborated CCHR’s previousfindingsthatrelocationsitesareoftengrosslyinadequate.40

Alarmingly, 88.3% of women living at relocation sites reported not feeling safe at their currentresidence,violatingthefundamentalhumanrighttofreedomfromfear.Moreover,overhalf(52%)indicatedtheydidnothaveaccesstoanyofthefollowingattherelocationsite:schools,hospitalsorclinics,markets,accessroads,electricity,cleanwatersupplyoraworkingsewagesystem.Inaddition,91.4%ofwomenlivingatrelocationsitesrevealedtheyharboredconcernthattheymaybeevictedagaininthefuture,suggestingahighperceptionofinsecurityoftenure.

38UnitedNationsCommitteeonEconomic,SocialandCulturalRights,GeneralCommentNo7:Therighttoadequatehousing(Art.11.1):forcedevictions,E/1998/22,(20May1997)http://bit.ly/HbQDIV39Ibid40CCHR,‘Cambodia:LandinConflict–AnOverviewoftheLandSituation’(December2013))http://bit.ly/2aihu9a

91.41

6.25 2.34

Areyouconcernedthatyoumaybeevictedinthefuture?

Yes

No

Notsure

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4.2Harassmentandintimidationbytheauthoritiesandprivateactors

Womenwhoexperiencedlandconflictswerealmostalwayssubjecttothreats,harassment,arrest,orviolenceby theauthoritiesor landconcessionactors, includingprivate security forcesor companyemployees. Of the respondents, 94.5% experienced threats, 73.1% experienced harassment orintimidation, 33.6% experienced violence, and 2.1% experienced arrests by authorities. This iscompared to women who experienced a land conflict with land concession actors: 59.5%experiencedthreats,49%experiencedharassment,24%experiencedviolence,and1.5%experiencedarrest.

*Respondentswereabletogivemorethanoneresponse

4.3EconomicInsecurity

Unsurprisingly, given that the livelihoodsofmanyCambodians continue todependuponaccess toland (85.5% of the respondents did so prior to the onset of land conflict), the majority (98%) ofwomen reported that land conflict had affected them economically, with 91.3% of householdsexperiencingdecreases in theirhousehold’s income.CCHR’s findings revealedanumberofways inwhich land conflict had increased economic insecurity among the women; difficulties in buyingenough food to feed their families andmedical needs not beingmet, posed themost urgent andmajoreconomicchallenges,violatingtherightstofoodandtohealth.

59.5

49

24

1.5

0.55

94.5

73.1

33.6

2

1.7

0 20 40 60 80 100

Threats

Harrassment/insmidason

Violence

Arrest

SexualHarrassment

Percentageofwomen

Haveyouexperiencedthreats,harassmentorarrestbytheauthoriVesand/orcompanies?*

Authorises

LandConcessionHolders

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*Respondentswereabletogivemorethanoneresponse

Intermsoffamilymembersmigratingtofindworkelsewhere(asreportedby5.37%ofthewomen),oftenitismalemembersofthefamilythatmigrate,placingfurtherstrainonwomenwhoarelefttocareforthechildrenandassumeevenfurtherresponsibilitywithinthehousehold.

Amorelong-termimpactwasthatalmosthalf(44.6%)ofthewomenreportedtakingoutbankloansto ease their financial difficulties as a result of the land conflict. Communities expressed uneaseregarding takingout loansduring the interviews, asmanywerenot confident that they couldpaythemback. In fact,a trendwas identifiedwhereby families resort to takingoutadditional loans inordertomaketherepaymentsontheirolderloans,drivingthemfurtherintoacycleofdebt.

4.4Impactonfamilialrelationships

Unfortunately, just over half (51.1%) of the women claimed land conflicts have impacted theirfamilial relationships, proving that the negative consequences of land conflict extendwell beyondtheeconomicrealm.

91.7876.78

38.59 44.63 41.61

5.370102030405060708090100

Difficulttobuyenoughfoodtofeedfamily

Medicalneedsnotbeingmet

Hadtotakeanaddisonaljob

Hadtotakeoutabankloan

Becamedependentonotherfamilymembers

Familymembershadtomigratetofindwork

Percen

tageofw

omen

HasthechangeinyourfinancialsituaVon,duetotheland

conflict,hadanyofthefollowingimpacts?*

51.1448.86

HasthelandconflicthadanyimpactonyourfamilialrelaVonships?

Yes

No

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Women predominantly experienced impaired relationships with husbands/spouses (44.1%) orchildren(14.4%),butasmallproportion(2.9%)alsoconsideredtheirrelationshipwiththeirsiblingsto have deteriorated as a result of the land conflict. The four main reasons given for thedeteriorationof familial relationshipswere,emotionaldistresscausedby the landconflict (45.2%);financialconcerns(33.6%);lossofland(27.6%)andpoorhealth(7.0%).

4.5Domesticviolence

ThefindingsofCCHR’ssurveysupporttheassertionthatlandconflictleadstoincreasedincidencesofdomesticviolence,with23.0%ofwomeninrelationshipsinvolvedinlandconflictself-identifyingasvictims of domestic abuse41 and 53.9%of thesewomen having never experienced violence at thehandsoftheirpartnerspriortothe landconflict. It iswidelyacknowledgedthatconflict,evenlow-level,canleadtoanincreaseingender-basedviolence;thus,whileitisworrying,itisnotsurprisingthatthewomenreportedan increase indomesticviolencefollowingtheonsetofthe landconflict.However,whileCCHR’sFocusGroupDiscussionandpreviousresearchhassuggestedthataprincipalreason foran increase indomesticviolenceasa resultof landconflict ishusbandsdisapprovingoftheirwivesspendingmoretimecampaigningthandoinghousework,ourfindingsfromthisstudyareatoddswiththisstatement,withonlyonewomanattributingherhusband’sviolencetodisapprovalofheractivism.Rather,91%ofwomenreportedthat theirhusbandsweresupportiveof their landrightsactivism.

Themostcommonanswer(givenby40.6%ofwomen)inresponsetobeingaskedwhytheythoughttheirhusbandorspousehadbeenviolenttowardsthemwasexcessivealcoholconsumption(whichhadincreasedin61.6%ofcasesinvolvingdomesticabusesincetheonsetofthelandconflict).Otherreasons identified were: increased tension following loss of land (17.9%); arguments revolvingaround loss of income (17.9%); emotional distress (11.3%); and general disagreements (6.6%).However, while it was beyond the scope of this report to interrogate the motivations for, andpurported justifications employed, to defend the legitimacy of this violence, pre-existing researchsuggests that the widespread cultural acceptance of female subservience and concomitant malesuperioritygoes someway inexplainingendemicdomestic violencewithinCambodia: in this light,

41Giventhesensitivenatureofthisquestion,onecansafelyassumethattheactualnumberishigherthanthatgiven.

61%29%

10%

DidthedomesVcviolenceincreasea]ertheconflictbegan?

Yes

No

Notsure

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excessive alcohol consumption should be seen more as a catalyst for violence rather than anunderlyingcause.

Onlyaquarter (25.7%)of thewomen that revealed themselves tobevictimsofdomesticviolencehad sought help from the local authorities regarding the abuse. There is a long-held belief inCambodia that domestic violence is an internal, family matter and, consequently, beyond thejurisdictions of actors outside the family unit. This notion could have influenced some women’sdecisionnottopursuejusticethroughformalchannels,astheymayhavebeenresignedtotheideathattheauthoritieswouldnottakeanyaction.However,itisnotablethatin81.5%ofcasesbroughttotheauthorities,actionwastakenagainsttheaccused.

4.6Impactonchildren

Increasedinstancesofviolencewerenotjustobservedbetweenhusbandandwife,butalsobetweenmotherandchild:40.1%ofmothersinvolvedinlanddisputesstatedtheywereviolenttowardstheirchildren,withalmosthalf(48.1%)havingnotactedviolentlytowardsthempriortotheonsetofthelanddispute.Thiscorrelateswithourfindingsthat82.6%ofwomenreportedfeelingangryfollowingthe land conflict; increased anger may be a factor in the increased violence. The women alsoidentifiedanumberofotherwaysinwhichtheyfelttheirchildrenhadbeennegativelyaffectedbylandconflict,whichweresourcesofworryforthem,asfollows:

*Respondentswereabletogivemorethanoneresponse

Psychological impacts of land conflict among children seem apparent, as 40.9% of the womenreported their childrenweremore prone to angry or emotional outbursts as a result of the landconflict.Othermajorimpactsidentifiedwerechildrenbeingremovedfromschool(43.9%)andbeingput towork (36%), likely due to the deteriorating economic circumstances of the family. Inmanycases, thiswork constitutes child labor,definedby the International LabourOrganizationas “work

0 10 20 30 40 50

Hadtoremovefromschool

Schoolagedchildrenhadtowork

Lossofconcentrasonatschool

Lossofconfidence

Acoholordrugeuse

Sadnessoverdivorceorseparason

Angryoremosonaloutbursts

Percentageofwomen

Inwhatways,ifany,hasthelandconflictaffectedyourchildren?*

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that deprives children of their childhood,” including work that “interferes with their schooling by:depriving themof the opportunity to attend school; obliging them to leave school prematurely; orrequiringthemtoattempttocombineschoolattendancewithexcessivelylongandheavywork.”42Forexample, in Aoral district in Kampong Speu province, communitymembers whose land had beengrabbedbytycoonLyYongPhat tomakeway forasugarplantationspokeopenlyabouthavingtoremovetheirchildrenfromschoolprematurelyasaresultofthelandconflict.Astheirlandhadbeengrabbed,theywerenolongerabletoearnanincomefromfarmingandthereforetheydependedontheirchildrenearninganincometosubsist.Thus,childrenasyoungas13yearshadbeenforcedintoforgoingtheireducationatacrucialstageintheirpersonaldevelopment,andfurther,wererequiredto travel far fromhome toPhnomPenh to findworkas the landconflicthaddevastated the localeconomy. The community revealed many of the children were now working in Phnom Penh’sgarmentfactories,working12-hourdays interribleconditions.Similarly, inKohKong’sChiKhaLeucommune,childrenasyoungastenyearshavebeenpulledoutofschoolandnowworkonthesugarplantations for the perpetrators of the land grabbing,which communitymembers revealedwas asourceofshame,butanecessitynonethelessduetotheirinabilitytoearnanincomefromtheirland.

Thefindingsthatsuggestsuchahighnumberofchildrenbeingdeprivedofaneducationasaresultof landconflictandinsteadenduringchild labor,violatestheConventionontheRightsoftheChildandthe InternationalLabourOrganization’sConventionconcerningMinimumAgeforAdmissiontoEmployment–whichenforcesaminimumworkingageindevelopingcountriesof14years43–bothofwhichCambodiahasratified,andCambodia’sdomesticlaw.

4.7PsychologicalImpact

Losing a homeor job is often considered one of themost stressful events a human being can bemade to endure: being embroiled in a land conflict generally involves both and, therefore, placeshugestressuponthementalhealthofthoseaffected,especiallygiventhemajorityofwomen’sroleas primary caretaker of the household. The findings of our survey revealed that land conflict hasalarmingpsychological impactsonwomen:98.2%ofwomenreportedthattheirmentalhealthhadbeenaffectedasaresultof the landconflict;astaggering46.2%ofwomenhadconsideredendingtheirownlife;and18.1%hadattemptedsuicide.Moreover,35%ofwomenrespondedthattheystillharboredsuicidalthoughts.

42ILO,“Whatischildlabour”,http://bit.ly/1dZyCvJ43ILO,‘ConventionconcerningtheMinimumAgeforAdmissiontoEmployment’(19June1976)http://bit.ly/1lNdlbG

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Aside from suicidal feelings, other impacts reportedby thewomenas a result of the land conflictwere: feeling sad (70.2%); feeling fearful (85.3%); feeling angry (82.5%); feeling trapped (83.5%);feeling worthless (61.7%); feeling hopeless about the future (80.8%); feeling nervousness orshakiness inside (60.7%); and crying easily (72.9%). These indicators suggest a strong correlationbetween land conflict and mental health, revealing an urgent need for intervention. Despite thisurgentneed,only16.9%ofthewomenwhoreportedthattheirmentalhealthhadbeenaffectedbythe land conflict had received counseling (predominantly from NGOs, including the CambodianHuman Rights and Development Association, CCHR, Community Legal Education Center, EquitableCambodia, LICADHO and the Transcultural Psychosocial Organization Cambodia). Yet, almost all(99%) of the women who reported that their mental health had been affected stated that theywishedtoreceivecounselinginthefuture.Inlightoftheserevelations,NGOswouldbewisetofocusfutureprojectsonimprovingmentalhealthsupporttowomenaffectedbylandconflict.

46.2%53.8%

Sincethelandconflictbegun,haveyoueverconsideredendingyourlife?

Yes

No

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5.ConclusionandRecommendations

ThefindingsofthisReportreaffirmthatwomenexperiencetheeffectsoflandconflictinCambodiainauniquemanner;and reveal troublingeffects that requireurgent intervention.Particularly,ourresearch identified three areas of serious concern:widespread domestic violence, exacerbated bytheonsetoflandconflict;adeteriorationofwomen’smentalhealthasaresultoflandconflict;andthe significant impact on children, whereby land conflict increases their exposure to domesticviolence, decreases their access to education, and increases the incidence of child labor. Suchimpactshavethepotentialforseriouslong-term,aswellasimmediateeffects,inparticularthosefeltbychildren,whichhavethepotentialtothreatentheir futuredevelopment.Thesefindingsprovidesubstantialqualitativedatainsupportofpre-existingresearchconductedinthisarea.

Ultimately,thefindingshighlighttheurgentneedforwomentoenjoygreaterlandtenuresecurityinCambodia.Inlightofthis,CCHRrecalls,andurgestheRGCtoimplement,allrecommendationsmadein our 2013 report, ‘Cambodia: Land in Conflict’, which concern transparency, security of tenure,consultations, forced evictions, access to effective remedy and rights to freedoms of expression,association and assembly.44 In relation to the previous recommendation made concerningconsultationsandenvironmentalandsocialimpactassessments,inlightofthisReport’sfindingswesuggesttheyincludegenderandchildrightsimpactassessments.

In addition, CCHRmakes the following recommendations to stakeholders, based on the researchpresentedinthisReport:

5.1RecommendationstotheRoyalGovernmentofCambodia

5.1.1ConcerningDomesticViolenceTheRGCandrelevantministries,includingtheMinistryofWomen’sAffairs,theMinistryofEducation,YouthandSportandtheMinistryofInformation,should:

• DisseminateinformationontheDomesticViolenceLawinordertoincreasepublicunderstandingandawareness;

• Increaseeducationinschoolsandcommunitiesontheimportanceofgenderequalityandthatallformsofdomesticabuse,perpetratedbyeithermenorwomen,areunacceptable;

• Ensureallcomplaintsofdomesticviolenceareacteduponbytherelevantauthoritiesandthatwomenareofferedallavailableprotections;and

• Providetrainingtolocalauthoritiesonhowtorecognizedomesticviolenceandadequatelysupportvictims.

5.1.2ConcerningMentalHealthTheRGCandrelevantministries,includingtheMinistryofHealth,shouldimprovementalhealthservicesby:

• Trainingmorepsychiatrists,practitionersandacademicsspecializinginmentalhealth;

44CCHR,‘Cambodia:LandinConflict,AnOverviewoftheLandSituation’(December2013)p.40-42http://bit.ly/1KtPNVy

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• Establishingaccessiblenation-widementalhealthclinics;and

• Disseminatinginformationspecificallytargetingareasknownforlandconflictonthedangersofpoormentalhealthandmethodsforcopingwithmentalhealthillnesses.

5.1.3ConcerningChildrenTheRGCandrelevantministries,includingtheMinistryofEducation,YouthandSportshould:

• Allocatefundsandtrainingtolaborinspectorsinordertoenforcelawsagainstchildlabor,andincreaseeffortstoeliminatetheworstformsofchildlabor,incompliancewithArticle6oftheConventionontheRightsoftheChild,towhichCambodiaisaparty;

• Workwithprivatecompaniesandforeigninvestorstoraiseawarenessoftheprevalenceandimpactsofchildlabor;and

• Trainpsychiatrists,expertsandpractitionersthatspecializeinchildren’smentalhealth,andensuretheiravailabilityforfamiliesrecentlyinvolvedinalandconflict;and

• EnforceArticle67oftheConstitution,whichrequireschildrentoreceiveeducationforatleastnineyears.

5.2RecommendationtotheNationalAssembly

• FollowingthegovernmentreviewoftheDomesticViolenceLaw,amendtheDomesticViolenceLawinordertoensurecompliancewithCEDAWandspecificpenaltyprovisions.

5.3RecommendationstoCompanies

• AdheretobothCambodianandinternationallegislationinalloperations;

• Commit toahumanrightspolicywhichprotectswomenandchildren’s rightsand is in linewithboththeUNGuidingPrinciplesonBusinessandHumanRightsandtheChildren’sRightsandBusinessPrinciples,45andensureallstaffareprovidedwithtrainingonthepolicy;

• Avoid causing or contributing to adverse human rights impacts throughout operations,throughmeaningful consultations with local CSOs and affected communities, in particularwomen,ineveryphaseofproposedprojects;and

• Address and remedy human adverse human rights impacts when they occur through theestablishmentofoperational-levelgrievancemechanisms.

5.4RecommendationstoDonorsandCivilSocietyOrganizations

• Raiseawarenessamongcommunitiesofwomen’srights,especiallyinrelationtodomesticviolence,througheducationandtraining;

• Providesupporttoaffectedcommunitiestoensuretheirchildrenareabletostayinschoolandarenotputtowork;

45BuildingontheUNGuidingPrinciplesonBusinessandHumanRights,SavetheChildren,theUNGlobalCompactandUNICEFjointlydevelopedtheChildren’sRightsandBusinessPrinciples,releasedin2012,togivebusinessaclearideaofwhereandhowtheirbusinessmightimpactchildren.Availableat:http://uni.cf/2b04zr0

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• Respond to the need for increasedmental health support amongwomen involved in landconflict,byfundinganddeliveringprogramswithaspecificfocusonprovidingmentalhealthservicestowomenwherepossible;and

• Respond to the need for increased tenure security for women by funding and deliveringprogramswithafocusonimprovingtenuresecurity.

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