Download - Education: Women's Religious: Indonesia
BrillOnline.com
Edited by:
Subjects: Middle East and Islamic Studies
Search results: Prev | 1 of 1 | Next
(13,140 words)
Jackson, Elisabeth
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia
Abstract
Muslim girls and women in Indonesia today enjoy a wide range of
opportunities to learn about Islam, both informally in the family and
community and formally through religious schools, colleges and
universities. Traditional institutions for religious education mainly
educated boys and young men, although some girls did attend religious
schools. Over the course of the twentieth century, however,
opportunities for girls and women to further their education in Islamic
schools expanded significantly. Today, girls’ participation in formal
religious education is equal to that of boys at the primary and
secondary level, and the number of women studying at the tertiary level is rising steadily. Yet girls remain
disadvantaged in religious education: many textbooks are gender-biased, and the institutional culture of schools and
universities still favors men. A new generation of Indonesian Muslim feminists are challenging patriarchal religious
teachings and attempting to reform the culture of religious schools and other institutions, though such change will
take time.
Subject Words
Informal education – Indonesia
women’s religious education – Indonesia
history of religious education – Indonesia
Islamic education – Indonesia
Article Table Of Contents
Introduction
Religious education in the family
and community
Formal religious education
Conclusion
Bibliography
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
1 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
primary education – Indonesia
secondary education – Indonesia
higher education – Indonesia
gender discrimination – Indonesia
Islamic boarding schools – Indonesia
madrasah – Indonesia
teachers – Islamic education – Indonesia
curriculum – Islamic education – Indonesia
gender equality – religious education – Indonesia
In Indonesia today, Muslim girls and women enjoy a wide range of opportunities to learn about Islam, both
informally in the family and community and formally through religious schools, colleges and universities. This entry
begins by examining some of the spaces in which girls and women participate in informal religious learning: at
home, in the local community and in the various educational institutions and religious study sessions in which girls
and women take part. The entry then examines the development and expansion of formal religious education for girls
and women throughout the twentieth century, highlighting the modernization and reform of Islamic schools which
took place over this period. This is followed by an outline of the current state of Islamic education in Indonesia, and a
discussion of gender issues in the curriculum, teaching practices and institutional culture of Islamic schools. The
final section examines women’s participation in Islamic higher education and notes some of the key gender issues in
these institutions.
In Indonesia – as in many other Muslim societies – children’s earliest religious education takes place in the family.
Young children learn about the faith by observing their parents and others as they perform daily religious rituals and
by participating in religious celebrations. Children also learn by listening: to the call to prayer, broadcast from every
mosque, and to their parents and siblings reciting the Qur’an. From an early age, Muslim parents begin teaching
their children Islamic morals and behavior, and explaining the fundamental beliefs and practices of Islam. At
around the age of six, children begin learning to read and recite the Qur’an. This may take place at home, with a
parent or sibling who is able to read the Qur’an proficiently. More commonly, however, children study with a local
religious teacher, or attend one of the many Qur’anic schools which have flourished in the last two decades as part of
the Islamic resurgence in Indonesia.
Qur’anic schools provide a foundation in the faith to children by teaching them to read and understand the Qur’an.
Qur’an kindergartens (Taman Kanak-kanak Al Qur’an) are for children aged 4–6, while Qur’an schools (Taman
Pendidikan Al Qur’an) cater to children aged 7–12. An additional level of study, Ta’limul Qur’an Lil Aulad (Qur’an
Lessons for Children), caters for children aged 5–14 years who are already able to read the Qur’an. According to
Ministry of Religion figures, there are currently almost 150,000 Qur’anic schools in Indonesia, although the actual
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
2 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
number may be much higher. These schools provide instruction to around 7.5 million students, slightly more than
half of whom are girls (BPSI 2011, 248–49). Many of these schools are formal in nature, with set curriculums,
graded classes, uniforms, semi-annual reports, final examinations and graduation ceremonies (Gade 2004, 154–55).
Students in Qur’an kindergartens usually attend classes for an hour in either the morning or the afternoon, for up to
five days a week. Lessons for older students are held three times a week for an hour and a half.
Children in Qur’an kindergartens begin by learning to read and pronounce the letters of the Arabic alphabet. Arabic
alphabet songs set to popular music styles help children to learn the correct pronunciation and alphabet books with
cartoon pictures teach children to recognize Arabic letters. Other songs introduce simple stories from the Qur’an,
and teach children about prayer, fasting, and reading the Qur’an (Gade 2004, 141–44, 154–55). Children are also
introduced to Islamic morals and ethics. Once students have mastered writing the Arabic alphabet they learn how to
connect the letters to make words. Students also memorize the five daily prayers and learn how to wash properly so
that they are ritually clean before they pray. They also memorize short surah (chapters of the Qur’an) and other
prayers. More advanced students memorize and write selected verses from the Qur’an as well as learning the Friday
congregational prayers and the funeral prayers. They also learn to recite the thirtieth portion of the Qur’an (Juz
‘Amma), which is seen as the minimum requirement for Qur’anic proficiency (Gade 2004, 149). While memorization
plays an important role in learning to read and recite the Qur’an, children are also encouraged to understand what
they are reading. More advanced students study basic Qur’anic interpretation, learn the meaning of prayers, and
study verses and hadith on piety.
Another form of religious education for children is madrasah diniyah (informal religious schools). These
privately-run schools provide basic education in Islam for school-age students. The Ministry of Religion estimates
that there are currently over 70,000 such institutions and 5 million students, with boys slightly outnumbering girls.
Students study the Qur’an and hadith, Islamic doctrine, Islamic values and behaviors, Islamic jurisprudence, Arabic
language and Islamic history. There are three levels of study – awwaliyah or ula, wushtu, and ulya – although only
a small percentage of students continue to the second and third levels (BPSI 2011, 232–34, 238–39, 243–44).
Pesantren Ramadan or pesantren kilat are short intensive courses in Islam conducted during the fasting month.
They may be held in mosques or prayer houses, in schools or on university campuses. Pesantren Ramadan cater
mainly to children and teenagers, although courses are also held for adults. Courses for younger children aim to
introduce the basic principles and rituals of the faith while courses for teenagers and young adults may include
lectures and discussions on topics such as Islamic doctrine, the meaning and importance of prayer and fasting,
putting Islamic morals into practice, as well as reading and interpreting the Qur’an.
There are also many opportunities for adults to learn about the faith. The Islamic revival of the last two decades has
seen a huge growth in the popularity of Qur’an study groups (pengajian) and various courses, seminars and
workshops on Islam (Thomas 1988, 912, Howell 2001, 720–21). A thriving Islamic publishing industry has also
emerged, with Islamic magazines aimed at various markets as well as Islamic books, cassettes and CDs of devotional
songs, and audio recordings of sermons by well-known preachers. Islamic radio and television programs regularly
feature sermons by celebrity preachers or talk shows with panels of experts. Indonesian Islam also has a significant
web presence: websites run by various religious organizations provide information on pious living, offer consultation
with experts on matters of Islamic law, and host discussion forums on a range of religious issues. Women are major
consumers of this new form of “commodified Islam” (Fealy 2008). Glossy magazines featuring the latest Muslim
fashion are aimed at middle-class women, and women form the largest fan base of many celebrity preachers.
The Islamic revival in Indonesia has seen a resurgence in women’s desire to learn about the faith and the consequent
expansion of opportunities for women to further their religious knowledge. While men attend the Friday sermon and
prayers, women attend weekly Qur’an study groups, where they study and recite the Qur’an under the guidance of a
religious teacher (Gade 2004, 161–63, 263–64). Women also meet in rural villages and urban neighborhoods to
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
3 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
listen to sermons given by religious preachers, many of whom are women. These majelis taklim groups meet at times
when women are free from housework or paid work, usually in the morning or afternoon and vary in size, from under
a dozen to several thousand. Members come from diverse backgrounds, and range in age from young mothers to
grandmothers. Meetings may be held in a private home, or in a mosque or public hall (Marcoes 1992, Winn 2012).
The meetings usually involve prayer, recitation of the Qur’an, discussion of a religious text or religious issues. In
addition to discussion of religious duties, many preachers also provide guidance on issues that are relevant to
women’s lives during their sermons such as the rights and duties of husbands and wives, family planning and
nutrition, inheritance and divorce, as well as social, economic and political issues from an Islamic perspective
(Marcoes 1992, 205).
The first Muslims to make contact with communities in the archipelago were merchants who stopped at port cities in
Sumatra and other islands from as early as the seventh century. However, the earliest evidence for the permanent
presence of Muslims comes from the thirteenth century, as some of these Muslims married local women and formed
the archipelago’s earliest Muslim communities. They established small mosques, and instructed their wives, children
and other local converts in the fundamental beliefs and rituals of the faith. From around the end of the fourteenth
century, the first Islamic states began to emerge as local rulers converted to Islam and directed their subjects to
follow their example. In order to learn about their new faith, these rulers invited religious scholars from elsewhere in
the Muslim world to reside at their courts for a time. Religious learning also took place around mosques, as Muslims
from the archipelago who had undertaken the haj pilgrimage or studied in centers of Islamic scholarship in the
Middle East tutored a select few students in more advanced knowledge of Islam. At sacred sites throughout the
archipelago, Sufi masters instructed a small number of disciples in the ways of Islamic mysticism (Taylor 2003,
Ricklefs 1991).
From the sixteenth century onwards, institutions for more advanced religious learning began to emerge within the
archipelago, spreading more widely during the nineteenth century (Bruinessen 2008, 219–20, Dhofier 1999, 13–15).
These institutions were known as pesantren in Java, as dayah in Aceh, and surau among the Minangkabau of West
Sumatra (Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 174). Although each has its own unique historical trajectory and regional
variations, the function of these institutions – to provide boys, young men and some young women with an education
in the classical Islamic traditions of knowledge – was the same. Daily life within these institutions emphasized simple
living and a strong sense of community: students performed their prayers together at the school’s mosque, prepared
and ate simple meals communally, and slept on the floor in spartan dormitories close to the teacher’s residence. This
ascetic life enabled students to put into practice the principles and moral values of the faith (Dhofier 1999, 27–29,
Lukens-Bull 2005, 58–62).
At the head of these new Islamic boarding schools were respected religious teachers and scholars (ulama or kyai in
Java) who were authorities in certain areas of knowledge. Many were also Sufi masters. The principal teaching
method was the halqa, in which students sat in a circle on the floor and listened to the teacher read and comment on
the text. There was a strong emphasis on oral learning, and on memorization and repetition. Students initially
concentrated on the study of the Qur’an and hadith and on Arabic grammar before moving on to more advanced
texts on subjects such as jurisprudence (fiqh), theology (tauhid) and mysticism (tasawwuf). In Java, the pesantren
curriculum centered on the study of a set of classical commentaries known as the “yellow books” (kitab kuning).
There was no set period of study: students could remain at the school for several years or a decade or more, or move
between schools to study under different teachers (Dhofier 1999, 8, 11–12, 30, Bruinessen 1994, 2008, 220–22).
Students who completed only a few years of study usually found employment as mosque functionaries or local
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
4 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
religious teachers, while those who completed more advanced religious education became religious scholars
themselves (Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 174–75, Hefner 2009, 60–61).
Islamic boarding schools were at this time mostly male domains: although there was a tradition of female religious
scholarship both in the Muslim heartland and in parts of the archipelago, culturally, religious scholarship was seen
as a male vocation (Kumar 2000, Hefner 2009, 62). However, a very small number of women were nonetheless able
to obtain a more advanced religious education. These women were usually from the families of distinguished
religious teachers and scholars who wanted their daughters and female relatives to gain a deeper understanding of
the faith. They were taught by a close relative and their lessons took place within the home, or in a nearby mosque or
prayer hall (Hefner 2009, 62–63, Dhofier 1999, 33).
For most Muslims, however, a basic religious education that enabled them to practice their faith and carry out their
religious duties and obligations was all that was required. Then, as now, this education began at home, as parents
and older siblings taught children the basic principles and values of Islam. Later, children learned to read and recite
the Qur’an, memorize the daily prayers, and understand the basic aspects of Islamic doctrine. This learning usually
took place in mosques, prayer houses and in the homes of individual religious teachers (Dhofier 1999, 3–5,
Bruinessen 2008, 219–20, Hefner 2009, 59).
From the late eighteenth century and throughout the nineteenth century, an increasing number of Muslims from the
archipelago made the pilgrimage to Mecca. These pilgrims returned with a new sense of orthodoxy which they
endeavored to transmit to others by opening informal schools teaching children to read and recite the Qur’an and
establishing their own boarding schools. As a result, the number of Qur’anic schools and Islamic boarding schools
grew substantially during this time (Dhofier 1999, 15–17). Colonial records from Java in the mid to late nineteenth
century indicate that girls commonly took lessons at Qur’anic schools and that some also attended informal learning
sessions at Islamic boarding schools, where they were taught either by the head of the boarding school or by his wife
or another female teacher (Dhofier 1999, 14–15, Dobbin 1980, 59–60).
The arrival of Islamic reformist ideas in the archipelago at the beginning of the twentieth century led to a significant
transformation in the form and content of Islamic education. As part of this transformation, opportunities for girls
and young women to obtain a more advanced religious education began to expand. Islamic reformists called for a
renaissance of the faith, arguing that Islam needed to adapt to the changes taking place in the modern world and at
the same time purify itself of “un-Islamic” beliefs and practices by returning to the Qur’an and hadith as the sources
of the faith. A modern religious education was a key part of the reformist agenda. Reformists argued that a deep
knowledge of Islam would enable Muslims to practice their faith in the proper way while a modern, Western
education would assist them in embracing the challenges of modernity and defending Islam against the Christian
West. Both genders were to benefit from such an education.
In practical terms, the reinvigoration of Islamic education and the increasing attention to the education of girls and
women was also part of the expansion of education from the beginning of the twentieth century. Under its Ethical
Policy, introduced in 1901, the Dutch colonial government broadened access to primary and, to a lesser extent,
secondary and vocational education for non-Dutch children. Through these schools, boys and a small but growing
number of girls increasingly had access to a modern, Western education (Blackburn 2004, 35, 39). The curriculum
in the Dutch schools was largely secular: lower-class students were taught basic literacy and numeracy in village
schools while upper-class students studied the Dutch curriculum. A number of nationalist organizations also
established schools modeled on the Dutch system, such as the Taman Siswa (Pupil’s Garden) schools founded by Ki
Hadjar Dewantara (Lee Kam Hing 1995, 3–9, 16–17). Christian missionary schools taught basic literacy and
numeracy, and were particularly important in the spread of education in a number of areas in the archipelago (Jones
1976, 38–39). A small number of (mainly vocational) schools for girls and young women were also set up in the early
years of the twentieth century, pioneered by women such as Raden Ajeng Kartini and Raden Dewi Sartika in Java
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
5 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
and Rohana Kudus in West Sumatra (Blackburn 2004, 39, Abdullah 1971, 13).
It was to these “modern” schools that reformist educators in the archipelago looked when seeking to modernize
religious education. One of the first “modern” religious schools or madrasah – the Adabiyah School – was
established in 1909 in Padang, West Sumatra by Haji Abdullah Ahmad, a Minangkabau reformist. This was followed
by the Diniyah School, founded by Zainuddin Labai el-Yunusiah in Padang Panjang in 1915, which became the model
for other modern religious schools which opened during the 1910s and 1920s. The school had graded classes and a
formal curriculum. In addition to a religious curriculum which emphasized reformist writings, students studied
reading, writing and arithmetic. Older students studied Islamic history and Middle Eastern geography using
textbooks from Egypt (Abdullah 1971, 55, 59, Noer 1973, 47, 52). Unlike the Islamic boarding schools of the time,
both the Adabiyah and Diniyah schools accepted female students, although very few girls enrolled. Elsewhere in
Sumatra organizations such as Sumatera Thawalib and The All Aceh Union of Islamic Scholars (PUSA) also founded
modern religious schools, some of which were open to girls (Noer 1973, 52).
The first madrasah for girls was opened in 1923 in Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, by Rahmah el Yunusiah, the
sister of Zainuddin Labai el-Yunusiah and a graduate of the Diniyah School. Operating initially in a mosque, the
Diniyah School Putri provided classes in religion and Arabic to young married women. By 1925 the emphasis had
shifted from married women to girls and the school provided an education in both religious and general subjects.
From an initial enrolment of 71 girls, the school grew in popularity and maintained a student body of several hundred
throughout the 1930s. In 1937, the school expanded to include a teacher training school to meet the growing need for
female teachers (Noer 1973, 53–56). Another prominent champion of women’s religious education in West Sumatra
was Rasuna Said, who taught at the Diniyah School Putri in the 1930s and later established another school for girls in
North Sumatra (Srimulyani 2012, 38–39).
In Java, a new reformist organization – Muhammadiyah, founded in Yogyakarta, Central Java in 1912 – was also
concerned with modernizing religious education and with providing greater educational opportunities for Muslims,
including girls and women. To achieve this goal, Muhammadiyah established Dutch-style secular schools and
madrasah which taught both secular and religious subjects (Alfian 1989). Although these schools were
co-educational, female students were separated from male students in the classroom and were required to wear
loose-fitting clothing and a headscarf, in keeping with the organization’s promotion of veiling (Taylor 2003,
293–94). In 1917 Muhammadiyah established a separate organization for women, Aisyiyah, which aimed to educate
Muslim women in the tenets of reformist Islam. To this end, Aisyiyah founded women’s Qur’anic study groups, held
public meetings for women, published a journal and conducted courses in Islam, as well as courses in handicrafts,
domestic science and literacy and numeracy especially for women. Aisyiyah also founded girls’ schools, as well as a
teacher-training school for female teachers (Alfian 1989, White 2004).
Although the reformist schools and those of the Dutch and secular nationalist organizations were open to girls,
demand for girls’ education was not especially strong. There were few employment opportunities for educated girls –
teaching was one of the few professions women could enter – so most families chose to educate sons over daughters.
Traditional expectations about the roles of women as wives, mothers and housekeepers and cultural and religious
restrictions regarding the mixing of the sexes meant that few families saw the need to educate daughters, particularly
in co-educational schools. Early marriage also meant that girls’ education was often cut short (Blackburn 2004). The
founding of separate girls’ schools by reformist Muslim and other organizations was therefore an important step in
expanding girls’ access to education.
The establishment of “modern” schools by both Islamic reformists and the Dutch colonial government led religious
scholars and teachers in Islamic boarding schools to feel that the advanced religious education they offered, and
traditionalist Islam more generally, was under threat. In Java, a new organization, Nahdlatul Ulama, was founded in
1926 with the aim of promoting traditionalist Islam and classical Islamic education. However, religious scholars also
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
6 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
acknowledged the need to respond to the educational reforms taking place in the archipelago. As a result, the
curriculum of the Islamic boarding schools began to modernize. There was a greater emphasis on the study of the
Qur’an and hadith, and some schools began to offer secular subjects such as mathematics, geography, history and
Dutch and introduce graded classes (Bruinessen 2008, Dhofier 1999, 17–18).
Traditionalist scholars also began to extend greater educational opportunities to women (Dhofier 1999, 17–18, 33).
One of the first boarding schools for girls was established in Jombang, East Java in 1930 by Kyai Haji Bisri Syansuri,
one of the founders of Nahdlatul Ulama, in the grounds of his boarding school, Pesantren Denanyar (Srimulyani
2012, 74–75). Many local Islamic leaders were strongly opposed to the school and to women’s education more
generally. This began to change after Nahdlatul Ulama issued a fatwa (religious ruling) on women’s right to
education in 1931 (Marcoes-Natsir 2000, 205). In 1939 Pesantren Seblak, also in Jombang, established a girls’
school. This school was highly unusual for its time in that it was headed for a number of years by a woman, Nyai
Khoiriyah Hasyim. Nyai Khoiriyah, herself a respected religious scholar and the daughter of another of the founders
of Nahdlatul Ulama, took over the leadership of the school following the death of her husband in 1933. Over the
course of the 1930s and 1940s a number of other Islamic boarding schools began to accept female students, although
they were segregated from male students (Srimulyani 2012, 74–75).
Following Indonesia’s independence in 1945, the national school system expanded rapidly as the new nation sought
to fulfill its promise of providing all citizens with an education. The government promoted a co-educational, secular
education system, administered by the then Department of Education, Teaching and Culture (now the Ministry of
Education and Culture). For both practical and ideological reasons, however, Islamic schools – all of which were
private – were administered separately under the Department of Religion (now the Ministry of Religion), a situation
which persists today. The Department of Religion was also made responsible for the curriculum of religious
education in secular schools (Zuhdi 2006, Lee Kam Hing 1995, 49).
During the 1950s and 1960s madrasah played an important role in meeting the growing demand for a modern,
secular education which provided a path to employment in the new nation. As employment opportunities for women
expanded, especially in the state bureaucracy, more and more girls enrolled in both madrasah and the newly-
established state schools (Srimulyani 2012, 39). However, because madrasah received little government funding, the
quality of education was generally very poor. Some attempts were made to standardize the curriculum, including the
amount of time devoted to secular and religious subjects, but these were largely unsuccessful (Zuhdi 2006, Subhan
2010).
Growth in the number of students studying in Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) during these decades was much
slower than in madrasah. Less demand for an exclusively religious education meant that many smaller Islamic
boarding schools closed, while larger schools remained viable in part because they also included general subjects in
their curriculum. From the 1960s, some Islamic boarding schools opened madrasah or general schools within their
grounds while continuing to teach the traditional scriptures and commentaries in the afternoon and evening, a trend
which accelerated during the 1970s and 1980s (Lee Kam Hing 1995, 113–14, Dhofier 1999, 22, Azra, Afrianty and
Hefner 2007, 178). By the late 1970s, a large number of Islamic boarding schools, particularly in Java, had also
made provision for girls and some of the largest schools had over a thousand female students (Dhofier 1999, 33).
Throughout the 1970s, the new Soeharto government invested heavily in education as a key strategy in its program of
national development. Funds were principally directed to primary education, and the number of children in state
primary schools rose dramatically during the late 1970s and early 1980s. Enrolment in state junior and senior
secondary schools also rose steadily although significant gender gaps, which were more pronounced among poorer
households and in rural areas, remained well into the 1990s (Oey-Gardiner 1991, 1997, 151–52, Jones and Hagul
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
7 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
2001, 212–13). Within this context, Islamic schools took on particular importance in educating poorer, rural
children, particularly girls, at the secondary level. This was in part a function of the accessibility of Islamic schools:
government secondary schools tended to be located in urban areas, while Islamic schools were mainly in rural areas.
Parental concerns regarding girls traveling to attend a government secondary school some distance away, coupled
with higher cost of attending these schools, meant that local Islamic schools provided an important means for
poorer, rural girls to continue their education (Oey-Gardiner 1991, 64–65).
The Islamic revival from the late 1970s led to a surge in the popularity of Islamic schools (Thomas 1988, 914).
Between 1977 and 1997, the number of students in Islamic boarding schools increased more than two and a half
times and the number of schools more than doubled. The number of girls attending these schools also grew, such
that by 1997 girls made up 45 percent of all students (Howell 2001, 716, Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 178).
Enrolment in madrasah also expanded. This increase in popularity was particularly evident among the newly-
emergent Muslim middle class. During the 1990s elite Islamic schools catering to the desire of this group for both a
high-quality general education and a strong foundation in the faith were established in urban areas (Azra, Afrianty
and Hefner 2007, 177).
Over the last three decades, Islamic schools have been increasingly integrated into the national system of education,
a move which has mostly been welcomed by Muslim educators as a means of improving the quality of Islamic
schools. Regulations introduced in the mid-1970s but not implemented until after 1989 required all madrasah to
teach the national curriculum for non-religious subjects, with 30 percent of the curriculum devoted to religious
studies and the remaining 70 percent to non-religious subjects, although in practice there is some variation in
adherence to this regulation. To bring them into line with the national education system, madrasah were divided into
three levels: madrasah ibtidayah (primary), madrasah tsanawiyah (junior secondary) and madrasah aliyah
(senior secondary) and certificates of graduation from madrasah were given equal status with those of government
schools. These regulations did not affect the curriculum of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren), which continued to
be determined by the school’s head. From the early 1970s, general schools were also required to teach the national
curriculum for compulsory religious studies lessons. As a result of these changes, madrasah are now considered
formally equal to general schools and Islamic boarding schools are recognized as contributing to national education
(Zuhdi 2006, Sirozi 2004).
The Islamic education system educates a large number of Indonesian students. In the 2010–2011 school year, 7.5
million students attended madrasah with just over 3.5 million students attending Islamic boarding schools (BPSI
2011, 36, 196). Overall, madrasah educate 13 percent of students, although at the junior secondary school level this
increases to 22 percent (PDSP 2011, 4). Two-thirds of Indonesia’s madrasah are located on Java – principally in
East, West and Central Java – where just under 60 percent of Indonesia’s population lives (BPSI 2011, 25, BPS 2012,
12). Islamic education has continued to increase in popularity over the last decade. Between 1999 and 2009,
enrolments at madrasah at all levels grew by 25 percent, compared to 15 percent in general schools (PDSP 2011, 16,
PDIP 2005, 7, PDIP 2006, 7). Over the same period, the number of madrasah also increased by 25 percent (BPSI
2011, 25, Jabali and Jamhari 2002, 129). The number of Islamic boarding schools has also more than doubled over
the last decade. There are currently over 27,000 such schools in Indonesia, three fourths of which are located in
rural areas of Java (BPSI 2011, 175, 195, Yunanto et al. 2005, 41, Jabali and Jamhari 2002, 99).
Despite their progressive integration into the national system of education, Islamic schools remain community-
based: all Islamic boarding schools and around 90 percent of madrasah are private (BPSI 2011, 25). The majority of
schools are affiliated with national organizations such as Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama. A smaller number
are affiliated with regional organizations such as Nahdlatul Wathan in Lombok, As’adiyah in Sulawesi and Persatuan
Tarbiyah Islamiyah in West Sumatra, or with local religious foundations (yayasan) (Yunanto and Harun 2005, 30).
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
8 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
Other schools are not affiliated with any organization but are run by individuals or communities.
The Islamic boarding school system is highly diverse. Government statistics distinguish three broad categories of
boarding schools, based on curriculum: salafiyah schools, ashriyah or khalafiyah schools and combination schools.
Salafiyah schools teach the classical Islamic texts, with a focus on jurisprudence (fiqh) and doctrine (akidah), using
traditional teaching methods (BPSI 2010, 104). The curriculum is determined by the head of the school. Salafiyah
schools currently make up half of all Islamic boarding schools in the country, and are concentrated in West and East
Java and Banten (BPSI 2011, 195). Most of the recent growth in the number of Islamic boarding schools has been of
this type of school, although this can in part be attributed to the registration of previously unregistered schools
(Yunanto et al. 2005, 41). Ashriyah or khalafiyah schools make up just over 10 percent of Islamic boarding schools.
These “modern” schools have adopted the madrasah model and teach the national curriculum within a boarding
school environment. Combination schools, which make up about 40 percent of schools, offer both the national
curriculum and an education in the classical Islamic texts (BPSI 2011, 195). It must be noted, however, that there is
considerable variation within these categories in terms of religious and political ideology, texts taught, teaching
methods and the rules and regulations which govern school life.
Over the last decade, the government has recognized the significant role that Islamic boarding schools play in the
provision of basic education, particularly for poor and marginalized children. Since 2000, students in traditional
Islamic boarding schools (pesantren salafiyah) have been able to undertake a program of studies which is
recognized as equivalent to the nine years compulsory basic education mandated by the government in 1994. The
program is flexible, so students can plan their study around the boarding school curriculum. Subjects include
Indonesian, mathematics, science, social studies and civics (<http://programwajardikdas.wordpress.com/2012/03
/19/wajar-dikdas-salafiyah/>). In 2010–2011, around half a million students, 44 percent of whom were girls, were
undertaking this program, mostly in Central and East Java (BPSI 2011, 180, 199). Several thousand boarding
schools, many in East Java, also offer government-recognized primary and junior and senior secondary school
equivalency programs – known as Packets A, B and C – to over 100,000 students, many of them from poor
households. By far the largest number of students are studying at senior secondary level, and at all levels around 35
percent are girls (BPSI 2011, 215, 216, 221). Many Islamic boarding schools also offer training in vocational skills
such as farming, small business management, computers, motorcycle repair, sewing, and handicrafts (Lukens-Bull
2005, 65).
Madrasah are also diverse. Around 10 percent of madrasah are run by the Ministry of Religion (BPSI 2011, 25).
These madrasah receive government funding for teacher salaries and maintenance and as a result are of higher
quality than private madrasah (Edwards, Ciciek and Dzuhayatin 2009, 124). The remainder are run by a range of
national, regional or local religious organizations which vary in their approach to the interpretation of the scriptures,
religious practices, and political goals and strategies. There is therefore considerable variation in the educational
objectives, curriculum content, teaching methods and institutional culture of these madrasah (Subhan 2010, 132).
Over the last decade there has been an increase in the number of salafi madrasah, many of which are located within
Islamic boarding schools. These madrasah adopt a literalist approach to Islam which is reflected in their curriculum
and teaching approach (Subhan 2010, 135, Hasan 2008).
Most madrasah follow all or part of the Ministry of Education and Culture’s competency-based curriculum for
non-religious subjects, which includes Indonesian, mathematics, English, science, physical education, health and
personal development, religious studies, social studies, and civics (Mendiknas 2006). The Ministry of Religion
provides a competency-based curriculum for religious studies in madrasah which covers Qur’an and hadith studies,
Islamic doctrine and ethics (akidah akhlak), jurisprudence (fiqh), Islamic history, and Arabic. However, many
madrasah follow this curriculum only loosely, with the topics and texts being determined by the organization or
foundation with which the school is affiliated. Madrasah students in the final two years of schooling can choose to
specialize in religious studies, in which they study ethics (akhlak), Islamic history, Arabic, Qur’anic interpretation
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
9 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
(tafsir), hadith, jurisprudence (fiqh), and Islamic theology (ilmu kalam) in addition to general subjects (Menag
2008, Subhan 2010, 131, Hasan 2008).
A relatively recent development in Islamic education has been the establishment of elite Islamic schools catering to
the urban middle class. These schools provide a high quality education using the Ministry of Education and Culture’s
national curriculum with an emphasis on the development of Islamic ethics and values rather than the acquisition of
knowledge of the Islamic sciences. Tuition is expensive and entry to these schools is highly competitive (Subhan
2010, 133–35).
While there are many excellent Islamic schools, the majority are of poorer quality than general schools. This is
largely because Islamic schools receive very little government funding. Funds from the Ministry of Education and
Culture are principally provided to the general schools under its administration, although madrasah are eligible for
student grants provided through the government’s School Operational Assistance (BOS) scheme, introduced in
mid-2005. Almost 5.8 million students received these grants in 2010–2011 (BPSI 2011, 66). The Ministry of Religion
has a much more limited budget for education, and most of this has until recently been directed to state madrasah
(Edwards, Ciciek and Dzuhayatin 2009, 120, Permani 2011, 185–87). Private madrasah and Islamic boarding
schools receive some funding from the organization or foundation with which they are affiliated, as well as from
community donations and tuition fees. However, since Islamic schools often serve poor, rural communities, funding
from communities and parents may be limited. Over half of all parents who send their children to madrasah have an
income of less than $US 2 a day (BPSI 2010, 61–63). A large majority are employed in the agricultural sector, or as
laborers and petty traders. Income levels are generally lower still among the parents of children attending Islamic
boarding schools (Jackson and Parker 2008, 26–27). For this reason, tuition fees are minimal and poor children are
often exempted from paying them.
One of the key quality issues that Islamic schools face is underqualified teachers: 85 percent of teachers in Islamic
boarding schools and 30 percent of madrasah teachers have less than the four-year diploma or bachelors degree
required under legislation on teacher quality introduced in 2005. Primary school teachers and teachers in private
madrasah are the least qualified (BPSI 2011, 13–19, 177). Teacher shortages, particularly in rural and remote areas,
as well as teacher mismatch and teacher absenteeism also impact significantly on the quality of education in Islamic
schools (Jalal et al 2009, 12, 193–94, Suryadarma 2011, 170–72, 174). Almost all teachers in Islamic boarding
schools and three fourths of madrasah teachers are employed privately by the religious organization with which the
school is affiliated (BPSI 2011, 13–19, 177). Wages are very low and some teachers work on a volunteer basis. Only
20 percent of madrasah teachers have undergone the recently mandated certification process, which will make
teachers in both schools and madrasah eligible for a professional allowance and other financial incentives (BPSI
2011, 109–15, Jalal et al. 2009, 24).
Islamic schools are also often in poorer condition and have fewer facilities than general schools. Around a third of
madrasah classrooms at the primary and junior secondary level are in a poor or very poor condition and very few
madrasah have well-stocked libraries or up-to-date computer rooms and science laboratories (BPSI 2011, 128–29,
131–45). Many students do not have access to textbooks (Ali et al. 2011, 46–47). Only around 10 percent of
madrasah have achieved the highest level of accreditation required under the new legislation on education, indicating
that they have fully attained national quality standards in the areas of curriculum, teaching and learning processes,
learning outcomes, personnel, physical facilities, management, finance, and assessment processes. A further 30
percent have achieved the second highest level (BPSI 2011, 4–6). The poorer quality education provided in Islamic
schools means that they are often the second choice for parents whose children have not achieved high enough marks
in the final examination to gain entry into a state school (Permani 2011, 187, 189–91, Parker 2009, 70–71).
Underqualified teachers and inadequate facilities result in poorer quality educational outcomes in Islamic schools.
This is reflected in poor performance in international standardized tests, negative attitudes to school and lower rates
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
10 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
of completion than general schools, particularly at the junior secondary level (although repetition and dropout rates
are lower in madrasah than in general schools at all levels) (Ali et a.l 2011, Jalal et al. 2009, 5–6, PDSP 2011, 47,
49–50). These issues have particular importance for girls. A recent study of gender issues in Islamic schools found
that girls are more likely to make the transition to the next level of schooling when their teachers are properly
qualified. The study also found that the availability of school materials and equipment, as well as physical school
facilities such as separate toilets for girls have a positive impact on girls’ transition and retention (Austen, Edwards
and Sharp 2007).
The gender balance in Islamic schools, as in general schools, has improved markedly over the last three decades. In
Islamic boarding schools, girls now make up 48 percent of all students nationally. However, at the provincial level,
there is some variation in this pattern. In Banten, South Sumatra and Bengkulu, for example, girls outnumber boys
in Islamic boarding schools, while in South Kalimantan and South Sulawesi there are significantly more boys than
girls (BPSI 2011, 196). In madrasah, boys and girls are enrolled in roughly equal numbers at the primary school
level. In junior secondary level madrasah, girls make up slightly more than half of all students, with more girls
attending state madrasah. At the senior secondary level, girls make up 55 percent of all students, rising to 60 percent
in state madrasah. These patterns have been largely consistent over the last decade, and there is very little variation
across provinces (BPSI 2011, 38, 41, 44–46, IAIN Jakarta 2000, 56).
The increase in the number of girls attending Islamic boarding schools and madrasah is evidence of a preference for
a religious education for girls, particularly at the secondary level. This preference reflects a belief among many pious
parents that Islamic schools provide a strong moral education that shapes students into “good Muslim girls” and at
the same time protects them from the moral dangers to which they are exposed through popular media and
interactions with the opposite sex (Parker 2009, Srimulyani 2012, 118–19). It may also reflect assumptions
regarding the future role of boys as the principal contributors to household income. For this reason, parents may be
more likely to send sons rather than daughters to general schools since these are generally of higher quality than
Islamic schools and graduates are therefore more likely to obtain employment (Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 181;
see also Dhofier 1999, 34). A further factor may be the greater accessibility of Islamic schools, particularly for rural
girls since, as noted above, distance to school is a significant obstacle for girls, particularly at the secondary level.
Finally, it may reflect the increasing role of women in the movement to propagate the faith (dakwah), for which a
religious education is preparation (Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 181).
As in many other countries, girls’ achievement in school tends to be as good as, and often better than that of boys. At
all levels of madrasah, pass rates in national examinations are similar for boys and girls. Girls also have lower rates
of repeating at all three levels of madrasah and lower rates of dropout at both primary and junior secondary level
madrasah. At the senior secondary level, girls and boys drop out in roughly equal numbers (BPSI 2010, 44, BPSI
2011, 54, 58, 61, 64). The most common reason both boys and girls drop out of school is that their families are
unable to afford the cost of tuition fees, uniforms, textbooks, transport and other incidental expenses associated with
schooling. There may also be lower (perceived and actual) rates of return for education, particularly at the senior
secondary level. For girls, early marriage may contribute to some dropout at the senior secondary level, particularly
in rural areas and in certain provinces (Jones and Gubhaju 2008).
Yet equal access to and completion of schooling is only one aspect of gender equity and equality in education. Gender
issues in the process of education mean that girls in Islamic schools continue to be disadvantaged in education in
other ways. Features of the school curriculum, including the subjects taught and the teaching and learning materials,
as well as teaching practices, school culture and the physical environment of the school can reproduce values, norms,
beliefs and practices that are marked by gender inequality. This may be either explicitly stated, such as in gender-
biased explanations of the rights and responsibilities of girls and women in school textbooks or “hidden,” for
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
11 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
example, in the subtle ways that teachers differentiate between male and female students in the classroom.
The choice of subjects offered to girls in Islamic schools reflects beliefs about what is important or relevant for girls
to learn. For the most part, the curriculum of Islamic boarding schools does not differentiate between girls and boys.
All students study the classical fiqh literature on matters of worship and ritual obligations, family law, marriage and
divorce, criminal law and the economy. However, girls usually study additional texts relating to marital and domestic
life, as well as menstruation, pregnancy and childbirth. There are also separate texts on ethics for boys and girls,
which are introduced in the early teens (Muhammad 2002, 6–7, Srimulyani 2012, 122–28). The extracurricular
activities and vocational training offered to girls in Islamic boarding schools also differs from that of boys. For
example, schools for girls offer training in life skills such as cooking, sewing, crochet, embroidery, dressmaking,
make-up, and handicrafts. Computer skills and journalism are also popular extracurricular courses in girls’
boarding schools. Some girls’ Islamic boarding schools offer vocational education in fashion design or office
administration.
Teaching and learning materials used in Islamic schools reflect normative assumptions concerning the roles of men
and women in religious and public life. The classical Islamic texts taught in many Islamic boarding schools contain
teachings that assign women a subordinate role in the family and legitimize domestic violence (White 2006, 140,
Muhammad 2002, 8). One text of particular importance for girls is the Uqud al-Lujjayn. Written in the nineteenth
century by an Islamic scholar from Banten in west Java, this text presents a conservative perspective on the rights
and responsibilities of husbands and wives and is often taught to girls “to ensure they understand their marital
duties” (Marcoes-Natsir 2000, 217, Muhammad 2002, 8, Srimulyani 2012, 122). Similarly, the text on ethics for
girls, Akhlak li al-Banat, which was written in the mid-twentieth century by a scholar from East Java, portrays a
pious Muslim girl as one who is studious, diligent, and respectful, who helps her mother with domestic chores and
child-rearing while her father earns an income for the family (Srimulyani 2012, 125–26). Many newer texts
perpetuate these conservative attitudes toward women. A 1997 textbook used in the teacher’s college for women at
Pesantren Putri Pondok Modern Gontor, for example, emphasizes the physical and psychological differences
between women and men as the basis for their different roles in the family and in public and religious life. The text
describes women’s role as obedient wives and dedicated mothers and men as rational and dependable, as the
providers of the family’s needs and the natural leaders of the family and the community (White 2006, 279–81). A
textbook from the strongly conservative Pondok Pesantren Islam Al Mukmin similarly emphasizes women’s natural
role as being in the home and condemns Western ideals of equality as being damaging to women and antithetical to
women’s God-given nature and role (White 2006, 275–77, 281–82).
Textbooks used for Qur’an and hadith studies and fiqh in madrasah demonstrate similar gender biases. In topics
dealing with the rights and responsibilities of men and women, particularly in the family, the textbooks depict
women in a subordinate position. Images show women in mainly domestic roles, while men are depicted in a wider
range of roles in the community and professions. The characters used to demonstrate rituals such as prayer, fasting
and giving alms also tend to be male. Even in situations where Islam teaches equality, the texts present a gender-
biased perspective. A woman’s right to propose marriage, for example, and the role of women in leading prayer,
particularly for other women, are not described (Edwards, Ciciek and Dzuhayatin 2009, 136–38, Azisah and Vale
2008). Religious education in general schools likewise educates girls in their “proper” gender roles as wives and
mothers in harmonious nuclear families and impresses upon them their responsibility to dress modestly and avoid
improper interactions with opposite sex (Smith-Hefner 2005, 442, Smith-Hefner 2006, 153). Textbooks published
after 2004, when the government’s gender mainstreaming policy came into effect, tend to be more balanced in their
representations of gender roles (Azisah and Vale 2008).
The issue of gender bias in the religious curriculum of Islamic schools has been a focus of recent attention among
Muslim feminists in Indonesia. Beginning in the 1990s, and gathering pace over the last decade, Indonesian Muslim
women’s rights activists – both female and male – have been engaged in reinterpreting religious teachings regarding
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
12 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
a wide range of gender issues including the role of women in public and religious life as well as family issues such as
marriage, polygamy, reproductive rights, divorce and inheritance (White and Anshor 2008, 137, Marcoes-Natsir
2002, 193–95). These activists have been inspired by works on gender issues in Islam written by international
Muslim thinkers such as Fatima Mernissi, Ashgar Ali Engineer, Leila Ahmad, Amina Wadud and Riffat Hassan
(White 2006, 289). A number of Muslim NGOs concerned with gender issues have also emerged, including the
Centre for the Development of Pesantren and Society (P3M), PUAN Amal Hayati Foundation, Fahmina Institute,
Rahima, and the Centre for Pesantren and Democracy Studies. Alongside Muslimat, Fatayat and Aisyiyah, the
women’s organizations associated with Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, these organizations have been active
in challenging gender bias in Islamic teachings and promoting women’s rights based on contextual understandings
of Islamic sources. Focusing their efforts within the Indonesian Muslim community, they have conducted a range of
advocacy activities such as facilitating workshops on gender issues, holding public discussions, producing
community radio shows and publishing books, magazines and bulletins promoting women’s rights in Islam (White
and Anshor 2008, 137, White 2006, 293–94, Marcoes-Natsir 2002, 193–95, Marcoes-Natsir 2000).
A number of these organizations focus their activities on Islamic boarding schools and madrasah, providing gender-
sensitivity training for students and teachers, challenging gender bias in texts, and developing manuals and
guidelines for incorporating gender perspectives into the content of teaching on Islam. The Forum for the Study of
Kitab Kuning, for example, has produced a comprehensive critique of the Uqud al-Lujjayn showing that many of the
hadith used to support its conservative teachings on women were weak or false (White and Anshor 2008, 140).
Fahmina Institute has conducted hundreds of gender-sensitivity training workshops in Islamic boarding schools and
elsewhere and produced a gender training manual which explains the ideas, methods and tools for developing a
gender-sensitive interpretation of Islam ( <www.fahmina.or.id>, Kull 2009, 33–34). Similarly, Rahima has
published a number of manuals on gender-sensitive approaches to teaching Islam for use in senior high schools and
madrasah and guidelines for teaching reproductive rights in Islamic boarding schools ( <www.rahima.or.id>).
The presence of female teachers can have a positive effect on girls’ enrolment and completion of schooling, and
female teachers can act as important role models for girls. In Islamic boarding schools, just over one third of
teachers are female. However, there is significant variation across provinces. In West and South Sumatra, for
example, numbers of male and female teachers are almost equal, and in South Sulawesi, the number of female
teachers is significantly higher than the national average at 43 percent. By contrast, in Banten (West Java) and
Lampung (South Sumatra), female teachers make up only 27 and 19 percent of the teaching force respectively (BPSI
2011, 197). Female teachers in Islamic boarding schools do not generally teach male students, although male
teachers may teach female students. This tradition reflects norms regarding the segregation of the sexes as well as
gendered beliefs about the greater religious authority of men (Srimulyani 2012, 116). In primary school level
madrasah, female teachers outnumber male teachers at 53 percent of teachers, perhaps reflecting the perceived
function of these teachers as nurturers of younger children, a role for which women are considered innately better
suited. This falls to 49 percent at junior secondary level and 46 percent at senior secondary level. As in Islamic
boarding schools, national averages for female madrasah teachers mask significant regional differences. In West
Java and East Java, for example, where a majority of madrasah are located, there are significantly fewer female
teachers. However, in almost all provinces in Sumatra, and a number of provinces on Sulawesi, female teachers
outnumber male teachers at all levels of madrasah. State madrasah tend to have slightly more female teachers (BPSI
2011, 72–73, 84–85, 96–97).
Teachers play an important role in transmitting and mediating messages about gender in the classroom. Teachers’
own beliefs about gender are reflected in teaching practices. For example, teachers’ expectations of boys’ and girls’
academic strengths may influence their behavior toward students when teaching certain subjects. Teachers may also
give unequal attention to boys and girls, either in the learning process or in classroom management. Classroom
observation in general schools in Indonesia suggests that teachers spend more time explaining concepts and
problems to boys and call on them more frequently to answer questions and solve problems on the board, although
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
13 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
this depends on the individual teacher (Parker 2009, 70 n 16, Parker 1997, 508). Yet teachers may also challenge
gender stereotypes. For example, Srimulyani found that some teachers in Islamic boarding schools present a more
nuanced perspective on gender relations by contextualizing the teachings presented in classical texts for girls.
Furthermore, these teachers’ own leadership roles within the school and their activities within the wider community
provide positive examples for the girls they teach (Srimulyani 2012, 124, 127).
Gender segregation of classrooms and school facilities in Islamic schools may also reinforce gender inequalities. In
madrasah, as in many general schools, boys and girls are usually seated separately, with boys seated on the
right-hand side of the room from the teacher’s perspective, and girls on the left, although girls are sometimes seated
at the front, with boys at the back of the room (Parker 2009, 72, Azisah and Vale 2008, 64). While interaction
between boys and girls is not prohibited, these seating arrangements mean than interactions within the classroom
are more often between boys or between girls. In Islamic boarding schools, segregation of the sexes is more
pronounced. Classrooms for boys and girls are often in separate buildings and may be located in a different part of
the school. Dormitories and other facilities are also gender segregated and in common areas, such as the mosque,
boys and girls are usually seated separately, sometimes on opposite sides of a curtain. Such segregation, which is
designed to prevent unsupervised interaction between the sexes and so protect girls’ morals, is a fundamental part of
education in Islamic boarding schools. Further research into gendered teaching practices and gender segregation in
the classroom and the school in the context of Islamic schools would provide greater insight into their effects on girls’
education.
Aspects of school culture such as uniforms and rules may also entrench gendered norms, values and behaviors.
School uniforms in Islamic schools are one aspect of the “curriculum of the body” which regulates and controls girls’
bodies and reinforces Islamic notions of femininity (Parker 2009). For girls in Islamic schools the uniform consists
of a loose-fitting tunic, worn over a long skirt, with the head and neck covered by a long piece of cloth secured under
the chin (jilbab). Many general schools have also adopted this uniform (Parker 2009, 74). Since Islam requires girls
to dress modestly from the time they reach puberty, some primary school level madrasah include the jilbab as part of
the uniform, particularly in the last two years of primary school. This uniform restricts movement and serves as a
physical reminder to girls to be “restrained, devout, chaste and disciplined” (Parker 2009, 75). For younger girls, it
may also restrict physical play, which can impact on the development of physical abilities and on levels of physical
activity.
Rules for Islamic boarding schools cover a broad range of issues, from appropriate clothing and hairstyles,
attendance at prayer and other communal activities, and night curfews to appropriate reading material, cleanliness
of the dormitories and the proper method of bathing. Rules also limit interactions between the sexes, both within the
school and outside it. The strictness of discipline appears to depend on the school leadership rather than on the type
of school (Srimulyani 2012, 117). In general, disciplinary measures for breaking school rules tend to be similar for
boys and girls. However, some rules differentiate between girls and boys. In many boarding schools, for example,
girls are only permitted to travel to and from their home when they are accompanied by a parent or relative. Boys,
however, may travel unaccompanied (Muhammad 2002, 5). Girls also tend to be more closely supervised and their
movements more restricted than boys (Parker 2009, 73–74, Srimulyani 2012, 120).
Participation of women in educational planning and decision-making in management is an important aspect of
redressing gender inequalities in Islamic schools. In both Islamic boarding schools and madrasah, however, women
are underrepresented in leadership and management roles. While a large number of madrasah teachers are women,
very few madrasah have female principals or vice-principals and heads of school committees also tend to be male.
This is a result of both cultural norms, which discourage women from assuming leadership positions, and religious
teachings, which endorse men as the leaders of the Muslim community (Edwards, Ciciek and Dzuhayatin 2009,
130–31, 134–35, Dzuhayatin and Edwards 2010). In Islamic boarding schools, women in leadership positions are
also in a minority. Leadership of an Islamic boarding school is traditionally passed to the closest male relative,
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
14 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
usually a son or son-in-law, reflecting the patriarchal values of this institution and its broader social and cultural
context. Despite this, some women have become leaders of Islamic boarding schools in their own right, and many
play an important role in the management of the girls’ sections of boarding schools or as members of the school
board (Srimulyani 2012).
Indonesia has one of the largest higher education systems in the world, with over 3,500 institutions – the majority of
which are private – servicing the educational needs of almost 5 million students. Of these, over 600 are Islamic
universities, institutes, and colleges offering courses and degrees in a variety of disciplines to more than 550,000
students (PDSP 2011, 4).
The state system of Islamic universities, institutes and colleges is made up of 51 institutions spread throughout the
country. Enrolment in these institutions has grown steadily over the last decade and currently 42 percent of all
students undertaking tertiary education in the Islamic sciences do so in state institutions. The majority of students in
the state Islamic higher education system are from rural areas and most have been educated in either madrasah or
Islamic boarding schools (IAIN Jakarta 2000, 21–24). Indeed, state and private Islamic universities and colleges
provide an important means of social mobility for such students, who often experience difficulties gaining entry to
secular universities and colleges (Jabali and Jamhari 2002, 109).
The oldest institution in the state Islamic higher education system is Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic Institute (now
University) in Yogyakarta, which was founded in 1950 (Meuleman 2002, 288–89). Over the next two decades, the
system of state Islamic institutes expanded. These institutes catered to students who wished to further their
education in the Islamic sciences, offering courses through five faculties: preaching and propagation of the faith
(dakwah), Islamic social studies (adab), religious education (tarbiyah), Islamic philosophy (ushuluddin) and
Islamic law (syari’ah). Branch faculties – which were later converted into state Islamic colleges – were also
established in smaller towns throughout Indonesia (Jabali and Jamhari 2002, 16–19, Meuleman 2002, 281, 284).
Between 2002 and 2005, six state Islamic institutes or colleges were converted into universities. These universities –
which are located in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Malang, Pekanbaru, Bandung and Makassar – offer degrees in a range of
fields including science and technology, economics, social sciences, the humanities, philosophy, law,
communications, psychology, medicine, and health sciences as well as in the traditional Islamic studies disciplines.
In addition to these universities, there are currently 15 state Islamic institutes and 30 state Islamic colleges (BPSI
2011, 274).
From its establishment, the state Islamic higher education system integrated Islamic and modern, Western
traditions of learning. The state Islamic institutes were modeled on Cairo’s Al-Azhar University, which took a
reformist approach to education in the Islamic sciences, although they also drew on the Dutch model (Meuleman
2002, 284, Saeed 1999, 182). During the 1970s, a major transformation of these institutions’ approach to the study
of Islam took place under the leadership of Harun Nasution, who served as Rector of Syarif Hidayatullah State
Islamic University in Jakarta from 1973 to 1984. This approach emphasized empirical analysis and the importance
of critical thought in examining Islam. It also stressed comparative study of other religions and engagement with the
intellectual traditions of the West. In keeping with this, the curriculum was redesigned to incorporate Western
traditions of thought into the study of Islam and teaching methods were reformed to foster critical analysis. The
result of this transformation was that the state Islamic institutions of higher education became centers for the
modernization of Indonesian Islam, promoting the development of a more plural, tolerant and inclusive form of
Islam (IAIN Jakarta 2000, Jabali and Jamhari 2002, Kraince 2007, Saeed 1999).
In addition to the state universities, institutes and colleges, there are approximately 550 private Islamic higher
education institutions. Many of these are affiliated with Muslim mass organizations such as Muhammadiyah and
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
15 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
Nahdlatul Ulama, while others are run by regional religious organizations or by small, private foundations. These
institutions offer degrees and diplomas in fields such as religious education, Islamic law, preaching and propagation
of the faith, Islamic philosophy and Qur’anic recitation. One of the largest private providers of higher education in
Indonesia is Muhammadiyah, which has over 170 universities, colleges, polytechnics and academies spread
throughout Indonesia. Like its schools and madrasah, Muhammadiyah universities and colleges provide an
education in “secular” as well as Islamic sciences. Muhammadiyah universities offer degrees in medicine and health
sciences, law, psychology, economics, mathematics and sciences, engineering, education, agriculture, and social and
political sciences as well as Islamic sciences. The polytechnics, colleges and academies provide diploma and degree
courses in areas such as accountancy, nursing, tourism, legal studies, communications, secretarial studies, and
textile design. Students can also gain qualifications in religious education, Islamic law, and Islamic philosophy.
Over the last decade, there has been a steady expansion in the number of women undertaking higher education in the
Islamic sciences. Overall, women now make up 52 percent of students in Islamic institutions of higher education
although there are significant regional differences. In West Sumatra, Aceh and North Sumatra, for example, there
are significantly more women in Islamic higher education (between 60 and 70 percent) while in West Java and South
Sulawesi women make up only 35 and 38 percent of students respectively (BPSI 2011, 266). In state Islamic
universities, institutes and colleges, the proportion of women students is slightly higher, at 54 percent overall, up
from 49 percent at the end of the 1990s. The proportions of women studying in state Islamic institutes and colleges is
particularly high, at 57 and 58 percent of students respectively, up from 48 and 53 percent a decade ago (BPSI 2011,
274). However, in the six state Islamic universities, women make up only 47 percent of students. In the two largest
and most prestigious state Islamic universities, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta and Sunan
Kalijaga State Islamic University in Yogyakarta women make up 47 and 43 percent of students respectively, although
this is still an increase of around 5 percent over the last decade (IAIN Jakarta 2000, 24–27). One possible reason for
the larger number of women students in state Islamic institutes and colleges is that these are located in provincial
capitals and smaller cities and towns, which means that women can continue their education without having to travel
too far from home and family. An increasing number of women are also undertaking degrees in Islamic studies at the
postgraduate level, either within Indonesia or in universities in the West or the Middle East. The religious knowledge
that these women gain through their advanced study of Islam enables them to speak authoritatively on a range of
issues from an Islamic perspective within the public domain (IAIN Jakarta 2000, Syamsiyatun 2008, 142–44).
Yet despite the growing number of women studying in Islamic higher education institutions, the content of teaching
and learning materials on Islamic studies at the tertiary level often represents the role of women in gender-biased
ways. As in Islamic schools, these materials are based on the classical Islamic texts and as such provide a
conservative perspective on women’s roles and responsibilities in the family, and in religious and public life. Many
lecturers, particularly those who are older or who have graduated from Middle Eastern universities, also hold
conservative views on women’s rights, which influences their teaching practices. The lack of supplementary material
written in Indonesian or Arabic which provides a more balanced perspective on gender issues is also a significant
obstacle for both lecturers and students (Dzuhayatin 2005, xxi–xxviii, xlvii).
Over the last decade, however, there has been increasing attention to gender issues in the curriculum of Islamic
higher education institutions. At the forefront of efforts to incorporate gender perspectives into teaching and learning
materials are the state Islamic universities and institutes, and in particular the Women’s Studies Centers that were
established at a number of state Islamic institutes during the late 1980s and 1990s. Through policy advocacy,
gender-sensitivity training, and the publication of research on a range of gender issues from an Islamic perspective,
as well as through the development of networks with Muslim NGOs and religious organizations, these centers have
contributed to the development of a robust discourse on women’s rights and gender equality (Blackburn, Smith and
Syamsiyatun 2008, 14–15, Dzuhayatin 2006). They have also sought to introduce gender sensitive approaches into
the curriculum of Islamic studies. For example, the Women’s Studies Centre at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic
University in Jakarta has produced a set of textbooks that integrate gender perspectives into the content of courses
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
16 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
on the Qur’an, hadith, Islamic history, fiqh, and Sufism that are used in lower level courses for all students at that
university. The Women’s Studies Centre at Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic Institute has also produced detailed
guidelines on mainstreaming gender in courses in a number of Islamic studies disciplines and has conducted
training in gender analysis for lecturers throughout the state system of Islamic higher education (Kull 2009, 30–31,
Dzuhayatin 2006, 164).
Despite increasing awareness of gender issues, significant inequalities remain at the institutional level in many of
these universities. Less than one third of teaching staff in Islamic higher education institutions are women and few
women occupy senior teaching positions. Women are also underrepresented in key leadership and management
roles: there has only ever been one female rector in the state Islamic university and college system and very few deans
are women (BPSI 2011, 270, Dzuhayatin and Edwards 2010, 205, 211). As is the case with gender bias in the
curriculum, the women’s studies centers have pioneered initiatives to redress these gender inequalities through
policy. As a result, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic Institute has had a gender mainstreaming policy in place since 2005
which aims to address gender gaps in academic staff and leadership positions through affirmative action in staff
recruitment and promotion (Dzuhayatin and Edwards 2010, 205, Dzuhayatin 2006, 164).
While traditional institutions for religious education in the archipelago were dominated by men, over the course of
the twentieth century opportunities for girls and women to further their education in both “modern” religious schools
and traditional Islamic boarding schools expanded significantly. Today, girls’ participation in formal religious
education is equal to that of boys at the primary and secondary level, and the number of women studying at the
tertiary level is rising steadily. Yet girls remain disadvantaged in religious education in other ways: textbooks
continue to represent women’s roles in gender-biased ways, and the institutional culture of schools and universities
still favors men. A new generation of Indonesian Muslim feminists are challenging patriarchal religious teachings
and attempting to reform the culture of religious schools and other institutions, though such change will take time.
Girls and women have also been enthusiastic participants in the educational revival of the last two decades, which
has seen expanded opportunities for informal religious learning in a range of public and private settings. Education
has the potential to empower. As more and more Muslim girls and women improve their knowledge of Islam, they
are able to interpret religious texts for themselves and to use this knowledge to argue for their full and equitable
participation in the family and in public and religious life.
Elisabeth Jackson
Abdullah, Taufik. Schools and politics. The Kaum Muda movement in West Sumatra (1927–1933), Ithaca, N.Y. 1971.
Alfian. Muhammadiyah. The political behavior of a Muslim modernist organization under Dutch colonialism,
Yogyakarta 1989.
Ali, Mohammad, Julie Kos, Petra Lietz, Dita Nugroho, Furqon, Asmawi Zainul and Emi Emilia. Quality of education
in madrasah. Main study, Jakarta 2011, <http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2011/02/14048827
/quality-education-madrasah-main-study>, accessed 13 February 2012.
Austen, Siobhan, Jan Edwards and Rhonda Sharp. Funding quality improvements in girls’ education in Islamic
schools in Indonesia, in Heterodox economics’ visions. Refereed papers, proceedings of the 8th annual conference of
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
17 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
the Australian society of heterodox economists 7–8 December 2009, ed. Lynne Chester, Michel Johnson and Peter
Kriesler, Sydney 2007, 29–45.
Azisah, Siti and Colleen Vale. Gender mainstreaming in Islamic primary schools in South Sulawesi, Indonesia. A
textbook analysis, in Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 42:1 (2008), 55–79.
Azra, Azyumardi, Dina Afrianty, and Robert W. Hefner. Pesantren and madrasa. Muslim schools and national ideals
in Indonesia, in Schooling Islam. The culture and politics of modern Muslim education, ed. Robert W. Hefner and
Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Princeton, N.J. 2007, 172–98.
Badan Pusat Statistik [BPS]. Perkembangan beberapa indikator utama sosial-ekonomi Indonesia [Trends in
selected socio-economic indicators in Indonesia], Jakarta 2012, <http://www.bps.go.id/aboutus.php?booklet=1>,
accessed 19 May 2012.
Bagian Perencanaan dan Sistem Informasi [BPSI]. Buku statistik pendidikan Islam tahun pelajaran 2009/2010
[Islamic education statistics booklet academic year 2009/2010], Jakarta 2010, <http://pendis.kemenag.go.id
/index.php?a=artikel&id2=bukustat20092010>, accessed 21 August 2012.
———. Buku statistik pendidikan Islam tahun pelajaran 2010/2011[Islamic education statistics booklet academic
year 2010/2011], Jakarta 2011, <http://pendis.kemenag.go.id/index.php?a=artikel&id2=bukustat20102011>,
accessed 21 August 2012.
Blackburn, Susan. Education, in Women and the state in modern Indonesia, Cambridge and New York 2004, 33–56.
———, Bianca J. Smith and Siti Syamsiyatun. Introduction, in Indonesian Islam in a new era. How women negotiate
their Muslim identities, ed. Susan Blackburn, Bianca J. Smith and Siti Syamsiyatun, Clayton, Vic. 2008, 1–21.
Bruinessen, Martin van. Pesantren and kitab kuning. Maintenance and continuation of a tradition of religious
learning, in Texts from the islands. Oral and written traditions of Indonesia and the Malay world, ed. Wolfgang
Marschall, Berne 1994, 121–45. <http://www.let.uu.nl/~Martin.vanBruinessen/personal/publications
/pesantren_and_kitab_kuning.htm>, accessed 28 June 2006.
———. “Traditionalist” and “Islamist” pesantrens in contemporary Indonesia, in The madrasa in Asia. Political
activism and transnational linkages, ed. Farish A. Noor, Yoginder Sikand and Martin van Bruinessen, Amsterdam
2008, 217–45.
Dhofier, Zamakhsyari. The pesantren tradition. The role of the kyai in the maintenance of traditional Islam in Java.
Tempe, Ariz. 1999.
Dobbin, Christine. The search for women in Indonesian history, in Kartini centenary. Indonesian women then and
now, Clayton, Vic.1980, 56–68.
Dzuhayatin, Siti Ruhaini. A research project on mainstreaming human rights in the curriculum of the Faculty of
Islamic Law (Syariah), State Islamic University (UIN) Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta-Indonesia, in Integrasi HAM
dalam kurikulum Fakultas Syari’ah [Integrating basic human rights into the curriculum of the Faculty of Islamic
Law], ed. Mochamad Sodik. Yogyakarta 2005, ix–lii.
———. Gender in contemporary Islamic studies in Indonesia, in Religious harmony. Problems, practice, and
education. Proceedings of the regional conference of the International Association for the History of Religions,
Yogyakarta and Semarang, Indonesia September 27th–October 3rd 2004, ed. Michael Pye et al., Berlin 2006,
161–67.
——— and Jan Edwards. Hitting our heads on the glass ceiling. Women and leadership in education in Indonesia, in
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
18 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
Studia Islamika 17:2 (2010), 199–232.
Edwards, Jan, Farha Ciciek and Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin. Gender equality and equity in the Islamic schools
sub-sector in Indonesia, in Proceedings [of the] Regional Symposium [on] Basic Education in Islamic schools in
Indonesia. Bridging the gap – Vision 2025, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta, July 2007, ed. Robert Kingham,
Jakarta 2009, 111–56.
Fealy, Greg. Consuming Islam. Commodified religion and aspirational pietism in contemporary Indonesia, in
Expressing Islam. Religious life and politics in Indonesia, ed. Greg Fealy and Sally White, Singapore 2008, 15–39.
Gade, Anna M. Perfection makes practice. Learning, emotion, and the recited Qur’an in Indonesia, Honolulu 2004.
Hasan, Noorhaidi. The salafi madrasas of Indonesia, in The madrasa in Asia. Political activism and transnational
linkages, ed. Farish A. Noor, Yoginder Sikand and Martin van Bruinessen, Amsterdam 2008, 247–74.
Hefner, Robert W. Islamic schools, social movements, and democracy in Indonesia, in Making modern Muslims. The
politics of Islamic education in Southeast Asia, ed. Robert W. Hefner, Honolulu 2009, 55–105.
Howell, Julia Day. Sufism and the Indonesian Islamic revival, in Journal of Asian Studies 60:3 (2001), 701–29.
IAIN Jakarta. Impact study. Cooperation between IAIN and McGill University. Impact on the development and
modernization of Islam in Indonesia, Jakarta 2000, unpublished.
Jackson, Elisabeth and Lyn Parker. “Enriched with knowledge.” Modernisation, Islamisation and the future of
Islamic education in Indonesia, in Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 42:1 (2008), 21–54.
Jalal, Fasli, Muchlas Samani, Mae Chu Chang, Ritchie Stevenson, Andrew B. Ragatz and Siwage D. Negara [Jalal et
al.]. Teacher certification in Indonesia. A strategy for teacher quality improvement, Jakarta 2009,
<http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2009/04/10582109/teacher-certification-indonesia-strategy-
teacher-quality-improvement>, accessed 3 September 2012.
Jones, Gavin W. Religion and education in Indonesia, in Indonesia 22 (1976), 19–56.
——— and Peter Hagul. Schooling in Indonesia. Crisis-related and longer-term issues, in Bulletin of Indonesian
Economic Studies 37:2 (2001), 207–31.
Jones, Gavin W. and Bina Gubhaju. Trends in age at marriage in the provinces of Indonesia, Asia Research Institute
Working Paper 105, Singapore 2008.
Kraince, Richard G. Islamic higher education and social cohesion in Indonesia, in Prospects. Quarterly Review of
Comparative Education 37:3 (2007), 345–56.
Kull, Ann. At the forefront of a post-patriarchal Islamic education. Female teachers in Indonesia, in Journal of
International Women’s Studies 11:1 (2009), 25–39.
Kumar, Ann. Imagining women in Javanese religion. Goddesses, ascetes, queens, consorts, wives, in Other pasts.
Women, gender and history in early modern Southeast Asia, ed. Barbara Watson Andaya, Honolulu 2000, 87–104.
Lee Kam Hing. Education and politics in Indonesia 1945–1965, Kuala Lumpur 1995.
Lukens-Bull, Ronald A. A peaceful jihad. Negotiating identity and modernity in Muslim Java, New York 2005.
Marcoes, Lies M. The female preacher as a mediator in religion. A case study in Jakarta and West Java, in Women
and mediation in Indonesia, ed. Sita van Bemmelen, Leiden 1992, 203–28.
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
19 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
Marcoes-Natsir, Lies. Reproductive health and women’s rights from an Islamic perspective. The experience of P3M
Association, in Islam, reproductive health and women’s rights, ed. Zainah Anwar and Rashidah Abdullah, Kuala
Lumpur 2000, 199–221.
———. Women’s grassroots movements in Indonesia. A case study of the PKK and Islamic women’s organisations, in
Women in Indonesia. Gender, equity and development, ed. Kathryn Robinson and Sharon Bessell, Singapore 2002,
187–97.
Menteri Pendidikan Nasional [Mendiknas]. Lampiran peraturan Menteri Pendidikan Nasional nomor 22 tahun
2006 tanggal 23 Mei 2006 tentang standar isi satuan pendidikan dasar dan menengah [Annex to Minister of
National Education regulation number 22 2006 23 May 2006 on content standards for primary and secondary
schools], Jakarta 2006, <http://litbang.kemdikbud.go.id/detail.php?id=18>, accessed 27 August 2012.
Menteri Agama [Menag]. Lampiran peraturan Menteri Agama Republik Indonesia nomor 2 tahun 2008 tentang
standar kompetensi lulusan dan standar isi pendidikan agama Islam dan bahasa Arab di madrasah [Annex to
Minister of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia decree number 2 2008 on graduate competencies and content
standards for Islamic education and Arabic in madrasah], Jakarta 2008, <http://pendis.kemenag.go.id
/index.php?a=artikel&id2=permen>, accessed 27 August 2012.
Meuleman, Johan. The Institut Agama Islam Negeri at the crossroads. Some notes on the Indonesian State Institutes
for Islamic Studies, in Islam in the era of globalization. Muslim attitudes towards modernity and identity, ed. Johan
Meuleman, London and New York 2002, 281–97.
Muhammad, Husein. Pesantren and the issue of gender relation, in Kultur. The Indonesian Journal for Muslim
Cultures 2 (2002), 63–81.
Noer, Deliar. The modernist Muslim movement in Indonesia 1900–1942, Kuala Lumpur 1973.
Oey-Gardiner, Mayling. Gender differences in schooling in Indonesia, in Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies
27:1 (1991), 57–79.
———. Educational developments, achievements and challenges, in Indonesia assessment. Population and human
resources, ed. Gavin W. Jones and Terence H. Hull, Singapore 1997, 135–66.
Parker, Lyn. Engendering schoolchildren in Bali, in Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 3:3 (1997),
497–516.
———. Religion, class and schooled sexuality among Minangkabau teenage girls, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde 165:1 (2009), 62–94.
Permani, Risti. Educational challenges in Indonesia with special reference to Islamic schooling, in Employment,
living standards and poverty in contemporary Indonesia, ed. Chris Manning and Sudarno Sumarto, Singapore
2011, 183–205.
Pusat Data dan Informasi Pendidikan [PDIP]. Ikhtisar data pendidikan nasional tahun 2003–2004 [Summary of
national education data 2003–2004], Jakarta 2005, <http://pdsp.kemdiknas.go.id/Pages/DaftarBukuSaku.aspx>,
accessed 10 August 2012.
———. Ikhtisar data pendidikan nasional tahun 2004–2005 [Summary of national education data 2004–2005],
Jakarta 2006, <http://pdsp.kemdiknas.go.id/Pages/DaftarBukuSaku.aspx>, accessed 10 August 2012.
Pusat Data dan Statistik Pendidikan [PDSP]. Ikhtisar data pendidikan nasional tahun 2009–2010 [Summary of
national education data 2009–2010], Jakarta 2011, <http://pdsp.kemdiknas.go.id/Pages/DaftarBukuSaku.aspx>,
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
20 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
accessed 28 June 2012.
Ricklefs, Merle C. A history of modern Indonesia since c. 1300, Houndmills, Basingstoke U.K. and London 1991.
Saeed, Abdullah. Towards religious tolerance through reform in Islamic education. The case of the State Institute of
Islamic Studies of Indonesia, in Indonesia and the Malay World 27:79 (1999), 177–91.
Sirozi, Muhammad. Secular-religious debates on the Indonesian national education system. Colonial legacy and a
search for national identity in education, in Intercultural Education 15:2 (2004), 123–37.
Smith-Hefner, Nancy J. The new Muslim romance. Changing patterns of courtship and marriage among educated
Javanese youth, in Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 36:3 (2005), 441–59.
———. Reproducing respectability. Sex and sexuality among Muslim Javanese youth, in Review of Indonesian and
Malaysian Affairs 40: 1 (2006), 143–72.
Srimulyani, Eka. Women from traditional Islamic educational institutions in Indonesia. Negotiating public spaces,
Amsterdam 2012.
Subhan, Arief. The Indonesian madrasah. Islamic reform and modernization of Indonesian Islam in the twentieth
century, in Varieties of religious authority. Changes and challenges in 20sup:th century Indonesian Islam, ed.
Azyumardi Azra, Kees van Dijk and Nico J. G. Kaptein, Singapore 2010, 126–38.
Suryadarma, Daniel. The quality of education. International standing and attempts at improvement, in Employment,
living standards and poverty in contemporary Indonesia, ed. Chris Manning and Sudarno Sumarto, Singapore
2011, 161–82.
Syamsiyatun, Siti. Women negotiating feminism and Islamism. The experiences of Nasyiatul Aisyiyah 1985–2005, in
Indonesian Islam in a new era. How women negotiate their Muslim identities, ed. Susan Blackburn, Bianca J. Smith
and Siti Syamsiyatun, Clayton, Vic. 2008, 139–65.
Taylor, Jean Gelman. Indonesia. Peoples and histories, New Haven, Conn. and London 2003.
Thomas, R. Murray. The Islamic revival and Indonesian education, in Asian Survey 28:9 (1988), 897–915.
White, Sally. Reformist Islam, gender and marriage in late colonial Dutch East Indies 1900–1942, Ph.D.
dissertation, Australian National University 2004.
———. Gender and the family, in Voices of Islam in Southeast Asia. A contemporary sourcebook, comp. and ed.
Greg Fealy and Virginia Hooker, Singapore 2006, 273–352.
——— and Maria Ulfah Anshor. Islam and gender in contemporary Indonesia. Public discourses on duties, rights and
morality, in Expressing Islam. Religious life and politics in Indonesia, ed. Greg Fealy and Sally White, Singapore
2008, 137–58.
Winn, Phillip. Women’s majelis taklim and gendered religious practice in Northern Ambon, in Intersections. Gender
and sexuality in Asia and the Pacific 30 (2012), <http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue30/winn.htm>, 5 October
2012.
Yunanto, S. and Harun. Terminology, history and categorization, in Islamic education in South and South East Asia.
Diversity, problems and strategy, ed. S. Yunanto et al., Jakarta 2005, 19–36.
Yunanto, S., Syahrul Hidayat, Abdul Wasik and Sri Nuryanti. Pesantren. The roots of modernism, government policy
and social change, in Islamic education in South and South East Asia. Diversity, problems and strategy, ed. S.
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
21 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47
Yunanto et al., Jakarta 2005, 37–57.
Zuhdi, Muhammad. Modernization of Indonesian Islamic schools’ curricula 1945–2003, in International Journal of
Inclusive Education 10:4–5 (2006), 415–27.
CitationJackson, Elisabeth. "Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia." Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures. General Editor
Suad Joseph. Brill Online, 2013. Reference. BRILL demo user. 19 April 2013
<http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedia-of-women-and-islamic-cultures/education-
womens-religious-indonesia-COM_001454>
Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...
22 of 22 19-4-2013 15:47