education: women's religious: indonesia

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Jackson, Elisabeth

Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia

Abstract

Muslim girls and women in Indonesia today enjoy a wide range of

opportunities to learn about Islam, both informally in the family and

community and formally through religious schools, colleges and

universities. Traditional institutions for religious education mainly

educated boys and young men, although some girls did attend religious

schools. Over the course of the twentieth century, however,

opportunities for girls and women to further their education in Islamic

schools expanded significantly. Today, girls’ participation in formal

religious education is equal to that of boys at the primary and

secondary level, and the number of women studying at the tertiary level is rising steadily. Yet girls remain

disadvantaged in religious education: many textbooks are gender-biased, and the institutional culture of schools and

universities still favors men. A new generation of Indonesian Muslim feminists are challenging patriarchal religious

teachings and attempting to reform the culture of religious schools and other institutions, though such change will

take time.

Subject Words

Informal education – Indonesia

women’s religious education – Indonesia

history of religious education – Indonesia

Islamic education – Indonesia

Article Table Of Contents

Introduction

Religious education in the family

and community

Formal religious education

Conclusion

Bibliography

Education: Women’s Religious: Indonesia - Brill Reference http://staging.reference.ribo.brill.test.semantico.net/entries/encyclopedi...

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primary education – Indonesia

secondary education – Indonesia

higher education – Indonesia

gender discrimination – Indonesia

Islamic boarding schools – Indonesia

madrasah – Indonesia

teachers – Islamic education – Indonesia

curriculum – Islamic education – Indonesia

gender equality – religious education – Indonesia

In Indonesia today, Muslim girls and women enjoy a wide range of opportunities to learn about Islam, both

informally in the family and community and formally through religious schools, colleges and universities. This entry

begins by examining some of the spaces in which girls and women participate in informal religious learning: at

home, in the local community and in the various educational institutions and religious study sessions in which girls

and women take part. The entry then examines the development and expansion of formal religious education for girls

and women throughout the twentieth century, highlighting the modernization and reform of Islamic schools which

took place over this period. This is followed by an outline of the current state of Islamic education in Indonesia, and a

discussion of gender issues in the curriculum, teaching practices and institutional culture of Islamic schools. The

final section examines women’s participation in Islamic higher education and notes some of the key gender issues in

these institutions.

In Indonesia – as in many other Muslim societies – children’s earliest religious education takes place in the family.

Young children learn about the faith by observing their parents and others as they perform daily religious rituals and

by participating in religious celebrations. Children also learn by listening: to the call to prayer, broadcast from every

mosque, and to their parents and siblings reciting the Qur’an. From an early age, Muslim parents begin teaching

their children Islamic morals and behavior, and explaining the fundamental beliefs and practices of Islam. At

around the age of six, children begin learning to read and recite the Qur’an. This may take place at home, with a

parent or sibling who is able to read the Qur’an proficiently. More commonly, however, children study with a local

religious teacher, or attend one of the many Qur’anic schools which have flourished in the last two decades as part of

the Islamic resurgence in Indonesia.

Qur’anic schools provide a foundation in the faith to children by teaching them to read and understand the Qur’an.

Qur’an kindergartens (Taman Kanak-kanak Al Qur’an) are for children aged 4–6, while Qur’an schools (Taman

Pendidikan Al Qur’an) cater to children aged 7–12. An additional level of study, Ta’limul Qur’an Lil Aulad (Qur’an

Lessons for Children), caters for children aged 5–14 years who are already able to read the Qur’an. According to

Ministry of Religion figures, there are currently almost 150,000 Qur’anic schools in Indonesia, although the actual


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number may be much higher. These schools provide instruction to around 7.5 million students, slightly more than

half of whom are girls (BPSI 2011, 248–49). Many of these schools are formal in nature, with set curriculums,

graded classes, uniforms, semi-annual reports, final examinations and graduation ceremonies (Gade 2004, 154–55).

Students in Qur’an kindergartens usually attend classes for an hour in either the morning or the afternoon, for up to

five days a week. Lessons for older students are held three times a week for an hour and a half.

Children in Qur’an kindergartens begin by learning to read and pronounce the letters of the Arabic alphabet. Arabic

alphabet songs set to popular music styles help children to learn the correct pronunciation and alphabet books with

cartoon pictures teach children to recognize Arabic letters. Other songs introduce simple stories from the Qur’an,

and teach children about prayer, fasting, and reading the Qur’an (Gade 2004, 141–44, 154–55). Children are also

introduced to Islamic morals and ethics. Once students have mastered writing the Arabic alphabet they learn how to

connect the letters to make words. Students also memorize the five daily prayers and learn how to wash properly so

that they are ritually clean before they pray. They also memorize short surah (chapters of the Qur’an) and other

prayers. More advanced students memorize and write selected verses from the Qur’an as well as learning the Friday

congregational prayers and the funeral prayers. They also learn to recite the thirtieth portion of the Qur’an (Juz

‘Amma), which is seen as the minimum requirement for Qur’anic proficiency (Gade 2004, 149). While memorization

plays an important role in learning to read and recite the Qur’an, children are also encouraged to understand what

they are reading. More advanced students study basic Qur’anic interpretation, learn the meaning of prayers, and

study verses and hadith on piety.

Another form of religious education for children is madrasah diniyah (informal religious schools). These

privately-run schools provide basic education in Islam for school-age students. The Ministry of Religion estimates

that there are currently over 70,000 such institutions and 5 million students, with boys slightly outnumbering girls.

Students study the Qur’an and hadith, Islamic doctrine, Islamic values and behaviors, Islamic jurisprudence, Arabic

language and Islamic history. There are three levels of study – awwaliyah or ula, wushtu, and ulya – although only

a small percentage of students continue to the second and third levels (BPSI 2011, 232–34, 238–39, 243–44).

Pesantren Ramadan or pesantren kilat are short intensive courses in Islam conducted during the fasting month.

They may be held in mosques or prayer houses, in schools or on university campuses. Pesantren Ramadan cater

mainly to children and teenagers, although courses are also held for adults. Courses for younger children aim to

introduce the basic principles and rituals of the faith while courses for teenagers and young adults may include

lectures and discussions on topics such as Islamic doctrine, the meaning and importance of prayer and fasting,

putting Islamic morals into practice, as well as reading and interpreting the Qur’an.

There are also many opportunities for adults to learn about the faith. The Islamic revival of the last two decades has

seen a huge growth in the popularity of Qur’an study groups (pengajian) and various courses, seminars and

workshops on Islam (Thomas 1988, 912, Howell 2001, 720–21). A thriving Islamic publishing industry has also

emerged, with Islamic magazines aimed at various markets as well as Islamic books, cassettes and CDs of devotional

songs, and audio recordings of sermons by well-known preachers. Islamic radio and television programs regularly

feature sermons by celebrity preachers or talk shows with panels of experts. Indonesian Islam also has a significant

web presence: websites run by various religious organizations provide information on pious living, offer consultation

with experts on matters of Islamic law, and host discussion forums on a range of religious issues. Women are major

consumers of this new form of “commodified Islam” (Fealy 2008). Glossy magazines featuring the latest Muslim

fashion are aimed at middle-class women, and women form the largest fan base of many celebrity preachers.

The Islamic revival in Indonesia has seen a resurgence in women’s desire to learn about the faith and the consequent

expansion of opportunities for women to further their religious knowledge. While men attend the Friday sermon and

prayers, women attend weekly Qur’an study groups, where they study and recite the Qur’an under the guidance of a

religious teacher (Gade 2004, 161–63, 263–64). Women also meet in rural villages and urban neighborhoods to


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listen to sermons given by religious preachers, many of whom are women. These majelis taklim groups meet at times

when women are free from housework or paid work, usually in the morning or afternoon and vary in size, from under

a dozen to several thousand. Members come from diverse backgrounds, and range in age from young mothers to

grandmothers. Meetings may be held in a private home, or in a mosque or public hall (Marcoes 1992, Winn 2012).

The meetings usually involve prayer, recitation of the Qur’an, discussion of a religious text or religious issues. In

addition to discussion of religious duties, many preachers also provide guidance on issues that are relevant to

women’s lives during their sermons such as the rights and duties of husbands and wives, family planning and

nutrition, inheritance and divorce, as well as social, economic and political issues from an Islamic perspective

(Marcoes 1992, 205).

The first Muslims to make contact with communities in the archipelago were merchants who stopped at port cities in

Sumatra and other islands from as early as the seventh century. However, the earliest evidence for the permanent

presence of Muslims comes from the thirteenth century, as some of these Muslims married local women and formed

the archipelago’s earliest Muslim communities. They established small mosques, and instructed their wives, children

and other local converts in the fundamental beliefs and rituals of the faith. From around the end of the fourteenth

century, the first Islamic states began to emerge as local rulers converted to Islam and directed their subjects to

follow their example. In order to learn about their new faith, these rulers invited religious scholars from elsewhere in

the Muslim world to reside at their courts for a time. Religious learning also took place around mosques, as Muslims

from the archipelago who had undertaken the haj pilgrimage or studied in centers of Islamic scholarship in the

Middle East tutored a select few students in more advanced knowledge of Islam. At sacred sites throughout the

archipelago, Sufi masters instructed a small number of disciples in the ways of Islamic mysticism (Taylor 2003,

Ricklefs 1991).

From the sixteenth century onwards, institutions for more advanced religious learning began to emerge within the

archipelago, spreading more widely during the nineteenth century (Bruinessen 2008, 219–20, Dhofier 1999, 13–15).

These institutions were known as pesantren in Java, as dayah in Aceh, and surau among the Minangkabau of West

Sumatra (Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 174). Although each has its own unique historical trajectory and regional

variations, the function of these institutions – to provide boys, young men and some young women with an education

in the classical Islamic traditions of knowledge – was the same. Daily life within these institutions emphasized simple

living and a strong sense of community: students performed their prayers together at the school’s mosque, prepared

and ate simple meals communally, and slept on the floor in spartan dormitories close to the teacher’s residence. This

ascetic life enabled students to put into practice the principles and moral values of the faith (Dhofier 1999, 27–29,

Lukens-Bull 2005, 58–62).

At the head of these new Islamic boarding schools were respected religious teachers and scholars (ulama or kyai in

Java) who were authorities in certain areas of knowledge. Many were also Sufi masters. The principal teaching

method was the halqa, in which students sat in a circle on the floor and listened to the teacher read and comment on

the text. There was a strong emphasis on oral learning, and on memorization and repetition. Students initially

concentrated on the study of the Qur’an and hadith and on Arabic grammar before moving on to more advanced

texts on subjects such as jurisprudence (fiqh), theology (tauhid) and mysticism (tasawwuf). In Java, the pesantren

curriculum centered on the study of a set of classical commentaries known as the “yellow books” (kitab kuning).

There was no set period of study: students could remain at the school for several years or a decade or more, or move

between schools to study under different teachers (Dhofier 1999, 8, 11–12, 30, Bruinessen 1994, 2008, 220–22).

Students who completed only a few years of study usually found employment as mosque functionaries or local


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religious teachers, while those who completed more advanced religious education became religious scholars

themselves (Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 174–75, Hefner 2009, 60–61).

Islamic boarding schools were at this time mostly male domains: although there was a tradition of female religious

scholarship both in the Muslim heartland and in parts of the archipelago, culturally, religious scholarship was seen

as a male vocation (Kumar 2000, Hefner 2009, 62). However, a very small number of women were nonetheless able

to obtain a more advanced religious education. These women were usually from the families of distinguished

religious teachers and scholars who wanted their daughters and female relatives to gain a deeper understanding of

the faith. They were taught by a close relative and their lessons took place within the home, or in a nearby mosque or

prayer hall (Hefner 2009, 62–63, Dhofier 1999, 33).

For most Muslims, however, a basic religious education that enabled them to practice their faith and carry out their

religious duties and obligations was all that was required. Then, as now, this education began at home, as parents

and older siblings taught children the basic principles and values of Islam. Later, children learned to read and recite

the Qur’an, memorize the daily prayers, and understand the basic aspects of Islamic doctrine. This learning usually

took place in mosques, prayer houses and in the homes of individual religious teachers (Dhofier 1999, 3–5,

Bruinessen 2008, 219–20, Hefner 2009, 59).

From the late eighteenth century and throughout the nineteenth century, an increasing number of Muslims from the

archipelago made the pilgrimage to Mecca. These pilgrims returned with a new sense of orthodoxy which they

endeavored to transmit to others by opening informal schools teaching children to read and recite the Qur’an and

establishing their own boarding schools. As a result, the number of Qur’anic schools and Islamic boarding schools

grew substantially during this time (Dhofier 1999, 15–17). Colonial records from Java in the mid to late nineteenth

century indicate that girls commonly took lessons at Qur’anic schools and that some also attended informal learning

sessions at Islamic boarding schools, where they were taught either by the head of the boarding school or by his wife

or another female teacher (Dhofier 1999, 14–15, Dobbin 1980, 59–60).

The arrival of Islamic reformist ideas in the archipelago at the beginning of the twentieth century led to a significant

transformation in the form and content of Islamic education. As part of this transformation, opportunities for girls

and young women to obtain a more advanced religious education began to expand. Islamic reformists called for a

renaissance of the faith, arguing that Islam needed to adapt to the changes taking place in the modern world and at

the same time purify itself of “un-Islamic” beliefs and practices by returning to the Qur’an and hadith as the sources

of the faith. A modern religious education was a key part of the reformist agenda. Reformists argued that a deep

knowledge of Islam would enable Muslims to practice their faith in the proper way while a modern, Western

education would assist them in embracing the challenges of modernity and defending Islam against the Christian

West. Both genders were to benefit from such an education.

In practical terms, the reinvigoration of Islamic education and the increasing attention to the education of girls and

women was also part of the expansion of education from the beginning of the twentieth century. Under its Ethical

Policy, introduced in 1901, the Dutch colonial government broadened access to primary and, to a lesser extent,

secondary and vocational education for non-Dutch children. Through these schools, boys and a small but growing

number of girls increasingly had access to a modern, Western education (Blackburn 2004, 35, 39). The curriculum

in the Dutch schools was largely secular: lower-class students were taught basic literacy and numeracy in village

schools while upper-class students studied the Dutch curriculum. A number of nationalist organizations also

established schools modeled on the Dutch system, such as the Taman Siswa (Pupil’s Garden) schools founded by Ki

Hadjar Dewantara (Lee Kam Hing 1995, 3–9, 16–17). Christian missionary schools taught basic literacy and

numeracy, and were particularly important in the spread of education in a number of areas in the archipelago (Jones

1976, 38–39). A small number of (mainly vocational) schools for girls and young women were also set up in the early

years of the twentieth century, pioneered by women such as Raden Ajeng Kartini and Raden Dewi Sartika in Java


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and Rohana Kudus in West Sumatra (Blackburn 2004, 39, Abdullah 1971, 13).

It was to these “modern” schools that reformist educators in the archipelago looked when seeking to modernize

religious education. One of the first “modern” religious schools or madrasah – the Adabiyah School – was

established in 1909 in Padang, West Sumatra by Haji Abdullah Ahmad, a Minangkabau reformist. This was followed

by the Diniyah School, founded by Zainuddin Labai el-Yunusiah in Padang Panjang in 1915, which became the model

for other modern religious schools which opened during the 1910s and 1920s. The school had graded classes and a

formal curriculum. In addition to a religious curriculum which emphasized reformist writings, students studied

reading, writing and arithmetic. Older students studied Islamic history and Middle Eastern geography using

textbooks from Egypt (Abdullah 1971, 55, 59, Noer 1973, 47, 52). Unlike the Islamic boarding schools of the time,

both the Adabiyah and Diniyah schools accepted female students, although very few girls enrolled. Elsewhere in

Sumatra organizations such as Sumatera Thawalib and The All Aceh Union of Islamic Scholars (PUSA) also founded

modern religious schools, some of which were open to girls (Noer 1973, 52).

The first madrasah for girls was opened in 1923 in Padang Panjang, West Sumatra, by Rahmah el Yunusiah, the

sister of Zainuddin Labai el-Yunusiah and a graduate of the Diniyah School. Operating initially in a mosque, the

Diniyah School Putri provided classes in religion and Arabic to young married women. By 1925 the emphasis had

shifted from married women to girls and the school provided an education in both religious and general subjects.

From an initial enrolment of 71 girls, the school grew in popularity and maintained a student body of several hundred

throughout the 1930s. In 1937, the school expanded to include a teacher training school to meet the growing need for

female teachers (Noer 1973, 53–56). Another prominent champion of women’s religious education in West Sumatra

was Rasuna Said, who taught at the Diniyah School Putri in the 1930s and later established another school for girls in

North Sumatra (Srimulyani 2012, 38–39).

In Java, a new reformist organization – Muhammadiyah, founded in Yogyakarta, Central Java in 1912 – was also

concerned with modernizing religious education and with providing greater educational opportunities for Muslims,

including girls and women. To achieve this goal, Muhammadiyah established Dutch-style secular schools and

madrasah which taught both secular and religious subjects (Alfian 1989). Although these schools were

co-educational, female students were separated from male students in the classroom and were required to wear

loose-fitting clothing and a headscarf, in keeping with the organization’s promotion of veiling (Taylor 2003,

293–94). In 1917 Muhammadiyah established a separate organization for women, Aisyiyah, which aimed to educate

Muslim women in the tenets of reformist Islam. To this end, Aisyiyah founded women’s Qur’anic study groups, held

public meetings for women, published a journal and conducted courses in Islam, as well as courses in handicrafts,

domestic science and literacy and numeracy especially for women. Aisyiyah also founded girls’ schools, as well as a

teacher-training school for female teachers (Alfian 1989, White 2004).

Although the reformist schools and those of the Dutch and secular nationalist organizations were open to girls,

demand for girls’ education was not especially strong. There were few employment opportunities for educated girls –

teaching was one of the few professions women could enter – so most families chose to educate sons over daughters.

Traditional expectations about the roles of women as wives, mothers and housekeepers and cultural and religious

restrictions regarding the mixing of the sexes meant that few families saw the need to educate daughters, particularly

in co-educational schools. Early marriage also meant that girls’ education was often cut short (Blackburn 2004). The

founding of separate girls’ schools by reformist Muslim and other organizations was therefore an important step in

expanding girls’ access to education.

The establishment of “modern” schools by both Islamic reformists and the Dutch colonial government led religious

scholars and teachers in Islamic boarding schools to feel that the advanced religious education they offered, and

traditionalist Islam more generally, was under threat. In Java, a new organization, Nahdlatul Ulama, was founded in

1926 with the aim of promoting traditionalist Islam and classical Islamic education. However, religious scholars also


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acknowledged the need to respond to the educational reforms taking place in the archipelago. As a result, the

curriculum of the Islamic boarding schools began to modernize. There was a greater emphasis on the study of the

Qur’an and hadith, and some schools began to offer secular subjects such as mathematics, geography, history and

Dutch and introduce graded classes (Bruinessen 2008, Dhofier 1999, 17–18).

Traditionalist scholars also began to extend greater educational opportunities to women (Dhofier 1999, 17–18, 33).

One of the first boarding schools for girls was established in Jombang, East Java in 1930 by Kyai Haji Bisri Syansuri,

one of the founders of Nahdlatul Ulama, in the grounds of his boarding school, Pesantren Denanyar (Srimulyani

2012, 74–75). Many local Islamic leaders were strongly opposed to the school and to women’s education more

generally. This began to change after Nahdlatul Ulama issued a fatwa (religious ruling) on women’s right to

education in 1931 (Marcoes-Natsir 2000, 205). In 1939 Pesantren Seblak, also in Jombang, established a girls’

school. This school was highly unusual for its time in that it was headed for a number of years by a woman, Nyai

Khoiriyah Hasyim. Nyai Khoiriyah, herself a respected religious scholar and the daughter of another of the founders

of Nahdlatul Ulama, took over the leadership of the school following the death of her husband in 1933. Over the

course of the 1930s and 1940s a number of other Islamic boarding schools began to accept female students, although

they were segregated from male students (Srimulyani 2012, 74–75).

Following Indonesia’s independence in 1945, the national school system expanded rapidly as the new nation sought

to fulfill its promise of providing all citizens with an education. The government promoted a co-educational, secular

education system, administered by the then Department of Education, Teaching and Culture (now the Ministry of

Education and Culture). For both practical and ideological reasons, however, Islamic schools – all of which were

private – were administered separately under the Department of Religion (now the Ministry of Religion), a situation

which persists today. The Department of Religion was also made responsible for the curriculum of religious

education in secular schools (Zuhdi 2006, Lee Kam Hing 1995, 49).

During the 1950s and 1960s madrasah played an important role in meeting the growing demand for a modern,

secular education which provided a path to employment in the new nation. As employment opportunities for women

expanded, especially in the state bureaucracy, more and more girls enrolled in both madrasah and the newly-

established state schools (Srimulyani 2012, 39). However, because madrasah received little government funding, the

quality of education was generally very poor. Some attempts were made to standardize the curriculum, including the

amount of time devoted to secular and religious subjects, but these were largely unsuccessful (Zuhdi 2006, Subhan

2010).

Growth in the number of students studying in Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) during these decades was much

slower than in madrasah. Less demand for an exclusively religious education meant that many smaller Islamic

boarding schools closed, while larger schools remained viable in part because they also included general subjects in

their curriculum. From the 1960s, some Islamic boarding schools opened madrasah or general schools within their

grounds while continuing to teach the traditional scriptures and commentaries in the afternoon and evening, a trend

which accelerated during the 1970s and 1980s (Lee Kam Hing 1995, 113–14, Dhofier 1999, 22, Azra, Afrianty and

Hefner 2007, 178). By the late 1970s, a large number of Islamic boarding schools, particularly in Java, had also

made provision for girls and some of the largest schools had over a thousand female students (Dhofier 1999, 33).

Throughout the 1970s, the new Soeharto government invested heavily in education as a key strategy in its program of

national development. Funds were principally directed to primary education, and the number of children in state

primary schools rose dramatically during the late 1970s and early 1980s. Enrolment in state junior and senior

secondary schools also rose steadily although significant gender gaps, which were more pronounced among poorer

households and in rural areas, remained well into the 1990s (Oey-Gardiner 1991, 1997, 151–52, Jones and Hagul


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2001, 212–13). Within this context, Islamic schools took on particular importance in educating poorer, rural

children, particularly girls, at the secondary level. This was in part a function of the accessibility of Islamic schools:

government secondary schools tended to be located in urban areas, while Islamic schools were mainly in rural areas.

Parental concerns regarding girls traveling to attend a government secondary school some distance away, coupled

with higher cost of attending these schools, meant that local Islamic schools provided an important means for

poorer, rural girls to continue their education (Oey-Gardiner 1991, 64–65).

The Islamic revival from the late 1970s led to a surge in the popularity of Islamic schools (Thomas 1988, 914).

Between 1977 and 1997, the number of students in Islamic boarding schools increased more than two and a half

times and the number of schools more than doubled. The number of girls attending these schools also grew, such

that by 1997 girls made up 45 percent of all students (Howell 2001, 716, Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 178).

Enrolment in madrasah also expanded. This increase in popularity was particularly evident among the newly-

emergent Muslim middle class. During the 1990s elite Islamic schools catering to the desire of this group for both a

high-quality general education and a strong foundation in the faith were established in urban areas (Azra, Afrianty

and Hefner 2007, 177).

Over the last three decades, Islamic schools have been increasingly integrated into the national system of education,

a move which has mostly been welcomed by Muslim educators as a means of improving the quality of Islamic

schools. Regulations introduced in the mid-1970s but not implemented until after 1989 required all madrasah to

teach the national curriculum for non-religious subjects, with 30 percent of the curriculum devoted to religious

studies and the remaining 70 percent to non-religious subjects, although in practice there is some variation in

adherence to this regulation. To bring them into line with the national education system, madrasah were divided into

three levels: madrasah ibtidayah (primary), madrasah tsanawiyah (junior secondary) and madrasah aliyah

(senior secondary) and certificates of graduation from madrasah were given equal status with those of government

schools. These regulations did not affect the curriculum of Islamic boarding schools (pesantren), which continued to

be determined by the school’s head. From the early 1970s, general schools were also required to teach the national

curriculum for compulsory religious studies lessons. As a result of these changes, madrasah are now considered

formally equal to general schools and Islamic boarding schools are recognized as contributing to national education

(Zuhdi 2006, Sirozi 2004).

The Islamic education system educates a large number of Indonesian students. In the 2010–2011 school year, 7.5

million students attended madrasah with just over 3.5 million students attending Islamic boarding schools (BPSI

2011, 36, 196). Overall, madrasah educate 13 percent of students, although at the junior secondary school level this

increases to 22 percent (PDSP 2011, 4). Two-thirds of Indonesia’s madrasah are located on Java – principally in

East, West and Central Java – where just under 60 percent of Indonesia’s population lives (BPSI 2011, 25, BPS 2012,

12). Islamic education has continued to increase in popularity over the last decade. Between 1999 and 2009,

enrolments at madrasah at all levels grew by 25 percent, compared to 15 percent in general schools (PDSP 2011, 16,

PDIP 2005, 7, PDIP 2006, 7). Over the same period, the number of madrasah also increased by 25 percent (BPSI

2011, 25, Jabali and Jamhari 2002, 129). The number of Islamic boarding schools has also more than doubled over

the last decade. There are currently over 27,000 such schools in Indonesia, three fourths of which are located in

rural areas of Java (BPSI 2011, 175, 195, Yunanto et al. 2005, 41, Jabali and Jamhari 2002, 99).

Despite their progressive integration into the national system of education, Islamic schools remain community-

based: all Islamic boarding schools and around 90 percent of madrasah are private (BPSI 2011, 25). The majority of

schools are affiliated with national organizations such as Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama. A smaller number

are affiliated with regional organizations such as Nahdlatul Wathan in Lombok, As’adiyah in Sulawesi and Persatuan

Tarbiyah Islamiyah in West Sumatra, or with local religious foundations (yayasan) (Yunanto and Harun 2005, 30).


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Other schools are not affiliated with any organization but are run by individuals or communities.

The Islamic boarding school system is highly diverse. Government statistics distinguish three broad categories of

boarding schools, based on curriculum: salafiyah schools, ashriyah or khalafiyah schools and combination schools.

Salafiyah schools teach the classical Islamic texts, with a focus on jurisprudence (fiqh) and doctrine (akidah), using

traditional teaching methods (BPSI 2010, 104). The curriculum is determined by the head of the school. Salafiyah

schools currently make up half of all Islamic boarding schools in the country, and are concentrated in West and East

Java and Banten (BPSI 2011, 195). Most of the recent growth in the number of Islamic boarding schools has been of

this type of school, although this can in part be attributed to the registration of previously unregistered schools

(Yunanto et al. 2005, 41). Ashriyah or khalafiyah schools make up just over 10 percent of Islamic boarding schools.

These “modern” schools have adopted the madrasah model and teach the national curriculum within a boarding

school environment. Combination schools, which make up about 40 percent of schools, offer both the national

curriculum and an education in the classical Islamic texts (BPSI 2011, 195). It must be noted, however, that there is

considerable variation within these categories in terms of religious and political ideology, texts taught, teaching

methods and the rules and regulations which govern school life.

Over the last decade, the government has recognized the significant role that Islamic boarding schools play in the

provision of basic education, particularly for poor and marginalized children. Since 2000, students in traditional

Islamic boarding schools (pesantren salafiyah) have been able to undertake a program of studies which is

recognized as equivalent to the nine years compulsory basic education mandated by the government in 1994. The

program is flexible, so students can plan their study around the boarding school curriculum. Subjects include

Indonesian, mathematics, science, social studies and civics (<http://programwajardikdas.wordpress.com/2012/03

/19/wajar-dikdas-salafiyah/>). In 2010–2011, around half a million students, 44 percent of whom were girls, were

undertaking this program, mostly in Central and East Java (BPSI 2011, 180, 199). Several thousand boarding

schools, many in East Java, also offer government-recognized primary and junior and senior secondary school

equivalency programs – known as Packets A, B and C – to over 100,000 students, many of them from poor

households. By far the largest number of students are studying at senior secondary level, and at all levels around 35

percent are girls (BPSI 2011, 215, 216, 221). Many Islamic boarding schools also offer training in vocational skills

such as farming, small business management, computers, motorcycle repair, sewing, and handicrafts (Lukens-Bull

2005, 65).

Madrasah are also diverse. Around 10 percent of madrasah are run by the Ministry of Religion (BPSI 2011, 25).

These madrasah receive government funding for teacher salaries and maintenance and as a result are of higher

quality than private madrasah (Edwards, Ciciek and Dzuhayatin 2009, 124). The remainder are run by a range of

national, regional or local religious organizations which vary in their approach to the interpretation of the scriptures,

religious practices, and political goals and strategies. There is therefore considerable variation in the educational

objectives, curriculum content, teaching methods and institutional culture of these madrasah (Subhan 2010, 132).

Over the last decade there has been an increase in the number of salafi madrasah, many of which are located within

Islamic boarding schools. These madrasah adopt a literalist approach to Islam which is reflected in their curriculum

and teaching approach (Subhan 2010, 135, Hasan 2008).

Most madrasah follow all or part of the Ministry of Education and Culture’s competency-based curriculum for

non-religious subjects, which includes Indonesian, mathematics, English, science, physical education, health and

personal development, religious studies, social studies, and civics (Mendiknas 2006). The Ministry of Religion

provides a competency-based curriculum for religious studies in madrasah which covers Qur’an and hadith studies,

Islamic doctrine and ethics (akidah akhlak), jurisprudence (fiqh), Islamic history, and Arabic. However, many

madrasah follow this curriculum only loosely, with the topics and texts being determined by the organization or

foundation with which the school is affiliated. Madrasah students in the final two years of schooling can choose to

specialize in religious studies, in which they study ethics (akhlak), Islamic history, Arabic, Qur’anic interpretation


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(tafsir), hadith, jurisprudence (fiqh), and Islamic theology (ilmu kalam) in addition to general subjects (Menag

2008, Subhan 2010, 131, Hasan 2008).

A relatively recent development in Islamic education has been the establishment of elite Islamic schools catering to

the urban middle class. These schools provide a high quality education using the Ministry of Education and Culture’s

national curriculum with an emphasis on the development of Islamic ethics and values rather than the acquisition of

knowledge of the Islamic sciences. Tuition is expensive and entry to these schools is highly competitive (Subhan

2010, 133–35).

While there are many excellent Islamic schools, the majority are of poorer quality than general schools. This is

largely because Islamic schools receive very little government funding. Funds from the Ministry of Education and

Culture are principally provided to the general schools under its administration, although madrasah are eligible for

student grants provided through the government’s School Operational Assistance (BOS) scheme, introduced in

mid-2005. Almost 5.8 million students received these grants in 2010–2011 (BPSI 2011, 66). The Ministry of Religion

has a much more limited budget for education, and most of this has until recently been directed to state madrasah

(Edwards, Ciciek and Dzuhayatin 2009, 120, Permani 2011, 185–87). Private madrasah and Islamic boarding

schools receive some funding from the organization or foundation with which they are affiliated, as well as from

community donations and tuition fees. However, since Islamic schools often serve poor, rural communities, funding

from communities and parents may be limited. Over half of all parents who send their children to madrasah have an

income of less than $US 2 a day (BPSI 2010, 61–63). A large majority are employed in the agricultural sector, or as

laborers and petty traders. Income levels are generally lower still among the parents of children attending Islamic

boarding schools (Jackson and Parker 2008, 26–27). For this reason, tuition fees are minimal and poor children are

often exempted from paying them.

One of the key quality issues that Islamic schools face is underqualified teachers: 85 percent of teachers in Islamic

boarding schools and 30 percent of madrasah teachers have less than the four-year diploma or bachelors degree

required under legislation on teacher quality introduced in 2005. Primary school teachers and teachers in private

madrasah are the least qualified (BPSI 2011, 13–19, 177). Teacher shortages, particularly in rural and remote areas,

as well as teacher mismatch and teacher absenteeism also impact significantly on the quality of education in Islamic

schools (Jalal et al 2009, 12, 193–94, Suryadarma 2011, 170–72, 174). Almost all teachers in Islamic boarding

schools and three fourths of madrasah teachers are employed privately by the religious organization with which the

school is affiliated (BPSI 2011, 13–19, 177). Wages are very low and some teachers work on a volunteer basis. Only

20 percent of madrasah teachers have undergone the recently mandated certification process, which will make

teachers in both schools and madrasah eligible for a professional allowance and other financial incentives (BPSI

2011, 109–15, Jalal et al. 2009, 24).

Islamic schools are also often in poorer condition and have fewer facilities than general schools. Around a third of

madrasah classrooms at the primary and junior secondary level are in a poor or very poor condition and very few

madrasah have well-stocked libraries or up-to-date computer rooms and science laboratories (BPSI 2011, 128–29,

131–45). Many students do not have access to textbooks (Ali et al. 2011, 46–47). Only around 10 percent of

madrasah have achieved the highest level of accreditation required under the new legislation on education, indicating

that they have fully attained national quality standards in the areas of curriculum, teaching and learning processes,

learning outcomes, personnel, physical facilities, management, finance, and assessment processes. A further 30

percent have achieved the second highest level (BPSI 2011, 4–6). The poorer quality education provided in Islamic

schools means that they are often the second choice for parents whose children have not achieved high enough marks

in the final examination to gain entry into a state school (Permani 2011, 187, 189–91, Parker 2009, 70–71).

Underqualified teachers and inadequate facilities result in poorer quality educational outcomes in Islamic schools.

This is reflected in poor performance in international standardized tests, negative attitudes to school and lower rates


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of completion than general schools, particularly at the junior secondary level (although repetition and dropout rates

are lower in madrasah than in general schools at all levels) (Ali et a.l 2011, Jalal et al. 2009, 5–6, PDSP 2011, 47,

49–50). These issues have particular importance for girls. A recent study of gender issues in Islamic schools found

that girls are more likely to make the transition to the next level of schooling when their teachers are properly

qualified. The study also found that the availability of school materials and equipment, as well as physical school

facilities such as separate toilets for girls have a positive impact on girls’ transition and retention (Austen, Edwards

and Sharp 2007).

The gender balance in Islamic schools, as in general schools, has improved markedly over the last three decades. In

Islamic boarding schools, girls now make up 48 percent of all students nationally. However, at the provincial level,

there is some variation in this pattern. In Banten, South Sumatra and Bengkulu, for example, girls outnumber boys

in Islamic boarding schools, while in South Kalimantan and South Sulawesi there are significantly more boys than

girls (BPSI 2011, 196). In madrasah, boys and girls are enrolled in roughly equal numbers at the primary school

level. In junior secondary level madrasah, girls make up slightly more than half of all students, with more girls

attending state madrasah. At the senior secondary level, girls make up 55 percent of all students, rising to 60 percent

in state madrasah. These patterns have been largely consistent over the last decade, and there is very little variation

across provinces (BPSI 2011, 38, 41, 44–46, IAIN Jakarta 2000, 56).

The increase in the number of girls attending Islamic boarding schools and madrasah is evidence of a preference for

a religious education for girls, particularly at the secondary level. This preference reflects a belief among many pious

parents that Islamic schools provide a strong moral education that shapes students into “good Muslim girls” and at

the same time protects them from the moral dangers to which they are exposed through popular media and

interactions with the opposite sex (Parker 2009, Srimulyani 2012, 118–19). It may also reflect assumptions

regarding the future role of boys as the principal contributors to household income. For this reason, parents may be

more likely to send sons rather than daughters to general schools since these are generally of higher quality than

Islamic schools and graduates are therefore more likely to obtain employment (Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 181;

see also Dhofier 1999, 34). A further factor may be the greater accessibility of Islamic schools, particularly for rural

girls since, as noted above, distance to school is a significant obstacle for girls, particularly at the secondary level.

Finally, it may reflect the increasing role of women in the movement to propagate the faith (dakwah), for which a

religious education is preparation (Azra, Afrianty and Hefner 2007, 181).

As in many other countries, girls’ achievement in school tends to be as good as, and often better than that of boys. At

all levels of madrasah, pass rates in national examinations are similar for boys and girls. Girls also have lower rates

of repeating at all three levels of madrasah and lower rates of dropout at both primary and junior secondary level

madrasah. At the senior secondary level, girls and boys drop out in roughly equal numbers (BPSI 2010, 44, BPSI

2011, 54, 58, 61, 64). The most common reason both boys and girls drop out of school is that their families are

unable to afford the cost of tuition fees, uniforms, textbooks, transport and other incidental expenses associated with

schooling. There may also be lower (perceived and actual) rates of return for education, particularly at the senior

secondary level. For girls, early marriage may contribute to some dropout at the senior secondary level, particularly

in rural areas and in certain provinces (Jones and Gubhaju 2008).

Yet equal access to and completion of schooling is only one aspect of gender equity and equality in education. Gender

issues in the process of education mean that girls in Islamic schools continue to be disadvantaged in education in

other ways. Features of the school curriculum, including the subjects taught and the teaching and learning materials,

as well as teaching practices, school culture and the physical environment of the school can reproduce values, norms,

beliefs and practices that are marked by gender inequality. This may be either explicitly stated, such as in gender-

biased explanations of the rights and responsibilities of girls and women in school textbooks or “hidden,” for


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example, in the subtle ways that teachers differentiate between male and female students in the classroom.

The choice of subjects offered to girls in Islamic schools reflects beliefs about what is important or relevant for girls

to learn. For the most part, the curriculum of Islamic boarding schools does not differentiate between girls and boys.

All students study the classical fiqh literature on matters of worship and ritual obligations, family law, marriage and

divorce, criminal law and the economy. However, girls usually study additional texts relating to marital and domestic

life, as well as menstruation, pregnancy and childbirth. There are also separate texts on ethics for boys and girls,

which are introduced in the early teens (Muhammad 2002, 6–7, Srimulyani 2012, 122–28). The extracurricular

activities and vocational training offered to girls in Islamic boarding schools also differs from that of boys. For

example, schools for girls offer training in life skills such as cooking, sewing, crochet, embroidery, dressmaking,

make-up, and handicrafts. Computer skills and journalism are also popular extracurricular courses in girls’

boarding schools. Some girls’ Islamic boarding schools offer vocational education in fashion design or office

administration.

Teaching and learning materials used in Islamic schools reflect normative assumptions concerning the roles of men

and women in religious and public life. The classical Islamic texts taught in many Islamic boarding schools contain

teachings that assign women a subordinate role in the family and legitimize domestic violence (White 2006, 140,

Muhammad 2002, 8). One text of particular importance for girls is the Uqud al-Lujjayn. Written in the nineteenth

century by an Islamic scholar from Banten in west Java, this text presents a conservative perspective on the rights

and responsibilities of husbands and wives and is often taught to girls “to ensure they understand their marital

duties” (Marcoes-Natsir 2000, 217, Muhammad 2002, 8, Srimulyani 2012, 122). Similarly, the text on ethics for

girls, Akhlak li al-Banat, which was written in the mid-twentieth century by a scholar from East Java, portrays a

pious Muslim girl as one who is studious, diligent, and respectful, who helps her mother with domestic chores and

child-rearing while her father earns an income for the family (Srimulyani 2012, 125–26). Many newer texts

perpetuate these conservative attitudes toward women. A 1997 textbook used in the teacher’s college for women at

Pesantren Putri Pondok Modern Gontor, for example, emphasizes the physical and psychological differences

between women and men as the basis for their different roles in the family and in public and religious life. The text

describes women’s role as obedient wives and dedicated mothers and men as rational and dependable, as the

providers of the family’s needs and the natural leaders of the family and the community (White 2006, 279–81). A

textbook from the strongly conservative Pondok Pesantren Islam Al Mukmin similarly emphasizes women’s natural

role as being in the home and condemns Western ideals of equality as being damaging to women and antithetical to

women’s God-given nature and role (White 2006, 275–77, 281–82).

Textbooks used for Qur’an and hadith studies and fiqh in madrasah demonstrate similar gender biases. In topics

dealing with the rights and responsibilities of men and women, particularly in the family, the textbooks depict

women in a subordinate position. Images show women in mainly domestic roles, while men are depicted in a wider

range of roles in the community and professions. The characters used to demonstrate rituals such as prayer, fasting

and giving alms also tend to be male. Even in situations where Islam teaches equality, the texts present a gender-

biased perspective. A woman’s right to propose marriage, for example, and the role of women in leading prayer,

particularly for other women, are not described (Edwards, Ciciek and Dzuhayatin 2009, 136–38, Azisah and Vale

2008). Religious education in general schools likewise educates girls in their “proper” gender roles as wives and

mothers in harmonious nuclear families and impresses upon them their responsibility to dress modestly and avoid

improper interactions with opposite sex (Smith-Hefner 2005, 442, Smith-Hefner 2006, 153). Textbooks published

after 2004, when the government’s gender mainstreaming policy came into effect, tend to be more balanced in their

representations of gender roles (Azisah and Vale 2008).

The issue of gender bias in the religious curriculum of Islamic schools has been a focus of recent attention among

Muslim feminists in Indonesia. Beginning in the 1990s, and gathering pace over the last decade, Indonesian Muslim

women’s rights activists – both female and male – have been engaged in reinterpreting religious teachings regarding


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a wide range of gender issues including the role of women in public and religious life as well as family issues such as

marriage, polygamy, reproductive rights, divorce and inheritance (White and Anshor 2008, 137, Marcoes-Natsir

2002, 193–95). These activists have been inspired by works on gender issues in Islam written by international

Muslim thinkers such as Fatima Mernissi, Ashgar Ali Engineer, Leila Ahmad, Amina Wadud and Riffat Hassan

(White 2006, 289). A number of Muslim NGOs concerned with gender issues have also emerged, including the

Centre for the Development of Pesantren and Society (P3M), PUAN Amal Hayati Foundation, Fahmina Institute,

Rahima, and the Centre for Pesantren and Democracy Studies. Alongside Muslimat, Fatayat and Aisyiyah, the

women’s organizations associated with Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, these organizations have been active

in challenging gender bias in Islamic teachings and promoting women’s rights based on contextual understandings

of Islamic sources. Focusing their efforts within the Indonesian Muslim community, they have conducted a range of

advocacy activities such as facilitating workshops on gender issues, holding public discussions, producing

community radio shows and publishing books, magazines and bulletins promoting women’s rights in Islam (White

and Anshor 2008, 137, White 2006, 293–94, Marcoes-Natsir 2002, 193–95, Marcoes-Natsir 2000).

A number of these organizations focus their activities on Islamic boarding schools and madrasah, providing gender-

sensitivity training for students and teachers, challenging gender bias in texts, and developing manuals and

guidelines for incorporating gender perspectives into the content of teaching on Islam. The Forum for the Study of

Kitab Kuning, for example, has produced a comprehensive critique of the Uqud al-Lujjayn showing that many of the

hadith used to support its conservative teachings on women were weak or false (White and Anshor 2008, 140).

Fahmina Institute has conducted hundreds of gender-sensitivity training workshops in Islamic boarding schools and

elsewhere and produced a gender training manual which explains the ideas, methods and tools for developing a

gender-sensitive interpretation of Islam ( <www.fahmina.or.id>, Kull 2009, 33–34). Similarly, Rahima has

published a number of manuals on gender-sensitive approaches to teaching Islam for use in senior high schools and

madrasah and guidelines for teaching reproductive rights in Islamic boarding schools ( <www.rahima.or.id>).

The presence of female teachers can have a positive effect on girls’ enrolment and completion of schooling, and

female teachers can act as important role models for girls. In Islamic boarding schools, just over one third of

teachers are female. However, there is significant variation across provinces. In West and South Sumatra, for

example, numbers of male and female teachers are almost equal, and in South Sulawesi, the number of female

teachers is significantly higher than the national average at 43 percent. By contrast, in Banten (West Java) and

Lampung (South Sumatra), female teachers make up only 27 and 19 percent of the teaching force respectively (BPSI

2011, 197). Female teachers in Islamic boarding schools do not generally teach male students, although male

teachers may teach female students. This tradition reflects norms regarding the segregation of the sexes as well as

gendered beliefs about the greater religious authority of men (Srimulyani 2012, 116). In primary school level

madrasah, female teachers outnumber male teachers at 53 percent of teachers, perhaps reflecting the perceived

function of these teachers as nurturers of younger children, a role for which women are considered innately better

suited. This falls to 49 percent at junior secondary level and 46 percent at senior secondary level. As in Islamic

boarding schools, national averages for female madrasah teachers mask significant regional differences. In West

Java and East Java, for example, where a majority of madrasah are located, there are significantly fewer female

teachers. However, in almost all provinces in Sumatra, and a number of provinces on Sulawesi, female teachers

outnumber male teachers at all levels of madrasah. State madrasah tend to have slightly more female teachers (BPSI

2011, 72–73, 84–85, 96–97).

Teachers play an important role in transmitting and mediating messages about gender in the classroom. Teachers’

own beliefs about gender are reflected in teaching practices. For example, teachers’ expectations of boys’ and girls’

academic strengths may influence their behavior toward students when teaching certain subjects. Teachers may also

give unequal attention to boys and girls, either in the learning process or in classroom management. Classroom

observation in general schools in Indonesia suggests that teachers spend more time explaining concepts and

problems to boys and call on them more frequently to answer questions and solve problems on the board, although


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this depends on the individual teacher (Parker 2009, 70 n 16, Parker 1997, 508). Yet teachers may also challenge

gender stereotypes. For example, Srimulyani found that some teachers in Islamic boarding schools present a more

nuanced perspective on gender relations by contextualizing the teachings presented in classical texts for girls.

Furthermore, these teachers’ own leadership roles within the school and their activities within the wider community

provide positive examples for the girls they teach (Srimulyani 2012, 124, 127).

Gender segregation of classrooms and school facilities in Islamic schools may also reinforce gender inequalities. In

madrasah, as in many general schools, boys and girls are usually seated separately, with boys seated on the

right-hand side of the room from the teacher’s perspective, and girls on the left, although girls are sometimes seated

at the front, with boys at the back of the room (Parker 2009, 72, Azisah and Vale 2008, 64). While interaction

between boys and girls is not prohibited, these seating arrangements mean than interactions within the classroom

are more often between boys or between girls. In Islamic boarding schools, segregation of the sexes is more

pronounced. Classrooms for boys and girls are often in separate buildings and may be located in a different part of

the school. Dormitories and other facilities are also gender segregated and in common areas, such as the mosque,

boys and girls are usually seated separately, sometimes on opposite sides of a curtain. Such segregation, which is

designed to prevent unsupervised interaction between the sexes and so protect girls’ morals, is a fundamental part of

education in Islamic boarding schools. Further research into gendered teaching practices and gender segregation in

the classroom and the school in the context of Islamic schools would provide greater insight into their effects on girls’

education.

Aspects of school culture such as uniforms and rules may also entrench gendered norms, values and behaviors.

School uniforms in Islamic schools are one aspect of the “curriculum of the body” which regulates and controls girls’

bodies and reinforces Islamic notions of femininity (Parker 2009). For girls in Islamic schools the uniform consists

of a loose-fitting tunic, worn over a long skirt, with the head and neck covered by a long piece of cloth secured under

the chin (jilbab). Many general schools have also adopted this uniform (Parker 2009, 74). Since Islam requires girls

to dress modestly from the time they reach puberty, some primary school level madrasah include the jilbab as part of

the uniform, particularly in the last two years of primary school. This uniform restricts movement and serves as a

physical reminder to girls to be “restrained, devout, chaste and disciplined” (Parker 2009, 75). For younger girls, it

may also restrict physical play, which can impact on the development of physical abilities and on levels of physical

activity.

Rules for Islamic boarding schools cover a broad range of issues, from appropriate clothing and hairstyles,

attendance at prayer and other communal activities, and night curfews to appropriate reading material, cleanliness

of the dormitories and the proper method of bathing. Rules also limit interactions between the sexes, both within the

school and outside it. The strictness of discipline appears to depend on the school leadership rather than on the type

of school (Srimulyani 2012, 117). In general, disciplinary measures for breaking school rules tend to be similar for

boys and girls. However, some rules differentiate between girls and boys. In many boarding schools, for example,

girls are only permitted to travel to and from their home when they are accompanied by a parent or relative. Boys,

however, may travel unaccompanied (Muhammad 2002, 5). Girls also tend to be more closely supervised and their

movements more restricted than boys (Parker 2009, 73–74, Srimulyani 2012, 120).

Participation of women in educational planning and decision-making in management is an important aspect of

redressing gender inequalities in Islamic schools. In both Islamic boarding schools and madrasah, however, women

are underrepresented in leadership and management roles. While a large number of madrasah teachers are women,

very few madrasah have female principals or vice-principals and heads of school committees also tend to be male.

This is a result of both cultural norms, which discourage women from assuming leadership positions, and religious

teachings, which endorse men as the leaders of the Muslim community (Edwards, Ciciek and Dzuhayatin 2009,

130–31, 134–35, Dzuhayatin and Edwards 2010). In Islamic boarding schools, women in leadership positions are

also in a minority. Leadership of an Islamic boarding school is traditionally passed to the closest male relative,


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usually a son or son-in-law, reflecting the patriarchal values of this institution and its broader social and cultural

context. Despite this, some women have become leaders of Islamic boarding schools in their own right, and many

play an important role in the management of the girls’ sections of boarding schools or as members of the school

board (Srimulyani 2012).

Indonesia has one of the largest higher education systems in the world, with over 3,500 institutions – the majority of

which are private – servicing the educational needs of almost 5 million students. Of these, over 600 are Islamic

universities, institutes, and colleges offering courses and degrees in a variety of disciplines to more than 550,000

students (PDSP 2011, 4).

The state system of Islamic universities, institutes and colleges is made up of 51 institutions spread throughout the

country. Enrolment in these institutions has grown steadily over the last decade and currently 42 percent of all

students undertaking tertiary education in the Islamic sciences do so in state institutions. The majority of students in

the state Islamic higher education system are from rural areas and most have been educated in either madrasah or

Islamic boarding schools (IAIN Jakarta 2000, 21–24). Indeed, state and private Islamic universities and colleges

provide an important means of social mobility for such students, who often experience difficulties gaining entry to

secular universities and colleges (Jabali and Jamhari 2002, 109).

The oldest institution in the state Islamic higher education system is Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic Institute (now

University) in Yogyakarta, which was founded in 1950 (Meuleman 2002, 288–89). Over the next two decades, the

system of state Islamic institutes expanded. These institutes catered to students who wished to further their

education in the Islamic sciences, offering courses through five faculties: preaching and propagation of the faith

(dakwah), Islamic social studies (adab), religious education (tarbiyah), Islamic philosophy (ushuluddin) and

Islamic law (syari’ah). Branch faculties – which were later converted into state Islamic colleges – were also

established in smaller towns throughout Indonesia (Jabali and Jamhari 2002, 16–19, Meuleman 2002, 281, 284).

Between 2002 and 2005, six state Islamic institutes or colleges were converted into universities. These universities –

which are located in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Malang, Pekanbaru, Bandung and Makassar – offer degrees in a range of

fields including science and technology, economics, social sciences, the humanities, philosophy, law,

communications, psychology, medicine, and health sciences as well as in the traditional Islamic studies disciplines.

In addition to these universities, there are currently 15 state Islamic institutes and 30 state Islamic colleges (BPSI

2011, 274).

From its establishment, the state Islamic higher education system integrated Islamic and modern, Western

traditions of learning. The state Islamic institutes were modeled on Cairo’s Al-Azhar University, which took a

reformist approach to education in the Islamic sciences, although they also drew on the Dutch model (Meuleman

2002, 284, Saeed 1999, 182). During the 1970s, a major transformation of these institutions’ approach to the study

of Islam took place under the leadership of Harun Nasution, who served as Rector of Syarif Hidayatullah State

Islamic University in Jakarta from 1973 to 1984. This approach emphasized empirical analysis and the importance

of critical thought in examining Islam. It also stressed comparative study of other religions and engagement with the

intellectual traditions of the West. In keeping with this, the curriculum was redesigned to incorporate Western

traditions of thought into the study of Islam and teaching methods were reformed to foster critical analysis. The

result of this transformation was that the state Islamic institutions of higher education became centers for the

modernization of Indonesian Islam, promoting the development of a more plural, tolerant and inclusive form of

Islam (IAIN Jakarta 2000, Jabali and Jamhari 2002, Kraince 2007, Saeed 1999).

In addition to the state universities, institutes and colleges, there are approximately 550 private Islamic higher

education institutions. Many of these are affiliated with Muslim mass organizations such as Muhammadiyah and


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Nahdlatul Ulama, while others are run by regional religious organizations or by small, private foundations. These

institutions offer degrees and diplomas in fields such as religious education, Islamic law, preaching and propagation

of the faith, Islamic philosophy and Qur’anic recitation. One of the largest private providers of higher education in

Indonesia is Muhammadiyah, which has over 170 universities, colleges, polytechnics and academies spread

throughout Indonesia. Like its schools and madrasah, Muhammadiyah universities and colleges provide an

education in “secular” as well as Islamic sciences. Muhammadiyah universities offer degrees in medicine and health

sciences, law, psychology, economics, mathematics and sciences, engineering, education, agriculture, and social and

political sciences as well as Islamic sciences. The polytechnics, colleges and academies provide diploma and degree

courses in areas such as accountancy, nursing, tourism, legal studies, communications, secretarial studies, and

textile design. Students can also gain qualifications in religious education, Islamic law, and Islamic philosophy.

Over the last decade, there has been a steady expansion in the number of women undertaking higher education in the

Islamic sciences. Overall, women now make up 52 percent of students in Islamic institutions of higher education

although there are significant regional differences. In West Sumatra, Aceh and North Sumatra, for example, there

are significantly more women in Islamic higher education (between 60 and 70 percent) while in West Java and South

Sulawesi women make up only 35 and 38 percent of students respectively (BPSI 2011, 266). In state Islamic

universities, institutes and colleges, the proportion of women students is slightly higher, at 54 percent overall, up

from 49 percent at the end of the 1990s. The proportions of women studying in state Islamic institutes and colleges is

particularly high, at 57 and 58 percent of students respectively, up from 48 and 53 percent a decade ago (BPSI 2011,

274). However, in the six state Islamic universities, women make up only 47 percent of students. In the two largest

and most prestigious state Islamic universities, Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta and Sunan

Kalijaga State Islamic University in Yogyakarta women make up 47 and 43 percent of students respectively, although

this is still an increase of around 5 percent over the last decade (IAIN Jakarta 2000, 24–27). One possible reason for

the larger number of women students in state Islamic institutes and colleges is that these are located in provincial

capitals and smaller cities and towns, which means that women can continue their education without having to travel

too far from home and family. An increasing number of women are also undertaking degrees in Islamic studies at the

postgraduate level, either within Indonesia or in universities in the West or the Middle East. The religious knowledge

that these women gain through their advanced study of Islam enables them to speak authoritatively on a range of

issues from an Islamic perspective within the public domain (IAIN Jakarta 2000, Syamsiyatun 2008, 142–44).

Yet despite the growing number of women studying in Islamic higher education institutions, the content of teaching

and learning materials on Islamic studies at the tertiary level often represents the role of women in gender-biased

ways. As in Islamic schools, these materials are based on the classical Islamic texts and as such provide a

conservative perspective on women’s roles and responsibilities in the family, and in religious and public life. Many

lecturers, particularly those who are older or who have graduated from Middle Eastern universities, also hold

conservative views on women’s rights, which influences their teaching practices. The lack of supplementary material

written in Indonesian or Arabic which provides a more balanced perspective on gender issues is also a significant

obstacle for both lecturers and students (Dzuhayatin 2005, xxi–xxviii, xlvii).

Over the last decade, however, there has been increasing attention to gender issues in the curriculum of Islamic

higher education institutions. At the forefront of efforts to incorporate gender perspectives into teaching and learning

materials are the state Islamic universities and institutes, and in particular the Women’s Studies Centers that were

established at a number of state Islamic institutes during the late 1980s and 1990s. Through policy advocacy,

gender-sensitivity training, and the publication of research on a range of gender issues from an Islamic perspective,

as well as through the development of networks with Muslim NGOs and religious organizations, these centers have

contributed to the development of a robust discourse on women’s rights and gender equality (Blackburn, Smith and

Syamsiyatun 2008, 14–15, Dzuhayatin 2006). They have also sought to introduce gender sensitive approaches into

the curriculum of Islamic studies. For example, the Women’s Studies Centre at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic

University in Jakarta has produced a set of textbooks that integrate gender perspectives into the content of courses


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on the Qur’an, hadith, Islamic history, fiqh, and Sufism that are used in lower level courses for all students at that

university. The Women’s Studies Centre at Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic Institute has also produced detailed

guidelines on mainstreaming gender in courses in a number of Islamic studies disciplines and has conducted

training in gender analysis for lecturers throughout the state system of Islamic higher education (Kull 2009, 30–31,

Dzuhayatin 2006, 164).

Despite increasing awareness of gender issues, significant inequalities remain at the institutional level in many of

these universities. Less than one third of teaching staff in Islamic higher education institutions are women and few

women occupy senior teaching positions. Women are also underrepresented in key leadership and management

roles: there has only ever been one female rector in the state Islamic university and college system and very few deans

are women (BPSI 2011, 270, Dzuhayatin and Edwards 2010, 205, 211). As is the case with gender bias in the

curriculum, the women’s studies centers have pioneered initiatives to redress these gender inequalities through

policy. As a result, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic Institute has had a gender mainstreaming policy in place since 2005

which aims to address gender gaps in academic staff and leadership positions through affirmative action in staff

recruitment and promotion (Dzuhayatin and Edwards 2010, 205, Dzuhayatin 2006, 164).

While traditional institutions for religious education in the archipelago were dominated by men, over the course of

the twentieth century opportunities for girls and women to further their education in both “modern” religious schools

and traditional Islamic boarding schools expanded significantly. Today, girls’ participation in formal religious

education is equal to that of boys at the primary and secondary level, and the number of women studying at the

tertiary level is rising steadily. Yet girls remain disadvantaged in religious education in other ways: textbooks

continue to represent women’s roles in gender-biased ways, and the institutional culture of schools and universities

still favors men. A new generation of Indonesian Muslim feminists are challenging patriarchal religious teachings

and attempting to reform the culture of religious schools and other institutions, though such change will take time.

Girls and women have also been enthusiastic participants in the educational revival of the last two decades, which

has seen expanded opportunities for informal religious learning in a range of public and private settings. Education

has the potential to empower. As more and more Muslim girls and women improve their knowledge of Islam, they

are able to interpret religious texts for themselves and to use this knowledge to argue for their full and equitable

participation in the family and in public and religious life.

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