/fey

NevadaArchaeologicalAssociation

Volume 2, No. 1, 1974

Nevada Archaeological

Association

Logo design of the NAA by Robert Elston, Director, Nevada Archaeological Survey, UNR, from a Garfield Flat petroglyph.

EDITORS

Mary Rusco ................ Anthropology Department University of Nevada at Reno

Jean Myles ........ _ ............... Reno, Nevada

Kris Cazier

N.A.A. Board Chairman 1973·74

Nevada Archaeological Survey, U.N.R.

EDITORIAL AND BUSINESS OFFICES

All correspondence should be addressed to:

Nevada Archaeological Association P.O. Box 552

Reno, Nevada 89504

MEMBERSHIP AND DUES

Membership and dues are annual and payable by the first of

March.

Active ... _ ....................... $5.00 Active Family ...................... 6.00 Student .... _ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.50

Supporting ........................ 25.00 Sponsor .......................... 50.00

The N.A.A. is an incorporated non-profit organization regis­tered in the State of Nevada and has no paid employees.

Applications and dues should be sent to the above address. Membership cards will be issued on payment of dues.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS 1973·1974

Chairman ..... _ ...... Jean Myles, AM·ARCS o'fNevada

Richard Brooks ................ Anthropologist UNLV

Don Tuohy ................. Curator of Anthropology Nevada State Museum

Gary Noyes ............. Chairman AM· ARCS of Nevada Reno, Nevada

Rex Fraizer .......... ARCHAEO-NEVADA of Las Vegas

Mary Rusco ................ Anthropology Department University of Nevada at Reno

Barbara Mathews ........... _ ....... Panaca, Nevada Secretary-Treasurer N.A.A.

"Remove not the ancient landmark which your fathers have set."

Proverbs 22: 28

INCORPORATING BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Jean Myles, Amateur AM-ARCS of NEVADA, Reno

Rex R Fraizer, Amateur ARCHAEO-NEV ADA of Las Vegas

Sheilagh Brooks, PhD. Anthropologist UNLV

Donald R Touhy Anthropologist

Nevada State Museum

Robert Elston Director Archaeological Survey, UNR

Gary Noyes, Amateur Tonopah, Nevada

Kenneth Knudson, PhD. Dept Anthropology UNR

NBVADA A<CH)EOLOGIST

VOLUME II No. I

THE NEVADA ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

1974

The Nevada Archaeological Association was organized in 1972 to provide a bond of communication between proTesSiomds in the field of archaeology and its allied sciences, members of various amateur organizations, and the people of Nevada towards the further­ance of public education and involvement in responsible preservation of Nevada's archaeological and historical resources.

The need for recording these finite relics of the past for the enlightenment of future generations grows more pressing with each

day of development and progress. The goals of the Nevada Archaeological Association are to provide a central point for general infor­mation and study; a central recording point for collections in the Nevada and the verbal knowledge accompanying these collections, and correlation of this knowledge with that already recorded, for the benefit of the collectors and those in the research field; to pro­vide assistance with education towards responsible Public Archaeology; to assist in preservation of sites by the establishment and main­tenance ofa registry of available, capable amateurs in Nevada who would be able to work with t~e professionals, particularly in the immediacy of salvage archaeology; and to provide a bond of communication between the profeSSionals, amateurs, and the general pub­

lic by publishing a journal, NEV ADA ARCHAEOLOGIST.

To these ends, the Nevada Archaeological Association is incorporated, in the State of Nevada, as an educational, scientific and

historic organization, with its organizational offices in Reno, Nevada, editorial offices in Las Vegas, Nevada and conference and meet­ing center in Tonopah, Nevada. Membership is open to all those interested in the archaeology, Indian pre-history, and history of Nev­ada.

COVER

Photographs of the incised stones depicted on the covers of this issue are by Bob LeaVitt, UNLV. References in the 'text show the upper stone, front cover, as fig. 17, the lower is not shown in the text. The one on the back cover is shown as fig. 12.

These stones are in soft sandstone, are generally small in size and do not photograph particularly well. Tracings in the text, PP. 5 to 13 are done from Roy PurcellS drawings. Both the stones and drawings, which are re-produced as Lithographs, can be seen at the Southern Nevada Museum, Henderson, Nevada. J. Myles.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

A Preliminary Report on the Analysis of Incised Stones From Southern Nevada. 4

A Brief Summary of Rock Art Sites in Lincoln County, Nevada. 16

In the Path of Electrical Energy. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 18

Fire At Washoe ........ . . ............... . .............. , 24

A PRELIMINARY REPORT ON THE ANALYSIS OF INCISED STONES FROM SOUTHERN NEV ADA

By James D. Santini

Editor's Note: Figures 1, 4, 5 alld 18 are by Roy Purcell, Director and Curator of the Southenz Nevada Museum, Henderson, Nevada. All others are traced from the artist's etchings for printing. Trac­ings show stones in rel'erse due to the etching process. / Note front cover, top, and fig. 17. j

J. Myles

RlUiAS OF COUc.£I<TIl.RTEl:l IHClSEl> S'rON.E FI~ns

I t4 SO\lTI+ER.~ NEVA!>II

pebbles" (Ross 1965); "scratched stones" (Heard Museum Display); "scratched rock" (Pepper 1969); "incised slate" (Harrington 1957); "engraved slate" (Wheeler 1942); or "stone tablets" (Lanning 1963); "etched stone" (Lehman 1973); then "pet roglyph slabs" (McKee-Thomas 1972); and "incised stones" (Schuster 1966; Tuohy 1964).

In time, the professional archaeologist may settle upon a uniform description or consistent classification of the different types of incised artifacts. This commentary can do nothing to reconcile the diversity of general description, but will be concerned with a preliminary analysis of consistent and recurring design elements and their frequency in the southern Nevada region of the Great Basin.

\ c_ , \

'/; !~ ,,\If;Jlf II

/~ ~~

'" (." I.. V

INTRODUCTION Very little has been written about the cultural signi­

ficance of "incised stones". This paper represents a pre­liminary examination of this intriguing void by proposing a method of analysis by design elements. The research is based upon the Santini I (564 incised stones) and Dixon 2 (203 incised stones) collections from the southern Great Basin.

In a later report it is planned to analyze this data by a table of design clements, frequency of occurrence by area and altitude, and the association of incised stones with specific types of archaeological sites.

TIle limited availability of research materials reHects the absence of scientific or amateur studies of "incised stones". An examination of the diversity of descriptions utilized to designate the incised type of stones demonstrates the absence of any general correlation of this subject. For example, "incised pebbles" (Arctic Anthropology 1968); "moveable pictographs" (Fowler 1966); "scratched pebbles and engraved

4

DISTRIBUTION, SIZE AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIA nON

The incised stone or pebble has been found throughout the world (Schuster 1966), and includes a wide dispersion in the North American hemisphere from the Kodiak Islands in Alaska (Clark 1964), to the Rio Grande (Ross 1965), to New Brunswick, Canada (Fowler 1966).

A review of the available reference materials suggests that no other geographical area has the concentration of incised stones that have been found in the southern Nevada area of the Great Basin. TIle Santini collection alone contains over 500 whole and broken incised stones found on surface sites throughout southern Nevada. Southern Nevada recorded distri­butions include the Flaherty Rock Shelter, southeast slopes of the Las Vegas Range (VNLV); Moapa Valley (Perkins 1967; Santini Collection); Sandy Valley (Lost City Museum Display); Sheep Mountain Range (Perkins 1967; Santini Collection); Spring Mountains (Santini Collection; Dixon Collection):

Pahrump Valley (Santini Collection; Dixon Collection); Coyote Springs (Lost City Museum Display); and vicinity of Las Vegas, the Las Vegas Valley, Clark County, Nevada (Schuster 1966; Perkins 1967; Santini Collection. Fill:. 1).

R.F. Perkins, Director of the Lost City Museum in Overton, Nevada (1967), concluded that the Moapa Valley "might be the center of distribution, but that "specimens are found in the adjoining areas of the Las Vegas Valley, the Sheep Mountain Range and .the southern Meadow Valley Wash." Based on the Santini and Dixon Collections, it would appear that the principle concentration of incised stones at . present has been found in the Spring Mountain Range where the preferred material for incising, sandstone, occurs in a natural and ab\Jfldant context. The Spring Mountain Range is Nevada's largest sandstone mountain range (Schilling 1971). Over 400 speciments in the Santini collection were derived from this locale.

There is no apparent requisite or consistency in the size or dimension of the southern Nevada incised stones. They may range in dimension from the size of a nickle (Santini Collection, Pahrump Valley, Fig. 2), to two examples observed from private collections which measure in total circumference 23" and W' thick (Blake Collection, Spring Mountain Range) and 1 0"x8 "x8" and weighing thirty pounds (Dixon Collec­tion, Pahrump Valley). It would appear that incised stone size depended entirely upon the maker's disposition and the materials available . Most (approximately 90% - Santini Collection) of the incised stones observed are human hand size or smaller.

Generally , no effort was made to shape or contour the southern Nevada incised stones. The maker would apparently take the work material as found, placing the desired design on one or both faces of the stone without endeavoring to contour the stone to suit the design. Perhaps this disregard of the stone's general shape resulted from a recognition of the shalelike fracturing propensities of the preferred working material, sandstone, although many sandstone pieces appear to be amenable to some shaping if desired. Basically, it would seem that shape of the stone was not considered of sufficient importance to warrant the extra shaping effort.

Of 245 complete or deeply etched stones there are a sufficient number of incised stones with designs on both faces - 61 - Santini Collection; 30 - Dixon Collection) to permit the guarded conclusion that whether or not there was incising on both faces was entirely up to the artistic discretion of the maker. There is also evidence that a prior incised expression would be superceded by a subsequent craftsman totally disregarding the au thorship of the earlier maker with a new incised design or motif (Fig. 3). This disregard for prior incising on the same stone could suggest the limited inference that the incised stones of southern Nevada did not, in and of themselves , represent an inviolate expression of substantial religious magnitude. Donald R. Tuohy (personal com­munication) has offered the qualifying consideration that most petroglyph sites and other religious places were revisited and new glyphs were placed on the old ones. Speculation as to the "meaning and purpose" of the incised stones will be consid­ered in the section on design elements.

The predominant and favored material in southern Nevada for incised stones is sandstone. This stone was particularly suitable for the incising effort. The stone surface is soft and readily scratchable, creating an ideal material for the artisans . The abundance of available sandstone may have been conducive to the incising effort and contributed to the institution of this unique cultural trait.

5

fig. 3

Stump Springs Clark Co. Nev.

fig. 2

Wilson Cabin Siteff 6 Spring Mtns.

Clark County, Nevada

The tentative relations and associations with surface archaeological materials contained in this evaluation shall certainly have to, be subordinated at a later date to controlled deductions resulting from the in situ excavation of incised stones. The absence ot any precise correlation between the incised stones and the surface artifacts qualifies the tentative judgements contained in this discussion.

On the basis of approximately seven years' examination of incised stone on surface archaeological sites in southern Nevada, some common artifact characteristics can be associa­ted with their occurrence.

Generally there are a number of jasper, chert, or obsidian chips on the surface of the sites. In the Spring Mountain sites usually these chips are small in size and number. The scarcity of chippings in the Spring Mountain sites suggests the locations were temporary summer/fall gathering camps. The flora of the Spring Mountain Range sites include mountain mahogany, sagebrush, pinyon pine, juniper, various yuccas, and agave. Surface chipping sites in the Spring Mountain Range have little or no indication of time, so no factors are available such as weathering or desert varnish to aid in establishing a date for the incised stones in this area.

The predominant shard evidence in each site consists of the Paiute brown-black earthen ware and at several sites corrugated shards have been found in sufficient number and with sufficient consistency in the various sites (almost exclu­sively in the Spring Mountain Range) to permit a tentative conclusion that the maker of the brown-black utility ware and the incised stones are one and the same. The critical question remaining is, who was the maker of these shards - Paiute groups, or other peoples dating from the same time span (A.D. 600 to Historic Period)?

Perkins (personal communication) relates that the con­temporary Paiutes with whom he has discussed the incised stones have no knowledge of their origin or purpose. It is possible that the cultural patterns associated with incised stone making have long since been replaced by the new ways introduced since the 1800's (R Brooks personal commu­nication).

A preliminary deduction from the context of the Spring Mountain Range sites (only) suggests that the incised stones of southern Nevada may have been a product of a pottery making and using people, probably occupying the area in the general time frame of A.D. 600 to the 1800's. It should be noted at this point that archaeologists evaluating the time frame of incised stones from central Nevada have estimated that those stones dated from A.D. 400 (McKee-Thomas 1972).

Classification of the whole and broken projectile points found in surface relationships with the incised stones may aid in the resolution of the inquiry about the age of the southern Nevada incised stones. The Spring Mountain Range sites appear to offer the most favorable context for surface artifact correlation, because the surface finds suggest an occupation of limited time depth. TI1e most prevalent point types found in the incised stone sites are those points classified in the Great Basin as the Desert Side-Notched (Lanning 1963). The incised stones have significantly outnumbered the projectile points in these mountain areas (contrary to the ratio of points to incised stones in the Las Vegas, Pahrump and Moapa Valleys). Brooks has suggested that this may be the result of prior collecting, but four of the Spring Mountain sites did not appear to have been collected before (personal communication).

The date generally assigned the Desert Side-Notched point type is A.D. 1100 to the historic period, and this general

6

description and time origin is consistent with the foregoing deduction concerning the pottery shards.

Other point types have been found at ,-incised stone locales, partiCUlarly in the Pahrump Valley. However, most of the Pahrump, Las Vegas and Moapa Valley sites encompass surface evidence suggesting a wide scope of occupation habitats. The overlapping, intrusive and successive occupations by prehistoric p'eoples preclude any decisive correlation with the incised stones found there.

Eight of the sites suggesting only one horizon or aspect of occupation produced evidence of a gathering mode of survival. Whole and broken manos and several remnants of broken metates have been noted or recovered from the Spring Mountain sites, permitting the cautious deduction that the incised stonemakers were probably a hunting and gathering culture. The pinyon trees are present in sufficient number to mark the incised stone sites as gathering areas. The presence of grinding implements together with the other surface recoveries compel the conclusion that the incised stones were associated with plant food gathering.

DESIGN ANALYSIS One of the most intriguing questions concerning the

southern Nevada incised stones is what, if anything, do the designs on the incised stones mean? Some preliminary inter­pretations have been advanced. RF. Perkins has offered this evaluation: "Variations in design are numerous. On some, one has a strong impression that the design is anthropomorphic (1967)." Melvin C. Aikens noted a similarity between anthro­pomorphic Fremont culture pictographs and painted stone tablets taken from Promontory Cave No.1 (1966). Schuster, in his well-researched comparison of the incised stones throughout the world, concludes that southern Nevada incised stones suggest an anthropomorphic or human figure (1966). A recent authoritative examination of "petroglyph slabs" in central Nevada concluded that the stones suggested "some sort of good luck sign (McKee-Thomas 1972)." An amateur, Mr. W. Coxon, has concluded that the incised stones he examined are actually portable maps of trails (1964).

Generally, the southern Nevada incised stones would not readily lend themselves to a "portable road map" interpre­tation. Certain petroglyphs of the Great Basin have been diagnosed as primitive trail, camp, or spring markers.3 There does not appear to be any direct correlation between these design elements and those found on the southern Nevada incised stones. It would not seem appropriate to classify the southern Nevada incised stones as "petroglyph slabs" (McKee­Thomas 1972). There is little or no correlation between the design elements found on the incised stones and the various design features found in the Great Basin petroglyphs (Heizer and Baumhoff 1962), The design ingredients contained in the southern Nevada incised stones do not generally correspond with the designs found on the McKee-Thomas (1972) incised stones from central Nevada. The southern Nevada incised stones are more elaborate in design and detail, and it would appear that this expanded expression may have involved something more than just a good luck sign.

Initially, a review of the applicable research sources is convincing evidence that the southern Nevada incised stones must be examined within this geographical context as an isolated cultural trait. There are no clear correlations between the southern Nevada incised stones and incised stones found in any other geographical locale. As Tuohy concluded, "It therefore appears that the tablets may be considered another trait having an ancestral hearth in the Southwestern Basin

(1967)." Incised stones have been found in other areas (Schuster 1966; McKee-Thomas 1972), but the design ele­ments are readily distinguishable. The southern Nevada incised stones must be viewed, at least at this time, as an isolated archaeological phenomenon. When the motif is examined in this context the predilections to ascribe a human-like sym­bolism to these stones must be discarded. Analysis and interpretation of these stones must start from a detailed consideration of each stone and the design elements utilized.

An examination and evaluation of over 700 incised stones from southern Nevada is convincing evidence that the "anthropomorphic" diagnosis is misplaced. This observation is reinforced by the examination of each particular element of the incising pattern on the southern Nevada stones. TIle following section summa rizes the markings through an analysis of speci tic design elements.

The ~asic element is a parallel line across the face of the stone . Its location may vary, but it is usually found near the bottom one-third of the design. Over 80% of the complete incised stones studied contain this basic feature (Fig. 4). Generally, the parallel line is then supported from below by one or two perpendicular lines (legs or stilts) on each side of the stone (Fig. 5). Thes(} features are the basic elements of the southern Nevada incised stone designs . Thereafter, the motif was built upon , under or around these basic design features. TI1C portrayal may t hen progress from the simple to the complex , depending upon the intended expression of the maker.

One of the basic design features consists of the platform and legs (described above) with several short straight lines incised across the top of the parallel line (Fig. 6). I have 29 stones from different sites containing this design. Next, those lines may be lengthened to cover approximately 50% to 75% of the stone surface above the platform (Fig. 7; 31 in Santini Collection).

fig. 4

Another commonplace design element is the short, perpendicular line with shorter oblique lines on each side, best characterized as a "trae-like" symbol (Fig. 8). Usually, this tree-like symbol is placed above the parallel line. The Santini collection contains 32 stones, from several different sites, bearing this distinctive expression. This symbol is often found as part of the more elaborate incised stones containing several design elements which are discussed below. An incised stone from central Nevada contains a comparable symbol (McKee­Thomas 1972).

7

Stump Springs Clark County, Nevada No. of parking area

Stump Springs Clark County, Nevada

fig. 6

fig. 7

Buster Wilson Site#, 3 Spring Mtns.

Clark County, Nevada

Pahrurnp Valley

fig. 9

Instead of the short perpendic,ular lines growing directly out of the platforrn, they may begin at one end of the platform and follow the contour line of the stone above the parallel line (Fig. 9 ; 9 stones in Santini Collection). It should be noted that radiating lines in rnany forrns or ernployrnent cornplernent a sizeable percentage of all incised stones.

Perhaps the rnost frequently repeated design feature is the half or three-quarter circle line , either above or below the platform (Fig. 10 a-b). As suggested by the illustration, there are usually two, three or four concentric circular lines. I have 52 examples from several different sites, of this popular incising symbol. The maker employing this design might omit the platform's "legs" (Fig. 10 c) but generally not the platform.

8

fig. 10 ... a.

fig . l0 .. . c.

Spring Mountains Clark County, Nevada

fig . 10 .. . b.

2 Mi. So. Spring Mt. Youth Carnp Lovell Canyon

Clark County, Nevada

Short perpendicular lines on the platform, tree-like symbols, radiating lines, and the half or three-quarter circle incisings are only part of the incised stone symbol inventory. Another very common design element is the triangle located above the parallel line (Fig. 11 a). It is often expanded to a triangle within a triangle (Fig. 11 b). The Santini collection contains 39 examples of the triangle symbol and its variations recovered from several different southern Nevada sites. Oc­casionally the supporting "legs" are omitted. It should be noted that unlike the half circle symbol, the triangle symbol has not yet been found beneath the parallel line between the supporting legs. For some reason it appears that it was inappropriate to employ the triangle in that manner.

Another symbol variant includes the parallel line and legs with feathering-like incising on the outside of the legs (Fig. 12; 9 in Santini Collection).

Frequently, our ancient artisan would elaborate on his designs by combining several of the above symbols for the more detailed incised stones. For example, a triangle within a half circle, mounted on the platform, with radiating lines surrounding the half circle line (Fig. 13).

The more detailed incised stones include a series of designs mounted on a succession of parallel lines (Fig. 14). While the first parallel line may be supported by legs, the rest of the platform lines above are usually independent with different symbols on each line. The author's collection contains 21 of these combination incised stones, many from differing locales in southern Nevada. These incised stones entailed more labor and artistry in their production and would appear to represent an intentional expansion of the maker's intended expression.

There are other symbols which are not as recurrent. The checkerboard (Fig. 15a), the circle within a circle (Fig. 15 b), the step ladder incising (Fig. 15 c), the herringbone (Figs. 15 d, 16 a-b), the zigzag (Figs. 15 e, 3), and the independent triangle (Fig. 15 e-f).

One of the most intriguing symbols of the southern Nevada incised stone is that of two short lines with a circle on the top (Fig. 16 a). It is usually near the bottom of the incised stone, beneath the platform line and on either side of the supporting legs (Fig. 16 b). This symbol occurs with sufficient consistency and diversity (17 stones in the Santini Collection) to permit the conclusion that it served as a specific symbolic expression. It is usually found only in the more elaborate motifs and suggests that it was only employed in the more refined forms of expression as a supplement to the principle design. This symbol has not yet been observed as the only incising symbol on a stone.

There are many other interesting examples of southern Nevada incised stones, but this paper has endeavored to confine its observati.ons to those incised stones with designs that have been repeated many times in different locations. This premise permits the conclusion that the symbols repre­sented a general cultural expression rather than an isolated maker's ingenuity.

This general description of the motif or design elements of the southern Nevada incised stone leads to the inevitable question: if the designs do not represent a human figure, what do they represent? An examination of a very large number of southern Nevada incised stones would convince any reasonable evaluator that they were not merely idle etchings. The recurrence in different k>cales of the same d~sign elements leads to the irrefutable conclusion that the symbols had some definite and precise meaning. Professionals, students, and amateurs will continue to expiore and evaluate the precise

Q

Buster Wilson Cabin Site=j:f 2

Spring Mtns. Clark County, Nevada

fig. 11 ... a.

Pahrump Valley Clark County, Nevada

fig. 11 ... b.

meaning of these symbols. That question may never be answered unequivocally. The follOwing observations and con­clusions ate only tentative and cautious judgements offered in the guise of one interested person's thoughts on the subject. No one at this stage of exploration, research and study, is in a position to offer final conclusions. It is hoped that these tentative deductions will stimulate and encourage professional evaluation.

The foundation or base of many southern Nevada incised stones is the horizontal line (Fig. 4). Upon or under this line all other incised expressions must flow. This appears to be the rudimentary design element. Perhaps it is a representation of the earth, or ground. Perhaps it is nothing more than the basic design prerequisite for the more substantial incising to follow.

The next basic design element is r{'presented by two or four perpendicular lines or legs supporting the platform (Fig. 5). They also appear to be supporting elements upon which the symbolic expression must be constructed. Perhaps, sym­bolic representations of the basic support elements of life itself. In any event, the stilts are indisputably basic design features of many of the southern Nevada incised stones.

The short perpendicular lines running across the face of the stone on the platform suggest the possibility of a primitive symbol for grass (Fig. 6). Perhaps the symbol encompasses a broader concept, such as gathering. The short lines side by side are found in petroglyphs, but these other sources do not offer

fig. 12

Wilson Cabin Site# 2a Spring Mountains Clark Co., Nevada

fig. 13

10

fig. 14

Combination Incised Stone found in many different

locales in Southern Nevada

fig. 15 ... a.

Stump Springs Clark Co., Nevada

fig. 15 ... c.

Wilson Cabin Site# 2

Clark Co.

fig. 15 ... b.

Pahrump Valley near Hidden Ranch

fig. 15 ... d.

11

Wilson Cabin Site# 6 Spring Mtns. Clark Co., Nev.

any clear cut guidelines here because of the unique geo­graphical and artistic context of the southern Nevada stones. This literalistic interpretation receives reinforcement when the "tree-like" symbol is included in the overall analysis (Fig. 8).

The "radiating lines" are a commonplace feature of the southern Nevada incised stones and appear generally as a symbolic supplement to another principle design or theme. (Figs. 10 a-c, 13). Radiating lines have been interpreted in other contexts as symbolizing the rays of the sun. Such a deduction may apply here. On many stones that would seem possible. However, on others the radiating lines appear to be nothing more than artistic embellishments on the principle theme or design. It is conceivable that such lines served two forms of expression depending on their use on a particular stone.

The "half circle" feature is a prevalent symbol. Mounted on the "platform" and supported by the "stilts", it suggests a dwelling (cave or brush) symbol. Schuster (1966) preferred to characterize the lines as necklaces ·or related adornment. This analysis is consistent with his conclusion that such stones were probably anthropomorphic. I don't believe this appraisal can stand however, when such stones are compared with those incised .stones where the half circles appear below the parallel line, usually in between the supporting stilt lines (Fig. 10 b; 42 in Santini Collection).

If the stone is inverted (at least by this author's interpretation of top and bottom using the legs or stilts as the bottom reference point) the necklace construction could be sustained. It can't be a necklace also worn about the stomach as well. And this, in consistent effect , is ' the result o f the necklace interpretation. Thus, classifying the half circles as a representation of a habitation symbol is at least more consistent when the symbol appears in different locations on the stone.

The " dwelling" construction finds reinforcement when specific triangle-like incised stone symbols are examined. On one incised stone (Santini Collection), the deeply incised triangle (with sides crossing at the apex , Fig. 17) is located on the parallel line with the traditional stilts below. The incised face of this stone was face do\Vfl on the ground, acquiring the characteristic dark bro\Vfl-black discoloration which affects Spring Mountain sandstone beneath, or in direct contact with the soil. Sandstone may be more susceptible to element or soil alteration of its facial coloration than other more dense or less porous sto nes. The first glance impression this design creates is that of the mid-western o r Rocky Mountain habitation of hides on poles, the so-called teepee_ This dwelling, however, is no t characteristic or typical of the dwellings o f the southern Great Basin aborigines. A conical temporary shelter of frame poles and brush (or whatever material was immediately accessible) , the wickiUp was constructed and consistently used by the later occupants of this region _ Yet it is difficult to imagine a better symbolic representation of either a wickiup or skin covered teepee-like dwelling than is found on this stone . This stone is not an isolated design phenomenon. There are several other incised stones in the Santini collection with this teepee-like symbol. Perhaps the teepee-like symbol represents merely a design varia tion on the conical (half circle) theme. In any event , since the triangle appears both above and below the horizontal line , it would seem to undermine the necklace interpretation.

The anthropomorphic interpretation also involves a conclusion that the leg or stilt lines represent shoulder straps (Fig. 13). The shoulder strap was certainly not a commonplace part of recent prehistoric man apparel in the southern Great Basin . Yet this co nstruction has been advanced in support of the anthropomorphic interpretation (Schuster 1966). The shoulder strap conclusi on would seem a strained effo rt to make an interpretation of the perpendicular lines (legs) consistent with the anthropomorphic diagnosis.

It would seem more probable that the incised symbols under examination were environmental or mythological repre­sentations , o r symbols portraying features of the environment in which the primitive occupants of the southern Great Basin were living. Would the incised stone maker be more pre­occupied with his arid and exacting environment than he would be with ego or self? There is an intriguing concept in Southern Paiute mythology that has been offered by Tuohy (personal communication) and will be examined here. "Southern Paiute mythology includes a genesis myth con­taining the concept that there is a land and sea, an abyss below and a night above. The land is a vast surface bounded by lines of cliffs or by the sea . .. Above is night, and between the land and the sea below and the night above there is a great dome-shaped space .. _ The edge of the sky rests on the land and sea or the brink of the cliffs, and there are many places where people can fall through_ The sun is compelled to travel by a definite trail along the face of the nigllt ... " (Fowler and Fowler 1971 , emphasis added) There are some tantalizing parallels between these . myth symbols and those found on·the

12

fig. IS .. , f.

Wilson Cabin Site# 2 Spring M tns.

Clark Co ., Nevada

southern Nevada incised stones. However, the evidence is too meager to permit the conclusion that there is a direct correia lion .

In summary then, it must be repeated that no one knows preCisely what the symbol elements on the so uthern Nevada incised stones represent. But evidence available to date would persuade . this commentator that the case is much stronger for mte rpretlllg the symbols as representations derived from the living environment, rather than primitive abstractions of the human form.

SPECULATiONS AS TO THE PURPOSE OF THE SOUTHERN NEVADA INCISED STONES

Certainly the determination of the purpose or lise of the incised stones would also depend in part on how the symbols are construed. Again , no evaluation of the incised stone puzzle can conclude with certainty about the use or purpose of these stones. What was their purpose - road maps, good luck charms, idle ruminations? A consideration o f the circum­stances whereby the stones were recovered, particularly from the Spring Mountain sites , offers some evidence as to the use or purpose of the stones.

There is a possibility of recovering an incised stone in many of the transitory habitation sites in sou thern Nevada. Unfortunately most of these surface recoveries are restricted in any meaningful correlation with other surface materials.

Wilson Cabin Site # 6 by road

fig. 16 ... a.

fig. 16 ... b.

13

fig. 17

Spring Mountains Clark Co., Nevada

However, the Spring Mountain sites examined do afford an opportunity for relevant surface site interpretations. The Spring Mountain site locations seem to have established a pattern for the ~occurrence of the incised stones. Generally, if one were found there would be more. A surface plotting of the location and relation of the incised stones suggests they were deposited in a group. The number of incised stones, whole or broken, found in a concentrakd location substantially out­number any other surface evidence of primitive occupation including chipping debris. Mr. J. Dixon reports (personal communication) finding a concentration of six incised stones in a semi-circle (Fig. 18). They were found in the midst of a burned out area. Five stones were apparently inserted on end into the ground. Dixon indicates that he has found several incised stones inserted on end beneath or around pinyon pine trees. The only consistent pattern of surface recovery that has been discovered by the author is the concentration of stones. Many isolated finds of incised stones have been made also. What deduction do such recoveries permit? There are suffi­cient number of concentrated finds to indicate that the stones were intentionally grouped in one small area on frequent occ·asions. Why? One explanation would be that the stones represent an expression of gratitude or request for future help incident to the makers' food gathering practices. These concepts may be interwoven with aspects of prehistoric mythology such as t:lC Southern Paiute myths examined above. This conclusicd correlates with the interpretation of symbols as presented earlier. The specific subject of the thanks or request for help is contained on the stone, e.g. agave or spring (Fig. 16 a-b), grass (Fig. 6), pinyon pine (Fig. 8). The dwelling depictions may represent the overall concept of survival or preservation of the shelter (Figs. 13, 17). Perhaps the rays are the rain or the sun, which play such a Villi part in the life sustaining process (Fig. 10 c). Perhaps they related directly to a specific social or religious practice, or rerhaps, only the symbolism was uniform, while the individual naker's employment of the stone was left to his own discretion.

CONCLUSION The incised stones are a purposeful and meaningful

expression of a particular cultural belief and practice. They are not idle scribblings. It is exceedingly doubtful that they

represent a portrayal of a human symbol. The evidence to date strongly suggests that these stones represented something more than just a type of good luck piece.

The repetition of specific design elements that can be related to the prehistoric environment is a meaningful indi­cation that the incised stones represent a vital aspect of the makers' hunting and gathering practices supplemented by a religious-mythological influence.

A future paper will endeavor to examine the precise statistical significance of the frequency of occurrence by area, altitude and related surface artifacts, with a table of design elements.

No matter what one's individual interpretation of the incised stones of southern Nevada is, they remain one of the intriguing artifact mysteries of this region. It is hoped that this commentary will offer some additional evidence that may lead one day to a concensus of interpretation among expert and amateur alike.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Appreciation and recognition for the assistance in the preparation of this paper must be extended to Sheilagh Brooks, Department of Anthropology, UNLV; R.H. Brooks, Museum of Natural History, UNLV; Donald R. Tuohy, Nevada State Museum; R.F. Perkins, Lost City Museum; John Dixon for makj.ng his collection 'available for evaluation; and Roy Purcell for the etching$ of the incised stones that are used for figure ilIustrati,ons in this paper.

14

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Aikens, Melvin C. 1966 Fremont - Promontory - Plains - Relationships in

Northern Utah. University of Utah Anthropological Papers, No. 82. Salt Lake City.

1968 Arctic Anthropology, Vol. 5, No.2, p. 68.

Baumhoff, M.A. and J.S. Byrne 1959 Desert Side-Notched Points as a Time Marker in

California. UCASR No. 48. Berkeley, California.

Oark, D.M. 1964 Arctic Anthropology, Vol. 2, No. 1.

Coxon , W. 1964 Ancient Manuscripts on American Stones. Arizona

Highways, September. Phoenix.

Fowler, William S. 1966 Bulletin of the Massachusetts Archaeological Society,

Vol. 27, Nos. 3 & 4, p. 43.

Fowler, Don D. and C.S. Fowler 1971 Anthropology of the Numa. Smithsonian Contribution

to Anthropology, No. 14, pp. 73-76.

Harrington , M.A. 1957 A Paiute Site at Little Lake, California. Southwest

Museum Paper No. 17, p. 69.

Heizer, R.F. and M.A. Baumhoff 1962 Prehistoric R~ck Art of Nevada and Eastern California.

Univ. of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles.

lanning, E.P. 1963 Archaeology of the Rose Spring Sites, Iny-372. U.C

Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 29, No.3. Berkeley, Calif.

Lehmann, K.A. 1973 Smoke Signals, Vol. 12, No.6, p. 4.

McKee, E.H. and D.H. Thomas 1972 Petroglyph Slabs from Central Nevada. Plateau, Vol. 44,

No.3, p. 85.

Pepper, J. 1969 Mysterious Cargo Muchachos. Desert Magazine, January,

p.35.

Perkins, R.F. 1967 Engraved Stones of Southern Nevada. The Nevada

Archeological Survey Reporter, Vol. 2, No.7. Reno.

Ross, R.E. 1965 The Archaeology of Eagle Cave. Texas Archaeological

. Salvage Project, October, p. 102 and 156. Austin.

Schilling, H. 1971 Nevada's Mountain Ranges. Nevada Highways and Parks,

Winter.

Schuster, C. 1966 Incised Stones from Nevada and Elsewhere. Nevada

Archeological Survey Reporter, Vol. 1, No.5, pp. 4-20. Reno.

Tuohy, D.R. 1967 An Incised Tablet from Douglas County, Nevada.

Nevada Archeological Survey Reporter, Vol. 2, No.7. Reno.

Wheeler, S.M. 1942 Archaeology of Etna Cave, lincoln County, Nevada.

Nevada Pro Comm. Report. Carson City.

1. Judge James D. Santini collection, Las Vegas, Nevada 2. John Dixon collection, Las Vegas, Nevada

3. See Heizer 'and Baumhoff (1962:291-3) for a refutation of this interpretation ..

Watch for a new group .....

The American Society for Conservation Archaeology. . . . . . . .

dedicated to further the aims of contract archaeological research and towards the conservation of Archaeological resources.

Officers are: Dr. William Mayer-Oakes, Chairman

Dr. Floyd Sharrock, Secretary-Treasurer

Dr. Don D. Fowler, Editor

15

A BRIEF SUMMARY OF ROCK ART SITES IN LINCOLN COUNTY, NEVADA

By Barbara S. Matthews

Editor's Note: This is a brief report of rock art sites recorded in eastern Lincoln County by the author, who is N.A.A. Secretary-Treasurer, and her family.

I should state at the outset that I am only a layman interested in recording and preserving Indian rock art sites. My husband, Ron, and I became interested in this subject a couple of years ago; we have thus far visited and photographed 22 sites in Uncoln County. Presently, we know of 7 more definite sites, as well as several other possible sites for future investigation.

Of the sites investigated, 4 are specifically mentioned in publications, 10 are mentioned as to general area only, and 8 are not mentioned in any publications I know of. Most are known to some other county residents, although we think we have found a couple unknown to any other local people.

All of the 22 sites are within the Colorado Basin, in Meadow Valley Wash, White River Valley and their tributaries, where most of our investigation has been made.

As to type, 8 sites are petroglyph sites, 3 are pictograph sites (including one polychrome si te), and one has both red pictographs and weathered petroglyphs side by side on the same rock surface. This is at Reed Cabin Summit Rockshelter, near the Utah line, the only site we know in the county that is not in or very near a canyon. It is on a mountain pass. The writings (Fig. 1) are on the walls of the shelter itself. In the rocks above the shelter are some grinding holes with deep grooves worn around them.

The polychrome pictograph site is near Rose Valley and consists mostly of geometric designs in red, black, green and white, located in a partly sheltered arch-shaped overhang. One interesting design (Fig. 2) has short lines and parallel zigzags. With a little imagination, you can see it as a raincloud or a centipede. Nearby in a dry side canyon, is an extensive petroglyph site.

There are 11 sites with mountain sheep, all but 2 located in steep-walled canyons. The styles range from stylized (what I call 'banana-shaped') animals (Fig. 3) to some more na­turalistic representations (Fig. 4). We have found deer at only 2 sites, most of which are very well done and easily recognizable as Mule Deer (Fig. 7).

Perhaps the most interesting finds were 2 sites with mounted horsemen. There is a single figure at Rose Valley (Fig. 5), very similar in style to the Cane Springs site in Oark County (0-4). There were three horsemen in Rainbow Canyon below Caliente (Fig. 6). The latter site was mentioned to me by Emery Conaway, owner of the ranch upon which the site is located. I shall explain why I say there "were" three horsemen.

When I visited the site in February of 1972, I discovered three horsemen: one was on a rock dislodged from the cliff face (I suspect, but can't prove, sonic booms); the other two were on the cliff face. There were also several sheep and one deer on the cliff face. I asked Mr. Conaway, on behalf of the Uncoln County Historical Society, if he would be willing to see the one loose rock placed in the County Museum for safe-keeping and display. He gave his very kind and enthu­siastic permission. In mid-March, Mrs. Conaway and I went to the site to size up the problem facing us in moving the rock.

To our horror and dismay, we found that the site had

16

been visited by vandals. Pieces of rock were missing from the cliff face (the rock with the single horse and one sheep was missing); the rock with the two horsemen had been dislodged from the cliff. A pile of ashes indicated that a fire had been kindled at the site, and there were some chalk marks on the rocks. All this on private property!

After this, the Conaways were more anxious to have the remaining rock put in the Museum, so Ron and I, with two other Historical Society members, returned a few days later. Muddy fields precluded our driving very close (I won't mention how long it took to get our four-wheeled drive pickup out of the mud the week before!), so we used a deer carrier to bring out the rock, as well as a small rock with a carving of deer antlers on it which had also become dislodged. Both rocks are now on display in the County Museum in Pioche,

Another interesting design found in our area is the Kachina. We have recorded it at 5 sites, including a pictograph site in Condor Canyon near Panaca. A very distinct Kachina petroglyph (Fig. 8) is near Condor Canyon and another (Fig. 9) is at Rose Valley. Our daughter, who is quite sharp-eyed at finding petro glyphs, found this and calls it the "egg-timer".

In conclusion, the following is a summary of the geographical distribution of the 22 sites recorded thus far (roughly north to south):

Reed Cabin Summit (NE of Pioche) 1 site (described above) Rose Valley (E of Pioche) - 2 sites (described above) Condor Canyon (near Panaca) - 2 canyon sites, 3 others

nearby White River Narrows (N of Hiko) - 2 sites Irish Mountain (W of Hiko) - 2 sites Rainbow Canyon (S of Caliente) - 8 sites Pine Canyon (SE of Caliente) - 1 site Maynard Lake (S of Alamo) - 1 site near Kane Spring Wash

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND AUTHOR'S NOTES

Lincoln County Rock Art Sites are mentioned in the following published references:

Heizer, R. and M. Baumhoff 1962 Prehistoric Rock Art of Nevada and Eastern California.

University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles. Specifically mentions and depicts the follOWing sites: Condor Canyon (their No. Li-l); Etna Canyon (their No. Li-3); Elgin (their No. Li-6).

Hulse, J. 1965 The Nevada Adventure. University of Nevada Press,

Reno. Mentions Condor Canyon specifically and Meadow Valley Wash south of Caliente generally. (Figures 3, 4, and 6)

Lincoln County Record, January 6th, 1972. Picture of White River Narrows.

Mordy, B. and D. McCaughy 1968 Nevada Historical Sites. Report to the Nevada Park

Commission. Limited distribution. Mentions the following sites: Condor Canyon, Etna Canyon, Pine Canyon, White River Narrows.

Panaca Dentennial Committee: A Century in Meadow Valley. 1964 Depicts Condor Canyon.

Scrugham, James 1935 Nevada, A Na"ative of the Conquest of a Frontier

Land. 3 Volume Set, American Historical Society, Chicago and New York.

Thompson, T. and A.A. West 1881 History of Nevada. Published by photo offset of original

edition, 1958, by Howell-North, Berkeley. Mentions Condor Canyon.

U.S. Army Engineer Corps 1969 Water Resources Development in Nevada. Depicts Pine

Canyon.

17

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IN THE PATH OF ELECTRICAL ENERGY ...

A Preliminary Report of Archaeological Salvage Work Along Sierra Pacific Power Company's Power Corridors in Central Nevada.

By Donald R. Tuohy

Three years ago, Sierra Pacific Power Company an­nounced plans to construct an electric transmission line across central Nevada that would link power sources in Utah with those in Nevada and California. This facility, a 230 kilovolt line, would, in essence, close the hole in the "power doughnut," an existing network of electrical power transmis­sion facilities that completely encircle central Nevada. It would bring electrical power to such Nevada conununities as Austin and Eureka, communities with minimal, locally genera­ted, electrical power sources. It would also provide an intertie to supply electrical energy to urban western Nevada users during seasonal or peak periods of demand.

Sierra Pacific Power Company made a concerted effort to comply with existing federal regulations that protect the public domain. Since much of the construction would take place on public land, environmental protection stipulations were agreed upon by company representatives, contractors, and federal land management personnel. Among these stipula­tions, was one which would allow for the preservation or salvage of archaeological values in the path of construction. Accordingly, a contract between Sierra Pacitlc Power Com­pany and Nevada State Museum offIcials was signed. Sierra Pacific agreed to provide financial support for the archaeo­logical survey of the 230 KV line, and later, for a similar project on a 120 KV line from Ft. Churchill Station, near Yerington, to Miller's Station, near Tonopah.

The archaeological survey of the 230 KV line followed a right-of-way which parallels the old lincoln Highway, now U.S. 50. Originally called the Egan Trail, after a military offIcer who made a record breaking ten-day round trip from Salt Lake City to Sacramento in 1855, this trail later became the prinCipal route used by Pony Express riders and Overland Stage drivers across central Nevada. Steeped in the history of thundering hoofbeats and a thousand curses, the route truly has its ups and downs. It crosses no less than seventeen basins and flats, and thirteen ranges of the central Nevada Basin and Range Physiographic Province.

These basins and ranges were the homelan d of Shoshone and Northern Paiute Indians prior to the coming of white settlers and ranchers. The Shoshone held all territory east of the Desatoya Mountains, presently the boundary between Churchill an d Lander County, while the Northern Paiute held everything west of that range that the power corridor crosses. These Native Americans possessed an intimate knowledge of their environment, and their hunting and gathering subsistence activities, conducted seasonally at different localities, are well known (Steward: 1938), and need not be repeated here.

In some respects, particularly with reference to the archaeological potential, the route chosen for the 230 KV right-of-way was an ideal one for an archaeological transect. Very little is known about ancestral or antecedent cultures of the historically known Indians of central Nevada, although some progress has been made in this direction in recent years (Clewlow and Pastron 1972; Thomas 1972). Then too, data from the central Nevada transect can be used in making comparisons between land use and settlement patterns there and elsewhere in the western Great Basin.

lQ

The archaeological survey, carried out during the summel months of 1971, did provide data useful in the identification of a variety of so-called Desert Archaic culture manifestations. It also provided data on the distribution of painted, textured. and plain brown ware ceramics, thus allowing more precise boundaries to be drawn between western Nevada's npn· ceramic culture sphere, central Nevada's Shoshone Ware pottery area, and an area on the periphery of the Southwest in eastern Nevada. The survey also yielded data on aboriginal utilization of a wide variety of environmental niches and biotic communities that lay athwart the powerline corridor.

The right·of-way for the 230KV line, approximately three-hundred miles in length, passed through at least four of the eight principal types of vegetative cover known in Nevada, and the exposition of the relationship between the recorded archaeological sites and vegetative cover types will be a useful contribution to environmental archaeology. Equally as impor­tant, once the preparation of the final report is completed, will be the identification of materials utilized in the making of stone tools, and the plotting of their distributions with reference to known sources. The analysis of stoneworking techniques and artifact types, in progress, should also help clarify some uncertainties about the presumed and suspected cultural and chronological relationships between the Lahontan Basin of western Nevada, and the numerous closed basins of central and eastern Nevada.

Most of the actual Held survey was conducted by Amy J. Dansie, former Research Assistant, The Nevada State Museum, and her brother, William Dansie. TIle total number of archaeological sites they recorded on the 230 KV line was sixty-seven. Also recorded were isolated I1nds, single artifacts reflecting brief moments in the lives of aborigines, miners, trappers, and herdsmen alike. Fifteen of the total of sixty­seven sites were recorded off or ncar the right-of-way. White Pine County was the most productive with thirty-five sites and 2,000 artifacts recorded; Lander County was next with twelve sites and 395 artifacts; Churchill County yielded eleven sites and 93 artifacts; Eureka County had eight sites and 510 artifacts; and Lyon County contained only one site which yielded nineteen artifacts.

The types of sites recorded include occupation sites, camp sites near springs and rivers, rockshelters, quarry and workshop sites, chipping stations, and historic sites. Chipping stations, marked by small quantities of waste flakes and stone tools, were, by far, the most numerous type of site discovered, and they seemed to have an affInity with Pinyon Pine and Juniper cover, where concealment during the hunt was readily available. Occupation and camp sites, yielding somewhat more permanent types of tools and utensils, such as milling stones and pottery, were frequently found near relatively well­watered areas. Quarry and workshop sites and rockshelters were fewer in total number, and were related to the nature of rock outcroppings found on or near the right-of-way. Three historic sites, Peterson's Mill, Jacobstown, and Aspen Ranch were visited, and small surface collections were made at each.

In general, preliminary analysis of the archaeolOgical data precludes definitive statements or facile generalizations about human occupation of central and eastern Nevada. Neverthe­less, certain broad observations may be made at this time. Few, if any, of the archaeological materials may be classiHed as Early Man manifestations, although generally recognized early projectile point types, such as those of the Great Plains Uano culture, have been found elsewhere in central Nevada (Tadlock 1966: 662-675). Better representation is found among projectile points of the so-called Plano culture, or the

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21

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Figure 4 . Snake Valley Black-on-Gray, and Snake Valley Gray potsherds from an excavated rockshelter on the 230 KV line.

22

Great Hasin equivalent, generally thought to be younger than 7,000 to 6,500 B.C. While we do not wish to imply exact duplication of these Great Plains based Early Man cultures in the Great Basin, the notable similarity in projectile point forms suggests typological equivalency and a shared cultural cognition that is hard to refute. Sites referable to other early prehistoric periods that probably equate temporally with the Altithermal climatic period of ca. 5,000 to 2,500 B.C. were somewhat better represented in the powerline transect. Mate­rials referable to the enigmatic Pinto phase (Susia 1964: 30-31) of Nevada prehistory are scarce, but present, in the collections. The bulk of the surface materials, however, appear to be equated temporally with cultures extant during Medi­thermal times of ca. 2,500 B.C. to A.D. 1200. All dates suggested herein, of course, are guess dates ascribed to the surface collections, and rely heavily upon the cross-dating of such projectile point series as Elko, Eastgate, Rose Spring, and Humboldt found elsewhere in the western Great Basin. The last periods, the protohistoric and historic periods of ca. A.D. 1200 to ca. A.D. 1900, as one might expect, are well represented in the collections. Plain brown ware pottery made in the Shoshonean tradition and projectile points of the Desert side-notch and Triangular series are hallmarks of these later cultures.

In conclusion, a comparison may be made between the survey results on the 230 KV line and the 120 KV right-of-way between Fort Churchill Station, near Yerington, and Miller's Station, near Tonopah, a distance of about one hundred miles. The 120 KV route parallels U.S. 95 between Yerington and Tonopah, and it crosses six basins and two mountain ranges including the following: Mason Valley, the Walker Lake Basin, Soda Spring Valley, Rhodes Salt Marsh, Gilbert Dry Lake, the lower end of Big Smoky Valley, the Wassuk Range, and the Monte Cristo Range. Although these basins and ranges were extensively utilized, both historically and prehistorically, no archaeological sites were found on the proposed right-of-way. A few isolated artifacts were recovered on or near the route, however, and two rather extensive camp sites were recorded in basins traversed by the survey. Both sites yielded plain brown Shoshone ware pottery. TIms, while the survey results were rather negative, important new data on the use and distri­bution of ceramics in western Nevada were obtained.

At least one factor which may have contributed to the paucity of substantive archaeological data recovered on the 120 KV line was the rather heavy Anglo utilization of the narrow basins traversed by the route. As early as 1862, the basins were utilized as transportation corridors, when salt, needed in the mills of the Comstock, was transported by camels from Rhodes Salt Marsh to Virginia City. Later, when the 20th Century gold mining boom of the Tonopah area began, Sodaville, a terminus of the Carson and Colorado Railroad located in Soda Spring Valley, became a staging point for passengers and freight bound for Tonopah. TIle basins today provide a route for a major north-south transportation artery, U.S. 95, and all basins traversed by it are readily accessible to vehicular traffic. In short, it would appear that only a few fragile patterns of the past have survived modern land uses in these basins of western Nevada.

REFERENCES Clewlow, C. William, Jr., and Alan G. Past ron

1972 The Grass Valley Archaeological Project: Prelim­inary Investigations. Unpublished ms. of file, Nevada State Museum.

23

Susia, Margaret 1964 Tule Springs Archaeological Surface Survey. Ne­

vada State Museum Anthropologiazl Papers, Num­ber 12. Carson City.

Steward, Julian H. 1938 Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups.

Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 120. Washington, D.C.

Tadlock, W. Lewis 1966 Certain Crescentic Stone Objects as a Time Marker

in the Western United States. American Antiquity, Volume 35, Number 5, Part 1, pp. 662·675.

Thomas, David H. 1972 The Reese River Ecological Project: 1971. Unpub.

lished ms. on file, Nevada State Museum.

FIRE AT WASHOE By Branislav LaUch

Editor's Note: The author participated actively in the Am Arcs' salvage excavations at the site of Old Washoe City (26WA1436) reported in the last issue of the NEVADA ARCHAEOLOGIST. A building excavated by the group was tentatively identified as "McFarland's new brick block" (Dansie 1972:9). Historical research by Mr. Lalich sheds light on this hypothesis.

With the discovery of gold at Mount Davidson, fortune­seeking men surged back from California and in the thousands passed through Washoe Valley to the mines of the Comstock. It was soon discovered that the black gummy material hindering the extraction of gold was silver, and the pastoral life of Washoe Valley was changed forever. Editorials such as J. Ross Browne's, saying, " ... silver solid pure silver. Beds I 0,000 feet deep. Hundreds of millions of dollars poking their heads out of the earth ready to be pocketed {Hummel 1888)," were read by the hopeful and the disappointed, and the silver drew them to Washoe.

The quartz mills needed water and fuel; the mines needed timber; the men in the mines needed the agricultural products of the valley. Ophir, Galena, Franktown and Washoe City were blazing stars by 1861. Washoe City was laid out by John Grier and Peter Rice, and the town "grew mightily". "Money was plentiful, and everyone that wanted work was being employed at good wages and prosperity was seen at every hand (Hummel 1888)."

Called into being by the law of supply and demand, the city's fortune was on the wane within six years. The arrival of the Central Pacific Railroad gave birth to Reno, and in turn assured the death of Washoe City. Mills at Washoe were dismantled and new mills were constructed close to the mines. The timber was transported along the Carson River to Virginia City and on to the mines. Empire City absorbed much of Washoe City's business interests.

Hazards of fire were a fact of life and were accepted with fatalistic humor by Nevada's early inhabitants. Many towns had organized fire brigades, but Washoe City had none. The Washoe Times praised the alertness and dedication to duty of a night watchman in suppressing an arson attempt "with the wind blowing from all directions." The article further reads, "The watchman heroically subdued the fire by threshing it with his hat and extinguishing it with a bucket of water (Allen, James, Jan. 5, 1863)." Again, four days later, on January 9, the Washoe Times reported a fire on the roof of Wienberger's clothing store. James Allen, the editor, commented, "Had the wind been blowing there is no telling how the matter would have terminated. Our buildings are as combustible as tinder and must be carefully watched (Jan. 9, 1863)."

The first major fire in Washoe City occurred on June 6, 1865. It started from unknown causes in James Pearson's house and destroyed several buildings before being brought under control. Pearson was one of Washoe City's earliest saloon keepers and hotelmen. The local citizenry reacted to a statement Pearson made, "Damn good thing lincoln was killed," by attempting to place him in Gold Hill's jail (Milton Mapes, Nevada State Journal, Aug. 1940), but good sense prevailed. It would be conjecture to state there was a connection between Pearson's outspoken opinion and the fire in his house. Timber was available, and the damage was soon repaired.

24

The Virginia and Truckee Railroad was completed, joining Carson City to Reno, passing through Washoe Valley. Washoe City, ex-county seat, ex-mill town, ex-commercial center was dying quietly. The coup de grace was administered by the fire of 1873.

THE FIRE "At about fifteen minutes before 12 o'clock last night a

fire broke out in a two storey building occupied by William Williams as a saloon on Main Street, Washoe City. The flames soon communicated themselves to the adjoining buildings and the fire swept rapidly down one of the cross streets, destroying all the buildings in its pathway as far as the railroad tracks with one exception. The losses sustained by the fire are variously estimated at from $7,000 to $10,000, distributed as follows: William Williams, a large two storey brick building on Main Street. Mr. Hess, dwelling house; Mr. McFarland, two buildings; Mr. Powers, barber shop; Becker's saloon alongside the railroad track was considerably damaged. As there were no fire engines in town, the fire had everything pretty much its own way and swept along relentlessly as long as there was material for it to feed upon: luckily, however, there was not a breath of air stirring at the time otherwise the whole town would in probability have been destroyed. The Washoites bore their losses with commendable fortitude, and much merriment was indulged in by groups of persons who turned out en dishabille to witness the conflagration. Some suggested selling out and emigrating to a town where there was better protection against fire: others remarked facetiously that the fire saved them the trouble of selling out. We are not advised of the amount of insurance (Gold Hill News, Vol. 20, No. 2925, April 29, 1873)."

A brick building was reported as being destroyed by the fire, and the building was being used as a saloon. The only evidence of a possible tavern location found by the Am Arcs while excavating the building at Washoe City was a number of broken glass tumblers. The tumblers were found at the northeast corner of the structure. Along with the smashed tumblers were found several bottles, broken. and whole. The debris found around the foundation walls was the usual assortment of trash that accumulated around old buildings. What may have been medicine bottles were also found at the northeast corner. No strong evidence was uncovered to indicate that the building excavated was the McFarland Building, or that it belonged to Williams.

The northeast corner also yielded strips of plate glass of varying widths. These strips were the wasted material from trimming window panes. This WOUld. indicate that window glass was being installed, or more likely that window glass was being trimmed for salvage.

A strong argument against the fire theory is the lack of evidence of fire over the entire building site. Ash can be found only along- the south wall and for a short distance along the west wall. Almost all the bricks removed from the debris were in fragments, of poor quality, and poorly fired. Whole bricks were rare. This is not what one would expect to find in a building destroyed by fire.

The thesis I offer is that the building had been abandoned, not burned. The structure was dismantled and the building materials salvaged for· use elsewhere. When all useable brick, window glass, wood beams and other material had been removed, the pile or rubble was burned and the winds covered the remaining debris with sand.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Dansie, Dorothy P.1972 Washoe City Project. Nevada Archaeologist, Vol. I,

No. 1.

Davis, S.P.1913 History of Nevada, Vol. II. Elms, Los Angeles.

Hummel, N.A.1888 General History and Resources of Washoe County,

Nevada. Nevada Educational Association, pp. 7-15.

Ingall, Maj. G.W.1968 History of Washoe County, Nevada facsimilie

reproduction. The Shorey Book Store, SeattleWashington, from: Davis, Sam History of Nevada,Vol. II, 1913, Chapter on Washoe County.

Kelly, W.1962F/rs? Directory of Nevada Territory, 1862.

Talisman Press, Los Gatos, Calif.

Taylor, M.1965 From My Nevada Notebook. Nevada Western

Printing, Sparks, Nevada.

Thompson, T.H. and A.A. West1881 History of Nevada. Oakland, Calif.

NEWSPAPERSEastern Slope, 1868-1873. Nevada HistoricalSociety.

Gold Hill News, January, 1873 - June, 1873.Nevada Historical Society.

Nevada State-Journal 1870-1874. Nevada StateJournal.

Nevada State Journal, August, 1940, NevadaHistorical Society, Washoe City File.

Members of the Nevada Archaeological Association at a 'Consult a professional' session in Tonopah. October 1973

Professional: Robert Elston . . . Nevada Archaeological Survey, Member N. A. A.

Amateurs: Barbara Mathews .. . Panaca, Nevada. Secretary-treasurer N. A. A.-Seated-

-Standing- Neil Sloeum . .. Attorney, Las Vegas, Nevada. Legal Advisor for the N. A. A.

25

NOW AVAILABLE

PREHISTORY OF SOUTHEASTERN NEV ADA

by Don D. Fowler, David B. Madsen, and Eugene M. Hattori

Desert Research Institute Publications in the Social Sciences, no. 6

Contains a report of the excavation of three archeological sites in the Meadow Valley drainage of southeastern Nevada. The excava­tions yielded evidence of prehistoric occupation in the area over a period of 7000 years, including Desert Archaic, Fremont-Virgin Branch and Shoshonean occupations. Appendices report the results of a site survey and test excavation program (including reports of numerous petrograph panels) and palynological and cultigen studies.

BOUND WITH

ARCHEOLOGY OF ETNA CAVE - A REPRINT

by S.M. Wheeler

edited and with an Introduction by Don D. Fowler

Desert Research Institute Publications in the Social Sciences, no. 7

A reprint from the original manuscript and plates of a monograph long out of print and unavailable. Includes a restudy of some arti­facts from the site and a radiocarbon date on a split-twig figurine from the site.

NOS. 6 AND 7, BOUND TOGETHER $10.00

DESERT RESEARCH INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

o No.1. W.L. d' Azevedo, et al. (eds.)( 1966) Current Status of Anthropological Research in the Great Basin: 1964.

o No. 2/3. Don D. Fowler (1968) Archeological Survey in Eastern Nevada, 1966, bound with The Archeology ojJ'le­wark Cave, White Pine County, Nevada.

o No.4. Stanford M. Lyman (1969) Asian in the West [collected papers on the historical sociology, demography and culture and personality of Chinese and Japanese in the American West 1.

o No.5. Catherine S. Fowler (comp.) (1969) Great Basin Anthropology - A Bibliography.

o No. 6/7. Don D. Fowler. David B. Madsen and Eugene M. Hattori (1973) Prehistory of Southeastern Nevada, bound with S.M. Wheeler, Archeology of EtnaCave - A Reprint, with an Introduction by Don D. Fowler.

o No. 8/9. Don D. Fowler (ed.) (1972) Great Basin Cultural Ecology: A Symposium, bound with C. Melvin Aikens, Surface Archeology of Southwestern Washoe County, Nevada: The G. W. Smith Collection.

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