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Name
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O= University of Nigeria, Nsukka
Odimba Rita
Faculty of Arts
Department of History and International Studies
IGWE SUCCESSION DISPUTE IN ENUGWU-
UKWU, 2007-2011
NKWUAKU, OSITA AUGUSTINE
REG. NO: PG/MA/09/52139
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TITLE PAGE
IGWE SUCCESSION DISPUTE IN ENUGWU-UKWU, 2007-2011
A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS (M.A.) IN DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND
INTERNATIONAL STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA
BY
NKWUAKU, OSITA AUGUSTINE
REG. NO: PG/MA/09/52139
SUPERVISOR: DR. J. O. AHAZUEM
MAY, 2014
iii
CERTIFICATION/APPROVAL PAGE
This is to certify that Nkwuaku, Osita Augustine, a postgraduate student
in the Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts (UNN)
with the registration number PG/M.A/09/52139 has satisfactorily completed the
requirement for the award of degree Master of Arts (M.A) Degree in History
and International Studies of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN).
………………………..... ....…………………………
Dr. Ahazuem, J. O. Dr. P. O. Obiani
(Project Supervisor) (Head of Department)
………………………….. ……………………………..
Internal Examiner External Examiner
iv
DEDICATION
This research work is dedicated
To
God Almighty, for His unconditional grace and mercy
v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, my profound gratitude goes to God Almighty for His
mercy, protection and provision throughout the course of this work. My
immense thanks go to my amiable supervisor, Dr. J.O. Ahazuem, whose
intellectual prowess, co-operation, and constructive criticisms made this work a
success. I am also grateful to my Head of Department, Dr. P. O. Obiani, Dr.
Opata, C.C., who also was the internal reader of this work for his notable
contributions and corrections, the Dean of the Faculty, Prof. Uche Anyanwu,
Prof. Onwuka Njoku, and all other lecturers in the Department of History and
International Studies (UNN) for their encouragements.
My special thanks also go to my wife Mrs. Chinelo Ossy-Nkwuaku, for
being there for me and her endurance during my days of absence in pursuance
of this academic goal. She also deserves hearty recommendations for taking
good care of our children. I must not fail to record my appreciation to my
children, Mimi, Anita, Elochukwu (of the blessed memory) and Nwando for
their encouragements and prayers.
Nkwuaku, Osita Augustine
University of Nigeria,
Nsukka.
May, 2014.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page i
Certification/ Approval page ii
Dedication iii
Acknowledgements iv
Table of Contents v
List of Maps vi
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study 1
Theoretical Framework 7
Statement of the Problem 8
Purpose of the Study 11
Significance and Scope of the Study 11
Literature Review 11
Method, Sources and Organization 20
CHAPTER TWO: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ENUGWU-UKWU
Traditions of Origin 22
Social, Economic, and Political Organization before Colonial Era 24
CHAPTER THREE: PRELUDE TO THE TUSSLE
Warrant Chiefs Era 29
The Era of Chief Lazarus Okeke Agwuna 1920-1939 32
The Reign of Igwe Osita Agwuna (1958-2007) 38
CHAPTER FOUR: 2007-2011 TUSSLE
The Period of Interregnum and Tussle for Igwe in Enugwu-Ukwu 43
Selection of a Successor 48
vii
CHAPTER FIVE: RATIONALE FOR THE TUSSLE
Access to Governance 52
Government Recognition 54
Material Attraction 56
Family and Inheritance Claim 58
Corporate Organization and Royalty 59
The Issue of Ego and Social Recognition 60
Conclusion 61
Bibliography 65
Particulars of Informants 68
viii
LIST OF MAP
Fig 1: Map of Enugwu-Ukwu showing her villages 6
1
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
The Igwe (kingship) institution has a long history and tradition in
Enugwu-Ukwu. However, of recent, the Igwe institution has become a
contentious issue in the town. The institution, started with the introduction of
the warrant chiefs’ in Igboland during the colonial era. Consequently, it has
been argued in some quarters that the establishment of the British colonial
administration in Igboland led to the demise of political independence of Igbo
towns in the process of integrating Nigeria under British role. For example,
Uzoigwe argues that the towns were brought under the control of the British
imperial power, to facilitate both administrative and imperial necessity. As he
puts it, ‘politically, economically and socially they were progressively
integrated into the larger Nigerian State’.1 In the process of doing this, the
British colonial administration instituted Native Courts and installed chiefs by
warrants that controlled them. Hence, on regular basis, these warrant chiefs
were installed in an arbitrary manner, leading in some cases, to social crisis.
Most often, the colonial rulers chose people of questionable character to the
post.
1. G. N. Uzoigwe, ‘Evolution and Relevance of Autonomous Communities in Contemporary
Igboland: An Essay in Local Governance’, (Journal of Third World Studies, Fall 2009). p.9.
1
2
This is perhaps why Okafor asserted that arbitrary manner was used by
the British in choosing most of the people who were made the warrant chiefs,
most of them soon became corrupt and that led to the Aba women riot in 1929.2
Although every Igbo town then had come under a warrant chief, however,
they were charged with functions of maintaining law and order in their
respective towns. By this arrangement, the Native Court Proclamation of 1901
outlawed all traditional tribunal that existed before the introduction of warrant
chief system. This introduction recognized only the Native Courts in judicial
matters. However, in real practice the traditional tribunals continued to function
in the villages alongside the Native Courts.3
The warrant chiefs wielded
enormous powers and many of them saw themselves as second to the white
men.
The power and authority given to the warrant chiefs became with time
abused and introduced corruption within the system. The chiefs became power
drunk in their new positions as they saw themselves as representatives of the
colonial rulers who commanded power and influence. The idea of an individual,
issuing orders to the whole community was new and initially met with stiff
opposition from the community. Intimidation, oppression, bribery, and all sorts
of corruption in no time became the rule.
2. C. Okafor, “Traditional Institutions and Rural Development”, in Rural and Community
Development: Critical Issues and Challenges. (Onitsha: Austino Publishing Company,
2009). pp 280-293.
3. Ozigbo, Ikenga, R. A. The History of Igboland in the 20
th Century. (Enugu:Snap Press Ltd
1999) p.44.
3
These abuses and general exploitation of the people became endemic and
helped, to a large extent, to ensure the unpopularity of the warrant chief system
and the entire British rule. However, the excesses of the warrant chiefs with the
backing of the colonial authority did not go down well with the people and this
led to crisis and agitation in the area. “But the system did not breakdown before
the famous 1929 women’s riot which took place in areas of southern Igboland
and the Ibibio-speaking areas of former southeast”.4 These resentments led to
the breakdown of the warrant chief system and consequently, the British began
to transform local administration in order to create a popular local indirect rule,
hence pre-colonial local political institutions and jurisdictions were reviewed
after a systematic survey by colonial officials through their intelligence reports.
Nevertheless, most warrant chiefs eventually became “traditional rulers”
and overtime were accepted by their people. But these ‘traditional rulers’ as
they were called, were not actually traditional rulers in the real sense of it. Most
drew their legitimacy and influence from the colonial administrators and not
from the traditional institutions of their people as it was non-existent in the pre-
colonial times. According to Axel Harneit-Sievers, “most of these traditional
rulers are not ‘traditional’ in that their position has no direct pre-colonial
pendant; if any their office is based on a tradition created rather recently”.5
4. Axel Harneit-Sievers, Igbo Traditional Rulers: Chieftaincy and the State in Southeastern
Nigeria. (Afrika Spectrum 33 1998) p. 67.
5. Axel Harneit-Sievers, p. 59.
4
He further opined that if the term tradition is applied to Igbo traditional rulers,
one has to be aware that it does not refer to pre-colonial historic facts, but
primarily constitute a strategy of gaining legitimacy for a rather contemporary
phenomenon.6 However, the reform of the warrant chief system in the 1930s
was perfected under Governor Cameron who issued two ordinances (the Native
Authority Ordinance and the Native Court Ordinance) in 1933. By these
reforms, the Native Authority witnessed some changes; Native Treasuries and
new type of courts were set up. No new chiefs were created but existing or
surviving ones were to remain and be integrated into the new system.
In some places, people were made to select their leaders and
representatives in the new Native Authority Council and Native Courts. “The
newly selected leaders and heads of kindred (“traditional rulers”) became the
new leaders of the native authorities”.7 In effect, the traditional rulers replaced
the former warrant chiefs in some places where the warrant chiefs were totally
unpopular among their people or where they were seen to be weak. “In many
places, former warrant chiefs manipulated themselves back to power as
‘traditional rulers’. Many of the warrant chiefs lost their positions”.8
In Enugwu-Ukwu, more than one warrant chief existed but Chief Lazarus
Agwuna retained his position in the new reform and was widely accepted by the
people and the colonial authority, and this marked the beginning of the Igwe
institution in Enugwu-Ukwu.
6. Ibid
7. Ikenga Ozigbo, p. 57.
8. Ibid, p. 57.
5
After his death, his son, Osita Agwuna who was nominated in 1958 to
represent the town in the Eastern House of Chiefs, eventually became the Igwe
of Enugwu-Ukwu with government recognition during the 1976 local
government reforms. He ruled until his death in 2007, after which the issue of
succession became a problem and created a period of interregnum that lasted up
to 2011, when a new Igwe was finally installed and was given staff of office by
the state government under Governor Peter Obi of Anambra state. More so, this
period was not without the usual struggle and tussle that has characterized the
Igwe institution of many Igbo communities in recent times.
Enugwu-Ukwu is a town in Umunri clan, Njikoka Local Government
Area of Anambra state. It is located along the old Enugu-Onitsha express road,
and is about 72 kilometers from Enugu and 36 kilometers from the commercial
town of Onitsha. “The altitude of the town ranges from 600 to 700 feet above
sea level. The town is second to Igbo Ukwu as the high land or peak in the
area.9 It takes its name Enugwu-Ukwu (Big hill top) according to its physical
features.10
Enugwu-Ukwu is bounded on the north by Nawfia, on the North-east
by Agukwu, on the south by Abagana, on the east by Nimo and on the west by
Enugwu-Agidi. It extends over an area about twelve square miles and it is
thickly populated. Next to Agulu, Enugwu-Ukwu has the highest population in
the former Awka administrative division.
9. N.A.E.; 8/1/4728, O.P. 1089, Intelligence Report on Umunri Clan, Awka Division-
Onitsha Province by (H.S.K Clerk 1930) p.4.
10. A. Nkwuaku, 72 Years Leader of Thought Akiyi Village, (Interview October, 2011).
6
According to the 1963 national population census, the town had a
population of 50,566 which gives average density of about four thousand to a
square mile.11
Enugwu Ukwu is located in the rain forest belt of the north equatorial
region of West Africa, but on account of modern developmental activities, the
rain forest has virtually been depleted. However, in its place are open grassland
interspersed with palm trees and other shrubs which give the area the
appearance of savanna grassland.
Fig 1: Map of Enugwu-Ukwu showing her villages.
11. N.A.E. 9/16/81, O.P. 1090, Intelligence Report on Umunri Clan by P.V. Maim (1931)
p.3.
7
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
It is a tradition in research to adopt existing paradigms or theories to
enable us articulate our analysis. Theories are simply the foundations upon
which explanations or predictions can be made. In many ways, a theory is a
guide to action and an aid in search for the essential meaning of occurrence.
For the purpose of this study, effort has been made to incline on a theory
that has holistic view on the Igwe succession tussle in Enuguwu-Ukwu and
Igboland in general. The power theory is adopted for this study considering the
events that led to the Igwe succession tussle in Enugwu-Ukwu which seizure of
power became a major issue of concern to the people. Modern thinking about
power begins in the writings of Thomas Hobbes (Leviathan).12
His book is
considered classic in understanding the political, social and economic
dimensions for the struggle of power.
Hobbes represents the causal thinking about power as a hegemony.
Power, to Hobbes, is centralized and focused on sovereignty. According to him,
there exists a total political community, the embodiment of which is the state, or
the community, or the society. This is a single unit, ordered according to a
uniform principle, possessing a continuity of time and place, from which the
power stems. It appears that Hobbes’ view was triumphant in the mid twentieth
century. His language and his image, written more than a century after the
publication of other writings on power, are appropriate to the modern scientific
approach.
12. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, edited with an Introduction by Micheal Oakesholt, Oxford,
1959, pp. 13-17.
8
The central tradition of research in most disciplines seek precision and
logic (and is still seeking them today), and asks how one can observe, measure,
and quantify power.13
Power is presented as a position of will, as a supreme
factor to which the will of others are subject. Hobbes believes that people seek
power or struggle for power as a means of controlling the supremacy of the
decision making in order to advance other personal interest using their position.
In other words, power theory is relevant in explaining the Igwe succession
tussle in Enugwu-Ukwu and Igboland in general. This is because as the theory
explains, power is the ability to influence others, while the supremacy of
decision making. The presumption here is that most of the people who vie for
the post of Igwe do so to seek the power attached to the position in order to gain
access and influence to the enormous social, cultural, financial and economic
privileges the Igwe institution confers on its holders both within the community
level and beyond.
power is the ability to influence others, while the supremacy of decision
making. The presumption here is that most of the people who vie for the post of
Igwe do so to seek the power attached to the position in order to gain access and
influence to the enormous social, cultural, financial and economic privileges the
Igwe institution confers on its holders both within the community level and
beyond.
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
9
The traditional institutions which were hitherto seen to be pivotal to rural
and community development have in recent times, metamorphosized into
positions of power and privileges too. Today, there are claims and counter
claims from various quarters by those aspiring to be traditional rulers, seeking
government recognition and power to exploit their people whose affairs they
claim to superintend. Many of them even claim despite historical evidence to
the contrary of a non-centralized Igbo society, that their fore-fathers in pre-
colonial times were the Igwe or traditional ruler(s). Therefore, they often see
their throne as a birthright or inheritance which should revolve within their
particular family. In most communities, the claim of hereditary Igwe has
degenerated into crisis which caused destruction of lives and properties. On the
other hand, most of them have been found unreliable due to corruption in
managing community resources.
Pre-colonial Enugwu-Ukwu like many Igbo communities did not run a
centralized political administration with a king (Eze or Igwe) to oversee the
administration of the entire town. The traditional political system of the people
like that of other Igbo communities was based on the family, lineage, village
and town units. With the emergence of colonial rule, after the British conquest
of most parts of Igboland in the early 20th century, the British was faced with
various issues of administration as a result of the decentralized political system
they met in Igboland unlike the Northern and Western Nigeria. Thus, as the
British introduced the system of indirect rule and selected warrant chiefs who
13. Ibi, p. 21-23.
10
were placed in charge of the new administrative units under the supervision of
the District Officers and Assistant District Officers.
In Enugwu-Ukwu, Chief Lazarus Agwuna became the first ruler of
Enugwu-Ukwu and the first warrant chief. This fact tended to discredit the
claim of Osita Agwuna, the successor of the first ruler. He asserted that his
grandfather Olu Agwuna was a natural ruler before the invasion by the white
man.14
His grandfather might have been a natural ruler within the administration
of his kindred but not as the ruler of Enugwu-Ukwu as the town did not run a
centralized administration before the invasion by the white man. This claim is
not correct, but its essence is simply to buttress his hereditary claim in order to
retain the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu permanently within their particular family
lineage. The origin of the Igwe institution and the hereditary claim in Enugwu-
Ukwu is part of what this work tends to address.
After the death of Chief Lazarus Agwuna in 1939, his son Osita Agwuna
became the next ruler of the town. The succession was neither immediate nor
automatic, but about twenty years later in 1958 when he was nominated to
represent the town in the Eastern House of Chiefs which was created by the
former Eastern Regional House of Assembly. According to Alex Oguejiofor,
“the delegates were graded into first, second, and third class Chiefs in the
House”.15
Igwe Osita Agwuna’s reign ended with his death in 2007 and his
death created a 4-year vacuum during which the town witnessed series of crises
and tussles over the selection of a successor. Eventually, all hatchets were
11
buried in 2011 when Chief Ralph Ekpe from another kindred was selected and
subsequently recognized by the government.
14. Alex Oguejiofor, The Evolution of Chieftaincy Institution in Enugwu-Ukwu (Project Work,
Department of History, UNN, June 1985) p.33.
15. Alex Oguejiofor, The Evolution of Chieftaincy Institution in Enugwu-Ukwu, p.33.
12
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This work intends to examine the Igwe institution in Enugwu-Ukwu. Its
aim is to look at the issues of succession, inheritance and the role and
importance of the institution to the people of Enugwu-Ukwu. The work looks
equally at the succession struggles and how this was mitigated.
SIGNIFICANCE AND SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The work will enhance our understanding of the Igwe institution in
Enugwu-Ukwu, its historical origin and role among the people in order to
eliminate future crises of succession. The work intends to expose the
importance of conforming to the town’s constitution to avert crisis of selection
of a new Igwe in Enugwu-Ukwu. The work will be useful to scholars and those
researching on Igbo traditional institutions.
This study focuses on the succession tussle for the Igwe of Enugwu-
Ukwu from the death of Igwe Osita Agwuna III in 2007 to the resolution of the
interregnum in 2011 with the appointment by government of a new successor, in
the person of Chief Ralph Ekpe.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Although there exists a plethora of literature on various aspects of the
warrant chief system and traditional rulership in Igboland generally; very little
exists on Enugwu-Ukwu and the Igwe institution specifically. The work has to
13
rely much on oral tradition, even though some relevant literature had to be
consulted in order to broaden our understanding of the theme.
Alex Oguejiofor, The Evolution of Chieftaincy Institution in Enugwu-
Ukwu, is useful as it traced the origin of chieftaincy institution in Enugwu-
Ukwu up to 1985. The work touched on the Igwe Osita Agwuna and Umunri
politics that earned him the Igwe of Umunri and the holder of Ofo Nri. It also
examined the conflict between the Town Union, Enugwu-Ukwu Community
Development Union (ECDU) and the chieftaincy institution under the reign of
Igwe Osita Agwuna III. Nevertheless, the work was of the view that the Igwe
institution in Enugwu-Ukwu is a 20th
century development. He asserted that the
institution “was brought into being by the white man”. This argument was
supported by FC Ogbalu, who opined that chieftaincy is British created,
amongst the Igbo, east of the Niger16
. The work is helpful to this research
although it does not cover the period of the tussle for Igwe Enugwu-Ukwu after
the death of the late Igwe Osita Agwuna III.
Ikenga R.A. Ozigbo, A History of Igboland in the 20th
Century, is also
helpful. The work among other issues of Igbo history, discussed the conquest of
Igboland and gave a detailed insight into the establishment of warrant chief
system in Igboland. Ozigbo is of the view that the Igbo had no centralized kings
or traditional rulers before British administration.
16. F.C. Ogbalu, Igbo Institution and Customs. (Onitsha: University Press, 1978) p.92.
14
According to him, “the Igbos generally had no traditional rulers or kings and the
British decided to create them”.17
The work is relevant to this research as it
supported the argument of this work that Enugwu-Ukwu did not run a
centralized administration nor had a king before the British created them. It did
not however treat the period covered by this work.
M. O. Ene in his work, Town Government: A Paradigm Shift in
Community Government, also views the Igwe or Eze Institution as a modern day
phenomenon and as such not an old tradition in Igboland. He explained that this
institution though has its root in the warrant chief era, was perfected and
became a government recognized institution in the mid 1970s. He noted that
before the colonial era, the Igbo had no kings that saw to the affairs of Igbo
towns, but acknowledged that the Igbo had several socio-political institutions
that helped them organize their activities. The work is relevant to this work as it
examined the political structure of Igboland in the pre-colonial, colonial, and
post-colonial times, though the work failed to address the tussle for Igwe
position. Some historians are of the view that some parts of Igboland especially
those located west of the Niger had the Eze institution before the coming of the
Whiteman18
.
In his work, Michael Crowder, West Africa Under Colonial Era asserted
that: “in the eastern Nigeria, with a few exceptions, the establishment of chiefs
was entirely foreign, for matters both religious and secular was shared in the
17. Ozigbo, Ikenga, R. A. A History of Igbo Land in the 20
th Century.
18. M. O. Ene, “Town Government: A Paradigm Shift in Community Government”, (Paper Presented
During the National Convention of Enugu Association, USA, Inc. in Miami, F.L, August 2,
2008), p. 12.
15
community”19
. The book is useful in general terms but silent on the main theme
of the research.
Jerome B.C Okonkwo’s work titled, A Pre-colonial History of Enugwu-
Ukwu, is useful to this research especially in discussing the history of Enugwu-
Ukwu. The work looked at the land and the people, the origin and migration of
Enugwu-Ukwu community. An interesting part of the work is the area which
examined the socio-political structure of the town in the pre-colonial era. For
example, it enumerated and described the title system of the community with
their various functions stating the Ozo title as the highest. In his words various,
titles were and still are open to all, and may be taken at any stage of a man’s
career, but in a definite order, there is no short cut to the highest grade, the Ozo
title”.20
The work did not cover the issue of the Igwe rivalry in post-colonial.
Francisca Ekwutosi Nlerum, Security Implications of Land and
Chieftaincy Disputes21
, saw land and chieftaincy dispute as a threat to national
security. It explained that land and chieftaincy disputes are expected due to the
existence of different group and individuals with diverse interests. The work
examined chieftaincy disputes up to recent times. It goes further to analyze
several factors that led to chieftaincy disputes like political importance attached
to chieftaincy institution, the issue of succession, government interference and
others.
19. Michael Crowder, West Africa Under Colonial Rule. (London: Hutchinson,1968).p. 32
20. Jerome, B.C Okonkwo, A Pre-Colonial History of Enugwu- Ukwu, (Project Work,
Department of History, UNN), June 1975.
21. Nlerum, F. E. ‘Security Implications of Land and Chieftaincy Disputes’,
http://www.wordnetweb.princeton:edu/perl/webwn. Accessed 22nd
August, 2010.
16
It also looks at the security implication of chieftaincy disputes and possible
ways of their management using Nigeria as a basis. The work is useful in
background information of the people.
Axel Harneit-Sievers, Igbo ‘Traditional Rulers’: Chieftaincy and the
State in Southeastern Nigeria, posits that chieftaincy in Igboland did not exist in
pre-colonial times, although he acknowledged there were a few exceptions. He
argued that the Eze institution was created, supported and decisively shaped by
colonial and post-colonial state, hence it is not traditional. According to him,
“most of these traditional rulers are not traditional in that their position has no
direct pre-colonial pendant; if any, their office is based on tradition rather
recently”22
. The work also analyzes in a more detailed outlook, the development
of Igbo traditional rulers since the late 1970s. It studies the legal framework in
which they have emerged, their social background, their relationship with the
government, their roles in the social setting and the symbolism they employ.
The author further opined that it turns out that contemporary Igbo traditional
rulers form a heterogeneous group of local leaders which forms an interface
between the locality they rule and the modern state. This view adds to the fact
that the Igwe institution attracts some socio-political and economic values from
the government which has also given the institution strong legitimacy. The work
is useful to this research though it did not treat the issue of the Igwe institution
of Enugwu-Ukwu.
22.
Alex Herneit-Sievers, cited p.69.
17
Nwankwo T. Nwaezeigwe, The Igbo and their Nri Neighbors23
, examines
the origin and culture of Igbo people with a lot of concentration on the
relationship between the Igbo people with Nri sub-group. The work traced the
various migrations and settlements of Nri people upon which Enugwu-Ukwu
was among the Nkpumeonyilenyi settlement group, the group according to the
work classified Enugwu-Ukwu, Enugwu-Agidi and Nawfia as they are settled
in their present locations. It looked at how the Umunri came to establish their
various communities in their present locations and subsequently evolved to the
level of claiming the cultural, religious and political leadership of Igbo culture.
It examined the right of progeniture in Igboland in which the case of Enugwu-
Ukwu and and Agukwu Nri was mentioned. The work helped the researcher
gain a deep understanding of the culture and origin of the Enugwu-Ukwu
community but was not central to the Igwe rivalry.
Adiele Afigbo, The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect rule in Southeastern
Nigeria. 24
, is a thorough work on the Warrant Chief system in Igboland. His
work elaborately discusses the introduction and the practice of the Warrant
Chief system in Igboland. The work is useful to this research as a background to
the study of the history and origin of the traditional institutions in Igboland
23.
Nwaknowezeigwe, T. The Igbo and their Nri Neighbours, Enugu: Snaap Press
Ltd, 2009. 24.
Afigbo, A. E The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect rule in Southeastern Nigeria. London:
Longman, 1972.
18
Dilim Omali Okafor’s, A Nigerian Village in Two World 25
, discussed the
history of Enugwu-Ukwu. The work looked at the origin of Enugwu-Ukwu and
its political and socio-cultural organization. It did not review the theme/topic
under discussion.
T.C. Ifeanyi, History of Enugwu-Ukwu from Earliest Times to Present
Day 26
treated the history of Enugwu-Ukwu up to modern times. His work
touched the pre-colonial, colonial and post colonial history of Enugwu-Ukwu.
Though the work is relevant to this research, which it did not cover the Igwe.
Elizabeth Isichei, A History of Igbo People 27
, is useful in its review of the
history of Igbo people.
Bath. Chukwuezi, A Critical Appraisal of the Role of Traditional Rulers
as a Bridge Between the Rulers and Ruled 28
, unveil the expected role of the
traditional rulers in the society focusing on Igboland. It provides a base for
understanding the pre-colonial structure of traditional institutions in Igboland
and the evolution that has occurred in the traditional institutions leading to Igwe
institution. His work is relevant to our study especially in gaining insight into
the systems of traditional institutions that were in practice before British rule in
Nigeria.
25.
Dilim, O. O. A Nigerian Village in Two Worlds. (London, 1965).
26. Ifeanyi, T. C., History of Enugwu-Ukwu from Earliest Times to Present Day. Onitsha, 1980.
27.
Isichei, E. A History of Igbo People. Ibadan: MacMillian, 1976. 28.
Chukwuezi, B. “A Critical Appraisal of the Role of Traditional Rulers as a Bridge Between
the Rulers and Rule”, Nigerian Journal of Public Administration and Local
Government, Vol. V, No. 2, November 1987, pp. 43-54.
19
Jude C. Okafor, Traditional Institutions and Rural Development,
discusses traditional institutions and rural development. It made enormous effort
to review the structural organizations of traditional institutions in a society now
known as ‘Nigeria’. He noted that there existed different traditional institutions
in the pre-colonial era. His work on the pre-colonial traditional institutions in
Igboland noted that there was never a centralized traditional institution and
traditional ruler as the case may be. As he carefully stated “the pre-colonial Igbo
political, social and economic institutions come under the variant usually called
‘segmentary system’ or village republic”.29
Okafor’s work is also found to be
relevant to this research.
Chika Oguonu’s, Traditional Institutions and Management of Ethnic
Conflict in Nigeria: A Case of the Ijaw and Itsekiri 30
, looks at the traditional
institutions and management of conflict, and was found to be relevant to this
research, because of her detailed efforts to show the general expected roles of
the traditional institutions especially the traditional rulers in conflict
management. She endeavoured to show the sources of conflict in which she
pinpointed that the tussle for who will rule usually degenerate into struggle and
sometimes conflict. Also she provided us with the history of traditional
institutions in the pre-colonial societies that made up present Nigeria especially
in Igboland.
29.
Okafor, J. C. “Traditional Institutions and Rural Development”, in Rural and Community
Development: Critical Issues and Challenges. Onitsha: (Austino Publishing Company,
2009), pp. 280-291. 30.
Oguonu, C. “Traditional Institutions and Management of Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria: A Case
of the Ijaw and Itsekiri”. Nigerian Journal of Public Administration and Local
Government, Vol. XIII, No.1 May 2007.
20
Her work is useful because of the background it provided generally on Igbo
traditional society.
Victor.C. Uchendu’s, The Igbo of South-East Nigeria 31
, is an ample
attempt to trace the true traditions of the Igbo people. Uchendu did show that
Igbo is known as an cephalous society which implies that it never had a
centralized system of governance. This work is useful in this research
considering the subject matter of our investigation which invariably deals with
the tussle for Igwe in Enugwu-Ukwu.
Chinua Achebe’s, work, The Trouble with Nigeria 32
, attempts a holistic
study on the problems of Nigeria-in which he also argues that things have fallen
apart: a deviation from the old traditions and values. His work contributed in
sharpening our critical knowledge and understanding of the struggle for power
even in the traditional institutions of modern day.
Ebere Nwaubani, Chieftaincy among the Igbo: A Guest on the Centre-
Stage 33
, is a critical study of the quest for power in the Chieftaincy institution
in Igbo-speaking communities. His study postulates that the quest for power is
always associated with the socio-political and economic gains that are attached
to the office. The work no doubt is useful in comparative terms.
31. Uchendu, C. V. The Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria. New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston,
1965. 32.
Achebe, C. The Trouble with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers, 1985.
33. Nwaubani, E. “Chieftaincy Among the Igbo: A Quest on the Centre-Stage. International
Journal of African Historical Studies, 27, 1994 2, pp. 347-371.
21
O. B. Obikeze and E.A. Obi’s, Government and Politics of Nigeria: The
Struggle for Power in an African State 34
, is useful in showing the politics and
the quest for acquisition of power by political and traditional rulers in Africa
with more emphasis on Nigeria. The work provides a framework for
understanding the quest for power by traditional rulers in Igboland and
particularly in Enugwu-Ukwu. Though the scope went beyond our case study on
Enugwu-Ukwu we were able to generate useful ideas from the work.
G. N. Uzoigwe, Evolution and Relevance of Autonomous Communities in
Contemporary Igboland: An Essay in Local Governance 35
, is useful to this
research because it treated the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial history of
Igbo people. Though the work is relevant to this research, it did not discuss the
Igwe rivalry in Enugwu-Ukwu.
On the whole, the works reviewed above are useful for out purpose.
However, non of them is focused on the Igwe tussle in Enugwu-Ukwu. This is a
critical gap which our present effort intends to fill.
METHOD, SOURCES AND ORGANIZATION
This work uses qualitative research approach and applied chronological,
thematic method of analysis of data. The work uses both primary and secondary
sources. The primary sources include oral interviews, town union constitution,
royal document, Archival materials and intelligence report written on the town.
34. Obikeze, O. S. and E.A. Obi, Government and Politics of Nigeria: The Struggle for Power in
an African State. Onitsha: Bookpoint Ltd, 2004.
35.
Uzoigwe, G.N. “Evolution and Relevance of Autonomous Communities in Pre-Colonial
Igbo Land”. Journal of Third World Studies, Fall, 2009.
22
Secondary source materials include published and unpublished works
such as textbooks, pamphlets and project works. Internet materials were also
used. In addition, visits were made to both the Nnamdi Azikiwe Library,
Department of History and International Studies Library, both in the University
of Nigeria, Nsukka.
This work is arranged into five chapters. Chapter one is the introduction
to the study. Chapter two discusses the historical background of Enugwu-Ukwu,
social, economic, and political organization before colonial era. Chapter three,
looks at the prelude to the tussle. Chapter four, examines the 2007-2011 tussle,
while Chapter five discusses the rationale for the tussle. The work is rounded
off with a conclusion.
23
CHAPTER TWO
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ENUGWU-UKWU
TRADITIONS OF ORIGIN
Enugwu-Ukwu is one of the descendants of Nri. Nri was the ancestral
father of Okpalakanu, Okpalanriam, Aguiyi, and Akamkpisi who later became
known as Enugwu-Ukwu, Nawfia, Enugwu-Agidi, and Agukwu, hence by
simple deduction, these towns are descendants of a putative progenitor-Nri.
Supporting this view, Mr. P.V Main wrote in 1934 “These villages Agukwu,
Enugwu-Ukwu, Nawfia, and Enugwu Agidi are all related claiming legendary
descent from a common ancestor Nri”.1 According to M.A. Onwuejeogwu,“
South of the Anambra the following towns claim “Nri relationship with Nri
town, Enugwu-Ukwu, Enugwu-Agidi, Nawfia, Oreri. Nri refer to all these
people as Children of Nri (Umu-Nri)”.2
It is not very clear in the tradition as to where Nri migrated from, but
there is wide acceptance among Igbo historians that he settled at Nkpume
Onyileyi (mighty rock) in the present day Enugwu-Ukwu. According to Alex
Chukwuma Oguejiofor, “Nri Nnamoke and his children were said to have
migrated from Agulueri. At Enugwu-Ukwu they settled in an area known in oral
tradition as Nkpume Onyilenyi which literally means a massive rock which an
elephant cannot lift”.3
22
1. P.V. Maim, Intelligence Report on Umunri Clan, (File No. O.P. 1090) 1934, p.1.
2. M.A, Onwuejeogwu, Journal of Odinani Museum Nri, (1972), Vol.1, p.45.
3. Alex, C. Oguejiofor, The Evolution of Chieftaincy Institution in Enugwu-Ukwu (Project
Report, University Department of History, UNN) June 1985, p.3.
24
Nwaezeigwe in his work, “The Igbo and their Nri Neghbours” categorized three
major group migration settlements that now claim direct descent from Nri. In
his words, “The second on the other hand is the group which could be described
as the Nkume Onyilenyi settlement, identified today as Enugwu-Ukwu, Enugwu
Agidi and Nawfia.”4 However, Okpalakanu, being the first son and in
accordance with the Igbo tradition inherited his father’s compound – Nkpume
Onyilenyi and the village group he founded there was named Enugwu-Ukwu.
Supporting this claim, Dilim Omali Okafor writes, “the first inhabitant and
ancestor of Enugwu-Ukwu was a man called Okpalakanu. It is believed that the
father was called Nri and that he was the oldest son.”5
The other members of Umunri clan migrated leaving their father’s
settlement to go and inhabit the areas they are now occupying (but still maintain
the same cultural values with Enugwu-Ukwu people). Enugwu-Ukwu was left
to inherit and inhabit his father’s settlement at Nkpume Onyilenyi as the first
son, where he got children that later made up the villages in Enugwu-Ukwu.
Much is not known about the history of his marriage, but oral history has it that
he married a woman known as Nkwodu Obalaifegwu. According to J.B.C
Okonkwo, the tradition is silent on how and where he married his wife, but
maintained that they had many sons.”6
4.
Tony Nwaezeigwe, The Igbo and their Nri Neighbours,(Enugu;Snaap Press Ltd), 2007, p.91.
5. Dilim Omali Okafor, A Nigerian Village in Two Worlds (London), 1965), p 33.
6. J.B.C. Okonkwo, A Pre-Colonial History of Enugwu-Ukwu (Project Work, Department of
History, UNN), June, 1975, p.10.
25
Isionye was and is still known as the first son of Enugwu-Ukwu. JBC
Okonkwo in his work asserts that “most of the informants agreed that Isionye
(meaning Head) was the eldest son. Hence he inherited his father’s compound at
Nkpume Onyilenyi and the shrine, Ana-enugwu.7” This argument is further
strengthened by the fact that both Nkpume Onyilenyi and the Anaenugwu shrine
are located in the Isionye village which is said to be founded by Isionye.8” This
is evident in Enugwu-Ukwu till date as Isionye village takes first share before
any other village in Enugwu-Ukwu, and also supplies the chief priest for the
Anaenugwu shrine. Enugwu-Ukwu is divided into two major quarters, Ifite
(Ifite Enu and Ifite Ani) and the Akaezi. It is also made up of 18 major villages.
SOCIAL, ECONOMIC, AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION BEFORE
COLONIAL ERA
The Igbo people of Enugwu-Ukwu are hard working and proud. They
employ their whole energy in whatever business they are engaged ranging from
crafts, agriculture, trading, to community development.
The people are mainly farmers, traders and travellers. They travel far and
wide either to settle as peasant farmers in places like Ugwuoba, Aguleri,
Igbariam and Amanuke or as occasional traders. They cultivated enough for
their extended families and had little left for sale in the market, hence they are
more of subsistence farmers. In the past, a man’s wealth in Enugwu-Ukwu was
measured by the size of his barn, hence every successful farmer, besides
7. J.B.C Okonkwo, p.11.
8. Ibid p.11.
26
marrying several wives, also took titles like ‘Ezeji’ that is king of yams or ‘Oba’
– yam barn …9
The people also engaged in arts and craft. Enugwu-Ukwu people
practiced blacksmithing and raffia palm wine tapping and the proceeds gathered
from these were traded in the local markets. Pre-colonial African people had
their culture as the basis of their social and economic development. According
to J.E. Casely Hayford, “before even the British came into relation with our
people, we were developed people having our barns, institutions and our ideas
of government.10”
In Igboland, people formed big communities and each community
constituted an entity by itself. In Enugwu Ukwu, mutual assistance existed and
played very vital role in the development of the community. Mutual assistance
in the areas of financial, farming, building and other helps were encouraged
among the members of the community. Consequently, the recent self- help
efforts in the town had their roots in the traditional pre-colonial order.
As celebrated in many Igbo communities, the new yam festival was
marked and celebrated annually during the Onwa Asato (eighth month of the
local calendar). This occasion was used to thank ‘Ifejioku’ (god of fertility in
relation to crops) for the year’s harvest and also to pray for a prosperous harvest
in the coming farming season. The Ana-Enugwu and Okike were the major
festivals celebrated by the whole community.
9. T.C. Ifeanyi, History of Enugwu-Ukwu from Earliest Times to Present Day (Onitsha:1980) p.8.
10. J.E. Casely Hayford, African (Gold Coast) Nationalist 1922 Quoted in Walter Rodney, How
Europe Underdeveloped Africa, (London:1974) p.40.
27
Other festivals like Ochichi, Ngene, Nemkpa, were also celebrated in the
different villages in Enugwu-Ukwu. More so, entertainment was achieved
through dancing, wrestling competition and other social activities.
Various traditional titles ranging from the family level to town level for
both female and male existed. Amanwulu and Okpu were used for status
differentiation. Within the family level, the father had to perform the traditional
title ceremonies for his male children mainly at their tender ages, while the
mother performed the Okpu traditional title for her female children. These titles
at the family level were seen as very necessary in determining the social status
of every child without which, the child would aspire to other titles either at the
kindred, village or town level, and would also be denied certain social rights
even at death.
The male child initiated into the Amanwulu title may also decide to take
other higher titles which would move him up step by step in the society from the
family level up to the town level depending on what his integrity and financial
capacity would allow. Some of these higher titles were: Nze Uno, Ehi, Ekwu,
Ozo. The female performed the Chi when they had children in their marriage
and Ajanwada when their first married daughter became pregnant. They were
also initiated into Iyom title. In the words of Osita Okafor, “the Ozo title
remains the highest grade in title taking among men, but the Ozo title is
categorized into two namely the Ozo title and the Ozo mkpu title, the later being
28
higher than the former.11
” The titles according to him, gave the holders certain
rights in the social responsibilities.
The political administration of Enugwu-Ukwu was based on the traditions
of the people. The town was made up of two quarters; Ifite (Ifite Enu and Ifite
Ani) and Akaezi, nine kindred and forty four extended families (see Appendix).
But for easier explanation and understanding, Enugwu-Ukwu had eighteen
major villages. Within each village, these were extended families known as
Umunna. The Umuna was a small administrative unit largely responsible for its
own affairs. In each extended family, the oldest man assumed the position of the
head, and meetings were held in the Obu of the family. In line with the
republican and democratic nature of the Igbo people, decisions were usually
based on the opinion of the majority of the members. As a general rule, “the
extended family is the largest exogamous unit found in Enugwu-Ukwu.12
” Next
to the extended family was the kindred which was controlled by elders and titled
men Ndi-Nze, in the Kindred, age grades existed with unique and particular
name to identify them. The town council was the highest political authority in
Enugwu-Ukwu.
Traditionally, the leaders were the titled men Nze-na-Ozo and the elders.
Representative of the villages constituted the town council. The decision of the
town council were publicized and enforced by the Agbudu (Law Enforcement
Officers from each village) in their respective areas.
11. Osita Okafor, 54 Years, Chairman, Umuelleto Clan, Akiyi Village, Interview September 02,
2011. 12.
H.S.K Clerk, Intelligence Report on Umunri Clan p.4.
29
Nevertheless, women had no say in the government. Their affairs were
deliberated upon and decided by the Nze council. Their duties were mainly the
cleaning of market places and streams.13
13. Osita NkwuaKu, Nigerian Civil War Reconstruction in Enugwu-Ukwu (B.A Project Work,
History Department, UNN, 1995).
30
CHAPTER THREE
THE PRELUDE TO THE TUSSLE
WARRANT CHIEF ERA
The political organization of pre-colonial Enugwu-Ukwu like many Igbo
communities did not recognize a central government with one person as king or
Eze (Igwe) overseeing the administration of the entire village grou. Many
accounts of Igbo society have described it as prototypical ‘stateless,’
‘accephalous,’ or ‘segmentary,’1 consisting of autonomous villages or village
groups (obodo, ‘town’) ruled by ‘diffused’ authority without formalized,
permanent, or hereditary leadership position2. In fact, Victor C Uchendu
described the prototypical Igbo traditional local political organization as ‘an
exercise in direct democracy’ of the village level, with a ‘representative
assembly’ on the village group.3
Nevertheless, there were few exceptions to this understanding as a few
Igbo communities, mainly the trading cities along the Niger, like Onitsha,
Oguta, Arochukwu, Ossomari4
and the ‘holy city’ of Nri5
had elaborate
chieftaincy institutions in the pre-colonial times.
Each Village in Enugwu-Ukwu had its village head and council until the
colonial period in the early 20th
century when warrant chiefs were appointed.
1. A.E. Afigbo in Femi Adegbulu, from “Warrant Chiefs to Ezeship”, Afro-Asian Journal of Social
Sciences Volume 2, No. 22 Quarter 11, 2011 ISSN 22229-5313, pp 2-14.
2. Femi Adegbulu, From Warrant Chief to Ezeship p.2.
3. Victor C. Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria. New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston,
1965. 4.
G.N Uzoigwe “Evolution and Relevance of Autonomous Communities in Pre-Colonial Igbo
Land”, Journal of Third World Studies, Spring, 2004. p. 59
5. A.E. Afigbo, Ropes of Sand: Studies in Igbo History and Culture. Ibadan: University Press, 1981,
p .31.
31
However, this was the outcome of the British indirect rule system of
administration which to a large extent was purely for administrative
convenience. “It was usual to regard the British administration of Igboland as
‘indirect rule’ because it was alleged that the British made use of warrant chiefs.
The Igbo generally had no traditional chiefs or kings and the British decided to
create them. The warrant chiefs being the product of the British administration,
had to govern their communities largely as directed by the colonial divisional or
district officers.6 Enugwu-Ukwu was invaded and conquered by the British
officers in 1905. Consequently, the British authority established their colonial
administration in the town like in many other Igbo towns that gradually came
under British rule. With the establishment of the native courts, some people
were given warrants in Enugwu-Ukwu to aid the colonial authorities in their
local administration of the town. The process of selection of warrant chiefs was
not the same. While some were arbitrarily selected by the British authority,
some were chosen after consultation with the community. As A.E Afigbo stated,
“the mode of selection of warrant chiefs in the interior fall into two broad
groups; those arbitrary chosen by the government without reference to anybody
and those chosen after some sort of consultation with their people.7 The warrant
chiefs include, Chief Okoye Ulu Ocha who belonged to the first category. He
aided the British in their colonial ambition and was arbitrarily selected.
6.
Ikenga Ozigbo, A History of Igbo Land in the 20th
Century. Enugu: Snaap Press Ltd, 1999, p. 51.
7. A.E. Afigbo, The Warrant Chief: Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria. London: Longman, 1972
p. 20.
32
Others were chiefs Eduzor, Akigwe, Ifeacho and Agwuna who belonged to the
second category as their selection was by consultation.
The warrant chiefs were synonymous with the Native Court system.
According to A.E Afigbo, “whatever position of influence, responsibility and
power which warrant chiefs enjoyed in this era derived from their possession of
the warrant which made them members of the Native Court.8”. After the
invasion of Enugwu-Ukwu in 1905, the town was included in what was known
at that time as the Awka Native Court, which was located in Awka town. Later
in 1917, Enugwu-Ukwu came under the jurisdiction of the Abagana Native
Court, and there she remained until the Native Courts were reorganized and
Umunri towns autonomous in clan administration. Thus, a Native Court was
established at Enugwu-Ukwu and was attended by the Umunri communities of
Enugwu-Ukwu, Agukwu, Nawfia, and Enugwu-Agidi. The warrant chief
system was eventually dominated by Chief Laz Okeke Agwuna. Agwuna
utilized his academic knowledge to the fullest during his tenure as warrant chief.
With this educational advantage, he was able to dominate the other warrant
chiefs in the town, through his friendship with the District Officer, who was
fascinated that one of his chiefs could speak and understand English language,
thus, he was able to approach the government without much difficulty.
According to one of my informants, Mr Okwudili Nwosu who hails from the
same Uruokwe village with Agwuna, “Laz Agwuna was not the original choice
as warrant chief in their village. He informed that it was one Nwosu Eyeh that
8 Ibid p. 37.
33
was selected to represent his people at the Native Court. Agwuna was at
Amawbia when the British people came to Enugwu-Ukwu.”9 He said that
Lazarus Agwuna used to escort Chief Nwosu Eyeh to see the DC at Awka as
interpreter since Agwuna was literate. In one of their visits, Agwuna negotiated
and convinced the DC that it was better to deal directly with him since he
understood his language. However, the DC preferred this option and swapped
Chief Nwosu Eyeh with Agwuna. However factual this account is, it is
important to note that this two people Nwosu Eyeh and Agwuna came from the
same Uruokwe village and Agwuna’s educational advantage also reflected in
the account. Chief Agwuna was actually selected and chosen among others
because of his educational advantage and his administration was the first time
Enugwu-Ukwu community came under the leadership of one man, hence the
genesis of kingship and centralized system of administration in Enugwu-Ukwu.
THE ERA OF CHIEF LAZARUS OKEKE AGWUNA 1920-1939
Chief Laz Okeke Agwuna was appointed a warrant Chief in 1920. Until
his appointment, Chief Agwuna was a teacher at Amawbia. His education and
understanding of the white man’s language was a key factor in his selection as
education was highly considered an added advantage. According to Afigbo, “at
a time the warrant chiefs came to be seen as a profession requiring astute mental
qualities and sturdy limbs. The tradition also came to be established that man
9. Okwudili Nwosu, interview cited.
34
needed a smattering of book knowledge to qualify for selections as a warrant
chief”.10
It was at this period that Okeke Agwuna was appointed a warrant chief.
The genesis of his appointment stemmed from the quest by the Ifite maximal
lineage to correct what they saw as an imbalance between then and the Akaezi
maximal lineage over the number of warrant chiefs per lineage. While the
Akaezi had four warrant chiefs, namely Okoye Ulu Ocha, Akigwe, Ifeacho, and
Eduzor, Ifite had none. At this time, the villages in Ifite had begun to see some
benefits of at least having one warrant chief in their lineage. This led to a
meeting of the Nze-na-Ozo of Ifite upon which they resolved to present a
candidate to the colonial authority. Agwuna was finally chosen by both his
people and the colonial authority. Laz Okeke Agwuna, an Anglican school
teacher at Amawbia was accepted and given warrant by the District Officer.
Tradition was not clear on why the elders particularly selected him. The
elders of his lineage could have recommended anybody for this office, instead
of selecting Agwuna who was far away at Amawbia.
Firstly, it could be that someone else was selected and was later
overshadowed and swapped with Agwuna, as informed by Okwudili Nwosu in
the case of Nwosu Eyeh and Lazarus Agwuna. Agwuna having stayed at
Amawbia, a town very close to Awka must have seen some warrant chiefs in
Awka area and developed interest in the political and economic empowerment
that warrant chiefs enjoyed.
10. A.E. Afigbo, The Warrant Chief, p. 10.
35
Secondly, the elders might have recognized Agwuna’s wisdom and
knowledge as an advantage for their lineage as this will erode the fear of being
intimidated by the chiefs from the other lineage or quarter. Thirdly, Agwuna’s
teaching in an Anglican school which was owned by the missionary that might
have been in contact with the colonial authority who must have also influenced
his religious and social outlook in line with that of the white man. This
relationship could provide a platform for smooth and easy running of the
administration. He possessed the qualifications which enabled him to gain wide
acceptance by both his people and the colonial government. Besides, he was
young and physically strong and vibrant to withstand the demands of the job.
Most of the elders were no longer capable due to old age as they were not able
to withstand the pressure of attending to foot the Native Courts at Awka and
Abagana which were miles away from Enugwu-Ukwu, or moving from one
compound to another driving people out for work. According to E. Isichei, “they
were physically too old for the frequent journey from home to work”.11
The history of warrant chief system in Enugwu-Ukwu has been described
as one dominated by Chief Laz Agwuna. He utilized his academic knowledge to
the fullest during his tenure as warrant chief. With this, he was able to dominate
the other warrant chiefs in the town, through his friendship with the District
Officer. He became politically more powerful than anybody in the town.
According to Oguejiofor, the warrant chief conferred on Chief Agwuna, more
powers which he could not have wielded if it was in the pre-colonial era.
11. E. Isicihei, cited, p.143
36
Superficially, a warrant was only a scrap of paper, but this paper conferred on
the recipient more powers and prestige than any single individual could have
within the indigenous political system”.12
On the relevance of the warrant issued
to the Chiefs, A. E Afigbo saw it as an attempt to “legalize the power they
exercised over their fellow countrymen, each of them recognized as chiefs by
colonial administration was given a certificate to that effect. This certificate was
known as warrant and partly for this reason the chiefs came to be known as
warrant chiefs”.13
Chief Agwuna’s period as warrant chief like in many parts of Igboland
was characterized by corruption and highhandedness. There were many
proclamations under this Native Court that gave Agwuna the immense power he
wielded. Most of these proclamations were abused in their usage for selfish
reasons by the warrant chief. The 1903 Roads and Creeks Proclamation was
based on the belief that in pre-colonial times, people were called out by their
chiefs through communal labour to build roads and provide social services for
all. This law empowered the District Officers to authorize the warrant chiefs to
call out able-bodied young men for construction and reconstruction of roads.
These men were usually more than required number for the job. Chief Agwuna
like many other warrant chiefs diverted the surplus hands to his farms and
compound, and it was said that through this kind of labour, he was able to build
the first one storey house in Enugwu-Ukwu.
12
Alex C. Oguejiofor, The Evolution of Chieftaincy Institution in Enugwu-Ukwu (Research
Project Department of History, UNN) June 1985, pp.23-299.
13 A.E. Afigbo, “Eastern Provinces Under Colonial Rule”, in Obaro Ikime, (ed.) Ground Work
of Nigerian History, Ibadan: Heinemann, 1981, pp.147-148.
37
The power of Chief Agwuna was also skyrocketed through the Native
Court Proclamation of 1901, in which the warrant chiefs were allowed to
preside in the Native Court. Agwuna was said to have used this proclamation to
establish a reign of terror and intimidation in the town. People in his bad books
and his personal enemies were meant to suffer when their cases were brought to
the Native Courts either as plaintiff or defendants. In 1925, one Nwokoye Mgbi
refused to give Agwuna, a part of dowry paid over his daughter’s head by her
suitor, which Agwuna demanded from him. Nwokoye was made to suffer for
this refusal as a false allegation of stealing was used against him through
Agwuna’s messengers. According to Oguejiofor, Agwuna, told him either to
pay him the part of dowry as he demanded from him or he would be jailed. It
was revealed by Oguejiofor that Nwokoye had no alternative than to pay. 14
The House Rule Proclamation of 1901 gave the warrant chiefs the powers
to settle dispute between families and villages within a town. This service was
said to be lucrative as substantial amount of money was paid to the warrant
chiefs. Oral source has it that Agwuna had the powers to seize anything he liked
from anybody’s compound without resistance. This was equally abused and was
dreaded by the people. He was alleged to have collected bribe from people who
had cases in the Native Court, either to free them or take sides in their cases.
Taxes were imposed on people in line with the demands of the colonial
authority but remittances were abused. Many people in the town wondered how
he afforded a Ford lorry called T.T. Agwuna was not alone in this level of
14. Alex Oguejiofor, Evolution of Chieftaincy Institution in Enugwu-Ukwu.
38
corruption as many other warrant chiefs in Igboland did the same thing. Their
salaries or earnings at that time would hardly match their investments and life
style. Judging from his ostentatious life style, Agwuna was said to have
imported a thunder arrestor for his one story building from London. In his reply
to a letter from the foreign company, G.H. Hudson, an Engineer in the Ministry
of Works, Enugu (the then Headquarter of former Eastern Region) wrote on 14th
December, 1926, “the roof is of corrugate iron and I recommend the installation
of lighting conductor to Chief Laz Okeke’s house”.15
Nevertheless, some might
argue that Agwuna might not be naturally corrupt, but that it was the system
which he found himself in, that was corrupt both in social and moral values.
Most of their proclamations did not favour the masses but provided a platform
for corruption to thrive.
According to Oguejiofor, “Agwuna being a powerful chief was
conversant with any change about to be initiated in the Native Court. Thus when
the warrant chief system was abolished in 1930, Agwuna became a member of
the clan court. It was this kind of adaptability that E. Isichei had in mind when
she wrote that, “where the former warrant chiefs were men of strong natural
authority, they rapidly re-emerged within the new system.”16
He was still in this
new system until his death in 1939, after 19 years of active service in the
colonial government administration from (1920-1939).”17
15.
Installation of Lightening Conductor on Chief Laz Okeke’s House, (NAE), Awdist 2/1/221.
16. E. Isichei, A History of Igbo People. p.85.
17. Alex Oguejiofor, Evolution of Chieftaincy Institution in Enugwu-Ukwu.
39
THE REIGN OF IGWE OSITA AGWUNA (1958-2007)
After the death of Chief Lazarus Agwuna, Enugwu-Ukwu community did
not select another ruler to administer the town for several years. Infact, the
people of the town decided not to have another person to rule the entire town
again. The reasons for this bitterness among the indigenes of Enugwu-Ukwu
community could be traced to the oppressive government of Lazarus Agwuna.
Secondly, it seems they preferred their political system as it were in the
pre-colonial period to the new type of government where total power was
bestowed in the hands of one man over the entire community. Although, the
absence of a replacement was not completely because of the opposition of the
people against the Chief, it was also part of colonial government decision at the
time. A.E Afigbo asserted that “this was an attempt to get away from the pre-
1930 idea of one man, who was arbitrarily chosen, claiming authority over
people to an extent not justified by traditional usage”.18
But eventually when the House of Chiefs was created in the Eastern
House of Assembly, towns were mandated to select people to represent them in
the newly created House of Chiefs. Events later turned out that these
representatives later emerged and to large extent became traditional rulers in
their various towns. This was actually in 1958 when each town was required to
send delegates to the house. The delegates were graded into first, second and
third class chiefs. In Enugwu-Ukwu, people were nominated for this job, but
some of the people nominated like Peter Okoye, Ifeacho and a host of others
18. A.E. Afigbo, The Warrant Chiefs, p.421.
40
either declined the offer or were not qualified for the job as some of them were
illiterate traders and contractors without the required educational background.
In the final analysis, Chief Osita Agwuna, the son of the former warrant
Chief Laz Agwuna, a renowned nationalist and a member of the defunct Zikist
movement, also a member of the Njikoka District Council indicated interest and
was subsequently selected or chosen to represent the Enugwu-Ukwu community
in the House of Chiefs.
One might wonder why it had to be the son of the former warrant chief
who the community regarded as an oppressor. Nevertheless, several factors
might have contributed to it. First, it was the trend at that time for the sons of
the former warrant chiefs or even the warrant chiefs in some places to be
nominated. For example, the neighboring towns of Abagana and Nimo had their
warrant chiefs as their representatives in the newly created House of Chiefs.
And in some places where the warrant chiefs had died, their sons were favoured
to take up their seats. According to F.C Ogbalu, “the power thirst British created
chiefs, who called themselves “natural rulers”, started a campaign for a house of
chiefs for the east”.19
In this regard, Axel Harniet-Sievers asserts that “after
1929, warrant chiefs were removed from their position of power, although some
of them remained local ‘bigmen’ who themselves or their descendants, even
regained chieftaincy position later on”.20
19. F.C Ogbalu, Igbo Institution and Customs. (Onitsha: University Press, 1978) p. 23.
20. Alex Harneit-Sievers, Igbo Traditional Rulers: Chieftaincy and the State.
41
Secondly, Osita Agwuna was a nationalist who had participated in
politics as a member of the defunct Zikist movement. He had also identified
himself with several development programmes in the town. He was equally
active in the Enugwu-Ukwu struggle against Igboariam people over the latter’s
seizure of farms belonging to the former. Based on the above, he was seen to
have the required exposure for effective representation of the town in the house,
hence he was nominated. Above all, he was educated and vocal in nature. His
educational background was also a great advantage for the job. Over-all, the
people had no doubt that he would perform better than his late father.
Chief Osita Agwuna was a member of the Eastern House of Chiefs from
1958 until 1966 when the house was dissolved and abolished. Within the
period, he had taken the position of the Igwe and declared himself the Igwe of
Enugwu-UKwu III, though without traditional coronation to that effect. This
role lingered till 1976 when he was officially recognized as a traditional ruler
by the Atom Kpera administration in Anambra state. This was to a large extent
an outcome of the 1976 local government and chieftaincy reform. Regarding his
claim as third traditional ruler of Enugwu-Ukwu, Oguejiofor stated thus:
He claims to be the third traditional ruler of Enugwu-Ukwu. But
oral evidence tells us that there was never a time the town had
traditional rulers. But Chief Osita Agwuna claimed that his
grandfather, Olu Agwuna exercised tremendous influence and
authority over the people of Enugwu-Ukwu. He further
insisted that his father was a natural ruler, who presided over
the community council meetings. Eze Olu Agwuna was said
to have died in 1912. And was said to have been succeeded
by his son Chief Lazarus whose coronation took place in
1915.21
21. Alex Oguejiofor, p. 34.
42
However, if you want to look at it, Agwuna’s claim is not factual, and
also suspicious. It is obvious that his father Lazarus Agwuna was never a ruler
of Enugwu-Ukwu as he was not chosen by the people. His father was only a
warrant chief who was accountable to the white man and not the people of
Enugwu-Ukwu.
Igwe Osita Agwuna had a political structure under the Igwe called the
Igwe’s cabinet. Members of this cabinet are made up of a Council of Chiefs
who assisted the Igwe in the administration of the town. Agwuna categorized
his cabinet chiefs into two; those who, according to Prof. Onwuejogwu, are
called the “Bigmen”.22
This group comprised the rich title-holders in the
cabinet. They are the Oba, Whum, Ide, Orimili, Obidigbo, and Chinyelugo.
They have several functions to perform for the Igwe based on their influence in
the society. He sponsored and lobbied for the Oba to vie for the presidency of
the town union (ECDU). This was to enable to have a firm control over the
union. These rich men threw their weight behind Igwe Agwuna in fighting for
the town’s causes whenever there was a problem in the town’s relationship with
neighboring towns. Igwe Agwuna also played important role in sponsorship of
candidates in local government council elections.
This action was intended to attract government attention to the town in
the areas of basic amenities and infrastructural development for example, the
Oba Nwandu project.
22. M. A. Onwwuejeogwu, cited p. 45.
43
The second category of chiefs were the-Nze-na-Ozo titled men who
played vital roles in the pre-colonial era. They were older than Igwe Agwuna
and thus, acted as advisers to him in traditional, social and political norms of the
town. They guided him in enacting new laws and also in repealing old ones.
They also guided him in rituals concerning certain celebrations like Igu Aro,
Onwa Asato, and Ana Enugwu. This category assisted the Igwe in settlement of
disputes among villagers. To a large extent, one can deduce that the first
category acted as the external political agents, while the second category acted
as the internal political agents.
The meeting of the cabinet under Igwe Agwuna was not very regular.
They usually met during festive period to allow for wide participation of
members. In the republican nature of the Igbo, the cabinet members sometimes
disagreed with the Igwe on some issues. Most times, they disagreed or agreed
with the Igwe according to interest of their lineages as they owed their first
loyalty to their lineage which was traditional and expected, as the functions of
the Igwe were not clearly defined. However, even as the 1976 Local
Government Reform and the Chieftaincy Edict of July 1978 accorded traditional
rulers recognition by government, and defined functions respectively, the
function of the Eze or Igwe appears to be ceremonial. The Eze has no legislative
functions and sometimes finds himself at loggerheads with his cabinet members
or the town union executives.
44
CHAPTER FOUR
2007-2011 TUSSLE
THE PERIOD OF INTERREGNUM AND TUSSLE FOR IGWE IN ENUGWU-
UKWU (2007-2011)
Igwe Osita Agwuna died in 2007 and until four years after his death,
Enugwu-Ukwu did not have a traditional ruler. These four years of interregnum
was marked and characterized with some form of struggle and tussle for the
succession of the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu. It is important to note that prior to
Igwe Osita Agwuna’s death, the issue of selection of the Igwe has been
enshrined in the constitution of Enugwu-Ukwu Town Development Union. In
the constitution, it was stated that the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu community
should rotate among the two quarters in the town, Ifite and Akaezi quarter.
Events turned out that after the death of Igwe Osita Agwuna, his son
Chukwudi Agwuna claimed that his late father instructed him to hold the office
for three Ofala festival years before the town can select and have another Igwe.
For him to be in charge of the palace affairs with all the responsibilities and
functions of the Igwe, simply means that he was to take over from his father.
The town union frowned at this request from the son of the late Igwe. Another
argument was raised that since the Igwe was no more, it was the right of the
traditional Prime Minister, the Oba, or Ononwu to hold the fort and organize the
selection of a new successor. This argument was later accepted because the Oba
or Onowu would only act as a regent and not a contender to the throne. These
generated a lot of tension in the community as the son of the Igwe, Chukwudi
43
45
Agwuna had already started parading himself as the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu.
Many factions broke out in the community, some on the side of the late Igwe’s
son, while some supported the position of the Town Union that a new Igwe
should be elected in consonance with the constitution of Enugwu-Ukwu.
According to a report in the Nigeria Crime News captioned Chieftaincy Tussle
Tears Anambra Community Apart:
The chieftaincy crisis which has torn the Enugwu-Ukwu
community of Anambra state into shreds, has escalated, as
a major faction in the town which wanted to install their
preferred candidate as the traditional ruler has dragged the
late Osita Agwuna’s first son, Prince Chukwudi Agwuna
and his key supporters to the police. Among those who
reported themselves to the police command headquarters
in Awka on Wednesday include Prince Agwuna, the late
traditional rulers first son, who was then struggling to
succeed his father as the town’s traditional ruler, Chief
Charles Amilo, former Information Commissioner in the
defunct administration of Dr. Chris Ngige, Chief Eric
Okoye, and a host of other elders of the community were
loyal to Prince Agwuna. It was learnt that Prince Agwuna
and his key supporters were at the command headquarters
to respond to the issues raised in the petition which was
written against them by a powerful contending faction in
the town led by a well known industrialist.1
A critical review of the above report showed that some of the information
on the report was not properly presented. Firstly, the report presented the
contender to the throne Chukwudi as the first son of the late Igwe, which was
not the case. Why did the first son not lay any claim whether temporary or
permanent after the death of his father? If there should be any inheritance
according to the Enugwu-Ukwu and Igbo customs, it should be the Okpala (first
son) being the direct heir apparent. The father’s role is automatically transferred
1 Nigeria Crime News, July 22, 2011.
46
to or is inherited by the first son. However, this was also the case with his
father, the late Igwe Osita Agwuna, who also was not the first son of the warrant
Chief, Chief Lazarus Agwuna. Chief Osita Agwuna was only selected to
represent the town in the then Eastern House of Chiefs and eventually
recognized as the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu in 1976 in the Atom Kpera regime.
His father, Chief Osita Agwuna had elder brothers that never bothered about the
Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu which is another indication that the Igwe of Enugwu-
Ukwu community is not hereditary. The implication here is that Prince
Chukwudi Agwuna is only trying to retain the traditional rulership of Enugwu-
Ukwu on the basis of inheritance, but forgetting the circumstance and capacity
in which his father and grandfather emerged as rulers in Enugwu-Ukwu. One, a
Warrant Chief who was arbitrarily selected which is not traditional, the other
metamorphosed from the town’s representative in the House of Chiefs to
become the Igwe based on government reforms of 1976 and 1978. This brings
up the question; does the problem of inheritance of Igwe create social crisis in
Enugwu-Ukwu? The answer is no as the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu is not
hereditary but rotational. The institution is not a pre-colonial or traditional
position in the town but in the actual sense was created by colonial government.
After the creation of the Igwe institutions, communities were also empowered to
constitute laws and constitution guiding the institution. According to Axel
Harnet-Sievers assert that:
47
Only government-recognized traditional rulers are
legally entitled to carry the titles Eze and Igwe;
they may confer honorary titles to others. He
further stated that, the legal procedures involved in
order to obtain official recognition require a
traditional ruler to prove ‘popular support’ by his
formal, public presentation to the Governor.
Furthermore, an autonomous community has to
provide a written ‘constitution’ and a ‘code of
conduct’ for the traditional ruler.2
Today, most parts of Igboland including Enugwu-Ukwu have complied
with this.
For further clarification, A.C Nwosu asserted thus;
The Eze institution emerged in Igboland through
the military administration with Edict No.22 of
1978 titled Chieftaincy Edict 1978. Although
Article 3.1 of the Chieftaincy Edict asked the
autonomous communities to select their own
chiefs, the same article of the edict required the
people to present the selected chief or Eze to the
Chief Executive of their government, who is to
present the Eze with the staff of office. Thus, the
Eze institution was juxtaposed between the local
government and the community, where the Town
Union already existed as the apex institution of
local governance”.3
This also counters the news report that “a major faction in the town
wanted to install their preferred candidate as traditional ruler…” The Town
Union was not trying to install a preferred candidate; they only wanted due
process and an open election to be conducted in line with the constitution of the
town for the emergence of a new Igwe that would have a legitimacy.
2 Alex Harneit-Sievers, p. 64.
3 A.C Nwosu. Episodes in Encounter between the Town Unions and the Eze Institution in
Igboland over Issues of Good Governance http:www.assatashakur.com.
48
Nevertheless, the Agwuna faction used various ways and delay tactics to
frustrate the effort of the community towards selecting a new Igwe. During the
crisis period, Chukwudi Agwuna was not allowed to carry out any Ofala festival
by the town union as he was not the traditional ruler of the town. He tried to
organize an Ofala festival in 2008, but the town union used the Nigerian police
force to stop the festival. This was to hold in December 2008, but the town
including the late Agwuna’s compound was saturated with heavy police
presence, hence the Ofala and Igu Aro did not hold. In the years that followed,
Enugwu-Ukwu did not celebrate any Ofala festival neither was the Igu Aro
observed due to the succession crisis in the town, but irrespective of this
struggle, Chukwudi Agwuna kept parading himself as the Igwe of Enugwu-
Ukwu at public places and some neighboring communities. The late Igwe’s son
Chukwudi also denied the community access to his father’s compound to
perform the final burial rites’ for the late Igwe. He was well aware that once
these rites were performed, that the town will go ahead to elect another Igwe.
Matters came to a head in 2010 when the community decided to carry out
funeral rites of their late Igwe at the community civic centre, same place where
he was also given the mantle to rule the town. With this development, the town
had given the final burial rites and respect, and could then select a successor to
pilot the affairs of the town.
49
SELECTION OF A SUCCESSOR
In 2011, the town concluded the funeral rites of the late Igwe Agwuna
and decided to elect another Igwe to rule the town. According to Section 6 of
Enugwu-Ukwu Constitution, “The office of Eze Enugwu-Ukwu and Igwe
Umunri shall alternate between the two sections known as IFITE and
AKAEZI”.4
This Section of the constitution meant that since Igwe Agwuna was
from Ifite, the successor was expected to be selected from Akaezi. A selection
committee was appointed to assess the suitability of interested candidates.
Among the contestants, were Chief Ralph Ekpe of Orji village, Chief Sir Tony
Okeke (Ichie Abataelie) of Urunnebo village, Chukwudi Agwuna (the son of the
late Igwe) and others. After the election, Chief Ralph Ekpe emerged the winner
and was proclaimed the new traditional ruler-elect of Enugwu-Ukwu. Prince
Chukwudi Agwuna was not satisfied with the election and threatened to head to
the court to upturn the verdict. The Enugwu-Ukwu community in line with the
1976 Local Government Reform and the Chieftaincy Edict of July 15 1978,
presented the winner to the government. The Anambra state government under
Governor Peter Obi in 2011 recognized Chief Ralph Ekpe as the Traditional
Ruler of Enugwu-Ukwu. Based on this recognition, Chief Ralph Ekpe received
his staff of office from the government. Consequently, Igwe Ralph Ekpe
constituted his cabinet and Council of Chiefs in 2011, and on the 7th
of January,
2012, performed his first Igu Aro and Ofala festival.
4 The Constitution of Enugwu-Ukwu 1987, 1992 Amended in 2008, p. 40
50
Boniface Ozor Nkwuaku, the second Vice Secretary of Enugwu-Ukwu
Community Development Union in narrating the event stated that:
The matter is even in court, the Agwuna faction took the
matter to court, but we all know that he just does not
want to accept defeat. The Igwe was elected and
appointed according to the constitution; the 33-man-
committee was inaugurated and all due processes were
followed. However, the preferred candidate was
presented to the government and the governor had also
given Igwe Ralph Ekpe the staff of office as the duly
government recognized Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu.5
Nevertheless, the struggle for the Igwe throne brought about some
misunderstanding in the town as villages were made to take sides with different
factions. The selection of Igwe Ralph Ekpe, as a matter of fact, was not
supposed to cause and struggle or tussle for the Igwe throne since everything
concerning the issue had been deliberated upon by the people and included in
the constitution of the community. Chukwudi Agwuna’s claim that his father
told him to continue was neither constitutional nor traditional but an attempt to
usurp the position of Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu as a hereditary family gift which
the Enugwu-Ukwu community collectively resisted. The way the tussle was
resolved by the communitys will go a long way in solving future social and
political problems surrounding the appointment of the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu.
The outcome marked a new beginning in the history of the Igwe institution in
Enugwu-Ukwu. The new development will usher in future Igwe inauguration
and succession that will be done without rancons and acrimony from any
quarter of the community.
5 Boniface Ozor Nkwuaku, interview cited.
51
CHAPTER FIVE
RATIONALE FOR THE TUSSEL
In Igboland of today, the Igwe consists of the Igwe of a kingdom or an
autonomous community rules with his cabinet or council. Every recognized
Igwe must receive a seal of approval from the Governor of the state. This
authentication is symbolized by the presentation of a staff of office and
certificate from the Governor to the Igwe. Some of these Igwes in Igboland are
resident in their communities, while some are not.
Those who are not resident in their communities usually reside in the
urban areas with practically different vocations. Some are traders, transporters,
lawyers, and a lot of other professions. Most functions of Igbo traditional rulers
lie within the autonomous community. For example, the role of the Igwe who is
supposed to be an impartial father, involves peace-making functions within the
community and its neighbours. A traditional ruler should also promote local
development, progress and empowerment for his people. A traditional ruler
should always ensure there is consensus through consultation with his advisers
and elders that represent the local traditional council of the area. On their roles
in community development, Axel opined that, “they should act as government
agents”. In his words also, “at the same time, traditional rulers act as
instruments of state control at the local level”. They are frequently members of
the customary courts reconstituted since the late 1970s”.1 No matter how we
describe their roles and functions, some intellectuals see them as mere social-
50
1. Alex Harneit-Sievers, The traditional Igbo ruler: Chieftaincy and the state., pp. 17, 21, 34, 68,
257.
52
political heads in communities who do not contribute positively to the real
economic, political and administrative wellbeing of their people. This reason
could be either the way they perceive their role and more of administration they
adopted. Some rule from outside their territories, most of these Igwes have
become political tools in the hands of politicians in their bid to win election
after which there is no direct impact of the government on the communities
through these Igwes. However, Igbo-traditional rulers have continued to be
contentious, among the intellectuals as well as among general populace. For
intellectuals, they are frequently objects of ridicule and harsh criticism.
Professor Chinua Achebe has described some Igbo traditional rulers as “traders
in their stall by day and monarchs at night; city dwellers five days a week and
traditional village rulers on Saturdays and Sundays”. They adopt “traditional”
robes from every land, including, I am told, the ceremonial regalia of the Lord
Mayor of London”.2 Equally, Arthur Nwankwo, an activist criticized them as
‘new apostles of Pseudo-traditionalism’3, which in effect helped to stabilize
military rule. However critical views on the Igbo traditional rulers showed that
the traditional rulers hardly appear as “natural” in contrast to the situation in
some other areas of Nigeria.
In short, most of the nouveau riche traditional rulers in Igboland do not
command high respect as their counterparts in other parts of Nigeria, such as
Yorubaland, Hausaland, etc. In Enugwu-Ukwu, like most other communities in
Igboland, the position of traditional institution has become very attractive since
2. C. Achebe The Trouble with Nigeria, (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers (Reprint 1985), p.48
3. Arthur Nwankwo, “Identify, Consciousness and Affirmation: The Igbo Nation and the future
Possibilities of the Nigerian state”, Keynote Address, Annual Igbo Day Celebration, 1996.
53
1976 because of the perceived social, political and economic gains attached to
it. The economic and social prestige which these traditional institutions have
assumed in recent times has made them attractive and consequently prone to
disputes by aspiring contenders who only need the opportunity it afforded them
to further exploit their people. The struggle for succession to the Igwe throne
between 2001 and 2011 following the death of the former incumbent, Igwe
Osita Agwuna, merely followed the norm. It was the benefit of the office that
unqualified contestants vied for the office, and thereby that threw the
community into unnecessary four-year interregnum which nearly tore the
community apart. These factors are treated in more detail below.
ACCESS TO GOVERNANCE
Undoubtedly, access to governance is one of the reasons for the tussle for
Igwe in present Igboland. As a matter of fact, traditional rulers of their various
communities have access to government which ordinarily would not have been
the case. The more important and influential amongst them enjoy unlimited
access to government offices considering their positions as the traditional rulers
of their communities. The Igwe act as agents of government in their local
communities and often get in contact with government and its agents in one
form or the other. As, Obikeze and Obi have posited that:
In most government programmes or policies, it is difficult to do
without the Igwe in the implementations of these programmes or
policies in the rural communities. In other words, the Igwe
institution is also an integral part of the political system of the
government.4
4. O.S. Obikezie and E. A. Obi, Government and politics of Nigeria: The struggle for
power in an African state. Onitsha: Book point Ltd, 2004, p77.
54
The pecuniary benefits and privileges that accrue from association with
government arouse rivalry, envy and hence generate tussle for the stool when
the incumbent dies. Nwaubani has noted that the state government and the
police consult with Igwe on various matters concerning their communities, the
Igwe enjoy official recognition as the representatives of their people and
generally have greater access to government functionaries than the leadership of
the town unions.5 In a similar sense, Oguonu noted that the Igwe position has
been favoured with too many socio-economic goods and people struggle to gain
access to it at all cost.6 It may not be wrong to argue that the Igwe position is
another category of political post or appointment which many have benefited
from socially, politically and economically. There is no doubt that the
traditional institution offers the holder greater access to government. Many of
them use the position to gain various favours from the government such as
contracts, board appointments and even assortment of gifts. For example,
Sullivan Chime, the Executive Governor of Enugu State shared brand new cars
to all the Igwe in Enugu State.
Thus, the tussle for Igwe is a reoccurring incident in most of Igboland as
well as other parts of the country. In the case of Enugwu-Ukwu, the tussle for
the Igwe especially as exemplified in the character of Chukwudi Agwuna
indicates possibly that the primary aim of aspirants is access to government at
large. The unfortunate prebendal policy of winner takes it all as practised in
politics has now spilled unfortunately to the traditional institution. The pertinent
5. E. Nwaubani, Chieltaincy among the Igbo: A Quest on the centre-stage.
International Journal of African Historical Studies, pp. 347-371.
6. C. Ogunou, cited, p. 53
55
question that comes to mind is, in whose interest are they still foisted on the
people?.
GOVERNMENT RECOGNITION
Government recognition is another identified factor that has led to the
tussle for Igwe in Enugwu-Ukwu and in Igboland generally. It is also important
to state here that the traditional institutions in Nigeria have gained government
recognition through the enactment of ordinances and military decrees in
Nigeria. For example, the Ordinance of 1916 enacted by the colonial
administration was “aimed at protecting the position of the warrant chiefs and
the few constitutional village monarchs”.7 Also official recognition of and
political backing for chieftaincy institutions returned in the course of the
Nigeria-wide local government reforms of 1976 which created structures still
existing today. The military governors created by fiat autonomous communities
as constituencies for the would-be-chiefs and passed the 1978 Chieftaincy Edict
creating the Igwe or Chieftaincy institution in each autonomous community”.8
Today, the fact is no longer disputable that people struggle for the
position of Igwe with the primary aim of being recognized by the government.
This recognition comes with full government support with Igwe’s certificate
and staff of office presented to the Igwe by the State Governor and other
stakeholders involved. Besides this, the Igwes are recognized in most of
government programmes, state/government functions or public gathering as
well as in any visitation by government officials in their communities. For
7. Alex Harneits Sievers, cited p. 312
8. B. Chukwuezi, cited p. 54
56
example, any official government visitation in any community usually
recognizes the Igwe of the community in one way or the other. Also in social
gatherings or functions, the arrival of the Igwe is announced with grand
prestigious pronouncements. Most of the time people stand up for them as a
way of showing respect, and recognition of their presence. This is because Igwe
institution today has assumed an important position in the society that any
person who becomes the Igwe has automatically become the first citizen of his
community. Government usually recognizes the position of Igwe in any
government programme in the rural community. Igwe are recognized as
grassroots agents of government especially in disseminating information to their
people, canvassing for government programmes and soliciting supports for the
government, collection of levies from people, etc. In most of the government
programmes or projects in the rural communities, the Igwe is entrusted with the
supervision of financial and material management in some cases. Many amass
undue wealth through such position. It is on this note that Axel Harneit-Sievers
noted that the Igwe institution constitutes an important element which provides
meaningful political participation and indeed, the federal and state governments
emphasize their importance by appointing some of them to prominent political
roles.9 For one thing, they are consulted in certain state matters, some of them
with pedigree and panache are given a lot of privileges by the government. For
example, the Igwes easily get visas for travelling, they are given positions in
9. Alex Harneit-Sievers, The Evolution of Chieftaincy, 1985, p73.
57
government functions, sometimes they are used to extend government welfare
to the people. They are even allowed disposal action in traditional disputes etc.
The idea behind the quest for government recognition is to some extent
far beyond giving service to the people. For example, Achebe noted that most of
the Igwe do not reside in their home towns or communities rather they are urban
dwellers and occasionally visit their communities in time of festivals and other
social functions. To Onwuka opined that no adequate attention is paid to the
social, cultural, political and economic challenges that face the rural dwellers
whom the Igwe are supposed to use their positions to assist by calling and
attracting government attentions to the rural areas.10
One therefore may not be
wrong in stating that the Igwes are more interested in gaining government
recognition for personal interest than using such recognition to advance the
development of their rural communities.
MATERIAL ATTRACTION
Without delving significantly into the roles of the Igwe in the governance
and administration of their communities, the Igwes are known for truth, justice,
peace and unity. In other words, they are the custodians of the norms, customs
or traditions of the land. The position of a traditional ruler is hitherto seen as
selfless service to the people without attachment of materialism or personal
gains. It is in this restricted conception that a traditional ruler is believed to be
the true leader of his people. However, today, Igwes are paid salaries and
10. J. O. Onwuka, Nigerian Heritage. (Owerri: Whytem Publishers (Nigeria) Limited, 1997,
pp.127,129,130.
58
allowances by the state government. Most of them also receive financial
assistance from their local government councils including their sons and
daughters who are politicians and well-placed in the society. Apart from
receiving salaries from state government and other sorts of financial assistance
from the local government, the Igwes are allowed to confer chieftaincy titles on
citizens and indigenes of their communities. Title-seekers pay so much for these
titles. In some cases, many of the Igwes receive huge gifts from politicians and
other categories of people for conferring them with titles. In some cases,
communities give them (i.e Igwes) community land either for farming purposes
or building a house. In some cases, communities sometimes contribute money
to erect a palace or befitting residential houses for the Igwe.
On the other hand, some Igwes acquire community lands through
unscrupulous means. Sometimes, many Igwe create artificial levies and fines on
their subjects in the name of one thing or the other. No wonder Obikeze and Obi
stated that “traditional rulers in Igboland are fast becoming commercialized
irrespective of who is involved.11
It is therefore easy to see why people struggle
for the post of Igwe and other traditional positions. Alex Harneit-Sievers noted
that the material attraction attached to the traditional institutions like Igwe
institution has attracted wealthy, powerful and well known Nigerians who have
shown considerable interest in the positions by contesting for positions whether
as the Sultan of Sokoto, Emirs, Oba of Benin, Obi of Onitsha, Alake of
Egbaland, Igwe, etc.12
11. O.S. Obikeze and E.A. Obi, cited p. 77.
12. Alex Harneit-Sievers, cited p. 179
59
In Enugwu-Ukwu for instance, the tussle for Igwe position between 2007
and 2011 by Chukwudi Agwuna, the son of the late Igwe Osita Agwuna was
characterized by the quest for material attraction. This is because during the
period of the succession dispute the son of the late Igwe opted for a heredity
instead of democratic process for electing/selecting a new Igwe in Enugwu-
Ukwu. Meanwhile, Chukwudi used the interregnum to parade himself as
purported Igwe-in-waiting to confer chieftaincy titles, pursue government
contracts for his personal financial well being. He equally ‘conferred’
chieftaincy titles on citizen of Anambra State who were ready to pay him or
offer him political connection and leverage.
FAMILY AND INHERITANCE CLAIM
In the opinion of Uchendu, “the proliferation of the Igwe has been a
major source of social conflicts in Igboland. Conflicts have arisen from the lack
of unanimity in the mode of accession and succession to the Igwe stool”.13
In
some places, it is the intrinsic desire to maintain the Igwe within a family
lineage in the name of heredity. The families whose fathers happened to be
warrant chiefs in the British colonial administration have continually claimed
that the stool or throne of Igwe is their inheritance or birth right. Efforts are
made to restrict rulership to extrinsic families no matter what may be the
circumstance. In the case of Enugwu-Ukwu, this has been clearly portrayed by
the character of Chukwudi Agwuna, the son of the late Igwe Osita Agwuna,
13. V.C. Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria. New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston,
1965, p.13.
60
who had claimed that his father Igwe Osita Agwuna asked him to retain the
mantle of leadership despite the decision of the entire community that the
postion of Igwe should be contested through election to reflect the popular
mandate of the people.
There is no truth in family and inheritance claim of Igwe considering the
system of government maintained in the pre-colonial Igbo society. Onwuka et.
al. believe that “the segmentary confederacy in the Igbo nation provided for
governance at the various levels of the component units that make-up the
people’s political system”.14
CORPORATE ORGANIZATION AND ROYALTY
Indeed, a lot of corporate organizations are located in some Igbo
communities. These organizations recognize these Igwe and paid royalties to
communities through Igwe. Government and corporate bodies even assist
communities through these Igwe. The gains associated with this also lead to the
struggle for the Igwe position. For example, Oguejiofor noted that the
rehabilitation materials meant for Enugwu-Ukwu town in 1970 after the
Nigerian Civil War was given to Igwe Osita Agwuna to distribute to the entire
community.15
14. Alex Ojuejiofor, The evolution of chieftaincy institution in Enugwu-Ukwu (Researcher
Project Department of History, UNN) June, 1985, p.67.
15. Halicize the underlined.
61
THE ISSUE OF EGO AND SOCIAL RECOGNITION
As observed by Okafor, the issue of ego and social recognition has
fuelled the tussle for Igwe in Igboland in recent time.16
In other words, the
social recognition and pride attached to the elevated crown of Igwe also
contributes to the struggle for this position. Being the Igwe automatically makes
one the number one citizen of the community. Therefore, in social gatherings,
Igwe are duly recognized by their special positions and they perform the
traditional function of breaking of kola nuts in social gatherings before the
governor or any political representative could preside over the occasion.
In Enugwu-Ukwu, Chukwudi Awguna having stayed under the father
witnessed the ego exhibited by his father and the social recognition accorded to
him, hence he was not ready to allow the elevated Igwe position leave their
family especially when his grandfather a warrant chief was also of the same
status.
16. C. Okafor, “Traditional Institutions and Rural Development”, in Rural and Community
Development: critical Issues and Challenges, p. 280.
62
CONCLUSION
This study has critically discussed the succession tussle for the Igwe of
Enugwu-Ukwu between 2007-2011. Our discussion revealed that Igboland at
the pre-colonial period was widely perceived to be democratic by tradition,
where various traditional groups or institutions played important roles.
Therefore, there was no centralized system of administration. To a large extent,
especially in the area discussed, the Igwe institution in Igboland is artificial
creation of the colonial and post-colonial states.
However, this study agrees, to a large extent with Haneit-Sievers’
conclusion, that since the mid-1970s, the presence of the Igwe institution in
public life of the Igbo society has considerably expanded. Traditional rulers
such as Igwe are officially recognized in a somewhat standardized form. They
are regarded as embodiment of local custom in administratively-defined
autonomous communities; they act as patrons and mediators within the
community and serve as transmission belt for government policies to the local
level. This study has shown a considerable variance in the social reality behind
the term “Igwe” in Igboland. Among them, there are numerous wealthy
businessmen with official connections, but also a few Igwe who describe
themselves just as “successful farmers”. Then, there are descendants of colonial
warrant chiefs claiming a hereditary succession for their positions. But there are
also numerous Igwes whose selection was based on support by Town Unions,
61
63
and who seem to view their office in more humble terms, as an honour given by
the community.
This study has also looked at the roles of Igwe in local society, the
symbolism employed by them, and the current debates about the character of
traditional Igbo society, increasingly developing along tendencies between
republican and monarchical principles.
To understand contemporary Igbo traditional rulers in the context of the
Igwe tussle, this study reveals the futility of trusting to the rhetoric of
“tradition” in the sense of historical roots from pre-colonial days which they
employ in order to legitimize their titles. Most Igwe have few such credentials,
even if new historical study reveal that Igbo pre-colonial leadership institutions
were stronger than functionalist social anthropology (which has dominated Igbo
studies for a long time) has been ready to accept in the past. Most Igwes can
base their claims to office rather than tradition. The Igwes are usually firmly
based in private business or in the civil service, some have received formal
education at various academic levels and are adherents of the Christian religion.
They creatively combine local legitimacy, and foreign symbolism, cum modern
business spirit in order to assert their positions. Without doubt, they are first and
foremost, dwellers of a contemporary, modern, and not of any traditional world.
Their “rule” has, in most cases, no ‘traditional’ (in the sense of ‘pre-colonial)
roots. However, they may be said to rule a sphere called ‘traditional’, in so far
64
as they preside over some of the cultural symbols and events which are widely
perceived today as constituting ‘local custom’ or local culture’.
This study believes that the lack of traditional control of Igwe institution
in Igboland has opened it to series of manipulation and bastardization. It allows
charlatans, nouveau-riche (many of whom are of questionable characters) who
know little or nothing about their culture and tradition, to buy sacred traditional
stools (where they exist) which should be the exclusive preserve of those
traditionally entitled to them as dictated perhaps, by their people. This lack of
traditional foundation has also led to a situation where some Igwes seek to
encroach into the town union’s areas of jurisdiction. Some seek to manipulate
the town unions, thereby instigating conflicts which have manifested in several
court cases all over Igboland.
The trend since the 1970s has been for government to use traditional
rulers to legitimize their power. Under the military regime of General Sani
Abacha, this practice expanded into outright manipulation. The Igwes were not
left out. In early 1998, traditional rulers all over the country were carried to the
capital, Abuja, where, they watched videos which allegedly proved the
involvement of a number of senior military officers in a coup attempt against
the incumbent government. After being shown the videos, and before any
tribunal had taken place, they, with a few expectations publicly declared that the
officers detained were indeed guilty of the alleged offence.
65
The work traced the origin of chieftaincy in Enugwu-Ukwu and thereby
showing the fact that Enugwu-Ukwu did not run a centralized government with
one man ruling the town before the colonial era. Based on this exposure, it
becomes obvious that there is no primary reason for the succession tussle for the
Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu. The dispute was the result of an overly ambitious
individual who wanted to retain the Igwe institution as a family gift to the
exclusion of others.
Following from this, Enugwu-Ukwu community, like many other Igbo
communities has now agreed and documented through their democratically
elected town union a constitution which stipulates how future Igwes are to be
elected and crowned. The tussle for Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu was finally settled
by strict adherence to these stipulated rules of succession.
Specifically, the work has revealed that there is no basis for the Igwe
position to cause social crisis in Enugwu-Ukwu. The work has also exposed the
socio-political and economic gain that trigger the struggle for Igwe. One will
agree that the material attractions are one of the reasons for the struggle for that
position.
66
BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS
Achebe, C. The Trouble with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers,
1985.
Afigbo, A. E Ropes of Sand: Studies in Igbo History and Culture. Ibadan:
University Press, 1981.
Afigbo, A. E The Warrant Chief: Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria.
London: Longman, 1972.
Afigbo, A. E “Eastern Provinces Under Colonial Rule”, in Obaro Ikime (ed.)
Ground Work of Nigerian History. Ibadan: Heinemann, 1981.
Axel H. S. Igbo Traditional Rulers: “Chieftaincy and the State in Southeastern
Nigeria”. Afrika Spectrum, 1998.
Dilim, O. O. A Nigerian Village in Two Worlds. London, 1965.
Ene, M. O. “Town Government: A Paradigm Shift in Community Government”,
Paper Presented During the National Convention of Enugu Association,
USA, Inc. in Miami, F.L, August 2, 2008.
Ifeanyi, T. C., History of Enugwu-Ukwu from Earliest Times to Present Day.
Onitsha, 1980.
Isichei, E. A History of Igbo People. Ibadan: MacMillian, 1976.
Michael Crowder, West Africa Under Colonial Rule. London: Huntchison,
1968.
Nwaezeigwe, T. The Igbo and their Nri Neighbours, Enugu: Snaap Press Ltd,
2009.
Nwankwo, T. N. The Igbo and their Nri Neigbour. Enugu: Snaap Press Ltd,
2007.
Nwankwo, A. A. “Identity, Consciousness and Affirmation: The Igbo Nation
and the Future Possibilities of the Nigerian State”, Keynote Address,
Annual Igbo Day Celebration Organized by the World Igbo Council on
June 1, 1996, in Washington D.C., U.S.A., 1996.
65
67
Obikeze, O. S. and E.A. Obi, Government and Politics of Nigeria: The Struggle
for Power in an African State. Onitsha: Bookpoint Ltd, 2004.
Ogbalu, F. C, Igbo Institution and Customs. Onitsha: University Press, 1978.
Oguejiofor. A. The Evolution of Chieftaincy Institution in Enugwu-Ukwu.
Unpublished Project Work, Department of History, UNN, June 1985.
Okafor, C. “Traditional Institutions and Rural Development”, in Rural and
Community Development: Critical Issues and Challenges. Onitsha:
Austino Publishing Company, 2009.
Okonkwo, J. B. C. A Pre-Colonial History of Enugwu-Ukwu. Project Work,
Department of History, UNN, June 1975.
Onwuka, J. O. Nigerian Heritage. Owerri: Whytem Publishers Nigeria Limited,
1997.
Ozigbo, I. R. A The History of Igbo Land in the 20th
Century. Enugu: Snap
Press Ltd, 1999.
Uchendu, C. V. The Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria. New York: Holt Rinehart
and Winston, 1965.
Walter Rodney How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. London, 1974.
INTERNET MATERIAL
Nlerum, F. E. Security Implications of Land and Chieftaincy Disputes,
http://www.wordnetweb.princeton:edu/perl/webwn. Accessed 22nd
August, 2010.
The Constitution of Enugwu-Ukwu 1987, 1992 Amended in 2008
www.enugwu-ukwuconstitution:twonunion. com Accessed 26th
October
2012.
ARCHIVAL MATERIALS
H.S.K Clerk, Intelligence Report on Umunri Clan p.4.
Installation of Lightening Conductor on Chief Laz Okeke’s House, (National
Archives Enugu), Awdist 2/1/221.
68
National Archives Enugu (N.A.E.), 8/1/4728, O.P. 1089, “Intelligence Report
on Umunri Clan, Awka Division-Onitsha Province” by H.S.K Clerk
(1930).
National Archives Enugu (N.A.E.), 9/16/81, O.P. 1090, “Intelligence Report on
Umunri Clan” by P.V. Maim (1931).
P. V. Maim, “Intelligence Report on Umunri Clan”, (File No. O.P. 1090), 1934.
JOURNALS
Afigbo, E.O. “From Warrant Chiefs to Ezeship”. Afro Asian Journal of Social
Sciences, Vol. 2, No. 22, Quarter 11, 2011.
Chukwuezi, B. “A Critical Appraisal of the Role of Traditional Rulers as a
Bridge Between the Rulers and Rule”, Nigerian Journal of Public
Administration and Local Government, Vol. V, No. 2, November 1987.
Nwaubani, E. “Chieftaincy Among the Igbo: A Quest on the Centre-Stage.
International Journal of African Historical Studies, 27, 1994 2.
Oguonu, C. “Traditional Institutions and Management of Ethnic Conflict in
Nigeria: A Case of the Ijaw and Itsekiri”. Nigerian Journal of Public
Administration and Local Government, Vol. XIII, No.1 May 2007.
Onwuejeogwu, M.A. “History of Nri”. Journal of Odinani Museum Nri, Vol. 1,
1972.
Uzoigwe, G.N. “Evolution and Relevance of Autonomous Communities in Pre-
Colonial Igbo Land”. Journal of Third World Studies, Fall, 2009.
69
PART II
UNABRIDGED AND UNEDITED ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE ORAL
TRADITIONS COLLECTED AND THE PARTICULARS OF THE INFORMANTS
NAME: OKONKWO IKAEGBUNAM
Age: 85 Years
Village: Umuatulu
Status: Rtd. Headmaster
Date of Interview: 22-10-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
WARRANT CHIEF ERA
I am not conversant with how Enugwu-Ukwu was founded. But what I
know is that the towns which call themselves the Umunri’s are his brothers.
On your question on my knowledge about the Warrant Chiefs era in
Enugwu-Ukwu, well, I know that the people who were given Warrant to serve
in Native Courts were later converted to Warrant Chiefs. Enugwu-Ukwu had
many Warrant Chiefs during this era but most popular man amongst the Chiefs
was Okeke Agwuna.
He was very corrupt when he was a Warrant Chief. A stone house was
built for him through the forced labour he imposed on the people. He had the
right at that time to collect a certain percentage of any amount paid as dowry to
any girl born in the town. There was one man who refused to give Agwuna a
70
part of the amount paid to him as dowry for his daughter. In order to make this
man pay for his disloyalty, Agwuna sent his agents to steal a goat from
somebody’s house, and later he framed this man whom he had trouble with as
the thief. This man was later charged to the Court which was situated at
Agwuna’s house and he (Agwuna) was the presiding judge. There Agwuna told
him to choose between going to Awka prison or giving him the dowry amount
he requested. The man had no other alternative than to pay him the money.
THE KINGSHIP OF OSITA AGWUNA
By the time Chief Okeke Agwuna died in 1939, he was already a broken
man. And because of his reign of terror our people vowed never to have
anything to do with Chiefs. We went entirely republican, but as the years went
by, the Igboman started this concept of Chieftaincy Institution for autonomous
communities. Thus, when the first son of the former Warrant Chief started
campaigning to represent Enugwu-Ukwu in the Eastern House of Chiefs for a
seat in this house, our people refused to nominate him, we thought that it would
be better to have Peter Okoye in the house than Agwuna, but he started to seek
the support of the rich men in our town. People like D.A. Nwandu and D.
Okafor came and convinced the people to accept Osita Agwuna as their
representative in the house. This was how Agwuna came to be a Chief. Infact,
he was only recognized as a traditional ruler in 1976 by Atom Kpera’s
administration.
71
NAME: BONIFACE OZOR NKWUAKU
Age: 41 Years
Village: Akiyi
Status: 2nd
Vice-Secretary Enugwu-Ukwu Community Development Union
Date of Interview: 29-12-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
TUSSLE FOR IGWE
The matter is even in court. The Agwuna faction took the matter to the
court but we all know that he just does not want to accept defeat. The Igwe was
elected and appointed according to the constitution; the 33 man committee was
inaugurated and all due process was followed.
However, the selected was presented to the government and the Governor
also has given the Igwe Ralph Ekpe the staff of office as the government
recognized Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu. I don’t even see why there should have
been struggle when everything concerning the selecting and appointing an Igwe
has been well stated in our constitution which is binding on all of us. Chukwudi
Agwuna’s claim that his father told him to continue for three years until another
Igwe is appointed is unconstitutional and besides it was between two of them
only.
72
NAME: EMEKA NWOBU
Age: 60 Years
Village: Orji
Status: Trader
Date of Interview: 30-12-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
TUSSLE FOR IGWE
Chukwudi Agwuna’s claim is that his father told him before his death
to hold the title of Eze Enugwu-Ukwu before another Eze is elected. He claimed
that he was told to hold three ‘Ofala’ festivals after which the selection of
another Eze will be conducted.
But the Onowu who was supposed to act as a regent by the virtue of his
position in the cabinet, did not agree with the claim. What is confusing to us is
that Chukwudi did not allow the town to conduct the burial rights of his father,
more so, when the three years passed, he argued that he was not allowed to
perform Ofala in any of the years by the Town Union and thereby requested to
start to count for another three years afresh. This we all know was a plot to
prolong his claimed tenure he got from his late father. Meanwhile, he was
already parading himself as the Eze Enugwu-Ukwu. This his attitude of non-
conformity to our town’s constitution and the continuous claims and parading
himself as the Igwe brought factions in our own town and further deepened the
tussle for selection of another Igwe to replace his father.
73
NAME: JACOB OBIDIGBO
Age: 87 Years
Village: Osili
Status: Titled Elder
Date of Interview: 03-11-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
ORIGIN
Enugwu-Ukwu is the name of our town probably from the location of
our town on a hill. It was popularly called Enugwu-Awka during the era of
white men probably to differentiate it from others like Enugwu-Ngwo and
others. Our town is an offspring of Nri, a man who migrated from Aguleri to
settle at the Nkpume Onyilenyi in the present day Enugwu-Ukwu. This man
lived at Isionye and later when he found out that the environment was no longer
suitable for his settlement, he migrated to Agukwu where he settled until his
death.
Today, Isionye is regarded as the first son in our town Enugwu-Ukwu. As
you can see, the Ana-Enugwu shrine is at Isionye. Isionye is made up of three
clans called “Isionye-na-ato”; they are Umuatulu, Awovu, and Osili.
74
ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES
Our people are good farmers though most of the farmers and farming
activities are outside our town. My people including my father travelled to
neighbouring farm settlements to do their farming activities. They went to
places like Agu Igbariam, Otuocha, Anam, Agu Amanuke, etc. Some were also
blacksmith at Awka and far- away Benin. One of the factor that impeded
farming in our place was that our topography created scarcity of land; We do
not have much free land to support large farming. Our land was also not as
fertile as the ones our people cultivated outside. Based on these factors, many of
our people resorted to far settlements for their large scale farming. Nevertheless,
not everybody went to the farm settlement. Some remained and cultivated our
land. They cultivated yam, cassava, vegetables, corn and many other farm
items. They went into live-stocks like goat, sheep, and poultry also. Our people
are very hard working and industrious.
75
NAME: MGBOYE OKOYE
Age: 84 Years
Village: Umunebu
Status: Women Leader
Date of Interview: 22-10-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
TRADITION OF ORIGIN
From what my late father told me, Enugwu-Ukwu was formally known as
Enugwu-Akwa by the colonial masters. This is because the town was
administered from the Awka district. But in order to differentiate the town from
Akwa and also to show its independent nature, the town’s name was the
changed to Enugwu-Ukwu. This is to reflect the geographical nature of the
town. Enugwu-Ukwu is divided into two from its ancestral origin- the Ifite and
Ezi.
My late father also told me that Enugwu-Ukwu is one of the towns that
make-up the Umunri clan. Enugwu-Ukwu is the first son of Nri, the projenitor
of the Umunri. Thus, when Nri died he left him with the symbol of authority the
‘Ofor’. With this, the people of Enugwu-Ukwu exercised tremendous influence
over the other towns that make up the Umunri clan.
76
POLITICAL ADMINISTRATION BEFORE COLONIAL ERA
On the pre-colonial system of government in Enugwu-Ukwu, we were
told by our fathers that there was never a centralized administration. However,
there have been a claim in some quarters, most especially from the then Igwe
Osita Agwuna that his grandfather and father were at one time traditional rulers
of the town. Sincerely speaking, these claims totally contradict what our fathers
told us. At my early year as a child, I was very close to our elders and my late
father was a narrator of history and he did explain to me very well what our
traditions are. So, my son, there was never a time that we had traditional rulers
who exercised tremendous influence and authority over our people. Rumour
though not proven has it that Agwuna’s grandfather, Agwuna Oli was from
Nise, and that he only emigrated to Enugwu-Ukwu after some misunderstanding
with his people.
I strongly believe as any other Enugwu-Ukwu person that Agwuna must
have attributed the status of traditional ruler to his grandfather and father in
order to concretize his claim to the institution of Igweship in Enugwu-Ukwu.
Thus, I strongly believe that there was never a time that we had traditional rulers
in entire Igbo society, we the Igbo are known for our republican system of
government.
77
NAME: PIUS OKEKE
Age: 75 Years
Village: Ire
Status: Rtd Teacher
Date of Interview: 23-03-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
IGWE OSITA AGWUNA
Chief Osita Agwuna was the first son of the Late Warrant Chief Laz
Okeke Agwuna. He came to be the traditional ruler of the town through the
accident of history. After a short stint in politics with the Zikist Movement, he
returned to Enugwu-Ukwu where he identified himself with the development of
the town. Not only in the development circles was he found in, but also in the
local politics of the town of Umunri in general.
In 1958 when the Eastern House of Chiefs was created, the people of
Enugwu-Ukwu asked Peter Okoye to represent their interests in this House. He
refused this offer, and others like Ifeacho who was approached to fill this seat
refused to have anything to do with this House. The people had no other
alternative than to allow Agwuna to represent them. He accepted this offer and
was made a second Class Chief in the House. He continued to be a member of
this political group until its dissolution in1967. He continued to be at the helm
of affairs in Enugwu-Ukwu until his formal recognition by the state government
in 1966. Since then he ruled Enugwu-Ukwu without opposition to his throne
until his death in 2007.
78
NAME: J. B. C. OKONKWO
Age: 70 years
Village: Umunebo
Status: Igwe’s Palace Secretary
Date of Interview: 4-11-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
THE POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF ENUGWU-UKWU
The political structure of our town before the colonial era was quite different
from what we have after. Aside from the ones we met, I still remember and
picture the stories we were told.
This Igweship/Kingship system where one man is selected to rule the
entire town was not in place. The leadership of our town was in the hands of the
elders councils and titled men. We have our village and every village has a
member of extended family under which some administrative units exist to pilot
it’s own affairs.
In each family, the oldest man is the head and meetings are held in the
“Obu” of the family. My people like many others Igbo towns are highly
democratic hence decisions are based on the majority opinion.
The Nze and the Ozo titled men also play vital leadership and
administrative roles in our town and they were all respected. The age grade
system also played their own role. Infact, what I am saying is that the
79
administration of the town was based on the traditions of our people and
decisions were taken by the elders and the titled men.
This Igwe position and struggle was new to us. Infact, Osita Agwuna can
be seen as the first Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu as his father was not coronated but
only served as a warrant chief. This is the first time our people are witnessing
the death of an Igwe and the tussle that followed the succession. We thank God
that this has been resolved and I pray our people will abide by the rules as to not
witness this type of tussle again.
80
NAME: AZUBIKE OKAFOR
Age: 70 Years
Village: Umuakwu Village
Status: Rtd Police Officer
Date of Interview: 04-11-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
THE TUSSLE FOR SUCCESSION
The struggle for the throne of our town was not necessary. The town
already had a stipulated format on the succession and selection of Igwe. This
was done even when Igwe Agwuna was alive.
It is a big surprise that this kind of struggle came after his death. It all
started when the son “Chukwudi Agwuna” said his father, the late Igwe told
him to celebrate three Ofala festival before another Igwe is selected. The people
of our town did not accept his proposition, and this matter came and
disorganized our town as some village even supported him (though on
individual basis).
To legitimize his claim (though not proven), I think Agwuna would have
made this comment to his close cabinet-chiefs or even in his usual way of
making some pronouncements during annual festivals, would have hinted it to
people’s hearing knowing very well that this type of claim is tantamount of
disorganizing the town.
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Our people insisted that things should be done in line with the town’s
agreement regarding the Igwe succession. This is why the people of our town
went against all odds and ensured that the right process was followed in line
with our constitution and another Igwe was selected. The truth is that our town
would have been in a terrible confusion today if this struggle for Igwe was not
put to a stop.
I am happy to inform you that we have a new Igwe today elected by the
people to rule our town. The government has recognized him and he will be
celebrating his first Ofala this Christmas season. I heard that Chukwudi wanted
to contest for the Igwe selection in the court but I don’t know how far he will
go.
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NAME: GILBERT NWOBU
Age: 88 Years
Village: Ire
Status: Retd. Civil Servant
Date of Interview: 29-11-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
THE PERIOD OF CHIEF LAZ AGWUNA
Chief Lazarus Agwuna was the last among others to be appointed warrant chief
in our town. He was a school teacher at Amawbia. He used his educational
background to dominate and overshadow other warrant chiefs in the town. Laz
Agwuna was a family friend and his son the past traditional ruler is our in-law,
but I will not fail to condemn their rule which was at that time tyrannical,
corrupt and dishonest. Chief Agwuna at that time had the powers to take
anything from anywhere in the villages in our town with all impunity.
If you know the story, the first upstairs in this town was built by Laz
Agwuna for himself from or through the forced labour he obtained from the
villagers. It was a stone house, the major material used for this house was stone,
and these stones were heavy and in order to reduce the problems these stones
might bring, Agwuna bought a Ford lorry called TT which he used in
transporting these stone materials from-source to the site: Almost everybody in
our town never refused to work for Agwuna, except one man whose name I
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cannot remember now. The man was tall and huge with very good command of
respect and aura. It is evident and clear that these material achievements were
obtained by making use of position as a warrant chief. They ruled without
village or town consultations, but rather reports to the white man.
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NAME: OKOYE IBI ILONZE
Age: 80 Years
Village: Abomimi
Status: Rtd School Teacher
Date of Interview: 03-11-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
THE KINGSHIP OF IGWE OSITA AGUWNA
Our town Enugwu-Ukwu had no traditional ruler in the past. We all know
that our political and administrative system was under the Nze and elders
council. In fact, the chieftaincy institution that was introduced in our town by
the white man was strange and new to our people. Before the Warrant Chief era,
our town never came under the rulership of one man. If you know any, mention
it and our people will ask you where and when he was coronated. In-fact, there
is none. When the Warrant Chiefs left after the abolition of the system, we
thought that we would be free from the oppressive government of these chiefs,
but we never knew that chiefs were still going to emanate and continue to
menace us.
After the death of Laz Agwuna in 1939, our town did not have any other
Igwe until much later: from 1952 when local government council was
introduced in the Eastern region, our people took keen interest in this political
body. We were under Njikoka Local Government Council and one of our
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representatives was Osita Agwuna, a son of the former Warrant Chief, Chief
Laz Agwuna. When the Eastern House of Chiefs was introduced in Eastern
region in 1958, every town was asked for a candidate to represent them. Our
people looked around for well placed citizens to represent us. People like Peter
Okoye, Ifeacho and others were approached, but they declined the offer.
Osita Agwuna was later nominated to represent the interest of our people
in the house. He showed interest and campaigned for the seat with the active
support of chiefs D. A Nwandu, Dennis Okafor; these are well known-
merchants in the town.
Agwuna was then elected into the house where he served as a second
class chief before the house was dissolved in 1966. From that time he continued
to play the role of the traditional ruler of our town without opposition. The only
opposition against his leadership was from Chief Akigwe; Chief Osita Agwuna
was fully recognized as the traditional ruler of our town in 1976 under the
Chieftaincy reform in Anambra state.
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NAME: NWAMAKA OKAFOROCHA
Age: 64 Years
Village: Orofia
Status: Rtd School Teacher
Date of Interview: 04-11-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
INTRODUCTION OF WARRANT CHIEF SYSTEM
In Igbo land generally there is never a time we practiced centralized
system of governance. In the pre-colonial Igbo society, our fore fathers had
democratic system where the village heads chaired the meeting with the most
elderly person presiding over it. This is what the Igbos’ are known for. The
Ezeship or Igweship is Oyibo-man creation and not Igbo tradition. You see, the
British colonial masters were looking for means to cut cost of running the
colonial administration at that time and what they did was to create the Warrant
Chiefs to assist them in the inter-land while the British administrators
maintained district heads and there was a Governor-General who was also a
British. These warrant chiefs are today known as Igwes or Ezes. In the case of
Enugwu-Ukwu, Igwe Laz Agwuna was one of them who was favoured because
of his ability to speak English language to the white-men.
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NAME: ANAERE NWANKWO
Age: 80 Years
Village: Uruogbo
Status: Ozo Title Holder
Date of Interview: 30-12-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
PRE-COLONIAL SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT
In the past, before the coming of the white men, there was no Igweship in
Enugwu-Ukwu. Therefore, there was no clear cut group of people that wielded
overall power in the government of our town before the white men came.
People belonged to different political groupings which conditions their ways of
life and assigns to them the part they have to play in the government. In this
regard I have in mind the age grades, the Mmanwu, the Ozo and the priestly
societies present the people in terms of running the government. Thus in our
town during this period we have no traditional ruler as we have today. Nobody
at that time had the right to exercise power and authority over us. The
government of the day was thrown open to everybody to participate in.
Nevertheless, the group of people who played a major role during this
period were the Nze-na-Ozo men. These people adjudicated over civil and
criminal offences committed in the town. There staff of office include “Ofo’ and
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“Otonsi”. They had sworn through the Ofo that they would be truthful in any
assignment they carry out on behalf of the people of our town.
They performed this function until the British came and introduced the
Warrant Chiefs which replaced the original tradition of the Enugwu-Ukwu
people. The Warrant Chiefs were the white men Chiefs. The white men
appointed anybody whom they like as a warrant chief. Most of these men who
were appointed during this period were not Nze-na-Ozo men but were citizens
of the town whose appointment was not without criticism on the basis of
participation in the pre-colonial system of government.
People like Ifeacho, Eduzor, Akigwe and Agwuna were made warrant
chiefs without the people’s supports or mandate. Among these warrant chiefs
was the Laz Okeke Agwuna who became corruptly rich and with this new
source of wealth he was able to build the first one storey building with stones in
our town and the first to own a vehicle.
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NAME: OKWUDIBA OKAFOR
Age: 80 Years
Village: Uruala
Status: Rtd Principal
Date of Interview: 31-12-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
TRADITIONAL OF ORIGIN
Enugwu-Ukwu was founded by Okpala Kanu Nri, a son of Nri Namoke.
He migrated from Aguleri and moved southwards through Igbariam until he
came to settle at Enugwu-Ukwu. In our town he built his Obu which was
situated at a place called Nkpume Onyilenyi in my village. When he died, his
children amongst whom were the founders of the village group of Nawfia,
Agukwu and Enugwu-Agidi dispersed to settle in the neighbouring areas.
Okpala Kanu Nri as the first son stayed back in Enugwu-Ukwu and there
he occupied the Obu of his father and also had in his custody the Ofo and
Otonsi of his late father.
THE PRE-COLONIAL SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT
The government of this town at that time was to everybody to participate
in, so far that any participant can contribute something for the general well
being of the town. Thus the age grades, the Umuokpu’s people and the
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Mmanwu cult all played a major role in the pre-colonial system of
administration in the town.
The highest socio-political organization in the town during this period
was the Nze-na-Ozo society. This group of people was empowered by our
people to be their judges. They were well respected by the people and because
they had sworn with Ofo to be truthful, any decision reached by them was not
disputed. The Nzes were morally excellent and it was their duty during this
period to see morals prevails in our society.
THE INTRODUCTION OF THE WARRANT CHIEFS
The white man destroyed our political system and in this way pushed out
the Nzes from offices. In place of the Nzes, they gave out warrants to certain
people whom they called Warrant Chiefs exercised wide ranging powers which
was in all ramifications higher than the ones wielded by the Nzes in the former
political order.
There were many Chiefs in our town during this period and each Chief
had influence over a certain number of villages. Despite this sharing out of
authority Chief Laz Okeke Agwuna proved to be more powerful than the other
Chiefs which included Okoye, Ifeacho, Akigwe, and Eduzor.
This system of using the Warrant Chiefs in governing our people was
later found to be defective, and after a series of modifications, a new system
known as the Best Man was introduced. In this system every village was
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obliged to send a representative who would represent them in the court situated
at Nkwo Enugwu-Ukwu.
THE REIGN OF IGWE OSITA AGWUNA
Agwuna Osita was made a Chief when all those approached to be a Chief
rejected the offer. Thus, when he returned from the Eastern House of Chiefs in
1966, he asserted his claim to the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu without opposition
and he was formally recognized in 1976.
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NAME: CHIEF NWANA EKPE
Age: 72 Years
Village: Orji
Status: Industrialist
Date of Interview: 29-12-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
ENUGWU-UKWU BEFORE COLONIAL ERA
The genesis of Enugwu-Ukwu is traceable from the first son of Nri. Nri
was a man who came to Enugwu-Ukwu from Aguleri to settle. Other children
that Nri had were Enugwu-Agidi, Nawfia and Agukwu.
On the pre-colonial system of government in Enugwu-Ukwu, we all
know that in the past we had no Chief who was acclaimed the traditional ruler
of this town. But the day to day affairs of the town was ordered and
administered by a group of elderly people called the Nze. The Nzes were very
honest and dedicated, but nevertheless some of them were corrupt.
THE SUCCESSION TUSSLE
The position of Igweship in Enugwu-Ukwu was well and clearly stated in
our constitution even before the death of our former Igwe, Chief Osita Agwuna
III. In our town, there is argument on rotation of Igweship, and this agreement
has never raised arguments from quarters, or wronged by our people. All we
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needed after death of our Igwe was selection of another Igwe after observing all
necessary due process, instead of inheritance claim to the throne.
I am an indigene of Enugwu-Ukwu and I know the traditions and
constitutions of our town. What is very important is that any interested
candidate to the Igweship of our town should be qualified and come from the
quarter that has the turn to produce the Igwe. We have selected a new Igwe
from Orji village and the tussle is over.
EFFECTS
The Igweship selection tussle in our town that lasted for four years, took
it’s toll in our town. The truth is that it brought division among our people. For
example, some villages supported Chukwudi Aguwna, while some strongly
believed that the Igwe should be selected according to our tradition. In some
villages, the youths had their own camp while the elders on another camp. This
division impeded the social and political organization of our town.
The tussle has also introduced some elements of bitterness and acrimony
among our people that belonged to different camps. But I know that this
bitterness will go with time because the tussle was not necessary. I am happy
that we have selected our Igwe and I am also happy that the new Igwe has the
capacity of bringing everybody together. He is related to me and he has said it
on several occasions.
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NAME: MR. NKWUAKU AUGUSTINE
Age: 72 Years
Village: Akiyi
Status: Trader
Date of Interview: 24-11-2011
Mode of Interview: Direct
Assessment: Reliable
ORIGIN AND MIGRATION
Enugwu-Ukwu was the son of a man called Nri who had four sons:
Okplanaka, Okpalariam, Osunagidi and Akamkpisi, who later formed the
village groups of Enugwu-Ukwu, Nawfia, Enugwu-Agidi and Agukwu
respectively.
Nri was said to have settled at Nkpume Onyilenyi in our town Enugwu-
Ukwu. The other three sons later migrated to other places suitable for them, but
Enugwu-Ukwu stayed behind and inherited his father’s compound. From ther he
got married and they had children that later made up the village groups in
Enugwu-Ukwu.
SELECTION OF IGWE
Igwe Agwuna ruled us for many years and until his death, the entire town
was loyal to his administrations and did not question his authorities. All his
ceremonies like Igu Aro, and Ofala festivals were always well attended by the
town.
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Our Igwe joined ancestors in 2007 but it took four years to select a
successor. The story is that the son of the late Igwe, Chukwudi Agwuna said
that his father told him not to contest the Igwe of Enugwu-Ukwu but to hold the
forth and celebrate three Ofala years before another Igwe is selected. This
position by Chukwudi Agwuna created some misunderstanding in the
community as some supported his proposition while some rejected it out rightly.
However, matter came to a head when the town union government
presented the constitution of the town on selection of Igwe. The constitution
was used and another Igwe was selected to succeed the late Igwe Osita Agwuna.
Chief Ralph Ekpe from Orji village was selected in the election.
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LIST OF INFORMANTS
S/No Name Age Village Occupation Status Date
1 Okonkwu Iloegbunam 85 yrs Umuatulu Teaching Retd Head Teacher 22-10-2011
2 Ozor Nkwuaku
41 yrs Akiyi Civil Servant Vice Secretary
Enugwu- Ukwu
Community
Development
Union (ECDU)
29/12/2011
3 Emeka Nwobu 60yrs Orji Trader Age Grade Leader 30/12/2011
4 Jacob Obidigbo 87yrs Osili Transporter Ozo Title Holder 03/11/2011
5 Mgboye Okoye 84yrs Urunnebo Retd Teacher Women Leader
(Women
Organization)
22/10/2011
6 Pius Okeke 75yrs Ire Teaching Rtd Teacher 03/11/2011
7 JBC Okonkwo 70yrs Urunnebo Retd Principal Secretary, Igwe
Palace
04/11/2011
8 Azubuike Okafor 70yrs Umuakwu Retd police Nze Title Holder 04/11/2011
9 Gilbert Nwobu 88yrs Ire Retd Civil Servant Ozo Title Holder 29/11/2011
10 Okoye Ibi Ilonze 80yrs Abomimi Contractor Nze Title Holder 30/11/2011
11 Nwamaka Okaforocha 64yrs Orofia Teaching Retd Teacher 04/11/2011
12 Anaere Nwankwo 80yrs Uruogbo Transporter Ozo Title Holder 30/12/2011
13 Okwudiba Okafor 80yrs Uruala Retd Principal Nze Title Holder 31/12/2011
14 Nwana Ekpe 72yrs Orji Industrialist Ozo Title Holder 28/12/2011
15 Augustine Nkwuaku 72yrs Akiyi Trading Member Enugwu-
Ukwu Community
Development
Union (ECDU)
02/12/2011
16 Okwudili Nwosu 47yrs Uruekwo Teaching Ph..D student 02/12/2011