1

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

ETHNICITY IN SINDH

1.1 Dictionary Meaning of Ethnicity

Relating to a group of people having a common national or cultural tradition, origin ME:

(denoting a person not of Christian or Jewish faith): via Eccles: L from Greek ethnikos ‘heathen’

from ethnos ‘nation’. Usage in recent year has begun to be used in euphemistic way to refer to

the non-white people as a whole (Oxford Dictionary). Ethnicity (n) means Origin, background,

traditions, way of life, customs (Encarta Dictionary2009).

1.2 Introduction

Ethnicity or ethnic group is a social group of people who identify each other on the basis of

common ancestral, social, cultural, or national experience. Membership of an ethnic group tends

to be associated with shared cultural heritage, ancestry, history, homeland, language (dialect), or

ideology, and with symbolic system such as religion, mythology and ritual, cuisine, dressing

style and physical appearance etc.

The largest ethnic groups in modern times may comprise of hundreds of millions of individuals

such as (Han Chinese, Arabs, and Bengali people) and the smallest can be limited to a few

thousand individuals (numerous indigenous peoples worldwide). The larger ethnic groups will

tend to form smaller sub-ethnic groups (historically also known as tribes), which over time may

become separate ethnic groups themselves through the process of ethno genesis; ethnic groups

derived from the same historical founder population often continue to speak related

languages and may be grouped as ethno-linguistic groups or phyla (e.g. Iranian peoples, Slavic

peoples, Bantu peoples, Turkic peoples, Austronesian peoples, Nilotic peoples, etc.).

The term ethnic group and ethnicity has been used interchangeably. There are very thin lines

between these two concepts. An ethnic group is defined as “a collectivity within a larger society

having real or putative common ancestry, memories of a shared historical past and a cultural

focus on one or more symbolic elements defined as the epitome of their prophet hood”

2

(Hutchinson and Smith). Anthony D. Smith has used the term “ethnic” for an ethnic group and

exhibit six main features. These are common proper name, a myth of common ancestry, one or

more elements of common culture (include, religion, language and customs), link with a specific

territory, a shared historical memories and a sense of solidarity.

A publication by the United Nations research institute for social development (UNRISD) about

ethnicity and ethnic groups argued that the main features of ethnic groups are various and not

clear cut Allen and Eade also claimed that although the terms became the part of literate in social

societies since 1940s, but it gained wider acceptance in the 1970s.

According to Weber ethnicity relates to group feelings developed by then members of the group

consciously for group solidarity and Rex has presented that language, religion, territory,

commonality in culture and traditions, etc. are used by a community of people to recognize itself

as an ethnic group while ethnicity has no physical entity, but social feelings, feelings of oneness

in one group.

The approach toward ethnicity has three main connotations. One school of thought argues that

these feelings are essentially “primordial”. The approach has its focus on the importance of a

fundamental set of ascriptive features which form the basis of collective emotions (blood, speech

and custom). Clifford Geertz has also discussed the primordial nature of ethnicity in a way that it

seems “ineffable” and sometimes overpowers others. According to him, the general strength of

primordialism varies from person to person, from society to society and from time to time. But it

is considered as a spiritual association Primordialism is also discussed as a subjectively held

feeling of shared identity. Most of the primordialists believe that it is quiet natural, because it is a

strong part of human psychology and their social relations (Baloch).

Contrary to primordialists’ view the utilitarionists have propagated the instrumentalist approach.

They see ethnicity or ethnic feelings as a tool to achieve some socio-political or economic

objectives. They claim that the feeling of ethnicity is manipulated to attain some benefits by

various individuals, groups and through organizations (Brass). In this sense, instrumentalists

focus on the goals and objectives rather than ethnic origin. They believe on the changing nature

of ethnicity (Joiremen).

3

Social constructivism is the third approach in the debate of ethnicity. Their views are quiet

relevant to the instrumentalists. They hold the argument that ethnicity is a social phenomenon.

Ethnic groups emerge and then disappear or one ethnic group could merge into

anothergroupaccording to their political, social or economic requirements. Instrumentalists and

social constructivists both criticized the fixed and enduring nature of ethnicity as propagated by

primordialists. The constructivists also enhance the role of leadership in the formation of ethnic

association. The leadership and elites, who are in competition, construct and sometimes distort

new ethnic groups for collective and individual benefits. Apart from the role of leadership and

elite the centralized policies of state also play a pivotal role in the development of ethnicity.

The above mentioned debate concludes that consensus on anyone approach of ethnicity is not

possible because the concerns of ethnic groups and their ethnic association vary from region to

region and from time to time. Therefore, different schools are emerged to present their views.

Apart from variety of opinion regarding definition of ethnicity it is a reality that ethnic feelings

are present in almost all the regions and all the times.

1.3 Ethnicity in Pakistan

Pakistan is a multilingual, multiethnic and multiculturalcountry with more than sixty (60)

languages being spoken and dozens of ethnicities residing in it. The struggle for Pakistan

transcended ethnic, lingual, cultural and regional differences, it even defied geographic

compulsion. Conversely, it was an expression of a deep Muslim consciousness which was both

inspiring and invigorating. As a nation state in post-independence period, however, some have

described the country a collectivity of mere images, hence distortion of reality; few have labeled

it an unimagined nation, yet others have termed Pakistan an Unachieved nation, positing that

nationalism is a failed project in Pakistan. The underlying rational constructingthis view in a

major part owes its inspiration to the argument that there has never been true unity among ethnic

groups, only a forced lumping together by the British, which has given way to citizens for whom

ethnicity remains more important than nationality, thus thepersistence of ethnic identities. The

syndrome in turn hasgiven rise to 'fissiparous tendencies that ethnic groups have developed right

from the beginning'. In 1971, Pakistan became the first post-colonial state that suffered a

successful secessionist movement that resulted in the creation of Bangladesh. The Post-1971

Pakistan has witnessed Baloch insurgencies (1973-77, 2002-to date); Pashtun separatism

4

(1970s); Sindhi regionalism (1980s); and Mohajir's mobilization along ethnic lines (1990s-to

date).The contemporary society in Pakistan is riddled with deep ethnic, social and economic

fissures and therefore, quite apart from Islamists, as in 1970s there are violent secular

movements in all four provinces of Pakistan that pose serious risks to national integrity. The

challenges are indeed mounting, at the same time; these very developments offer the opportunity

for seeking solutions in a multi-ethnic framework.

About 98% of languages spoken in Pakistan are Indo-Iranian (sub-branches:75% Indo-Aryan and

20% pure Iranian), a branch of Indo-European family of languages. Most languages of Pakistan

are written in the Perso-Arabic script, with significant vocabulary derived from Persian, Turkish

language (the language Urdu was derived by Turkish kings) well as those Arabic words found in

Persian. As such the pronunciation of all such Arabic words in native languages of Pakistan,

follow the Persian model and not that of pristine Arabic of Arabia. Urdu language has a high

vocabulary of Turkish words even more than Arabic and

Persian.Punjabi (Shahmukhi), Saraiki, Sindhi, Pashto, Urdu, Balochi, Kashmiri (Koshur) are the

general languages spoken within Pakistan. The majority of Pakistanis belong to various Indo-

Aryan-speaking ethnic groups, while large minorities are from various Iranian peoples

and Dardic language groups. In addition, small groups of language isolates such as Burusho

and Dravidian Speakers like the Brahui people also live in the country. The major ethnic groups

of Pakistan in numerical size include: Punjabis, Pashtuns, Sindhis, Saraikis, Mohajir’s, and

Balochis, Hindkowans, Chitralis and other smaller groups.

Following are the major languages spoken in Pakistan. The percentage of Pakistanis who are

native speakers of that language is also given.

Numbers of speakers of larger languages

Language 2008 estimate 1998 census Main areas spoken

1 Punjabi 76,367,360 44.17% 58,433,431 44.15% Punjab

2 Pashto 29,342,892 16.97% 20,408,621 15.42%Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa ,FATA, Karachi and Balochistan

3 Sindhi 21,755,908 12.64% 18,661,571 14.10% Sindh

4 Saraiki 18,019,610 10.42% 13,936,594 10.53% South Punjab

5

5 Urdu 13,120,540 7.59% 10,019,576 7.57% Karachi, Sindh

6 Balochi 6,204,540 3.59% 4,724,871 3.57% Balochistan

7 Others 8,089,150 3.59% 6,167,515 4.66% Gilgit Baltistan and Kashmir

Total 172,900,000 100% 132,352,279 100% Pakistan

Kashmiris, Hindkowans, Kalash, Burusho, Brahui, Khowar, Shina, Balti and Turwalis are

smaller ethnic groups and mainly found in the northern parts of the country. The people of the

Potohar Plateau in Northern Punjab and Western Azad Kashmir (called Potoharis), were

historically distinct from Punjabis because of the difference in language. However, over time

both Punjabi and Potohari have been largely replaced by the national Urdu language and

consequently Potohari's are seen as Punjabi by the Punjabi community.

Pakistan's census does not include the registered 1.7 million Afghan refugees from

neighboring Afghanistan, who are mainly found in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Federally

Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) areas, with small numbers in the cities

of Karachi and Quetta. Many of them were born inside Pakistan in the last 30 years and are

counted as citizens of Afghanistan, and most of them are ethnic Pakhtuns from southeastern

Afghanistan. In 1995, there were more than 1.6 million Bengalis, 650,000 Afghans, 200,000

Burmese, 2,320 Iranians and Filipinos, and hundreds of Nepalis, Sri Lankans and Indians

reported to be living in Karachi.

1.4 Ethnicity with Special Reference to Sindh

1.4.1 Social Ethnicity

Sindh is the second largest province of Pakistan. Although Sindh did not remain ethnically

homogeneous area, but there were no signs of ethnic conflict in the pre-partitioned period. After

that, the agricultural and industrial strength of Sindh attracted other non Sindhi communities to

establish here. A number of Punjabis, who served the army, allotted land from the government

and put down their roots here. Some Baloch tribes, who migrated to Sindh, assimilated their

selves in Sindhi culture. Prior to 1947, Baloch also constituted approximately 23 percent of the

6

Sindhi’s Muslim population. After independence, a large number of Muslims from India

migrated to Pakistan. Punjab bore a major share of these migrants. For their proper rehabilitation,

the then government decided to settle them in other provinces like Sindh and KPK (Former

NWFP). Following table shows the pattern of migration in associated provinces of Pakistan.

Federating Units Number of Refugees Share of Refugees Ratio in total

Population

East Bengal 0.7 9.67% 1.7%

West Pakistan 6.25 90.3% 20%

Punjab 5.3 73% 25.6%

Sindh 0.5 7.6% 11.7%

Karachi 0.61 8.53% 55%

Source: Census of Pakistan 1951 Volume. 1, Table 19-A Volume 6, P. 65

Migrants from India were settled mostly in two cities of Sindh, Karachi and Hyderabad. One

reason to choose these cities might be that refugees orMohajirs were educated people. In urban

areas, immediately, they became “Salariat Persons” and formed an effective middle class. The

census report of 1951 highlighted almost 50% of the total urban population of Sindh comprised

to those, whose mother tongue was Urdu. The figure gradually rise and the 1998 census report

showed overwhelming majority of Urdu speaking community in urban areas of Sindh.

Population of Sindh on the basis of language spoken

Unit Sindhi Urdu Pashto Punjabi Baloch Saraiki Other

Urban 25.79 41.48 7.93 11.52 2.74 1.71 8.80

Rural 92.2 1.62 0.61 2.68 1.5 0.32 1.25

Other 59.73 21.05 4.19 2.11 2.11 1.00 4.93

Source: Census Report 1998. Statistics Department of Pakistan

The table figures out the moderate rise of Urdu speaking Mohajir community in urban areas of

Sindh, especially Karachi. The influx of different ethno-lingual communities in Karachi has

made it a sensitive part. At present the sensitivity is conjoin with complexity that made Karachi a

soft underbelly of Pakistan.

7

Ethnic Formulation of Karachi

Karachi is the greatest business center and industrial hub of Pakistan. Around 45 percent of

federal revenue is generated from Karachi. Although the Mohajir and various other ethno

linguistic groups have created an intense demographic pressure but at the same time this

demographic flow has provided the city a highly adapted work force. According to the 1998

census report Karachi comprises following ethnic groups:

District Urdu Punjabi Sindhi Pashto Balochi Saraiki Other

Karachi

East

60.75 14.72 3.8 5.95 1.64 2.11 11.02

Karachi

West

39.64 12.95 6 24.55 5.29 2.05 9.52

Karachi

South

25.65 18.84 11.37 7.95 9.77 1.82 24.6

Karachi

Central

73.57 8.63 1.59 4.56 0.77 2.3 8.58

Malir 15.87 17.46 25.8 20.67 8.51 2.36 10.06

Ethnic Structure of KarachiSource: Census report 1998. Statistic Department, Govt of Pakistan.

The table shows that almost all lingual groups are present and complete the demographic picture

of Karachi. The table highlights that in most of the areas, Urdu speaking community dominates

other lingual groups.

1.4.2 Political Ethnicity

In a political system with a proliferation of political parties, and most parties having only

regional pockets of support, the electoral process and the quest for power have required the

building of alliances across not only ideological lines but across regional and ethnic lines. both

within and among provinces. This political deal-making has engendered interesting examples of

ethnic and regional interdependence and mutual trust among parties. Among the most interesting

of these blocs is the one led by the Punjabi former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s Muslim

League which has brought into its fold all the major Sindhi politicians opposed to Prime Minister

Benazir Bhutto’s PPP, and built alliances with both of the erstwhile Pushtoon nationalist parties,

8

the Awami National Party of Wali Khan and the Pukhtoonkhwa Milli AwamiParty of Mahmood

Achakzai, the remnants of the late Ghaus Bux Bizenjo’s Balochbased Pakistan National Party,

the mercurial Baloch leader Akbar Bugti’s Jamhoori Watan Party, and the militant Mohajir

nationalist MQM. Bhutto’s PPP, despite its waning popularity, still remains not only as the

country’s largest party, but a national party with the broadest regional and ethnic representation.

The religious parties enjoy limited popular support and continue to squabble over sectarian and

doctrinal issues, but they direct their appeals across regional and ethnic boundaries. The ethnic

nationalist or separatist formations among Sindhi and Baloch ethnic communities seem to lack

legitimacy and popular support within their own communities. Despite intense ethnic conflict

and fears of separatism in urban Sindh, the overall trend among politicians in Pakistan seems to

be toward greater tolerance, interdependence, and political integration. The traditional politicians

seem to have acquired the ability to share power and make money, and have little reason and

time for intensifying ethnic and regional disputes, at least for now. However, several timebombs,

including the proposed Kalabagh dam and the demand for creating a Mohajir province, remain

that can rip apart the alliances of convenience, and throw the country into the flames of

internecine warfare.

1.4.3 Cultural Ethnicity

Several cultural trends have been underwaythat affect ethnic formation, ethnic relations, and

national integration. The most interesting of these from the point of view of ethnic studies and

national integration is the role of the Urdu language. Although Urdu is the mother tongue of only

seven percent of Pakistan’s population, historical circumstances have placed it in the position of

being officially designated as the national language of Pakistan. The two major factors in favor

of Urdu were the emergence of Urdu as a secondary symbol of Muslim identity in pre-

independence India, and its adoption as the primary language of literacy and literary expression,

against their own vernaculars, by all the ethnic groups of Pakistan, except Sindhis and, in limited

areas, Pushtoons. Although protests continue to be voiced against the preeminence of Urdu, it

has clearly established itself as Pakistan’s principal language of education, mass communication,

politics, business, and inter-province coordination. An increasing number of Pakistanis whose

mother tongue is not Urdu are learning tospeak and understand it. In the 1961 Census, twice as

many persons were reported to be speaking Urdu as persons whose mother tongue was Urdu.

9

This type of data was not collected in the subsequent censuses.Nonetheless, the trend of

linguistic assimilation to Urdu is unmistakable, as can be seen from the fact that 70.3 percent of

the 14,745,234 literate persons in 1981 were literate only in Urdu.

However, the impact of this assimilation is not uniform on different ethnic groups and in

different regions. Concomitant cultural assimilation and Mohajir identity adoption by members

of the Gujrati and Memoni Kutchchi-speaking small business communities in Karachi have been

unmistakable. This may be considered one extreme of the linguistic assimilation to Urdu. At the

other end, the Pushtoons may use Urdu in schools and for all kinds of written communication,

but seldom do they adopt it as the language of the household. Similarly, the educated Balochs in

Balochistan and urban Sindh have adopted Urdu without assimilating to it. The Punjabis have

maintained their duality about language. They continue to consider Urdu as their own formal

language, and many of the urban, educatedindividuals among them proudly proclaim Urdu to be

their mother tongue and report it as such to the census enumerators. However, this linguistic

assimilation has notbeen correlated with subjective identity transformation. On the contrary,

Punjabi ethnic identity remains strong even in the urban areas, where a movement for the official

status for Punjabi and its use as a written language is gaining ground.

While Sindhis have the longest and strongest tradition among the indigenous peoples of Pakistan

to use their own language, and have been most resilient against the imposition of Urdu, they have

not been altogether immune to the process of assimilation to Urdu. As a result of the overall

influence of Urdu discussed earlier, as well as the compulsory teaching of Urdu to Sindhis, the

non-availability of Sindhimedium schools in Karachi, and the domination of Urdu in the work

place and the market in the major cities of Sindh, many Sindhi families have begun to speak

Urdu at home and, when settled abroad, teach their children Urdu as a mark of their Pakistani

identity. Further, when Sindhis and Urdu-speaking inter-marry, in most cases Urdu becomes the

language of the household, regardless of who the husband or wife is. These developments are

quite ironic in view of the demand of many Sindhi nationalists that the Urdu-speaking people

speak Sindhi and assimilate into Sindhi culture. An opposite trend has also been noted in that, in

reaction to the growing Mohajir political assertion in Sindh, even the cosmopolitan Sindhi

families of Karachi, who had all but forgotten about their Sindhi roots, have begun to reassert

their Sindhi identity, even though they may be speaking English or Urdu at home. This

10

phenomenon gives credence to the theory of primordial identity being reawakened from the

unconscious by certain triggers.

The trend of popular adoption of Urdu is giving rise to a paradoxical situation in which the term

Urdu-speaking, which is usedby many as more accurate and honorific than the term Mohajir for

a specific ethnic group, may itself become a misnomer. Indeed, the Census of 1981 precisely

tried to create this situation by asking a question about the “language usually spoken in the

household” rather than about the mother tongue of the individual. This question, while biasing

the response in favor of Urdu, underlines an interesting paradox: who is Urdu-speaking?

The integrating effects of Urdu have been correlated with the transmission through schools,

literature, and the media certain social values and norms of behavior, modeled after the culture of

middle class immigrants from Utar Pradesh (India) or some unspecified group, which are

deemed to be more “civilized” and desirable. Readers of Urdu novels and viewers of television

dramas from all ethnic groups are mannerisms and attitudes. Thus, along with the development

of a common language, a leveling of social values and norms of behavior is also shaping across

ethnic boundaries in Pakistan.

Through the agencies of mass media and the educational system, a religious homogenization of

sorts is also taking place among ethnic groups. The political system’s increasing tendency

to“Islamize” the state has resulted in standardizing the understanding and practicing of Islam that

tend to be more orthodox and strict about rituals than the sufiist and experiential beliefs and

practices which was traditionally more common in Pakistan. This difference in religious

experience has tended to coincide not only with class and urban-rural differences, but, given the

overlap between ethnicity and class and between ethnicity and residence, it also coincides with

ethnic differences. Therefore, the traditionally Sufiist Punjabi, Saraiki, Sindhi, and Baloch people

feel obliged to assimilate into the religious beliefs and practices which are more common among

the Urdu-speaking people, the urban Punjabi bourgeoisie, and the orthodox Pushtoons. Capitalist

development, modernization, national integration, the spread of education, and cultural

homogenization in Pakistan seem to be facilitating the gradual withering away of Sufism and the

ascendance of the scholastic Islam, which is often associated with the so-called fundamentalist

movements.

11

The economic, demographic, political, and cultural trends discussed above will provide the

backdrop for analyzing the relation between ethnicity and state, and discussing policy

implications.

1.4.4 Religious Ethnicity

Historical period: Because of its location at the western edge of South Asia, Sindh was one of the

earliest regions to be influenced by Islam after 632 AD - as the Qu'ran was not written until then.

Prior to this period, it was heavily Hindu, and Buddhist. After 632 AD, It was part of the Islamic

empires of the Abbasids and Umayyids. Fundamentalist rulers played a pivotal role in forcibly

converting millions of native Sindhis to Islam. Habbari, Soomra, Samma, Arghun dynasties

ruled Sindh. Many Baloch tribes migrated and settled in Sindh. These Baloch assimilated with

Sindhis and now they constitute a significant population of Sindh.

Following the partition of India in 1947, most Hindu and Sikh Sindhis fled to modern-day India

and other parts of the world, though, as of 1998, Hindus still constituted about 6% of the total

Sindhi population in Pakistan. Some Sindhi Hindus also believe in tenets of Sikhism but are

predominantlySahajdhari. As a result, this group of Sindhis can be regarded as concurrently

following both Hinduism and Sikhism.

There are 35 million Sindhis living in Pakistan, with 33.5 million in Sindh, and 1.5 million in

other provinces. 12.5% of Sindhis in Pakistan are Hindus. Most live in urban areas like Karachi,

Hyderabad, Sukkur, and Mirpur Khas. Hyderabad is the largest center of Sindhi Hindus in

Pakistan who are numbered at about 350,000-500,000.

Sindhi Muslims: With Sindh’s stable prosperity and its strategic geographical possession, it is

not surprising that it was subject to successive conquests by foreign empires. In 712

A.D., Sindh was incorporated into the Caliphate, the Islamic Empire, and became the ‘Arabian

gateway’ into India (later to become known as Bab-ul-Islam, the gate of Islam).

Sindhi culture also has certain Persian influences as Sindh was exposed to cultural, religious and

linguistic influence from Islamic Persia. Most significantly, numerous Persian loanwords made

their way into the Sindhi language along with the Nastaʿlīq script, in which modern Sindhi is

written today.

12

Muslim Sindhis tend to follow the Sunni Hanafi fiqh with a substantial minority of Shia Ithna

'ashariyah. The Sufism has made a deep impact on Sindhi Muslims and Sufi shrines dot the

landscape of Sindh.

Religious fundamentalism and sectarian violence: Religious and sectarian violence in Sindh

has been relatively less conspicuous than other parts of the country. Sectarian clashes between

Shia and Sunni Muslims were limited to particular days and events and were handled effectively

through civil and police action. In general the relations between the various religious and

sectarian communities have been amicable. There are strong syncretic traditions among ethnic

Sindhis and barring a few trouble-spots the Shia-Sunni violence was mostly confined to the

ethnic Mohajir community. There were conscious efforts to block sectarian conflict in that

community, and these efforts are prominent among the origin myths of the MQM.

In the 1990s, however, religious and sectarian conflict appeared in a very different form

in urban Sindh. While there were very few instances of clashes between ordinary

members of various sects, terrorist attacks on congregations and targeted assassinations

became more common.

More alarmingly, there appear to have been common strands between sectarian terrorism

and ethnic militancy. Although theMQM is clearly a non-religious andnon-sectarian

organization, there is evidence that in periods of persecution many of its militant cadre shifted to

sectarian religious militant organizations for protection. One off-shoot of this easy transition

of militant cadres is the current violent conflict between the MQM and the Sunni Tehrik

which is clearly a denominational organization of Barelvi Sunnis. The Sunni Tehrik is thought

to be made of up former MQM cadre that “turned” under pressure from state agencies.

1.5 Growth of Ethnic Identity

The process of the development of ethnicity and ethno nationalism has been the subject of

intensive research in the last quarter of a century.

Defining ethnicity is not an easy task, given its amorphous nature. However, some effort has

been made to this end. Ethnicity is stated to have both objective and subjective attributes. Among

objective attributes are common race, language, religion, and social, cultural or historical

institutions. Among subjective attributes is a shared belief among the members of an ethnic

13

group of having a common -- real or fictitious -- ancestry or heritage from which they derive a

common social label, a sense of common solidarity, common interests, or shared sense of

grievance or persecution.

Two elements of ethnicity are important. One, ethnicity or ethnic identities are not static,

immutable or permanent. They change in different circumstances and over time. Two, ethnicity

is an emotional as well as an instrumental phenomenon. It is instrumental in the sense that it can

be used for realizing material interests, i.e., to overcome barriers to access to employment,

education, land, capital, etc.

Ethnic awareness is said to develop as a result of factors both internal and external to the ethnic

group. Internal factors include racial, linguistic, and/or religious distinctiveness or memories of

past political struggles or independent existence. External factors include physical or social

isolation, emergence of ethnic awareness in other ethnic groups, imbalance in status hierarchy

and material conditions of different ethnic groups, and nature of the state and its relationship to

different ethnic groups.

Imbalances tend to nurture feelings of supremacy in the advantaged groups and of resentment

and frustration among the disadvantaged groups. Where the state regulates the allocation of

resources and distribution of patronage to various groups in society, there ensues a struggle for

the control of the state apparatus. In a democratic dispensation, mechanisms exist for the

demands of various groups, howsoever disadvantaged, to bevoiced and addressed. In an

undemocratic order, a structure of domination and subordination exists and those in the latter

situation tend to invent some of the common ethnic attributes and carve out a constituency to

launch or sustain their struggle for acquiring access to state power and patronage.

1.5.1 The Sindhi-Mohajir Equation

The ethnic strife in Karachi needs to be seen within the context of the ethnic situation in the

province of Sindh. Over the last half a century, Sindh's demographic landscape has undergone

drastic changes. In 1947, Sindh had an overwhelmingly Sindhi speaking population. Today,

Sindhis comprises 50 percent at best, with Mohajirs constituting about one third and Punjabisand

14

Pushtoons making up most of the rest. The Sindhi-Mohajir equation lies at the core of ethnic

peace in Sindh, including Karachi. This equation has given birth to two crises: the crisis of

identity and the crisis of opportunities.

The crisis of identity emerges from the changes inthe demographic composition in the province.

The Mohajirs are in search of an identity, while the Sindhis are afraid of losing their identity as

they see themselves being turned into a minority in their own ancient land. That effective

political power lies with the Punjabi dominated federally controlled agencies has resulted in a

triangular battle.

The crisis of opportunities emerges from the fact that initially the Mohajirs inhabited the cities

and the Sindhis confined themselves to the villages. The result was that the spheres of economic

activity were separated and there existed little competition for urban employment oreducational

opportunities. This scenario began tochange over the last quarter of a century. The impetus for

change was provided largely by the restoration of provinces and the emergence of representative

government for the first time during 1971-1977. As the feudal order in the rural areas of Sindh

weakened under the weight of a democratic dispensation and a Sindhi urban middle class began

to emerge, Mohajirs began to face competition from Sindhis for urban jobs and educational

opportunities. At the same time, the Punjabi-Pakhtuns factor implied that the Mohajirs had to

share an already shrinking pie with the newly emerging Sindhi middle class, thus the

intensification of the conflict.

While discussing the factors behind Mohajir militancy, it is necessary not to ignore the fact that

Sindhi political and economic interests have suffered enormously over the last half a century.

This, first, began with the en masse arrival of the Mohajirs and, later, with the takeover of the

state apparatus by the Punjab. It is unfortunate that, with the loud clamour of Mohajirmilitancy,

the Sindhi case has suffered by default.

1.5.2 Ethnic Militant and Sectarian groups

On the ethnic land scope of Karachi, dozens of sectarian and militant outfits are existed. Some

groups are active on political front like, Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, Tahrik-e-Jaafriya Pakistan and

Sunni Tahrik. Some militant religious organizations which are pronounced banned by the

government like Lashkare-Jhangvi, Jaish-e-Muhammad, Hizbul-Tahreer and Tahrik-e-Taliban

Pakistan are still working underground. Many religious charity organizations are also shaping the

15

ethno-religious outlook of the city. Apart from these sectarian and religious militant groups some

criminal gangs also have strong networks. Shoaib group, LyariGangs, RehmanDakait group and

ArshadPappu group in Lyari are the most notorious as for as the killings of innocent people are

concerned (Khan, 2008). These groups have a history of antagonism. They also have indirect

linkages with different ethnic communities. It is also believed that some of the criminal groups

have no ideological base and they can be hired on business request.

1.6 Role of the State to Cope with Ethnicity

States are considered major actors in creating, accentuating and diminishing ethnic identities.

Actually, state policies determine the national narrative in which diverse cultures and various

ethnic identities have been accommodated when the state is failed; the logical result is raising

conflictual political trends that lead to ethnic, regional and sectarian clashes.

There have been deliberate attempts to divide the people of Sindh (Karachi) on an ethnic and

sectarian basis. The mushroom growth of Mohajir organizations and the government’s

undercover support for Jiye Sindh elements are widely regarded as part of a plan to subvert the

democratic movement in the country.

It is being argued that the attitude of the state towards MQM has remained instructive and

general Zia’s military government has played a key role in strengthening MQM as a counter

force against the PPP in Karachi. Resultantly, within a few years, MQM became a strong parallel

force against government. And in later years a clear cut animosity between other important

ethnic groups of Karachi has been contemplated.

The newly emerged major political contender of MQM and Pakhtuns backed ANP’s leaders have

also criticized the role of military governments to support one ethnic group in Karachi. In this

environment, the mediatory role of state is not only biased but crucial to resolve the issue. A

serious effort is required to circumscribe the state’s capacity and will to anatomize the ethnic

problem in Sindh/Karachi.

16

CHAPTER TWO

Conclusion and Discussion

It has been shown in the above analysis that while ethnic polarization in Sindh and has

intensified recently, because of the past and present internal and international migrations, the

trend seems to be towards greater ethnic heterogeneity in different parts of Pakistan. Given this

fact, and the growing economic and politicalinterdependence, and increasing cultural

homogenization, it has become imperative and even possible to seek solutions to regional and

ethnic problems in a multi-ethnic framework. For example, redrawing of provincial boundaries,

which might have been possible in the early years of Pakistan, is no longer a problem-solving

option. Similarly, the idea of constitutional recognition of Pakistan as a multi-national or multi-

ethnic state with clearly identified groups and group rights, which has been articulated as a

political demand, and which may sound like a rational approach to dissipate ethnic tensions, may

not necessarily produce the desired results.

Some quarters suggest that ethnicity is more a product ofbad governance, economic deprivation

of particular areas, poor representation of certain ethnic groups in national institutions,

17

perceptions regarding dominance by other groups and absence of self-rule than any inbuilt hatred

between the ethnic identities. Others suggest that structural rigidity of the society inhibits ethnic

integration, which is also not in the interest of the dominating elite. Although ethnic and

religious nationalist movements throughout South Asia's history have been very powerful, states

in their reaction to such movements must be careful not to give the movements more momentum.

It isimperative that not only to prevent an economic collapse but restoration of peace in Karachi

in particular which is Pakistan's industrial and commercial hub and Sindh in general begs for

immediate attention in a sustained manner for resolving its enduring afflictions caused by ethnic

politics and other structural factors. Notwithstanding the failures by political parties, democratic

institutions and civil society remain the principal hope to resolve the perennial issues following

innovative conflict resolution approaches.

Assumption of fixed definitional boundaries or fixed number of ethnic groups may pose serious

problems in the future even if a consensus on categories and number could be achieved at

present. On the other hand, the present segmented approach may provide a more realistic basis

for addressing ethnic problems, provided, (a) all the major elements of the ethnic problem are

recognized and addressed broadly by constitutional provisions and concretely through public

policies, (b) mechanisms for implementing and monitoring the relevant legal provisions are put

in place, and (c) effective judicial process is madeavailable to enforce compliance.

Undoubtedly, the ethnic asymmetries within Pakistan’s “elite” and the substantial overlapping of

class and ethnicity pose the greatest challenge to removing ethnic disparities and promoting

harmony and national integration. Given the ethnic specificity of the armed forces and the

spending of the largest portion of the budget on defense, a more equitable distribution of

resources among ethnic communities is unthinkable without drastically altering the ethnic

composition of the military and/or reducing the military budget. The civil bureaucracy has been

more amenable to ethnic diversification, and given sufficient political pressure, the bureaucracy

can be made to be more inclusive. However, Government rules and the attitude of the

government of the time have a considerable bearing on who gets recruited and promoted in the

bureaucracy. The few gains made by Sindhis recently can be easily reversed by the Government

which might succeed Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, not only because many of these

appointments are thought to be motivated by favoritism, but the successor Government might be

based on the support of the MQM which will most certainly demand an increased share for

18

“Mohajirs”, calculated on a fantastic percentage in the population: 50 percent of Sindh’s

population, which comes out to be 11.3 percent of Pakistan’s population.

While national integration is a desirable goal, the primary emphasis on integration in the past has

led to oppressive policies about ethnic diversity and disparities. On the other hand, if the primary

emphasis is placed on promoting equity and harmony among different ethnic groups, national

unity, security, and integrity would be the logical outcomes. Suppression of ethnic rights in the

name of security, unity, or integrity of the country will have the opposite effect.

2.1 Recommendations:

1. The government should not deal with the dispute within a narrow framework. Within

institutional arrangement, a general interest in conflict management should be manifested.

2. A mechanism should be developed to bring back ethnic communities into agreed institutional

settings.

3. The Government has to establish its writ in Karachi. For this purpose, a thoroughly reviewed

strategy is required.

4. Law enforcement agencies should be equipped properly with political support and adequate

resources.

5. Karachi must be deweaponized, so that its youth could be equipped with education.

6. Misperception and mutual distrust among the main ethnic and political actors should be

culminated. Communication and interaction should be developed which is the key ingredient to

end any conflict.

.

19

20

Korowai people of Papua Hans Chinese

Pushtuns

21

Sindhis Muhajirs