“Epenthetic vowels” in Nahuatl: Are they really epenthetic?

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<ol><li> 1. Epenthetic vowels in Nahuatl: Are they really epenthetic? Mitsuya SASAKI University of Tokyo, JSPS research fellowMinpaku Linguistics Circle #4 November 22, 2013 1 </li><li> 2. Abstract So-called supportive /i/s in Nahuatl Can they be explained phonologically?(i)CC- stems Deletion analysis can be explain the complicated patterns of supportive /i/s more neatly than the epenthesis analysis 2 </li><li> 3. Preliminary remarks3 </li><li> 4. Nahuatl: an overview Southern Uto-Aztecan 1,500,000 speakers mainly in Mexico Polysynthetic, head-marking Productive noun incorporation Simple phoneme inventory No distinctive tone or stress (in most dialects) 4 </li><li> 5. Nahuan languages/dialects Nahuatl Classical Nahuatl OccidentalNuclear TetelcingoCentral General Aztec NahuanIxquihuacn HuastecaPuebla-TlaxcalaPochutec ()Tenango OrientalPipilToday we will discuss Classical Nahuatl The presenter is working on Puebla-Tlaxcala dialects, but there are not enough data yet 5 </li><li> 6. Phoneme inventory of CN 4 vowels (long and short respectively) i e a o i: e: a: o: 15 consonants p t k kw m n s ts l y w No distinctive stress or tone Stress falls on the second-to-last syllable 6 </li><li> 7. Phonotactics of CNSyllable structure: (C)V(C) No *CC clusters word-initially or finally No *CCC clusterHiatus occurs frequently7 </li><li> 8. Behavior of saltillo (//) // appears only in coda /iiyo/ powerful /i.i.yo/// shortens preceding long vowels /siwa:/ + // /siwa/ women (*/siwa:/)Written as accent marks on preceding vowels cihu /siwa/ women ; nnemi /nenemi/ he walks 8 </li><li> 9. Epenthesis in Nahuatl9 </li><li> 10. Example: absolutive - ~ -i e-firemasa:-deero:i-flowero-iroada:n-itoothte:lpo:-iyoung man 10 </li><li> 11. Cases of vowel deletion/epenthesis in CN Subject person prefixes: /C/~/Ci/ 3sg object person prefix: /k/~/ki/ Reflexive person prefixes: /C/~/Co/ Possessive person prefixes: /(V)C/~/(V)Co/ Absolutive-state suffix //~/i/ Possessive-state suffix /w/~/wi/ 11 </li><li> 12. Cases of vowel deletion/epenthesis in CN (i)CC- noun/verb stems: /iCC/~/CC/ Agent-nominal deriving suffix /k/~/ki/ Adjective ending /k/~/ki/ Verb-compounding suffix /t/~/ti/ Deletion of stem-final ephemeral /a/, /i/ -CC# noun stems: /CCi/~/CC/ and still more 12 </li><li> 13. Examples of i-epenthesis in Nahuatl First-person singular subject prefix n(i) /n/ before a V:n- e:waI depart /ni/ before a C:ni- nemiI liveThird-person singular object prefix k(i)(word-initially) /k/ before a V:k- a:nahe catches it /ki/ before a C:ki- po:wahe reads it 13 </li><li> 14. Examples of i-epenthesis in Nahuatl Combination of 1sgS n(i)- and 3sgO k(i)-: ni-k-a:naI catch it ni-k-po:waI read it*nikipo:waCombination of 2plS am- and 3sgO k(i)-: am-k-a:na (&gt; anka:na)you (pl.) catch it am-ki-po:wa (&gt; ankipo:wa) you (pl.) read it 14 </li><li> 15. Explanation of /i/~Epenthesis? Deletion? Lexical allomorphy?15 </li><li> 16. Epenthesis analysis The /i/s in n(i)-, k(i)-, might be analyzed as epenthetic (supportive) vowels (Andrews 1975, Tuggy 1981) They break consonant clusters not allowed in the Classical Nahuatl (C)V(C) syllable structure: *#CC, *CCC 16 </li><li> 17. Textbook case for epenthesis Egyptian Arabic: *CCCCCiC (It 1989) /ultlu/ /ultilu/I said to him /katabtlu/ /katabtilu/I wrote to him /katabt dars/ /kabtidars/ you wrote a lessonPurely phonological and/or metrical 17 </li><li> 18. Simple epenthesis analysis #CC #CiC *n-nemiI live ninemi *k-po:wahe reads it kipo:wa *n-k-a:naI catch it nika:naCCC CCiC am-k-po:wa you (pl.) read it ankipo:wa 18 </li><li> 19. Problems with the simple analysis Past-tense o:= never intaracts with epenthesis o:=n-yaI went o:niyaCCC CiCC or CCiC? *n-k-po:wa I read it nikpo:wa (CiCC) *am-k-po:wa you (pl.) read it ankipo:wa (CCiC) 19 </li><li> 20. Syllabification nik p o: w aOutput: nikpo:waunlicenseda m ki p o: w a Output: ankipo:waunlicensed 20 </li><li> 21. Tuggys generalization Epenthesis occurs only at morpheme boundariesi/# C C #C_ +C #_+CC # (Tuggy 1981) 21 </li><li> 22. Explanation according to Tuggy *n-k-po:wa I read it nikpo:wa *am-k-po:wa you (pl.) read it ankipo:wai/# C C #C_ +C #_+CC # 22 </li><li> 23. Problems with (i)CC- stems23 </li><li> 24. Characteristic of (i)CC- stemsMost noun/verb stems beginning with iCC- lose their initial /i/s in certain environments: iCC ~ CC su i inicial se embebe (Carochi 1645) supportive vowel (Andrews 1975)24 </li><li> 25. Examples of (i)CC- stems (i)toa: to say: ito:-loit is said a-toahe says something(i)ki- foot: iki-foot no-kimy foot 25 </li><li> 26. Puzzle #1: when does the /i/ appear?26 </li><li> 27. Examples: (i)CC- verb (i)lpia: to tie -ilpi:-lo (3sgS-tie-INACT) he is bound ni-k-ilpia (or ni-ki-lpia?) (1sgS-3sgO-tie) I bind him ni-no-lpia (1sgS-REFL-tie) I bind myself ni-a-lpia (1sgS-something-tie) I tie something (*nitlailpia) ni-te:-ilpia (1sgS-someone-tie) I bind someone (*nite:tta) -te:-toska-ilpia (1sgS-3sgO-throat-tie) it tightens someones throat (*te:toskalpia) 27 </li><li> 28. (i)CC- and preceding items (i)CC- stems have the /i/ word-initially (i)CC- stems lose the /i/ when preceded by: Unspecified nonhuman object prefix a Reflexive prefix ne-etc.(i)CC- stems have the /i/ when preceded by: Incorporated nouns Unspecified human object prefix te:- etc.Cf. Tuggy (1981, 1997) 28 </li><li> 29. Puzzle #1 Some prefixes (a-, ne-, etc.) trigger i-drop of the following iCC- stem Other prefixes (te:-) and incorporated nouns (toska- throat etc.) do not trigger i-drop The behavior of reflexive/possessive prefixes n(o)- etc. will be discussed later Cf. Tuggy (1981, 1997) 29 </li><li> 30. Verbal affixation template i-drop in iCC-Type of morphemeExampleSubject person prefixn(i)-, t(i)-, -, etc.Object person prefixne:, mits, k(i)-, etc.Directional prefixon-, wa:l-Reflexive prefix (I)no-, to-, mo-, (ne-)PartlyUnspecified human object prefixte:-Unspecified nonhuman object prefixa-Reflexive prefix (II)ne-INCORPORATED NOUN-STEM-TAM/plural suffix-k (past), etc. 30 </li><li> 31. Puzzle #2: (i)C- stems and other (i)CC- stems behave differently31 </li><li> 32. (i)CC- stems and reflexive/possessive prefixes (i)C- stems and other (i)CC- stems behave differently when preceded by reflexive/possessive pronominal prefixes (i)C- stems: /i/ is retained other (i)CC- stems: /i/ drops32 </li><li> 33. Reflexive / possessive prefixes Reflexive prefixes Singular Second person Third personn(o)m(o)m(o)-t(o)m(o)m(o)-SingularFirst personPluralPluraln(o)m(o)i:-t(o)am(o)i:m-Possessive prefixes First person Second person Third person33 </li><li> 34. Reflexive/possessive prefixes with /o/: _C vs. _V Reflexive prefixes n(o)-, t(o)-, m(o) ni-no-a:lia (1sgS-REFL-seat) I sit down ni-n-a:ltia (1sgS-REFL-bather) I bathe myselfPossessive prefixes n(o)-, m(o)-, etc. no-kal (1sgP-house) my house n-a:ka: (1sgP-belonging) my belonging(s) 34 </li><li> 35. Reflexive/possessive prefixes with /o/ and (i)CC- stemsReflexive/possessive n(o)-, m(o)-, etc. lose the /o/ before (non-supportive) vowels Then, what happens if n(o)-, m(o)-, etc. are followed by (i)CC- stems?35 </li><li> 36. Reflexive/possessive prefixes with /o/ and (i)CC- stems (i)C- stems: /o/ disappears (usually) -m-itoa (3sgS-REFL-say) it is said n-iwi-w (1sgP-feather-POSS) my featherOther (i)CC- stems: /o/ is retained -mo-tta (3sgS-REFL-see) he sees himself no-ki (1sgP-foot) my foot 36 </li><li> 37. Third-person singular possessive prefix i:and (i)CC- stems (i)C- stems Probably i:-iC- forms were more commoni:-iwi-yo: its feather , , , etc. in Florentine Codexi:-iti-k inside it , , , etc. in Florentine Codex However, , , etc. are also commonly attestedOther (i)CC- stems Both i:-CC- and i:-iCC- are attested, the former being more common in Florentine Codexi:-po his daughter , , etc.i:-ki (3sgP-foot) his foot , , etc; also , etc.37 </li><li> 38. Puzzle #2(i)C- stems and other (i)CC- stems behave differently when preceded by some reflexive/possessive prefixes, although they behave identically after other prefixes38 </li><li> 39. Why? In CN, // is the only consonant which affects the preceding vowel // appears only in coda (i.e. in rhyme) // shortens the preceding vowelHowever, after a-, ne-, etc. // behaves exactly like other consonants 39 </li><li> 40. Summary of puzzles #1 and #2 (i)CC- stems lose their /i/s before: a- (unspecified nonhuman object)ne- (reflexive)etc.Only (i)C- stems, but not other (i)CC- stems, retain their /i/s before: Reflexive/possessive prefixes which end with /o/: no-, mo-, etc.(Commonly but not always) 3sgP i:-No (i)CC- stems lose their /i/s before: te:- (unspecified human object)Incorporated nouns40 </li><li> 41. Puzzle #3: reduplication41 </li><li> 42. Reduplication in CN CV:- reduplication Pluralization of certain animate nouns Continuative of verbs; intensificationCV- reduplication Distributive of nouns Repetitive/distributive of verbsCV- reduplication Highly lexical, often appears in onomatopoeic verbs 42 </li><li> 43. CV- reduplication o:ka cry o-o:ka cry repeatedly kal-li house ka-kal-li various houses a:wiya be happy a-a:wiya take pleasure Marked heavy syllable (Haugen 2003, 2004) 43 </li><li> 44. Base of reduplication Inflectional affixes and incorporated items are not included in the base of reduplication -mo-pa:kka:-we-wetsk-i:tia- (3S-REFL-joyful-REDUP-laugh-CAUS-PL) they smile joyfully 44 </li><li> 45. Lexicality Reduplication in CN is a lexical process Unpredictable meanings: wetska laugh we-wetska smile nemi live ne-nemi walk no:tsa call no-no:tsa chat with (s.o.) a:wilia: entertain a-a:wilia: caress 45 </li><li> 46. (i)CC- stems sometimes behave as /iCC-/ and other times as /CC-/ What happens when (i)CC- stems undergo reduplication?46 </li><li> 47. Reduplication of (i)CC- stemsGenerally, the /i/ behaves as part of the base of reduplication n-on-iteki (1sgS-DIR-steal) I go steal things n-on-i-iteki (distributive) cf. ni-no-teki-lia I steal; I become a thief47 </li><li> 48. Reduplication of (i)CC- stemsa- (and probably ne-) + (i)CC- stem: (i)toasay a-toahe says something a-atoa he speaks a lot48 </li><li> 49. Reduplication of (i)CC- stems (i)CC- stems other than (i)C-: m(o)- (reflexive) + (i)lpia: tie, bind molpia he binds himself moolpia (*momolpia, *moilpia, *miilpia) 49 </li><li> 50. Summary of (i)CCIntrinsic V-(i)C-Other (i)CC-+ tla-, ne-tla-V-tla-CC-tla-CC-+ m(o)-, etc.m-V-m-iCC-mo-CC-+ m(o)-, etc. with CV- reduplicationm-V-V-m-i-iCC-mooCC-+ te:-, etc.te:-V-te:-iCC-te:-iCC-Intrinsic-likeEpenthetic-likeThe initial /i/ of (i)CC- sometimes behaves like a non-epenthetic, intrinsic vowel 50 </li><li> 51. It is almost impossible to give a phonological explanation of initial /i/s in (i)CC- stems51 </li><li> 52. Puzzle #4: cyclicity52 </li><li> 53. Explaining reduplicationWhat is the base of reduplicaton? Usually, reduplication occurs stem-internally However, reduplication of such forms as mo-lpia (&gt; moolpia) involves (part of) an inflectional prefix53 </li><li> 54. Paradox of process ordering Epenthesis/deletion of initial /i/ occurs before noun incorporation a:ka- person + (i)tta see a:kaitta respect (*a:katta)Allomorphy of m(o)- etc. realizes after incorporation However, m(o)- etc. constitute the input of reduplication (cf. mo-lpia &gt; moolpia) 54 </li><li> 55. Paradox of process ordering(i)CC- epenthesis &gt; incorporation Incorporation &gt; affixation of m(o)- etc. affixation of m(o)- etc. &gt; (i)CC- epenthesis55 </li><li> 56. Paradox of process ordering ReduplicationInflectionIncorporation56 </li><li> 57. i-drop analysis: an alternative The epenthesis analysis is intuitively plausible, but has many formal problems Most of these problems are limited to the particular combination of items (e.g. (i)CCstems and a few prefixes) 57 </li><li> 58. i-drop as lexical processes i-drop occurs in: 1.a- + (i)CC stem2.ne- + (i)CC stem3.Reflexive/possessive prefixes n(o)- etc. + non-saltillo (i)CC stem4. The reduplicated forms of 3 58 </li><li> 59. Lexicality of i-drop after a-A few (i)CC- verb/noun stems allow alternative forms such as: (i)mati prepare &gt; aimati ~ amati (i)akoa: damage &gt; aiakoa: ~ aakoa:59 </li><li> 60. Genuine i-epenthesis?A few (i)CC- forms drop the initial /i/ before an compounded noun or te: (i)kpal- seat &gt; a:ka-kpal- reed mat; o-kpal- sole of footReal i-epenthesis?60 </li><li> 61. Explaining the form moolpia ilpia: &gt; mo-lpia &gt; moolpia Reduplication rules are sensitive to the left border of the stem The original VCC- structure is retained after i-drop (and the prefixation of m(o)-) [STEM ilp] m[STEM o-lp ] mo-[STEM o-lp ] This i-drop does not occur in (i)C- stems 61 </li><li> 62. Reduplication rulesReduplication Rule 1 (CV-stem): [STEM C1V1 [STEM C1V1 - C1V1 Reduplication Rule 2 (V-stem): [STEM V1 [STEM V1 - V1 62 </li><li> 63. Reduplication of moolpia Vowel Incorporation Rule: V1[poss/refl] + [STEM iC1C2 [STEM V1C1C2C V m o[STEM V C C V ilpiV am(o)- + [STEM ilpia] m-[STEM olpia]Reduplication Rule 2: [STEM V1 [STEM V1 V1 molpia moolpia 63 </li><li> 64. Remaining problemWhy is Vowel Incorporation Rule limited to reflexive/possessive prefixes (n(o)-, m(o)-, etc.)?64 </li><li> 65. Reactive vs. inert prefixes Verbal affixation template of Classical Nahuatl Sbj.Obj.Dir.Refl.te:-a-Refl.n(i)- k(i)-on-n(o)-te:-a-ne-ReactiveINStemTAMPl.-s- Inert Reactive prefixes: morphosyntactic Contain -features (except for the directional prefixes) Irrelevant in derivation (e.g. deverbal noun formation)Inert prefixes: lexical(?) Relevant in derivation Often lexicalized 65 </li><li> 66. Generalization of Vowel Incorporation Rule It can be assumed that Vowel Incorporation Rule applies to all reactive prefixes, since they are the only reactive prefixes which end with a vowel vs. n-, k-, on-, etc. (cf. Tuggys (1981) epenthesis rule) 66 </li><li> 67. Reduplication of moolpia (revised) Vowel Incorporation Rule (revised): V1[reactive] + [STEM iC1C2 [STEM V1C1C2 m(o)- + [STEM ilpia] m-[STEM olpia]Reduplication Rule 2: [STEM V1 [STEM V1 V1molpia moolpia 67 </li><li> 68. Remaining problemsHow to exclude (i)C- stems from the Vowel Incorporation Rule? How to motivate these rules? More formalization is needed68 </li><li> 69. (i)CC- and i-drop analysisThe complicated patterns of the presence/absence of initial /i/ in (i)CCstems can more neatly be explained by deletion (i-drop) analysis69 </li><li> 70. Perhaps Carochi was correctFrom itta see and with tla something, ni-tla-tta I see something [is formed], because the initial i is absorbed into tla (Carochi 1645: f. 50r)70 </li><li> 71. o:=an-ne:-mo-kne:li-li-ke PRF=2PLS-1SGO-REFL-do.favor-APPL-PST.PLSMuchsimas gracias!71 </li><li> 72. References Andrews, J Richard. 1975. Introduction to Classical Nahuatl. Austin: University of Texas Press. Carochi, Horacio. 1645. Arte de la lengua mexicana con la declaracin de los advervios della. Mexico: Juan Ruiz. Haugen, Jason D. 2003. Morphology at the Interfaces. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Haugen, Jason D. 2004. Issues in Comparative Uto-Aztecan Syntax. Doctoral dissertation, University of Arizona. It, Junko. 1989. A prosodic theory of epenthesis. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 7: 217259 Tuggy, David. 1981. Epenthesis of i in Classical and Tetelcingo Nahuatl. Texas Linguistic Forum 18:223255. Tuggy, David. 1997. Rule-governed allomorphy can be suppletive also. Workpapers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics 41.72</li></ol>