NOVEMBER 2012

THE NEW WAY IN A MIGRANT PERSPECTIVE

VERONICA NORDLUND AND LISA PELLING

Table of Contents

Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................................................ 4

Introduction: The project A New Way In ....................................................................................................................... 6

Background and previous research ................................................................................................................................ 8

The reform ................................................................................................................................................................. 8

Migration theories and the importance of social networks ...................................................................................... 8

What is integration? .................................................................................................................................................. 9

Migration from Iraq to Sweden - a transnational corridor ...................................................................................... 10

Ways into Sweden ................................................................................................................................................... 11

Why Sweden? .......................................................................................................................................................... 12

Information channels ............................................................................................................................................... 13

Interview study ............................................................................................................................................................ 15

Background and method ......................................................................................................................................... 15

Life as a labour migrant in Sweden: a multifaceted picture .................................................................................... 15

“A residence permit is the goal”: on the factors that steer migration .................................................................... 17

“You find out through contacts”: on the relevance of different information channels .......................................... 18

“The only ones who don’t get exploited are those with a permanent residence permit”: on how prospects for

integration are affected by different migration channels ....................................................................................... 19

“It’s only now that people are starting to find out about the work permit”: on increasing knowledge about labour

migration ................................................................................................................................................................. 20

“They could make things easier with the rules and the requirements”: on labour migration management and

improving processes at the Swedish Migration Board ............................................................................................ 21

Summary and conclusions............................................................................................................................................ 23

Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................. 25

4

Executive Summary

On December 15th 2008 the Swedish Parliament passed a new law on labour migration to Sweden from

outside the EU/EES. The new legislation opened up a new way of entering Sweden, allowing employers

to recruit workers from abroad regardless of their skill level or country of origin. As a result, Sweden

went from having one of the most restrictive to one of the most liberal labour migration policies of the

OECD. At the same time, Sweden has remained one of the most important asylum countries of Europe

and there is also an extensive immigration of people coming to live with close relatives in Sweden. The

ways of coming to Sweden are numerous and Sweden has grown to become one of Europe’s top migrant

receiving countries. The share of the foreign born in the population is as high in Sweden as in the United

States. The second largest migrant group in Sweden comes from Iraq. Why have so many of the people

leaving Iraq chosen to come to Sweden?

A point of departure for the project “A New Way In” was a lack of knowledge about how well-informed

prospective migrants are about the possibilities of migrating to Sweden. How is the decision to come to

Sweden made? To what extent can migrants actively choose between coming here as asylum seekers or

as labour migrants? Where do migrants obtain their information from? A lot of the information about

Sweden as a destination and about the ways of getting here is transmitted by earlier migrants in the

same migration channel, in this case migrants who have come to Sweden from Iraq. How is the

information coloured by the experiences of relatives who have emigrated previously?

Human migration is a highly complex phenomenon. People are driven by a desire to improve living

conditions for themselves and for their families; they seek to escape violence, insecurity and meagre

future prospects. Early migrants are adventurers and risk-takers, subsequent migrants follow paths

already travelled. A comprehensive body of research reveals that individuals’ social networks of family

members, relatives, friends and compatriots are of critical importance in explaining human migration.

Our interviews with 45 Iraqi migrants confirm the significance of migrant’s social networks both as a

determinant of the destination choice and as a source of information once migrants have arrived in the

new country. Through these social networks, knowledge and information facilitating the migration

process is transmitted.

Migration to Sweden occurs through several different channels; residence permits are granted to asylum

seekers, labour migrants, students, researchers and for family reunification purposes. Different

migration channels have different implications for the integration process. Our findings show that it is

precarious to assume that all migrants are in a position to actively choose between different migration

channels. Not all who come here have had the option of choosing the, for them, “optimal” means of

migrating. While some have had time to plan ahead and consider different alternatives, others we have

spoken to have had to leave abruptly, choosing whatever means most accessible to them at the time.

An overview of previous studies exploring the factors that influence the choice of migration destination

reveal economic motives to be significant but not as dominant as previously assumed. For refugees,

geographical proximity is critical: the vast majority of the world’s refugees have simply crossed the

nearest international border. For those who choose to migrate beyond the immediately neighbouring

5

countries, access to social networks is the single most important determining factor. In our sample,

economic motives play a very limited role in the decision to come to Sweden. Instead, the estimated

probability of obtaining a residence permit is given considerable weight.

When it comes to seeking information about migration channels, social networks are again of key

importance, but various forms of professional intermediaries play an increasingly significant role. These

intermediaries can be smugglers, agents or lawyers who charge money to help people migrate. Such

services are employed not just by asylum seekers who travel “illegally” to Sweden, but also by many

migrant workers who rely on intermediaries in order to obtain job offers. Once migrants have arrived in

Sweden, professional intermediaries continue to play an important role. While information provided by

government agencies and authorities is often the most up to date and reliable source of information for

migrants in and outside Sweden, this information source is not always trusted by migrants.

An objective of the project “A New Way In” is to explore whether it is possible to improve migrant

integration in Sweden by facilitating informed migrant decision making. The literature identifies Sweden

as a leader on integration policy measures. At the same time, statistics show that Sweden has not been

particularly successful in evening out the differences between immigrants and natives on the labour

market. Our work shows that it is not self-evident that labour migrants should have better prospects for

integration in Sweden than asylum seekers. Integration is a matter of reducing differences in income and

living conditions between natives and immigrants. A large share of the labour migrants coming to

Sweden from Iraq work in jobs where there is a surplus of labour and where salaries are lower and

working conditions poorer than in the labour market at large. The statistics we have looked at for this

study show that very few have so far managed to convert their temporary work passes into permanent

residence permits. The temporary work permit holders we have spoken to frequently describe

vulnerable and insecure situations. The difference between temporary and permanent residence permits

is critical and needs to be taken into consideration when it comes to protecting labour migrants from

exploitation.

Considering how recently the reform took place, it is perhaps not surprising that many of the people we

have interviewed still feel uninformed or under-informed about the possibility of labour migration and

the rules that apply. A majority did not know about the possibility of coming to Sweden via labour

migration when they left Iraq, and some claim that no information from the Swedish Migration Board on

labour migration ever reached them. Others find that the rules are unnecessarily complicated and

unequally applied. Long wait times and non-transparent processes are a common source of frustration.

Especially problematic is the fact that information about changing status, that is, applying for a work

permit once an asylum application has been turned down, appears to reach migrants late in the asylum

process. A very strict time limit is imposed on migrants wishing to apply for a work permit from inside

Sweden after their asylum application is denied, making it imperative that information is laid out and

clearly explained as early on in the process as possible. Given how important migrants’ family and friends

in Sweden are as an information source pre- and post-migration, we feel that these groups should be

increasingly targeted in information efforts.

6

Introduction: The project A New Way In

Why do people choose Sweden as their migration destination? What do prospective migrants know

about Sweden? From where and from whom do they acquire information? To what extent is migrant

integration influenced by the choice of migration channel? And how can Swedish authorities, such as the

Swedish Migration Board and the Swedish Public Employment Agency, more efficiently reach

prospective migrants with information about the possible ways of coming to Sweden for work? These

are some of the questions that the project “A New Way In” seeks to answer. The project is managed by

the Swedish Migration Board with financing from the European Integration Fund and with Global

Challenge (Global Utmaning) and the Swedish Public Employment Agency as project partners. The

project started in October 2011 and will be concluded in June 2013.

The project aims to facilitate the process of selecting “a new way in” to Sweden – that of labour

migration, a possibility extended to non-EU citizens regardless of skill level through a reform in

December 2008. The project wants to improve the ability of prospective migrants to choose the means

of migration that best suits their individual circumstances, without in any way undermining the

possibility of seeking refuge in Sweden. The project empirically explores what factors influence migrants’

choice of Sweden as a destination. An underlying objective is to examine whether this new knowledge

can subsequently be transformed into improved service operations and processes at the Swedish

Migration Board, in order to promote labour migration and thereby achieve faster and better integration

of immigrants. The project makes a case study of recent years’ migration between Iraq and Sweden.

We know little about the factors that impact on migrants’ decision-making process. Identifying and

analysing these factors is crucial in order to effectively communicate the different gateways to the

destination country Sweden. Communication efforts must be tailored to the needs, preferences and

behaviour of the target group in order for the information to effectively reach the people it is intended

for.

Global Challenge is an independent think tank that analyses problems and proposes solutions to global

challenges in the fields of economics, climate and migration. For this project, Global Challenge has

looked at previous research on migrant decision making and examined available knowledge and data on

the migration between Iraq and Sweden. This research overview was an attempt to compile and sum up

relevant studies and research findings from both Swedish and international sources, and constituted an

important step in the preparations of the subsequent qualitative interview study. Combined, the

research overview and the interview study form the knowledge base for the analysis of the links

between information accessibility, choice of migration channel and integration in the destination country

that the project carries out. We hope that our work will contribute towards a stimulating discussion

around the central issues that the project “A New Way In” addresses.

We have interviewed 45 Iraqi migrants. This report provides a brief overview of their stories and

experiences and summarises our findings. The findings are not easily generalised to apply to immigrant

workers from other countries. Persons born in Iraq make up the second largest immigrant group in

7

Sweden today, after migrants from Finland. The immigration from Iraq has in many ways shaped and

formed migration patterns to Sweden in recent years.

The project “A New Way In” has five concrete objectives:

1. Increase knowledge about the factors influencing how people choose to migrate.

2. Increase knowledge about the role of different information channels in making this choice.

3. Increase knowledge about how the prospects for migrant integration are influenced by this

choice.

4. Increase awareness about labour migration to Sweden within the target group.

5. Investigate how the labour migration reform has been handled, and identify potential

improvements to the Swedish Migration Boards’ processes that would ensure that the possibility

of labour migration is better utilised.

This report is an abridged version of two more comprehensive reports, the research overview and the

interview study, written in Swedish by Global Challenge as part of our contribution to the project “A New

Way In”. The first part of this report relates the key elements of our research overview and summarises

the findings of earlier studies. The second part briefly describes the sample and methodology of our

interview study and relates the main results of the interviews. In the last chapter we present our

conclusions.

8

Background and previous research

The reform

On December 15th 2008 the Swedish Riksdag passed a new law on labour migration to Sweden from

outside the EU/EES. Concerns over present and future labour shortages motivated the reform. Whereas

labour migration had previously been very restricted, between 1972 and 2008 essentially limited to very

short-term employment or highly specialised occupations only, the reform created an almost completely

demand-driven system. The job offer must meet a number of criteria: the worker must be able to live on

his or her salary, and the salary, the insurance cover and other employment conditions must meet the

prevailing or collectively agreed upon standards in a particular occupation or industry. Another condition

is that the job is advertised to prospective applicants in EU countries beforehand. There are, however, no

limits imposed on the number of permits that can be issued or renewed and migrant workers can be

hired for any occupation without having to meet any particular skill requirements. This makes the

Swedish legislation uniquely open and unrestricted (OECD 2011, Ruhs 2011).

The reform also opened up for the possibility for rejected asylum seekers to change status, provided that

their job permit application is submitted within two weeks of the rejection of their asylum application. In

the OECD’s (2011) assessment of the reform, this channel for status change is deemed overly restrictive.

The OECD further assesses that the reform has made it “relatively simple, fast and inexpensive” (2011,

12) for employers to recruit from abroad and that the reform allows for migrant recruitment in firms and

occupations that were previously excluded. Potential causes for concern, according to the OECD, are that

a large share of entries are for non-shortage occupations and that labour migrants to a lesser extent than

before the reform work in higher-wage firms. The risk for over-qualification of foreign workers needs to

be monitored (OECD 2011).

Migration theories and the importance of social networks

The past 30 years of migration research have seen a shift away from the neoclassical theories on

migration and have contributed towards a recognition of migration as a highly complex social

phenomenon, not easily explained by mere push and pull factors. The neoclassical models are built on

the assumption that all migrants have perfect information about wage differences and employment

rates in different countries. In reality it is often very difficult for a migrant to judge whether or not

international migration will be beneficial to them (Castles and Miller 2009, 23). We know that people are

attracted to higher wages and better living conditions, but also that their migratory behaviour is not

motivated by a simple cost-benefit analysis alone. Security is an important factor, as well as future

prospects. Individuals seldom make migration decisions on their own, but as part of families and

households. Migrants are not passive victims of economic forces, nor are states powerless when it comes

to shaping and steering migrant flows.

9

A reason why it is difficult to formulate theories or reliable predictions about human migration is that it

is hard to quantify the value of social networks. Social networks based on close relationships with family

and friends and bonds between individuals in social communities are important components in the

analysis of migration systems, claimed Boyd in the pioneering article “Family and Personal Networks in

International Migration: Recent Developments and New Agendas” from 1989. The information

transmitted through social networks makes it both less risky and less costly to migrate. Previous migrants

can provide advice on safe and affordable routes and migration channels, and can facilitate the process

of finding work and accommodation in the new country. It is cost-saving to choose paths already

trodden, and with time these paths become migration corridors that connect one country to another. An

implication of this is that we would expect migration to increase over time, and also become gradually

less selective. The migration from a given country tends to be concentrated to a limited number of

destination countries (Collyer 2005).

There exists no uniform standard in migration theory. As Castles and Miller put it in their seminal text

book “The Age of Migration”, “no single cause is ever sufficient to explain why people decide to leave

their own country and settle in another” (Castles and Miller 2009, 30). To try and look for the optimal

migration theory would be futile, argue migration researchers Portes and de Wind in an attempt to

summarise recent years’ migration research, since such a theory would have to be formulated at such a

high level of abstraction that it would lose all practical relevance (Portes and de Wind 2004, 829).

Instead, we have to make do with sets of theories that explain various segments of the complex

phenomenon that human migration represents.

What is integration?

Integration can be regarded as a process through which differences between natives and immigrants

gradually diminish for various indicators, such as income-levels and levels of employment (Brubaker

2001; Bolt et al 2010). On the labour market, integration happens when foreign-born workers of

comparable age, education, skills and experience with time attain the same salaries and employment

rates as native-born workers (Venturini 2011).

Sweden has long been regarded as something of a role model on integration policy. The organisation

Migration Policy Group has since 2007 annually released an index on integration policy in 31 European

and North American countries, the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX). Sweden has topped the

index since the start in 2007. According to the researchers behind the index, “immigrants to Sweden will

find that rare combination of a country experienced with immigration and open to their economic

potential” otherwise only found in countries like Canada and Portugal (Huddleston et al. 2011, 190).

The Swedish integration policy has, however, not managed to prevent significant differences between

native and foreign-born Swedes on the labour market. When it comes to labour market integration,

Sweden is far from a role model (Weisbrock 2011). In 2006, only an estimated 57.4 per cent of males

from Iraq who had come to Sweden in the years 1990-1995 had a job, and only 48.3 per cent of the

women (Hedberg and Malmberg 2010, 44-45). The degree of migrant integration appears to depend to a

10

large extent on when migrants arrive in Sweden; integration happens more quickly for those who

immigrate during economic booms than for those who arrive in times of high unemployment (Hedberg

and Malmberg 2010).

It is still too early to say how the range of integration policies introduced when the so-called

“establishment reform” was adopted in 2010 will impact on new migrants’ prospects for integration.

Through this reform, asylum seekers and their families are given access to considerable “establishment

measures” such as language courses, complementary vocational training, and internships. Notably, these

measures are not extended to labour migrants.

Migration from Iraq to Sweden - a transnational corridor

Migration from Iraq to Sweden was limited up until the mid-1970s (Hedberg and Malmberg 2010). It

started to increase when Kurds from Iraq began to be granted asylum in Sweden from 1975 and onwards

(Emanuelsson 2007, 262). In the wake of the ethnic cleansing campaign waged against Kurds in Iraq at

the end of the 1980s and massacres following an uprising after the Iraqi defeat in the Gulf War, the flow

of migrants intensified; 3,355 Iraqis were granted asylum in Sweden in 1992 and 2,907 in 1993. The

migration from Iraq then slowly increased up until the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. In total 77,640

Iraqis obtained a Swedish residence permit between 1990 and 2005 (Swedish Migration Board 2012a).

Between 2004 and 2006 the number of migrants from Iraq quadrupled, from 2,035 people in 2004 to

almost 10,000 in 2006. Data shows how the large waves of asylum seekers from Iraq 1992/1993 and

2006/2007 were followed by subsequent waves of close relatives in the following years.

In 2007 Sweden received more Iraqi asylum seekers than any other industrialised country (UNHCR

2010), making Sweden the second largest refugee destination in absolute numbers of all the

industrialised countries (UNHCR 2011, 12). Almost every second asylum application made by an Iraqi

citizen in Europe was submitted in Sweden that year (Swedish Migration Board 2010). One reason why

so many Iraqis came to Sweden was the relatively generous asylum legislation that Sweden had

compared to nearby countries (Brekke and Aarset 2009). Another reason was that Sweden, and in

particular the city of Södertälje, had become an important centre for ethnic Assyrians and the Syriac

church (Röshammar 2009). UNHCR writes in a report from the same year: “It is believed that the

extensive Iraqi community and its strong social network in the country may have been driving forces

behind the concentration of Iraqi asylum-seekers in Sweden” (UNHCR 2009, 8). The fact that Södertälje,

a medium-size town of some 80,000 residents, for a while received more refugees from Iraq than all of

the United States and Canada combined attracted a lot of international attention. The Major of

Södertälje at the time, Anders Lago, was even invited to testify before the American Congress.

Today’s migration from Iraq has mixed components; Iraqis come as both labour migrants and asylum

seekers. A large portion comes to Sweden to be reunited with family members. The typical migrant from

Iraq to Sweden today is a man in his thirties. Data from the statistics unit at the Swedish Migration Board

shows that of the 11,552 residence permits granted Iraqi citizens 2007-2011, roughly three quarters

went to male migrants. Data also shows that around 36 per cent of residence permits were issued to

migrants between 30 and 39 years of age.

11

Around 123,000 Iraqi-born persons live in Sweden today. Only migrants from Finland constitute a larger

portion of the foreign-born. This makes Iraq one of Sweden’s closest “neighbours", demographically

speaking. Many people born in Iraq lead their lives in both Sweden and Iraq simultaneously. Between the

countries there is a transnational corridor in which people travel back and forth, make transactions,

conduct business and share ideas and experiences. The ties created between the two countries is going

to shape the relations between Sweden and Iraq for decades to come.

Ways into Sweden

Sweden issues residence permits to migrants from non-EU countries for a number of different reasons.

Residence permits are given to asylum seekers deemed to be in need of protection, to labour migrants,

to persons coming to be reunited with close relatives or a spouse, as well as to students, researchers and

adopted children. Consequently, there are many ways into Sweden.

It is not possible to apply for asylum from Swedish embassies abroad. Through the Dublin Convention,

the EU countries have implemented a system by which asylum applications typically have to be

examined by the Member State through which the asylum seeker first entered the EU. In order to apply

for asylum in Sweden an Iraqi citizen must consequently first cross the border into Sweden.

For a person with an Iraqi passport it is normally very difficult to obtain a visa to Sweden. The Embassy of

Sweden in Baghdad does not currently issue visas, instead Iraqis must travel to one of the Swedish

embassies in, for example, Damascus or Amman. The visa applications have a high rejection rate and it is

very probable that the majority of today’s Iraqi asylum seekers have entered Europe and Sweden

without valid travel documents. This form of travel is often risky and difficult, and associated with

considerable costs for the migrant. There are many intermediaries demanding to be paid along the way.

It is difficult to say exactly how much an Iraqi migrant must pay to reach Sweden. According to the

Secretary-General for AGEF, a free-standing German organisation with offices in Erbil, a journey to

Sweden without valid travel documents costs between ten and twenty thousand US dollars (Interview

with Director Dünnhaupt 2009-12-12).

The vast majority of people coming to Sweden from Iraq come as asylum seekers or to be reunited with

family members. But a growing number are also entering Sweden as labour migrants and in 2011 Iraqi

citizens made up the sixth largest group of labour migrants to Sweden. The labour migration from Iraq

has since the reform of 2008 largely been concentrated to unskilled jobs.

Unlike asylum seekers who often have to use risky and costly means in travelling to Sweden, labour

migrants can travel legally and by regular means once a work permit has been granted. There are,

however, indications that many labour migrants pay considerable sums of money for their job offers.

Data from the Swedish Migration Board also shows that a large share of the work permits are issued to

Iraqi citizens already in Sweden. Up to as many as half of all Iraqi work permit applications come from

former asylum applicants, so-called “track-changers” (Jonsson 2012). The Swedish Migration Board also

indicates that a lot of the recruitment of Iraqi citizens is done by Iraqi compatriots.

12

Whereas asylum seekers are subject to a range of measures intended to facilitate their integration in

Sweden, these measures have not been extended to labour migrants who, for instance, receive no

financial support for attending Swedish language classes. Another important difference is that asylum

seekers often are granted permanent residency from the start whereas work permits never are granted

for more than two years at a time, with the eligibility for permanent residency arising only after a

migrant has lived four of the previous five consecutive years in Sweden on a work permit. In its 2011

report, the OECD drew attention to the fact that the Swedish legislation has not been able to guarantee

that labour migrants effectively obtain the salary and the terms outlined in their employment contracts.

Why Sweden?

What distinguishes Sweden? Trying to form an idea of what characterises Sweden in the eyes of non-

Swedes is easier said than done. In the publication “The Nordic Way”, Global Challenge has tried to

explain the economic success of the Nordic countries. Underlying success factors presented in the report

are political stability, transparent institutions, a high capacity for adopting new technology, a high level

of education and flexible open markets (Berggren and Trädgårdh 2011). Sweden is generally considered

successful also by non-Nordic analysts and will often be found in the top ten in international rankings

such as the UNDP’s Human Development Index.

The image of Sweden differs somewhat depending on where in the world you are, however. A report

written for the Swedish Institute shows that the view of Sweden is vaguer and less positive in the MENA-

region than in many other parts of the world (Bergman 2008). Even if the image of Sweden as a country

of democracy, equality and high regard for human rights exists in this region as well, knowledge of

Sweden is limited and Sweden is described as a less attractive place for work and studies than, for

example, Canada (Bergman 2008).

There is plenty of research on migration to Sweden but surprisingly little on the reasons why people

choose to come here instead of going elsewhere. Moore and Shellman (2007) have tried to answer the

question of what makes people choose one country over another. They show that refugees do not

primarily look for places with better economic prospects, rather geographical proximity is the single

most influential factor; most refugees just cross the nearest international border. The few that continue

beyond the directly neighbouring countries tend to follow colonial patterns. Robinson and Segrott (2002)

show that asylum seekers take factors such as whether a country is democratic and wealthy into account

in their migration process, but will tend to not distinguish between Western countries as it is assumed

they are all rich and democratic. After that, the most important factor is having family or friends in the

destination country.

In previous studies, a commonly cited reason for the choice of Sweden as a destination is that the risk of

being forced to return home is perceived as low. But many asylum seekers also describe their coming to

Sweden as the result of chance rather than an active choice. They chose to leave their home country but

not to come to Sweden, they “ended up” here. Many refugees have to leave their homes abruptly

13

without much time for consideration. This does not mean, however, that they are passive victims of

circumstance. There is a level of consensus among researchers, says Moore and Shellman (2007), that

refugees do make active and conscious choices even if it is done under very restrained conditions.

Information channels

Research indicates that asking migrants about the information sources used in the migration process

might be less straight-forward than it seems. In a report on the importance of social networks for

information transmission to asylum seekers, Koser and Pinkerton note that there is an unwillingness

among asylum seeker representatives (support groups, lawyers and so on) to talk about where migrants

get their information from. This unwillingness stems from a concern that knowledge about the

information channels used can but turned against future migrants and make it more difficult for them to

leave their countries (Koser and Pinkerton 2002, 7).

The importance of social networks in the migration process cannot be under-emphasised. Compared to

other information sources, such as government authorities or different forms of smugglers and agents,

migrants trust their social network the most (Koser and Pinkerton 2002). This does not necessarily mean

that the information spread via social networks is necessarily correct or up to date. Often a prospective

migrant’s friends and relatives may have spent a long time in the destination country, and may find it

difficult to judge what sort of information is currently most relevant for somebody considering moving

there. Previous migrants can also have a tendency to exaggerate the positive aspects of life in the new

country. There is a built-in paradox here: authorities have a clear information advantage and are better

able to provide correct and up to date information than almost any other actor, but in the migrants’ eyes

they are not credible.

Intermediaries, such as smugglers, play an important role in passing on information. “Some asylum

seekers have effectively lost control of their own migration, with their destinations being dictated by

smugglers rather than, for example, by the location of friends and family” (Koser and Pinkerton 2002, 3).

Evidence suggests that intermediaries play a role not just for refugees but for labour migrants trying to

obtain a work permit as well.

As many migrants have to spend extended periods of time in transit countries before tickets and travel

documents can be arranged for onward travel, information channels in major transit destinations are

highly relevant in reaching migrants with information. Finally, the role of information and

communication technology and the printed and electronic media should not be underestimated. When

Sweden received a large share of the Iraqi refugees that came to Europe and North America 2006-2007,

this was picked up and reported by the international media. Hansen (2009) describes how Canadian

radio proclaimed “generous Sweden” to be the country outside the Middle East that had been most

welcoming to Iraqi immigrants. This type of publicity can prompt further migration to Sweden.

We cannot understand today’s international migration without understanding the information flows that

shape it, state Ros et al., saying that migration today, more than ever, is characterised by that “potential

14

migrants take informed decisions” (2007, 17). The record high information availability that we see today

does not necessarily contribute to more well-grounded decisions, however. Television and internet can

spread a skewed and embellished view of life in the West and an abundance of migrant-targeted

internet forums serve to transmit both correct and misguiding information (Schapendouk and Van

Moppes 2007).

15

Interview study

Background and method

Global Challenge has conducted the interview study. We have produced an interview guide and selected

criteria for the selection of respondents. Joanna Teglund recruited respondents and conducted the

interviews with Salwa Barsoun interpreting from and to Arabic. All interviews were later transcribed in

Swedish. Interviews were carried out in the Swedish cities of Södertälje and Halmstad. Lisa Pelling and

Veronica Nordlund have collected and analysed the material.

We have talked to 45 respondents in total. Of these 45, fifteen are labour migrants: four came to

Sweden directly with a work permit and eleven changed status, that is, applied for a work permit when

their asylum application was turned down. An additional four have come to Sweden as close relatives of

labour migrants. Twelve have been granted asylum and two obtained their residence permit as close

relatives of asylum seekers. The remaining twelve are either still waiting for a decision on their asylum

application or have remained in Sweden after their application was turned down. All have come to

Sweden during the period 2006-2012.

Both focus group and in-depth interviews were built up in sequences using an inductive, conversational

approach that was intended to allow respondents to speak freely without too much steering from the

interviewer. This meant that interviews varied in length, from around 45 minutes to up to 3,5 hours.

Life as a labour migrant in Sweden: a multifaceted picture

What is life as a labour migrant in Sweden like? The picture our respondents draw up has many layers.

We have heard storied of vulnerability and exploitation, but also tales of people who have quickly been

able to create a good life for themselves in Sweden. These contrasts are illustrated by the experiences of

two of our respondents below.

Nadir, 23, came to Sweden having never worked before. His parents and younger siblings were granted

asylum but Nadir was told he was a grown-up now and could make his own living in Iraq. Shortly after his

asylum application was turned down he heard about the possibility of obtaining a work permit in

Sweden. He found a job and was granted a temporary residence permit. Nadir started out wiping tables

at a fast food chain. “You could say that the first week or month, I couldn’t speak at all.” Soon Nadir was

allowed to start working in the kitchen, serving customers and supervising new employees. He picked up

Swedish and when his talent for repairing broken equipment in the restaurant was discovered, he was

sent away on training. He has been promised additional supervisor training and says he has hopes of one

day becoming restaurant manager. For Nadir, work proved a far more effective way of learning Swedish

than taking classes:

16

I went to two classes, everyone was as old as my mum and dad. And they talked all the time. A

man behind me was saying how he didn’t understand anything. And two women kept talking

about what they were cooking. I learnt nothing. I became really tired. I only went twice, then I

started working at the fast food restaurant. […] I learn Swedish at work.

But not everyone has the good fortune of finding a work place where the colleagues speak Swedish and

there are opportunities to gradually advance to more qualified tasks. In stark contrast to Nadir’s story is

the story of George, 43.

George had his own business in Iraq, and never seriously considered migrating until the security situation

grew untenable in February 2006. He left Iraq and lived and worked for a few years in the United Arab

Emirates as a project leader in the field of radio and television security systems, with a good salary and

his own chauffeur. But the knowledge that the slightest slip-up could cost him his job and have him

immediately sent back to Iraq grated on him, and the rents in the UAE were high. So when friends in

Sweden started urging him to come here he eventually gave in.

I had to find a solution that would give me stability somewhere. I heard from many that in Europe

one could live well. So I came here. It’s not like you come specifically to Sweden, you look for

places where there are people who can receive you.

George came to Sweden on a visa purchased for US$5,000. In Sweden he initially applied for asylum even

though he knew his chances were probably small and was prepared to have his application denied. After

his asylum application was turned down, George eventually obtained a work permit that allowed him to

stay in Sweden.

Today George works as a cleaner at a company run by other Iraqis. “I have no contact with Swedes” he

says. George works long hours and earns very little, but feels that there is nothing he can do to improve

his situation. He has to work for four years in Sweden before he can apply for permanent residency.

I am aware that my residence permit is temporary. If it was permanent, maybe I could complain

about something at work. But I don’t dare to, because I live in uncertainty.

Our interviews with George and others show that the weak status of labour migrants on the Swedish

labour market is rooted in a combination of circumstances. Some of them apply to all new arrivals in a

country, such as not knowing the language and finding oneself in a new, unfamiliar environment. For

labour migrants from an insecure country such as Iraq this sense of vulnerability is further reinforced by

the perception of not having anything to return to. Many have had to pay their way to a job in Sweden

and arrive here indebted. Those who cannot or have not had the time to get their qualifications

validated find themselves working in unskilled jobs. And on top of this the residence permit is temporary.

George says:

If I had a permanent residence permit I could maybe learn the language, get an education and

then maybe develop my skills so that I could get a better job. Now I have to concentrate on the

work, on doing a good job, on keeping my employer pleased so that I can keep the job.

17

“A residence permit is the goal”: on the factors that steer migration

The vast majority of Iraqi migrants still come as asylum seekers or as relatives of asylum seekers. As

might therefore be expected, the majority of our respondents have not felt that they were presented

with a choice in selecting a way into Sweden to any greater extent. It is probable that this will change as

the reform on labour migration becomes more well-known, and as the situation in Iraq stabilises and the

level of violence drops. But there are also practical factors that may impede labour migration today. It is

currently not possible to apply for a work permit from the Embassy of Sweden in Baghdad. The difficulty

of obtaining a job in Sweden is another practical difficulty that our respondents often mention.

Several of our respondents describe a situation where a planned migration has not been possible, and

where the migrant and his or her family have felt compelled to leave as soon as possible. In such a

situation, the option of going as a labour migrant is virtually eliminated, and the choice of migration path

and destination country is also severely constrained. To the extent that our respondents describe a

choice between different ways of migrating, it is often presented as a choice between a cheaper and

riskier alternative – being smuggled – and a more expensive but safer way – obtaining a visa on the black

market. A number of respondents underline that “legal” ways are to be preferred from “illegal” ways of

migrating.

Our empirical findings clearly show that the estimated probability of obtaining a residence permit and

being allowed to stay in the country of destination is an important determinant of the choice of

destination. In motivating the choice of Sweden as a destination, almost all respondents referred either

to the presence of family members or other close acquaintances here, or to the fact that Sweden was

deemed to be the country most likely to let them stay, or both. Other complementary motives were that

Sweden is a safe country and a country with good future prospects for the family’s children.

Others underline that they could just as well have ended up elsewhere.

Respondent 23: But really, you can’t choose. You can’t say I want to go here or there. It all

depends on what opportunities you get or which way is the easiest. We never discussed if one

country was better to go to than another. We just wanted to leave the country and get to the

safe shore.

Most of our respondents have used some form of intermediary that have charged for helping them

travel to Sweden, either via smuggling or through visa arrangements. Sometimes the smugglers got the

final say in the choice of destination, sometimes the migrants themselves got to choose.

Of the few that have come to Sweden directly as labour migrants, none cite economic motives and all

refer to menacing or difficult circumstances that forced them to leave Iraq. Labour migration is not seen

as a way to raise the migrant’s living standard, instead other advantages with this way of migrating are

presented: it allows for legal, safe travel into Sweden and the outcome is less unpredictable than when

applying for asylum. The migrants in our sample coming directly from Iraq with a work permit have all

had help from relatives in Sweden with obtaining a job offer.

18

Many respondents are sceptical of Sweden being a country to which Iraqis would travel primarily to

work. The possibility of getting a good job is perceived as smaller in Sweden than in for example Canada

or the United States. A common perception is that Sweden is a good country for children and the old, but

that other countries offer better opportunities for people of working age. Countries where English is

spoken are seen as particularly attractive – mostly because of the language but also because migrants via

television and mass media have a better image of what life in these countries is like.

Respondent 23: If I could have chosen I would have gone to Australia or the US. The situation

there is different. I have relatives there who tell me that the living standard is much better

considering my age, since I’m young. When it comes to Sweden you think about the economic

situation, that here you get help if you don’t work, if you’re sick and if you’re old. But since I’m

young and able to work this doesn’t matter. I can go to other countries.

“You find out through contacts”: on the relevance of different information

channels

What role do different information sources play in the migration process? Our respondents were asked

about how they collected information about getting to Sweden and about the possibility of obtaining a

residence permit here. The most commonly cited source of information was, again, friends and family.

Respondent 24: I knew very little. My relatives told me to come, there is life here, there is safety,

a good life, rights. Then you think that they’ve lived here a long time they know what it’s like in

this country. You trust them because they have experience.

Several of our respondents stress that they knew very little about Sweden before coming here.

Respondent 22: I had no idea what Sweden was like as a country. I had no information either

about Sweden or about Europe. Because you hadn’t thought of going to Europe. But when I got

to Sweden I was surprised. Here was a life you could live. Life here is like a movie: simplicity, joy,

nature and security. It’s nice.

Once in Sweden, relatives and friends continue to be an important source of information, for example in

finding a job or obtaining a work permit. And for migrants coming to Sweden directly with a work permit,

the presence of personal contacts in Sweden appears to be critical:

Respondent 17: The Iraqis who come here directly from Iraq with a work permit are those with

family here. Some close relative with their own business or who knows somebody with a business

that will help a relative with a work permit. Never otherwise.

Only a few references to sources other than the social networks are made. One respondent heard about

labour migration to Sweden on some television show. A couple of others consulted the Internet, but

remark that not everything they read on the Internet turned out to be correct. Only one respondent

refers to the information on work permits available on the Swedish Migration Board’s website.

19

“The only ones who don’t get exploited are those with a permanent residence

permit”: on how prospects for integration are affected by different migration

channels

There are many reasons as to why labour migrants find themselves in a more exposed position on the

labour market than other wage earners. To an extent, this vulnerability is something that will inevitably

characterise an individual’s first period in a new country – a result of not speaking the language, not

being familiar with rules and regulations, and not knowing where to turn for help. The fact that work

permits are temporary, limited to two years at a time, adds to this vulnerability. As employers are in a

position to withdraw or extend work permits, they exert a direct influence on the right of a migrant

worker to live legally in Sweden. As a result, migrants who feel that they for various reasons cannot

return to their home country are particularly susceptible to exploitation. Among our respondents there

are several who feel that they cannot return to Iraq, not feeling safe there. Others have “burned their

bridges” and cannot return because they have sold everything they owned or have incurred large debts.

Another particularly susceptible group are labour migrants working in sectors where there is a labour

surplus. A large portion of the work permit holders from Iraq work in low-skilled jobs where they are

easily replaceable and where finding a new job is likely to be difficult.

Our respondents are overall quite sceptical as to how the system of labour migration is intended to

function. Their perspectives serve to illustrate how difficult it can be to come to Sweden on a work

permit if you lack the specialist or professional competences that are high in demand.

Respondent 10: Iraqis applying for a work permit and coming here, that’s pure fantasy. It’s not

logical. Because even Iraqis already living here, even those with Swedish citizenship can’t get a

job here. And how should Iraqis living in Iraq even know about the possibility of getting a work

permit if those already living here as Swedish citizens can’t get this information? How should

others know?

Several respondents describe situations where they are exploited by their employers and feel they are

treated differently to colleagues with a permanent residence permit. Others insist that they are not

being exploited but that they perceive their situation as insecure.

Respondent 14: We are really worried about the work permit, if we’ll get it extended or what’s

going to happen. And with all the suffering we’ve been through we still don’t feel that we have a

stable life. […] I often pray for this employer that God will give him good income, that everything

will go well for his business so that he can continue offering this position and I can stay working

for him. To us, work is a blessing. It’s important to work and make your own living.

Data from the Swedish Migration Board shows that Iraqi work permit holders to a large extent are hired

by their compatriots (Swedish Migration Board 2012b). Our findings suggest that this may have

implications for their integration prospects, in particular because it might be difficult to learn Swedish in

a work place where Swedish is not the working language.

20

Respondent 19: But it’s hard with the language. I work from seven to five. When should I learn

the language? […] To live and work here you need to speak the language. It’s important. In Iraq

English is enough, at work and everywhere. Here you need to speak Swedish. When we work long

days we have no chance to go to school to learn the language. It’s a problem.

Respondent 23: Of those I know that have a work permit the only one that doesn’t get exploited

is someone who works at Lidl. The ones that get exploited work for immigrants, in restaurants

and bakeries. Instead of hiring three, four people they hire one on a work permit and say you

have to work.

“It’s only now that people are starting to find out about the work permit”: on

increasing knowledge about labour migration

A majority of respondents in our interview study claim they did not know about the possibility to apply

for a work permit before coming to Sweden. Many also assert that the Swedish Migration Board did not

provide them with any information about this possibility when they first came here, or that the

information came very late in the asylum process. Overall, the Swedish Migration Board does not seem

to be the primary source of information on labour migration to Sweden. In those cases where the

Swedish Migration Board has actively provided migrants with this information, it has generally been after

the respondent’s asylum application has been turned down. That information reaches migrants this late

in the process is a problem for those who are not granted asylum, as they only have two weeks to

“change tracks” and apply for a work permit. After two weeks, they are required to leave the country

and can only apply from abroad.

Respondents’ social networks of friends and family in Sweden are important information sources as

migrants try to find out how the labour migration process works. These contacts are also important

when it comes to finding an employer and obtaining a job offer. The hypothetical scenario where a

person in Iraq, unaided, contacts Swedish employers and obtains a job offer from afar is generally

regarded as unrealistic by the respondents.

Respondent 13: It’s a problem that we don’t know the rules about work permits. And we don’t

know who to ask about these rules. If I get a chance to go to university to get an education, for

example, I don’t know if I’m allowed to do that or if I will lose my work permit if I do. Or what will

happen to my family, if they will lose their residence permits if I got to university because their

permits are tied to mine.

Respondent 11: What I found out from my friends and relatives in Sweden was that if you find a

job here you can apply for a work permit and then it’s valid for two years and then two more

years and then after four years you get permanent residency. And when you come here you have

the same rights as everybody else so there’s no difference. When I got this information I started

looking for a job through my friends. We Iraqis, we have many friends and acquaintances and

you can get help from them. And when I found a job I started my application. It took about seven

21

months and then I got the permit and then I came here. There was a person here who helped me

since I wasn’t in the country. I didn’t find out from this person that you could apply on your own

on the Internet but I read about it on the Swedish Migration Board website in English. But it’s not

easy. I think it’s important to have someone in Sweden who can help out.

“They could make things easier with the rules and the requirements”: on labour

migration management and improving processes at the Swedish Migration Board

From a migrant perspective, the process of obtaining a work permit is often seen as costly and

complicated. Some of the regulations are met with complete incomprehension on the part of our

respondents, such as the fact that the application for a work permit nowadays has to be submitted in a

country where the applicant has a valid residence permit. Previously, it was common for former asylum

seekers to go to one of the neighbouring countries, often Norway, to apply for a work permit once their

asylum application was rejected. This possibility has now been removed.

Respondent 6: I heard that to apply for a work permit we have to return to our home country.

But how can we do that, we’ve fled from there? We can’t. When they tell us this they just

completely close that door. Before you might have had some hope, that you could look for a job

and get a work permit. But now that they say you have to return to your home country you

almost lose the motivation to look for a job.

There is a widespread notion among our respondents that many cannot “afford” a work permit. The

reasoning behind this varied, but one reason was that labour migrants sometimes are required by the

employer to cover their own payroll taxes and social security contributions. Others buy themselves a job

offer and only work on paper.

Respondent 15: Whether you pay for smuggling or for a job offer, it’s the same. I’m not saying

everyone, but some people do this. And it’s expensive. I don’t know if everybody pays 10,000 SEK

but normally you pay both tax and social security contributions and give money to the employer

for him to fix this. […] I know nine, ten people who do this. The employer puts money in their

accounts and they take it out and pay it back to the employer.

Some respondents complain about long wait times as their applications are processed and a number also

express frustration over what they perceive as arbitrary and non-transparent treatment of their work

permit applications.

Respondent 23: I don’t know what the law says. If they don’t follow the law it’s better to not

have a law. They apply the law to some people but not to others. I had to wait five and a half

years. Where has the law been all this time?

Respondent in focus group 3: The same person who gave my daughter a job offer gave me an

offer too. It was fifteen days between her application results and mine. Hers was granted and

mine was turned down. Because they didn’t accept that I was in Denmark. And my daughter’s

22

work permit was granted without her having to leave the country. We had two different

administrators.

Finally, there is a great deal of frustration about the difficulty of obtaining a residence permit in Sweden

as self-employed.

Respondent 24: I have asked many lawyers and they all say the same thing; it’s very hard and it’s

like banging your head against a wall. I asked one who said it can’t be done. I asked another and

he said it’s really difficult, it will cost you a lot of money. So I haven’t even tried. I got information

from a friend via e-mail one time. He said I have to have 200,000 SEK as a bank deposit and I

have to own at least fifty per cent of the business. Then you have to have a balance sheet,

accounts and a business plan. It’s too complicated and they say it will take time, maybe eight

months, a year, maybe more. Nobody knows.

23

Summary and conclusions

This report summarises the results from a research overview and a qualitative interview study that

constitute Global Challenge’s contribution to the project “A New Way In”. Two longer, more

comprehensive reports are available in Swedish. The goal of the study was to accumulate knowledge

relevant for the project’s objectives: to increase knowledge about the factors that determine the choice

of migration channels, about different information sources’ impact on this choice, and about how the

prospects for integration are affected by this choice. The project also aims to increase knowledge about

labour migration to Sweden in the target group and suggest improvements to the Swedish Migration

Board’s labour migration processes.

Choosing how to migrate

It is difficult, at least when it comes to the migration from Iraq, to describe the decision of how to

migrate as one founded on a free and active choice. Many of our respondents have not felt that they had

a choice; they had to leave Iraq, and they came to Sweden through whatever means were available to

them at the time. Many recount how the decision to leave Iraq was taken at short notice and under

extreme pressure. A majority did not know of the possibility to apply for a work permit in Sweden at all.

This project has conducted a case study among migrants from Iraq. The results cannot necessarily be

generalised to other migrant groups coming to Sweden. It is probable that the factors influencing the

migration decisions of persons in countries with less violence and insecurity are very different. Our

respondents’ experiences also differ greatly from those of migrants whose academic and professional

qualifications can more easily be validated and put to use in Sweden, and who are therefore more

attractive to Swedish employers.

The significance of information channels

Our interviews confirm the importance of migrants’ social networks as a source of information. With few

exceptions our respondents attest to having asked family members, friends and acquaintances for advice

prior to migrating. We have, however, also found indications that professional intermediaries are a

common source of information. Our respondents have accepted advice from smugglers on the way to

Sweden, and having arrived, have consulted different types of “lawyers” who play an important role in

transmitting information.

For asylum seekers the information they receive from Swedish Migration Board officials is likely to be of

decisive importance. The results of our interview study serve as a reminder that information transmitted

at the beginning of an asylum process spreads through the asylum seeker’s personal network, in Sweden

as well as the migrant-sending country.

Most of our respondents did not know about the possibility of coming to Sweden via labour migration

before leaving Iraq. That individual migrants lack knowledge about the rules pertaining to labour

migration is perhaps unsurprising given how recently the new legislation came into effect. We can in

most cases assume that professional intermediaries charging for their services during the migration

24

process are better informed about the legal frameworks than the migrants themselves. This does not,

however, make them reliable sources of information for prospective migrants – it may not always be in

the intermediaries’ own interest to convey correct information. It is further likely that the apparent lack

of knowledge about labour migration reflects a shortage of information about how the new rules apply

“in practice”, yet another result of the relative newness of the legislation.

The integration impact

Our findings confirm that integration in Sweden can be impeded by the insecurity and vulnerability that

characterises a labour migrant’s first period in Sweden. This vulnerability stems from various different

sources, and it is important to consider the context and individual circumstances that a labour migrant

encounters after coming here. For migrants who for various reasons cannot or will not return to the

home country, the fact that permanent residency is only obtained after four years on work permits can

have strong implications for their status on the labour market. The dependency on the employer is high,

and several of our respondents describe how they have felt compelled to accept terms and wages they

would never have agreed to unless continued employment had not been the only thing standing

between them and permanent residency. This vulnerability particularly applies to migrants working in

occupations with a labour surplus, as this makes changing employers more difficult.

A conclusion from both the research overview and the interview findings is that the duration of the

residence permit affects the labour migrant’s prospects for integration on the Swedish labour market

and in society at large.

We have spoken to fifteen Iraqi citizens living in Sweden with work permits. Several of them are highly

educated, in Iraq they worked as doctors, teachers, engineers. In Sweden none of them have qualified

jobs. They work as cleaners, on construction sites, in restaurants or in auto repair shops. Their

experiences of labour migration are likely to be very different to those of labour migrants working in

sectors requiring a higher level of qualification.

During the first three years of the new legislation, nearly 43,000 work permits were issued in Sweden1. In

2011, about a third of these permits pertained to “jobs requiring specialised theoretical competences”.

This applies to permits issued to persons working in Sweden as for example doctors, engineers or IT-

professionals. Their status on the labour market and prospects for integration are of an entirely different

nature than those described by our Iraqi respondents. Labour migrants recruited abroad for their unique

competences or expertise normally have many options apart from working in Sweden, which is

something their employers must take into consideration. This affects the salaries and terms that they

can negotiate for.

Increasing knowledge about labour migration

The single most important information channel for a person considering migration is the migrants’

network of family and friends in Sweden. This is consequently a group that should be targeted for

information efforts about the labour migration scheme. One respondent reports that information about

1 14,491 permits were issued in 2009, 13,612 in 2010 and 14,722 in 2011. (Swedish Migration Board 2012a)

25

the possibility to apply for a work permit in Sweden reached him through a television programme. That

TV-channels broadcasting programs targeted at Iraqis in exile can be an important source of information

was a finding reiterated by representatives at a meeting held with Iraqi diaspora organisations on

September 26th 2012. Printed media, conversely, appear to be of no particular relevance for information

diffusion within this particular group.

Suggested improvements to the Swedish Migration Board’s processes

A conclusion from our respondents’ stories is that information about the possibility of “changing tracks”

from seeking asylum to applying for a work permit is transmitted late in the migration process. In order

to facilitate for a migrant whose asylum application is denied to obtain a work permit, the rules

regarding a status change should be laid out and explained as early on in the asylum process as possible.

The respondents particularly stress a need for information about the rules that apply when a person on a

work permit wants to change jobs, have several jobs at the same time or combine work with studies. Our

respondents also report finding it very difficult to find good information about the requirements that

apply when migrating to Sweden as self-employed. Many expressed frustration about having to return to

the Middle East to apply for a work permit when their asylum application was turned down.

Our material reveals that for certain, the work permit comes at a high cost. Migrants who have had to

incur debt in order to cover these costs become even more vulnerable vis-à-vis the employer. Many of

today’s labour migrants would in all probability be able to find a job that would qualify them for a work

permit without paying expensive intermediaries if they were able to spend some time in Sweden looking

for employment. The introduction of some form of job search permit could likely improve working

conditions for many labour migrants in Sweden today.

Bibliography

Berggren, H & Trädgårdh, L. (2011). ”The Nordic Way – Social Trust and Radical Individualism”.

Individualism.” The Nordic Way pp. 13- 29. Swedish Institute. Retreived 5 March 2012 from:

http://www.globalutmaning.se/?p=4737

Bergman, J. (2010). Seeking empowerment: Asylum-seeking refugees from Afghanistan in Sweden. Umeå

University, Department of Sociology.

Boyd, M. (1989). “Family and Personal Networks in International Migration: Recent Developments and

New Agendas”. International Migration Review 23(3):638-70.

Brekke, J. & Aarset, M. F. (2009). Why Norway - understanding asylum destinations Report 2009:012.

Oslo: Institutt for samfunnsforskning.

Brubaker, R. (2001). “The return of assimilation? Changing perspectives on immigration and its sequels in

France, Germany, and the United States”. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 24, 531-548.

Castles, S. and Miller, M.J. (2009). The Age of Migration : International Population Movements In The

Modern World. 4th edition. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

26

Collyer, Michael. 2005. “When Do Social Networks Fail to Explain Migration? Accounting for the

Movement of Algerian Asylum-Seekers to the UK”. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 31(4):

699-718.

Emanuelsson, A-C. (2007). "Ska vi återvända, stanna eller pendla? Politiska förändringar i Kurdistan och

transnationell dynamik i kurdiska flyktingfamiljer i Sverige" in Eastmond, M. & Åkesson, L.(ed.)

(2007). Globala familjer: transnationell migration och släktskap. Hedemora: Gidlund

Hansen, P. (2009). “Post-national Europe - without cosmopolitan guarantees.” Race & Class- A Journal on

Racism, Empire and Globalisation, 50(4), 20-37. Hedberg, C och Malmberg, B. (2010). ”Transnationell migration”. Socialstyrelsen – Social rapport 2010.

Huddleston, T. et al (2011). Migrant Integration Policy Index III. Brussels: British Council and Migration Policy Group.

Jonsson, Håkan (2012). Ny väg in - Rapport irakiska AT-ärenden 2011. 2012-02-20. Migrationsverket, arbetsrapport.

Koser, K. and Pinkerton, C. (2002). The social networks of asylum seekers and the dissemination of information about countries of asylum. London: Home Office.

Swedish Migration Board (2010). Årsredovisning 2009. Norrköping: Migrationsverket

Swedish Migration Board (2012). Översikter/tidsserier. Retrieved 31 January 2012 from

http://www.migrationsverket.se/info/793.html

Swedish Migration Board (2012b). Beviljade arbetstillstånd helåret 2009, 2010 och 2011. Retrieved 2

September 2012 from http://www.migrationsverket.se/info/790.html

Moore, W. H. and Shellman, S. M. (2007). ”Whither Will They Go? A Global Study of Refugees’

Destinations, 1965–1995”. International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 811–834 .

OECD (2011). Recruiting immigrant workers: Sweden 2011. OECD Publishing.

doi: 10.1787/9789264167216-en

Portes, A.A and DeWind, J. (2004). ”A Cross-Atlantic Dialogue: The Progress of Research and Theory in

the Study of International Migration”. International Migration Review, 38: 828–851.

Robinson, V. and Segrott, J. (2002). “Understanding the decision-making of asylum seekers”. Home Office

Research Study 243. London: Home Office, Development and Statistics Directorate.

Ros, A, Gonzales, E. Marin, A. and Sow, P. (2007). Migration and information flow. A new lens for the

study of contemporary international migration. Internet Interdisciplinary Institute, IN3 Working

Paper Series.

Ruhs, M. (2011). Openness, Skills and Rights: An empirical analysis of labour immigration programmes in

46 high- and middle- income countries. Compas, University of Oxford. Working Paper No. 88.

Röshammar, M. (2009-06-12). "Från Mesopotamien till Södertälje" i Fokus 4/2009. Retrieved 22 January

2012 from: http://www.fokus.se/2009/06/fran-mesopotamien-till-sodertalje/.

Schapendouk, J. and Van Moppes, D. (2007). Migration and Information - Images of Europe,

migration encouraging factors and en route information sharing. Radboud University,

Nijmegen. Working Papers Migration and Development Series (Report 16).

UNHCR (2009b). Asylum levels and trends in industrialized countries. Retieved 5 March 2012 from:

http://www.unhcr.org/statistics/STATISTICS/49c796572.pdf.

27

UNHCR (2010). 2009 Global trends: Refugees, Asylum-seekers, Returnees, Internally Displaced and

Stateless Persons. Retieved 5 March 2012 from: http://www.unhcr.org/4c11f0be9.pdf

UNHCR (2011). Asylum levels and trends in industrialized countries. Retieved 5 March 2012 from:

http://www.unhcr.se/fileadmin/user_upload/PDFdocuments/2012_News/AsylumTrends2011.pdf

Venturini, A. (2011). “Should Europe speed up integration strategies?” in Karlsson, J O och L. Pelling.

(2011). Moving Beyond Demographics: Perspectives for a Common European Migration Policy.

Stockholm: Global Utmaning.

Wiesbrock, A. (2011). “The Integration of Immigrants in Sweden: a Model for the European Union?”

International Migration, vol 49(4):48-66.

28

Birger Jarlsgatan 27 6tr

111 45 STOCKHOLM

info@globalutmaning.se

www.globalutmaning.se