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    Early Christianity in the Upper G ksu

    Valley

    IntroductionThe religious practices and experiences of 4th-6thcentury Christians in the Upper Gksu River Valley

    should not be seen in isolation but instead as having close associations with a busy surrounding early

    Christian landscape. This essay will look at this landscape of cemeteries, rural settlements, ascetic

    retreats, and over 36 other religious features. The ecclesiastical complex at Alahan is examined in

    terms of movement, boundaries, pilgrimage, and conversion. Finally we examine the role the Gksu

    River Valley played in terms of the perceived needs of privacy and monumentality in a Christian

    landscape.

    Introduction to the landscapeThe Gksu River Valley offers a natural route through the Taurus Mountains that divide the

    Mediterranean coastline and northern Syria from central Anatolia (Figure 1). The main route

    between Karaman and Mut continued south via the ola Canyonto the ecclesiastical and civic

    capital of Seleucia (Elton, 2013, 233; Elton 2005, 335). A number of caravanserais in the area would

    have offered stopping points for travellers and visitors to the ecclesiastical sites (Elton et al, 2006,

    302; Gough, 1985, 7). Crossing points across the Gksu, such as that north of Derinay, would have

    created direct links between both sides of the river valley (Elton, 2005, 335).

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    Figure 1: The Gksu River Valley offers one of the only routes connecting the

    North-East Mediterranean with Central Anatolia. Area of study marked.

    (Map data from OpenStreetMap Cycle Map, http://www.openstreetmap.org/#map=8/36.671/33.679&layers=C)

    Figure 2: General map of study area (Elton, 2013, 234, Fig 19.1)

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    Caves

    Caves may have been used there as sites for worship from at least the second century CE (Elton,

    2013, 236). Caves used for Christian religious purposes are found at Aloda, Alahan, Oprukkaya,

    Mahras Da, Gzenek, as well as further down the river valley at Mut (Figure 2) (Elton, 2013, 236;

    Elton 2005, 333; GAP, no date, C).

    Caves may have been the first Christian outposts in the landscape. At Alahan, caves may have been

    modified into churches, with up to three storeys, before the West Church was built at the mouth of

    the cave (Gough, 1985, 12). Similarly, some of the multi-storey caves at Gzenek might be churches,

    with evidence of painted interiors and an apse (GAP, no date, A). Another church at the cave

    complex at Aloda has views of Mahras Da from the entrance(Figure 3) (GAP, no date, D). If caves

    were being used as sites for pagan worship, the occupation of caves by Christians would indicate

    that conversion occurred by modifying what already existed in the religious landscape. The lack of

    evidence for pagan worship does not mean it was not happening, merely that the Christian monks or

    converts thoroughly erased them (Evans, 2001).

    Figure 3: Caves at Aloda exterior

    (Panoramio A) and interior (GAP, no date, D)

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    Burial

    At least 175 tombs are known within two kilometres of Alahan alone (Elton, 2005, 333). Further

    tombs have been found around Gzenek, Aloda and at least 54 funerary inscriptions in the little-

    studied city of Sinobu (Elton, 2005, 333-4; Elton, 2013, 240). Three types of tombs have been

    identified: doorway tombs, sunken tombs (chamosoria), and rock-cut sarcophagi (Figure 4). These

    have all been carved from the local limestone, many within a deep arcosolium, or recess (Elton,

    2005, 333). Decorated with Christian symbols, they would have been a ubiquitous feature of the

    worshipers movements and thoughts of life after death as they went about their actions.

    Figure 4: Rock-cut tombs at Alahan (Panoramio B)

    Architecture

    At least 36 sites identified as churches exist in the Upper Goksu River Valley (Elton, 2013, 233). Manyvillages in the region appear to have had two to three churches, for example the Roman village near

    Barabanl(Elton, 2013, 243). Larger towns, have evidence for many more churches, for example five

    at Adrassus. The four at Dapazarmay have also contained the regional bishopric (Elton, 2013, 243;

    GAP, no date, C). Elton argues that it is likely that Isauria contained at least 1100 churches by the

    mid-6thcentury, placing the Gksu Valley within an extremely busy Christian landscape (Elton, 2013,

    234).

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    Religious practice and experience in the Alahan church complex

    As well as these urban sites, several more isolated and rural churches exist, such as the ecclesiastical

    complexes at Alahan and Mahras Da. However, recent studies have shown that interpretations of

    their apparent isolation are not quite accurate. At Alahan, the complex has close associations with

    the busy Christian landscape it is part of.

    Art and architecture: impact on the body and experience of the worshiper

    The hardship of regular daily movement around the

    topographically-challenging landscape was certainly part of the

    worshipers bodily experience. The anticipation of the traveller

    climbing the rock-cut staircase leading from the settlement to

    the forecourt of the West Church (Elton et al, 2006, 311) would

    have been enhanced by the formidable sight of the buildings

    abovethe 17thcentury Ottoman Evliya elebi is recorded

    describing the East Church as a castle (Elton et al, 2006, 302).

    Some sculptural motifs in the complex further link Alahan with

    the landscape, such as the decorative partridges (keklik) found

    on the small shrine of the colonnaded walkway (Figure 5), that

    are still found in the area today (Gough, 1985, 8). Other motifs,

    such as the fish, could have had clearer numinous influences

    with widespread manufacture of wine in the area (Figure 6)

    (GAP, no date, A), Christian Bible stories and practices such as

    communal dining may have been invoked in the viewer.

    Figure 5: Shrine on colonnaded walkway showing

    partridges (keklik) found in the region

    (Gough, 1985, 186, Fig 57)

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    Figure 6: Showing location of rock-cut wine and oil presses in the landscape (From GAP, no date, A)

    Pilgrimage

    The use of Alahan as a pilgrimage centre has been suggested based on its isolated, mountain-top

    location, the possible presence of a hospice, and the linear design of the site (Gough, 1985, 13; Elton

    et al, 2006, 311). Small steatite crosses, and a ring stone with Pegasus in intagliomay be small

    pilgrim goods exchanged, or instead the daily objects used by the residents of the complex (Figure 8)

    (Harrison, 1985, 28). We can add to this the ecclesiastical complexs location on the only major route

    passing through the Taurus Mountains, which surely would have resulted in frequent travellers

    passing through the settlement below (Figure 1). However, no saint has been associated with the

    site, though St. Thecla has been associated with the wider region (Honey, 2013, 256).

    Nonetheless, it is likely the complex received many visitors, and the layout of the complex suggests

    areas of inclusion and exclusion. The high northern supporting wall of the walkway connecting the

    West Church with Koca Kilise prohibited access and views of the northern facilities from the

    walkway. It is possible that this was intended to keep visitors from the grave area, though this

    contrasts more exposed tombs in the surrounding landscape (Elton et al, 2006, 333). Instead, it is

    possible that this was done to separate the areas of daily activity of the permanent residents of the

    church complex, such as the rock-cut rooms on the northern edge of the area, kitchens, and possible

    refectory (Gough, 1985, 15), from temporary visitors to the site (Figure 7).

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    Figure 7: Alahan Site Plan (Gough, 1985, end of book, Fig 71)

    Figure 8: Alahan small finds (Gough, 1985, 72, Fig 11)

    Figure 9: Alahan baptistery plan (Gough, 1985, 189, Fig 62)

    and font (Panoramio, C)

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    Conversion (and possible syncretism)

    Conversion is indicated by the presence of a number of baptisteries in the landscape, for example, at

    Alahan and Mahras Da (GAP, no date, C). The baptistery at Alahan is particularly well preserved

    with steps in each arm of the cruciform font (Figure 9). However, unlike the purely functional

    interpretations of water supply described by Gough (1985, 9), we should consider the numinous

    qualities of the use of such baptisteries. A possible gateway on the western end of the walkway

    could have excluded the entire complex East of the West Church (Figure 7). This may have been

    exclusive to select persons, such as new converts entering to be baptised. Being part of such a

    privileged party would have given great feelings of anticipation as new converts were brought down

    the colonnaded walkway to the baptistery, an unfamiliar construct in the landscape and quite a

    mysterious and new experience for them as they descended into water, led from a small aqueduct in

    the rock face (Gough, 1985, 14), and accepted a new God.

    Some decorative elements of the site might indicate lingering pagan influences. For example, the

    Pegasus motif on a ring stone (Figure 8) (Harrison, 1985, 28) or the tetramorph relief of the West

    Church, showing archangels trampling demons, might indicate some amount of syncretism whilst

    conversion occurred (Harrison, 1985, 33).

    The role of the Gksu valley as a sacred landscape

    Public and private in the religious landscape

    Although considering Ingoldswarnings of mapping abstract boundaries on the landscape (1993,

    156), we can see from the evidence that more ephemeral boundaries in relation to peoples activities

    and experiences existed in the Gksu River Valley. Potential exclusion at Alahan examined above

    implies boundaries between converts and non-Christians, as well as permanent residents and

    temporary visitors.

    We can examine the provision of water in the landscape in this way. A water spring at Karaba, with

    a carved and painted opening (Elton, 2013, 237), implies that the supply of water may have been

    particularly revered in ways other than merely functional. The remote location and small size of a

    bathhouse at Alahan suggests that this was privately used by the residents of the ecclesiastical

    complex. The most likely means of accessing the bathhouse was via the Alahan complex, as indicated

    by a path still there today (Gough, 1985, 15). Here, water takes on a luxurious quality, with Roman

    hypocausts and small furnace room offering a heated experience to those that had access to it

    (Gough, 1985, 15-6). Thus, provision of water can be said to differ between groupsthose at the

    settlement of Alahan receive their water from channels leading down from the complex above

    (Gough, 1985, 9), whereas new converts could access the water closer to the source in the

    baptistery, and finally the permanent residents of the site may have exclusive access to this isolated,

    but comfortable, spring. Besides purely materialist benefits to this, the numinous experience of

    receiving Gods gift of water might have been enhanced the closer one was to the holy complex at

    Alahan. Thus, the landscape might appear Christian, but there might be many variations in religious

    practice and experience within that Christianity.

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    Monumental and minor in the landscape

    The perceived needs of a Christian landscape can be seen in differences of scale. This might be

    interpreted as evidence for different levels of prosperity in this region compared to others, though

    recent studies argue that this was not necessarily the case (Elton, 2013, 233).

    More likely, caves advocating material absence (Ingold, 2007, 6), rather than monumental features

    such as the churches and baptisteries at Mahras Da and Alahan, indicate different perceptionsof

    Christianity were being practicedconceivably eremitic hermits required less imposing

    environments to worship than a larger community of cenobitic monks (Figure 3). As the landscape

    became increasingly Christianised, the caves were presumablybut not necessarilydisused in

    favour of more monumental complexes (Gough, 1985, 13). If there was a monastic community living

    at Alahan, it seems likely that they continued to reside in modified cave residences similar to those

    at Mahras Da. These caves had constructed elements, such as roof beams, perhaps indicating a

    transition between cave-use and constructed churches.

    Visibility plays as much a role in the landscape. From the valley, and complexes at Alahan and Aloda,

    the view is dominated by the monumental flat-topped mountain of Mahras Da (Gough, 1985, 7).

    The red-tiled roof and white limestone walls of the Mahras Da monastic complex would have been

    clearly visible (GAP, no date, C), and the religious practices of that site must have been in the minds

    of the residents of the landscape, pagan or Christian.

    Figure 10: View from Alahan West Church (Panoramio D)

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    Cnclusin

    By taking a multiscalar approach, closely studying sites such as Alahan and viewing them as part of a

    connected landscape, we can see that both religious practices and experiences might have beendone in select locations and including particular groups. Likewise, differences in scale can indicate

    that the monumental nature of features in the ecclesiastical landscape reflect differences in religious

    practices and messages, as well as magnifying the worshipers experience.

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    Bibligraphy

    Elton, H. (2013) Late Roman Churches in the Upper Gksu Valley, Isauria. In Hoff, M. and

    Townsend, R. (eds.) Rough Cilicia : new historical and archaeological approaches :proceedings of an international conference held at Lincoln, Nebraska, October 2007. Oxford:

    Oxford Bow Books, 233-246

    Elton, H., Jackson, M., Mietke, G., Newhard, J., zgenel, L., Twigger, E. (2006) A new Late-Roman

    urban centre in Isauria.Journal Of Roman Archaeology 19, 301-311

    Elton, H. (2005) "Gksu Archaeological Project 2002-2004",Aratrma Sonular Toplants23(1)(Ankara, Ministry of Culture and Tourism), 331-342.

    Evans, J. A. (2001). "View from a Turkish Monastery: an Introduction to the Early Byzantine Period."

    Athena Review3(1) (http://www.athenapub.com/9evans1.htm)Last visited 02/12/2013

    Goksu Archaeological Project (GAP), A (no date) The 2003 Season: Brief Report

    (http://web.archive.org/web/20040814013409/http://212.174.26.236/goksu/2003.html )Last visited 02/12/2013

    Goksu Archaeological Project (GAP), B (no date) A Brief History of the Upper Gksu Valley

    (http://web.archive.org/web/20040816170641/http://212.174.26.236/goksu/regionalhistory.html)Last visited 02/12/2013

    Goksu Archaeological Project (GAP), C (no date) Mahras Da

    (http://web.archive.org/web/20040720094116/http://212.174.26.236/goksu/sites/mahrasdag2.htm)Last visited 02/12/2013

    Goksu Archaeological Project (GAP), D (no date) Aloda

    (http://web.archive.org/web/20040605101155/http://212.174.26.236/goksu/sites/aloda.htm)Last visited 02/12/2013Gough, M. (1985).Alahan: an early Christian monastery inSouthern Turkey. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies

    Harrison M., (1985) "The Inscriptions and Chronology of Alahan", M. Gough (ed.),Alahan: an earlyChristian monastery in Southern Turkey. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies,

    21-27

    Honey, L. (2013) Topography in the Miracles of Thecla: reconfiguring Rough Cilicia. In Hoff, M. and

    Townsend, R. (eds.) Rough Cilicia : new historical and archaeological approaches :

    proceedings of an international conference held at Lincoln, Nebraska, October 2007. Oxford:Oxford Bow Books, 252-259

    Jackson, M. (2013) Byzantine Settlement at Kilise Tepe in the Gksu Valley. In Hoff, M. and

    Townsend, R. (eds.) Rough Cilicia : new historical and archaeological approaches :proceedings of an international conference held at Lincoln, Nebraska, October 2007. Oxford:

    Oxford Bow Books, 219-232

    Ingold, T (2007) Materials against materiality.Archaeological Dialogues 14, 1-16.

    Ingold, T. (1993). The temporality of the landscape. World archaeology, 25(2), 152-174

    Mitchell, S. (1993)Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor. Volume 2: The Rise of the Church.Oxford: Clarendon Press

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