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Sefika MertkanIn search of leadership: what happened to management?

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Article

In search of leadership: whathappened to management?

Sefika Mertkan

Abstract

Significant changes have taken place in the governance of education systems around the world.Shifts in education policy have led to a focus towards reform through leadership development andaway from school management analysis. This shift in policy from management to leadership has

fostered a large number of academic studies presenting a universal and decontextualised leadershipdiscourse, which dominates the field of education research to the detriment of issues of schoolmanagement and head teachers capacity to manage schools. This paper examines the domain ofheadship in the context of North Cyprus. Through the perspectives of head teachers and policymakers, it demonstrates that within the North Cyprus context, leadership, as defined in thedominant discourse, is not yet possible, and management is both difficult and sometimesinadequate. Findings suggest that there is a strong relationship between school leadership andmanagement practices. The context within which head teachers operate influences their leadershipand management practices and capacity development.

Keywords

Educational leadership, school leadership, head teachers, international development, educationalpolicy

Introduction

Over two decades ago, Cuban distinguished leadership from management, linking leadership to

change and management to maintenance of present operations; he emphasised that different

settings and times call for varied responses (Cuban 1988: xx). To put it differently, the context

within which [leaders] lead makes a difference to how they lead (Lumby et al., 2009: 164). A

recent shift in education policy in many countries with advanced economies towards decentra-

lisation, marketisation and performativity have restructured school leadership and recultured the

work of school leaders through various mechanisms. This shift in the focus of reform has created a

relentless preoccupation with educational reform through leadership development and led to

declined official interest in school management. Scholars have paid unparalleled attention to the

new work of school leaders, to the detriment of management concerns and headteachers capacity

Corresponding author:

Sefika Mertkan, Eastern Mediterranean University, Famagusta, Mersin 10 Turkey. Cyprus.Email: [email protected]

Educational Management

Administration & Leadership

2014, Vol. 42(2) 226242 The Author(s) 2013

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to manage schools. Consequently, leadership has become a dominant discourse in the field, with

the vast majority of literature in the field of school management and administration addressing the

issue of leadership and neglecting the issue of management.

These studies present, almost exclusively, a universal and decontextualised discourse of educa-

tional leadership, which presents leadership as a combination of inspiration, vision and the abilityto manage competing tensions while building organisational capacity and leadership capacity in

others. Educational leadership accounts from the periphery, small in number, occupy a marginal

space within the field and have little or no impact on leadership theories, while different, distinct

or dissenting perspectives on educational leadership and management remain impotent in the face

of the dominant paradigm. In the big tent (Donmoyer, 1999) of educational leadership and man-

agement, many models have been constructed, but diversity of perspective remains elusive. This

can be a serious obstacle to educational effectiveness and school reform in traditional communities

with developing economies, where the recent shift in education policy has not yet made its mark.

This dominant focus on leadership ignores the importance of context and does not address

contextual dysfunctionalities that may obstruct leadership among school managers in some educa-tional systems such as South Africa (Bush and Heystek, 2006; Bush et al., 2010; Chisholm et al.,

2005), Slovenia (Trnavcevic and Vaupot, 2009), Ghana (Oduro and MacBeath, 2003), and Greece

(Gkolia and Brundrett, 2008). Additionally, it often overlooks differences in national cultures,

which, as demonstrated primarily by research on corporate leadership and management, signifi-

cantly affect leadership and management practices needed in a particular country and leadership

behaviours that have positive effects (Dickson et al., 2003; Shahin and Wright, 2004; Sidani,

2008).1

This paper addresses the work of head teachers in the context of North Cyprus and explores the

duties and the responsibilities of head teachers along with the challenges they face. It is in five

parts. First, in order to situate the local within the global, the dominant leadership discourse in thefield of leadership and management is examined. This section is followed by a brief description of

the policy context in North Cyprus. Third, methods of data gathering and analysis are discussed.

Fourth, key themes from the study are presented and critically analysed. Finally, the concluding

section states that the work of head teachers in North Cyprus is burdensome, fully focused on

administrative and management issues and offers limited opportunities to exercise leadership, little

agency for change and limited capacity to improve teaching and learning.

The work of school leaders: a homogenised perspective?

Education reform has been pursued relentlessly in many countries with advanced economies(Fullan, 2000). Although travelling policies show significant variations in different school systems

(Priestley, 2002), the general trend evident in OECD countries and in Europe has been towards

greater decentralisation of management and marketisation. There is now considerable consensus

that, in contexts where these policies apply, the form of government control has changed to indirect

steering through a culture of performativity with elements of accountability and standardisation

(Ball, 2003; Ball, 2001; Bottery, 2007; Day, 2003; Gronn, 2003b; Priestley, 2002).

Within this framework, school leadership is linked to educational reform, school improvement

and organisational change (Bush, 2008b; Rhodes and Brundrett, 2009) where the work of head

teachers is intensified and diversified to include both organisational capacity, building with ele-

ments of pedagogical leadership and leadership development in others, and business managementwith elements of financial management, human resource management and site management

Mertkan: In search of leadership 227

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(Crow, 2007; Gronn, 2003b; Mertkan, 2011). Headship has become extremely complex over the

past two decades in particular and head teachers have been increasingly pressured to deliver more

at a faster pace and to work longer hours. Integral to this new educational landscape is the notion of

headship as greedy work (Gronn, 2003b: 153) with increased workload (Bristow et al., 2007;

French and Daniels, 2007; Southworth, 1995; Thomson, 2008, 2009; Webb et al., 2006). Thegrowing importance of school leaders and education reform through leadership development in the

changing governance of education systems have made the study of school leadership and school

leaders an unparalleled trend (Slater et al., 2008) characterised by an explosion of leadership

literature (Simkins, 2005: 9).

The role of management in education has been downplayed and management issues ignored,

while the vast majority of the literature in the field addresses and canonises leadership and lead-

ership capacity building to the detriment of head teachers capacity to manage schools (Glatter,

2006). A number of theoretical models are provided. These include transformational leadership

(Leithwood et al., 1999), distributed leadership (Gronn, 2000; Leithwood et al., 2007; J. Spillane,

2006), change leadership (Fullan, 2002), pedagogical leadership (Webb, 2005), and strategic lead-ership (Davies, 2003). Collectively, these theories are based on an idea of leadership that requires

inspiration, vision, collegiality, non-hierarchical relationships and structures, people centeredness

and the ability to manage many competing tensions successfully while building leadership

capacities in others. Within the dominant leadership game, there issomerecognition that manage-

ment is important and inseparable from leadership (Bush et al., 2010; Gunter, 2008; Gunter and

Thomson, 2009) and leadership responsibilities of head teachers do not diminish their managerial

roles (Bush, 2008a; Gronn, 2003a). Head teachers are simultaneously leaders and managers (Hall,

1996) within contexts in which their work takes place, and which constraints, creates possibilities

and offers different frames for leadership and management. Leadership and management functions

are contingent on context and contextual complexity is an important function of leadership andmanagement (Avolio, 2007).

The dominant educational leadership and management literature, however, not only lacks a

context-oriented approach and fails to take sufficient cognisance of the policies that shape the

environments in which head teachers operate, but also pays inadequate attention to the importance

of management through this fixation on leadership (Spillane, 2009). Decontextualised leadership

solutions present school leaders as operating in a vacuum with the ability, or lack of it, to transform

schools using context-free transformation strategies (Close and Raynor, 2010; Glatter, 2006). This

discussion has been built on studies primarily carried out in countries with advanced economies

where scholars have exerted disproportionate influence on the field of leadership and management,

which has become highly decontextualised with an implicit assumption that it is universal(Ngcobo and Tikly, 2010; Walker and Dimmock, 2002a). This decontextualised and universal

discourse of leadership fails to address crucial, historically and culturally determined dysfunction-

alities apparent in some educational systems that may obstruct leadership and leadership capacity

development among school leaders. Rather, a universal model of leadership may be an obstacle to

educational effectiveness and school reform in countries where such dysfunctionalities exist.

Turkish Cypriot education system: a brief overview

Very small in size and never densely populated, Cyprus was divided by the green line in 1964

following inter-communal struggles, and into North and South in 1974. Today, North Cyprus ishome to Turkish Cypriots along with many citizens of Turkey, all of whom are governed by the

228 Educational Management Administration & Leadership 42(2)

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Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The TRNC has not been recognised as politically

legitimate, and a range of internationally-imposed social, political and economic embargoes have

been applied to the North (UN Security Council, 1983, 1984). The Turkish Cypriot education sys-

tem has remained highly centralised with an entrenched bureaucracy where major decision-making

powers are concentrated in the Ministry of National Education and Culture (MEC). These powersinclude developing, designing and executing policies for syllabi, curricula and textbooks, and

assessment and regulation of all educational organisations under its jurisdiction. Almost all deci-

sions made in schools are subject to the permission given by primary and secondary education

departments.

Teachers and school managers work in favourable circumstances. They are hired permanently

with long holidays and relatively light teaching loads, and they enjoy attractive benefits upon

retirement. The World Bank reports that, in comparison to the OECD average of 186 days of

instruction per year, students in North Cyprus have 155 days of instruction, and the school days

are much shorter which leads to a net teaching time of about 60 %of the net teaching time in OECD

countries; net teaching time is about 415 hours per year in comparison to the OECD average of 701hours (World Bank, 2006a). It is often the case that students supplement their school education

with additional private tutoring after school hours. Hence, unlike many European countries, the

profession is attractive to many school leavers.

Teacher unions also play a prominent role in education governance, unlike in countries such as

England where they have been marginalised (Stevenson, 2007). Unions play key roles in education

policy dialogue and continue to influence the direction of education policies, which sometimes

results in systemic paralysis until agreement is reached. The unions have been particularly

effective in negotiating favourable pay and conditions for their members and derive their strength

from the rate of membership among teachers, almost all of whom belong to unions. Teachers enjoy

salaries of more than three times the average gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, whereas theaverage teacher salary in OECD countries is about 1.3 times average GDP per capita (World Bank,

2006a). Another striking difference between North Cyprus and most Western countries and

European states is that there is no pressure on schools from policy makers to improve or for school

staff to build capacity. Unlike the general global direction, accountability and autonomy are two

concepts that are not in the lexicon of either policy officers or professionals in North Cyprus.

Research methodology

This paper is drawn from a study of educational reform in North Cyprus with a particular focus on

leadership capacity building. It addresses the duties of head teachers and the challenges theseteachers face, not reform per se. The intent in the present paper is not to generalise, but to capture

multiple perspectives from a wide range of informants within several organisations to deeply

understand what headship means in North Cyprus (Lincoln and Guba, 1986; Patton, 2002; Shen-

ton, 2004). A survey using qualitative measures was carried out with 43 head teachers from pri-

mary and secondary schools while qualitative interviews with 13 head teachers, a teacher union

representative and three officers from the Ministry of Education contribute to the building of a

nuanced picture of the duties and challenges of head teachers in North Cyprus. Policy officers and

union representatives were included in the study to provide perspectives from different points of

view, hence to triangulate data sources so that perspectives from different points of view could be

compared. By means of open-ended survey questions, head teachers were asked to give informa-tion about their responsibilities and the main challenges they face, while qualitative interviews


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focused on the key themes refined by the survey for deeper investigation. These themes were

recruitment, promotion, mobility and the main responsibilities of head teachers along with the

challenges they face.

Interviews were semi-structured and did not follow a specific set of questions; rather, questions

were formulated following dimensions introduced by participants in the course of the interviews.Each response was thematically evaluated with respect to its significance to pre-determined

themes, and dynamically to the interaction between the researcher and the respondent (Kvale,

1996). This made it possible to construct data that acknowledged the situated, experiential reali-

ties of each respondent (Holstein and Gubrium, 1995; Miller and Glassner, 2004). Strategies were

employed to ensure that participants expressed their ideas freely and to ensure a high degree of

completeness.

The data was coded and recoded primarily through inductive analysis to find emergent patterns

and themes (Silverman, 1997; Strauss and Corbin, 1990). Coding started with apriori codes of

promotion, duties and challenges which derived from the research questions. Through immersion

in data, a number of sub-categories emerged. These categories were coded using sub-codesgenerated through exploration of data, relationships between sub-codes were identified and code

families were generated. In developing codes and sub-codes, data was analysed for convergence

and examined for divergence (Patton, 2002). Factors outlined by Krueger and Casey (2009)

were also considered, such as extensiveness and frequency. Different responses were compared

while closely listening to the data to ensure a high level of congruence between the research

questions and the data, which provided the opportunity to constantly question what more was

needed to be explored. Findings were consistently checked against different perspectives; consis-

tency in patterns of data from people providing perspectives from different points of view was

observed. All data has subsequently been anonymised and, where necessary, contextual informa-

tion such as village and city names has been omitted to protect the identity of the participants.

Findings and discussions

Recruitment, transfer and preparation of head teachers: a game of luck?

Appointments, transfers and promotions of all teachers and managerial staff are controlled by the

Public Services Commission, which consists of five members appointed for six years by the pres-

ident of the state. Until recently, it was common practice to appoint head teachers on the basis of

their teaching experience only and the leadership and management potential of applicants was not

considered at the time of their appointment. Legislation permits teachers with more than ten yearsof teaching experience to apply directly to become head teachers while those with relatively less

teaching experience, between seven and ten years, are required to act as deputy head teachers or

department heads before they become eligible to headship. Applicants meeting these conditions

are interviewed by the Public Services Commission with no clear criteria guiding interviews. This

strategy is based on the assumption that teaching provides sufficient experience for school leader-

ship and that the aforementioned generalist approach results in appropriate recruitment, even in

cases when specialist knowledge is required. It is also assumed that the appointment of the Public

Services Commission by the president of the state, a political position, is appropriate. In contrast to

these assumptions, interviews reveal a widespread concern that this procedure is open to political

abuse, often resulting in inequitable recruitment where knowing the right people, rather thanmerit, is the dominant principle and covert politicisation through social networks operates. This


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is a deep-rooted problem seriously affecting the public sector capacity, a barrier that policy needs

to address. Cemil, a representative from the largest union in TRNC, shares head teachers

concerns:

Until now, those who have actively supported the political parties were appointed to headship. This isunjust, and lacks a sense of objectivity. This is an anti-democratic and dictatorial approach. Because

of this procedure, the quality of those chosen to the position has long been questioned. Even those

who were appointed because they were good were criticised since they were viewed as having been

selected to the position because of who they knew or because they supported the political party in

power. (Cemil)

While rewarding political patronage, this method of promotion encourages stability and

continuity while ensuring the loyalty of those who benefit from this system, thus maintaining the

status quo. It benefits teachers and policy makers rather than learners. The first serious challenge to

this procedure came in 2006. New legislation introduced criteria for applicants including a writtenexamination on educational management, attendance in continuous professional development and

seniority. Cem, from the Ministry of Education, explains the reasons for introducing the new

procedure:

[The reason was] to eradicate favouritism based on close relationships and ensure that head teachers

work more seriously. This was the only reason. In the past promotion depended on Public Services

Commission. Whoever knew someone there, whoever pressed hard was promoted. They did not

consider the applicants qualifications. (Cem)

Nevertheless, leadership and management preparation is still unknown territory in NorthCyprus. Instead, the findings suggest that a procedure based on trial and error operates and head

teachers are tested on the job. This is in stark contrast to the policy now evident in many nations,

which have approached the preparation and development of head teachers more systematically

than was previously the case (although it is still possible to come across national contexts where

leadership preparation and development is underdeveloped (Mertkan, 2011)). When appointed for

the first time, head teachers are designated as a candidate head teacher for a year and those found

successful once their candidacy is reviewed receive a permanent appointment. No evidence has

been found regarding specific criteria used during reviews, while interviews held with head teach-

ers disclosed attention only to trivial administrative tasks. The absence of such specified criteria

raises significant concerns as to the transparency and fairness of this process and makes it proneto potential abuse. This lack of transparency and consistency may be gleaned from the following

principals testimony:

I was appointed to headship in [year]. They should have inspected me for a year. When I completed a

year in the post, I called the Ministry of Education and Culture to say my definitive appointment should

have been approved. They sent an inspector. He checked my files. I had filed documents relating to

student absenteeism, income and expenditure, things I have done over the year, documents sent from

and to the Ministry. He also talked to the teachers, students and parents. He asked me about the social

activities we had organised for students. We had organised a ball with the Student Council a day before

the inspection and I told him that. He put these in his report and my definitive appointment wasapproved a month later. (Esra)


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There is also a pattern where head teachers relocate once they have received definitive appoint-

ment under the Employee Transfer Order. The prime motive for relocation is to move closer to the

district where they live. What is perhaps most striking is that relocation decisions serve personal

aspirations of head teachers only. Unplanned succession with the best interests of head teachers in

mind is a common practice. The following commentary is illustrative:

When I was appointed a head teacher to a school in [village A], I was married with two children. As we

live in [city A], I tried to be appointed to a school in [city A]. But there was no vacancy in [city A] at the

time, so I moved to a school in [village B], which was closer than [village A]. From there, I made a

preference for [city A] and when there was an opening, I came here. (Tokay)

Interviews reveal a pattern where head teachers who make it to the school of their choice or,

most commonly, the district of their choice do not normally leave until they retire. In the absence

of a rigorous evaluation and development culture, which the majority of head teachers emphasise is

the case in North Cyprus, this practice has the potential to result in long-term stagnation. Doruk

from the Ministry of Education confirms that a culture of evaluation does not exist:

There is no mechanism to evaluate what head teachers do or their performance. No one knows what

the head teacher does . . . . If someone sees something wrong and complains to the ministry, the

head teacher is inspected. You know for performance evaluation it is necessary to take the views

of different stakeholders from parents to students. This has not been done yet. We recently started

to mention this. (Doruk)

Head teachers state that such cases are often not realised. There is also a widespread belief

among participating head teachers that it is often not possible to take action. Not only is it the case

that principals do not take action; even if they attempt reforms, they are often stymied, as thefollowing indicates:

No one can do anything unless there is an embarrassing crime, such as robbery, murder or rape. Unless

there is such crime, it is impossible to move a teacher from one school to another. Success or failure is

not important. (Ilhami)

Consequently, schools are left to sink or swim depending both on their location and whether or

not they attract intrinsically motivated head teachers with energy, enthusiasm and commitment to

improve teaching and learning. Employee transfer is supported and monitored by teacher unions

to prevent favouritism based on close relationships with government officers. A majority of theparticipating head teachers share the view that government officers cannot be trusted to be fair

in the absence of such monitoring and, hence, are happy with the role teacher unions play.

Consequently, in the highly politicised system of North Cyprus, where personal relationships with

policy makers are often the key to success, teacher unions take on a de-politicisation role with the

full advocacy of professionals. At a different and deeper level, the unions also contribute to a large

extent to the politicisation of the system.

Main responsibilities of head teachers: blessings in disguise?

As I have suggested, and in contrast to many other countries where school leadership and manage-ment have experienced radical changes in the last two decades, in North Cyprus the system of


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school leadership and management suffers from long-term stagnation; thus ineffective practices

continue. An example relates to the main responsibilities of head teachers, who operate within

an entrenched bureaucracy with no discretion, autonomy or real power. There is agreement among

participating head teachers regarding their main responsibilities. These can be categorised into

three main areas: fund-raising and fiscal management; managing bureaucracy; and managingteaching. In Anglo-American literature head teachers are transformed into leaders and vision-

aries; in Cyprus administrative and managerial tasks are emphasised. Very little leadership and

change agency seems to be assigned to headship in North Cyrus. Rather, headship is presented

as an administrative and managerial position concentrated on ensuring that managerial tasks are

completed, bureaucratic communication is maintained and material conditions improve.

Fund-raising and fiscal management

There are three main financial resources for schools: MEC; subsidies provided by parent associa-

tions; and funds raised by schools themselves. MEC meets teachers salaries, but does not providemuch support for other expenditures and does not allocate an operating budget to schools. In the

absence of a budget, the burden of fund-raising to meet other operating expenses falls to head

teachers, who often work in partnership with school parent associations to raise funds. Doruk from

the ministry states:

Schools do not have a budget. They collect money from donations or selling books and confectionery.

Some schools receive income from school canteens and also School Parents Associations organise

activities to collect money for schools . . . . So, the budget is largely the budget of School Parents Asso-

ciation. (Doruk)

Their role confined to fund-raising, schools parent associations do not seem to play a meaning-

ful democratic or participative role beyond that of resource provider. Subsidies made by schools

and school parent associations are often used to improve the school premises and resources and

also to meet the day-to-day management costs. Nevertheless, there is a widespread consensus

among the participants that the need to channel most of their energy into fund-raising is a prime

demotivator and a real challenge that keeps them away from the issues they perceive to be

relatively more important. Participating head teachers underline:

We do not receive financial support from the Ministry. They provide some stationery in the beginning

of the academic year, but nothing else. We need to find sponsors and financial resources to improve

premises. We are doing what the Ministry ought to be doing, but does not. This consumes most of thehead teachers time. (Serkan)

Tarkan, a representative from one of the teacher unions agree with head teachers:

To contribute more productively to education, head teachers need to contribute to educational

activities. This prevents them from doing this. When head teachers try to increase the financial

resources, they neglect what they really need to do to contribute to education. This is one of the

biggest obstacles that does not allow head teachers to be productive at school. (Tarkan)

Schools and school parent associations seem to vary in their fund-raising capacity andaccounts of the impact of contextual factors on their fund-raising capacity are common among


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Managing bureaucracy

Perhaps the most striking elements of the Turkish Cypriot education system are its centralisation

and traditional methods of work. Head teachers need to inform directors of primary and secondary

education located within MEC about everything that takes place in schools. Head teachers lack

autonomy to make decisions without first seeking authorisation from the respective sectoral

directors. This includes communication with external organisations, which needs to be channel-

led through MEC. This is another mechanism for inserting political control into the system. The

dominant political party monitors every event in schools, and retains the power to permit events

reflective of the dominant ideology while refusing those that differ. This is a mechanism for sur-

veillance, but the nature of surveillance that takes place in North Cyprus differs from surveillance

in some OECD countries and member countries of the European Union. Meticulous reporting takes

place through paperwork including monthly reports on school activities, staff absenteeism, teacher

inspection reports, timetables for each semester and improvements made to premises. In addition

to information flowing to the ministry from schools, participating head teachers state that they are

also required to act as a communication channel between the ministry and school staff. The most

common means of informing teachers is through head teachers, who receive announcements from

the ministry to pass on to teachers. In addition, there are some letters concerning the teachers:

We might receive an announcement about English language teaching, for example. You need to

announce this to relevant teachers, take photocopies and get their signatures if necessary. We also

receive letters asking us to choose some teachers and inform the Ministry accordingly. We also receive

letters asking us to identify the teachers who will attend a course or who is interested in taking respon-

sibilities on a specific task. (Kaan)

This results in extensive communication with MEC, on which participating head teachers statethey spend about two hours a day and about which complaints are common. In a context where the

amount of instruction is a real concern, and where teachers and head teachers work relatively less

in comparison to other European Union members (World Bank, 2006a), this is daunting.

Every single day we receive a couple of letters from the Department for Primary Education, Ministry of

Education and Culture or other branches of the government. We read these, plan when to deal with each

and try to reply before the deadline. We completed the first semester and these letters made one and a

half files. We wrote 120 letters, the ones we received are much more. (Erdogan)

What is particularly striking is the lack of data on learning and the quality of teaching. Thisprovides further evidence that supports the conclusion reached by World Bank that there is only

anecdotal evidence of the quality of education in general (2006b: 85). It has also been found that

traditional methods of communication pen, paper and regular post or porter are used. Head teach-

ers, especially those not located in the capital, describe instances where documents arrive late or are

lost in the post. This is a country where computer literacy is high, and computers have made it into

the majority of the households; in fact in the MEC the ratio of computer to staff is very high.

Management of teaching

By law, head teachers are required to manage teaching and learning (O

gretmenler Yasas, 1985).However, in the absence of decision-making, autonomy and the power to make educational


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changes, the role of the head teachers with regard to teaching and learning is procedural. Evi-

dence from this study suggests that it is common for head teachers to feel unable to respond

to challenges regarding teaching and learning because the decision-making powers lie with the

government, which they believe has long been moribund because of both its politicised nature

and its lack of capacity. Head teachers list two key challenges: to get teachers to carry out dutiesoutside their teaching hours and to prevent teachers from frequently taking leave of absence. A

significant number of participating head teachers believe that absenteeism and shirking of

responsibilities are common in schools. The most commonly used strategy seems to be sick

leave, which in some cases is an abuse of the system. Doruk from the Ministry of Education

acknowledges that one of the biggest difficulties head teachers face is to manage teaching and

ensuring that teachers work productively:

One of the biggest problems head teachers can face is to ensure that teachers work and are present at

school. This was expressed many times before. Teachers have some rights given by relevant laws and

regulations. Of course these rights were provided in good faith, but in time teachers started to use thesefor their benefit. Consequently, ensuring teachers come to school and work productively is one of the

biggest problems head teachers have. (Doruk)

There are accounts of being powerless to enforce disciplinary action as such problems are too

common and head teachers underline that the only thing they can do in such circumstances is to

inform MEC about these cases. One of the teaching unions in the country also seems to share head

teachers views that they are deprived of any such decision-making powers:

I read the law three or four times. There is only one thing I can do to inform the ministry. I can report

when teachers refuse to carry out their responsibilities, when they come late, and when they are unableto teach well. I cannot do anything else. (Erol)

Head teachers do not have any power to get things done. When a duty is not carried out, head teachers

cannot get people to do it, they dont have any legal power. They need to share such problems with the

Ministry of Education and Culture. (Tarkan)

Evidence reveals that the problem is not only that head teachers lack decision-making powers to

solve problems, but also that the MEC often fails to enforce a fair disciplinary action when they are

informed about such cases. On the contrary, participating head teachers often observe that the min-

istry is ineffective. Erdogan states:

When you report a teacher who does not come to work properly, pay-roll deductions do not apply. There

isnt a proper reward and punishment system. I am very sorry to say this, but schools are not regulated and

how well a teacher or administrator performs is left to their conscience. Good teachers and good admin-

istrators perform well, but bad ones also survive in the system. There is no one to stop this. (Erdogan)

Turkay from the ministry seems to be aware of the problem. He states:

I know a lot of schools, which were found unsuccessful but no action was taken about them. Even

though it was reported on inspection reports and other reports that some administrators had seriousweaknesses, nothing happened. (Turkay)


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There is widespread consensus that there are two reasons for such practices: the politicised

nature of the ministry and teacher unions misuse of power. It is common to hear participating head

teachers complain that fear of loss of votes hinders MEC from taking appropriate action. In North

Cyprus, the party in power appoints senior staff in the ministry. Hence, decision-making powers

are transferred to the political party in power, which makes the system particularly vulnerablein the sense that when a party loses its status there are also significant consequences for the

personnel. Hence, it is not surprising when senior staff in the ministry are particularly reluctant

to make any decision that would result in loss of votes in the next election, because that could

potentially cost them their jobs. Head teachers also note that teacher unions often paralyse the

system by prioritising their members benefits over student learning and going on strike when deci-

sions they do not agree with are made. In a system where almost all teachers are union members,

union action can be particularly paralysing as strikes often prove.

If you warn a teacher saying, you are wrong here. I will not pay you until you change your behaviour,

the union immediately comes against you. They argue that you were not being fair to its member. Theymight be right or wrong but they have to defend their members because they are their members law-

yers. On the other hand, it is also political. Often votes stand out. They think there will be another

election after about 34 years and I will ask for this persons vote. I need to look good to protect these

votes. Some things continue like this. It was like this at least until today. (Aylin)

The union stands in the forefront and they always intervene. The Ministry is also not effective when it

comes to this . . . Teachers have not received any disciplinary action about this. Neither the Ministry

nor the head teachers have much power to punish bad practice because of the unions. The union exists

to protect teachers rights but I think they have gone too far. Instead of protecting teachers rights, they

try to reduce the teaching hours while increasing the salaries. The less teachers teach, the better. Teach-

ers want to teach less and earn more and because they know the union thinks the same, they turn to theunion when they are in trouble. (Esra)

In a system where head teachers are deprived of any decision-making power, these deficiencies

can become paralysing. In addition, it has been found that head teachers also lack capacity to use

the limited power they have. Accounts of lack of awareness of instructional problems were not

uncommon. It is rare for head teachers to observe classes and base their judgement on evidence.

Instead, head teachers seem to base their decisions on observation outside the classroom, the reac-

tions of the pupils and parents, and looking at the level of students when head teachers cover for

absent staff.

The head teacher completes the employee reports . . . To be frank, we dont complete our section

scientifically either because I usually observe teachers outside the classroom. I can assess their motiva-

tion, but no one knows what they teach in class, how well they teach, whether they use effective

pedagogical strategies. No one knows. (Ozgur)

Of course, the most important way of assessing teachers is observation. Most of the time, we are with

the teachers and we see how a teacher behaves towards students, parents, and their colleagues. Such an

observation . . . To tell the truth, I have not yet observed a class. I have not observed any classes, but

you know news about problems travel. When you are outside your office, you can understand how

someone teaches. Second, I always say students and parents are the biggest inspectors. By looking

at the reactions of students and parents, you can understand what kind of a teacher someone is, butI have not done any classroom observations before. (Aylin)


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With the exception of two head teachers, the participants did not mention doing regular

observations and using the information gathered to support pedagogical development. No other

method of supportingteachers to improve pedagogy was mentioned. In addition, onlyone head teacher

has stated that regular student assessment takes place in the school. Hence, evidence suggests that head

teachers spend relatively less time on management of teaching and learning and lack a school widesystem for improving pedagogy through evaluation and effective monitoring of teaching.

Managers have to deal with challenges arising from highly politicised, low-capacity policy fields,

weak infrastructure, demotivated teachers and, in some cases, undesirable socio-economic conditions

of students, all of which factors further weaken their already limited capacity to improve teaching

and learning. This suggests that head teachers seldom have opportunity to initiate pedagogical

improvement. The absence of systematic assessment of learning might further imply that pedagogi-

cal problems, learning and assessment are generally not on head teachers radar. Instead, head teach-

ers tend to associate school improvement with the improvement of the premises and equipment,

rather than pedagogical development. Where international leadership literature focuses on teaching

and learning, head teachers time in North Cyprus is consumed by routine administrative activities,and few head teachers use the limited scope they have to improve teaching and learning.

Conclusion

This article investigated the work of head teachers in North Cyprus, summarising how they are pre-

pared for and recruited to headship, how they manage their duties and responsibilities, as well as how

they face the challenges in their roles. The majority of participants consider that head teacher recruit-

ment is inequitable, marred by covert politicisation through social networks rather than based on qua-

lification and merit. Their work is burdensome, fully focused on administrative and management

issues with limited opportunities to exercise leadership, very little agency for change, and limitedcapacity to improve teaching and learning. Their work is not learning-centred; rather, it is concen-

trated on fund-raising and fiscal management, managing bureaucracy and managing teaching.

In carrying out their work, head teachers underline facing challenges arising from low-capacity,

highly politicised policy fields, demotivated teachers and weak infrastructure. Often coupled with

undesirable socio-economic conditions of students and uncontrolled migration, these challenges often

paralyse the system and force head teachers to manage with tied hands and seriously weaken their

already limited capacity to improve teaching and learning and to exercise leadership functions. This

paper shows that declining interest in school management, coupled with the decontextualised and uni-

versalistic discourse of leadership, can be a serious barrier to educational effectiveness and educational

reform, particularly in traditionalistic countries where it is not yet possible for school managers tobecome leaders and carry out leadership functions. It demonstrates that there is a need to re-

examine the implications of the declining interest in school management and fixation on leadership.

Funding

Thisresearch receivedno specific grant from anyfunding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Note

1. This cross-cultural dimension is not further explored in this paper because the paper is not about how

leadership manifests itself in different cultures because of cultural differences, but about contexts andcontextual dysfunctionalities that may hinder leadership and leadership development.


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Author biography

Sefika Mertkan is Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Education, Eastern Mediterranean

University. She is the assistant editor of the International Journal of Leadership in Education.

Previously, Sefika worked at the University of Cambridge. Her primary research interests are

in educational change, educational policy, educational leadership, school improvement and

qualitative research methods.


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