236
CHAPTER - VI
ECONOMIC IMPACT OF COLONIAL AND
POST-COLONIAL TRIBAL PEOPLE
In this chapter a detailed discussion on the economic policies of the
colonial and post-colonial states are discussed. While discussing the colonial
period emphasis is given to land revenue and forest policies and to assess its
effect on the tribal life, especially among the Kurichias. In the post-colonial
period, independent state‟s agrarian reforms, occupational mobility and land
reforms were taken into analysis to understand the dynamics of the economic
life of the tribals.
Economy, colonialism and the tribals
The British conquest of Malabar changed the situation by
strengthening its control over the whole area and tightening its grip as a
central imperialistic power extending to every aspect of people's life and
activity. The British came into contact with the tribes in Malabar during their
efforts for the consolidation of the Empire. In the beginning the colonial
Government did not want to go into the roots of tribal problems as they have
no interest in their development. It did not evolve a consistent policy for
tribal development during the 19th
century, but in the 20th
century, a little
attention was paid only to the welfare of the tribes in those areas where the
colonial agents lived.1 But the attempts made during this period miserably
failed to have any positive impact on the tribal economy. J.P. Hutton, the
commissioner of census 1931, has summarized the impact of British rule on
1 Velayudha Saravanan, 'Economic Decline of Tribals in Tamil Nadu – 1947-
2000' in Govinda Chandra Rath (Ed.) Tribal Development in India – The
Contemporary Debate, New Delhi, 2000, p.218.
237
tribals in the following words, “far from being of immediate benefit to the
tribes, the establishment of colonial rule in India did most of them much more
harm than good.” It may be said that the early days of British administration
were highly detrimental to the economic position of tribes through ignorance
and neglect of their right and custom.2
The pre-independent approach to tribal welfare or development was of
a different type. Some policies and legislations were implemented and
enacted during this period to mitigate the sufferings of the tribals and prevent
their exploitation by outsiders. Though these policies of the “Excluded and
Partilly-Excluded Areas were meant to protect the tribals they were in fact
politically motivated. They wanted to secure their own stability and
therefore, they were not necessarily meant to help the people to advance on
the road to progress.3 These policies helped to isolate the tribals and
therefore, prevented them from coming in contact with the general mass. In
such a colonial attitude there was no deliberate attempt to strengthen the
economic base of these downtrodden communities. A few missionary and
voluntary organizations were doing some welfare works among them with
their vested interests and limited resources at that time. Later on, the British
administrators, however, became increasingly involved in the welfare of the
tribal communities in the „inter-war‟ period.4 Senior officers were deputed in
most of the provinces to go into the problem faced by them and to suggest
remedial measures. These were, however, interrupted by the Second World
War and consequent economic changes. Thus the practice of tribal
development or the modern principle of administration whether for colonial or
2 As quoted in G.S. Ghurye, The Scheduled Tribe, Bombay, 1963, p.157.
3 Manish Kumar Raha et al., Changes in Tribal Culture: Indian Context – Tribal
Studies, Vol.I, New Delhi, 1997, p.157. 4 M. Madhava Menon, (ed.) Encyclopaedia of Dravidian Tribes, Vol. II,
Trivandrum, 1996, p. 81.
238
other ends, were first brought to the tribals by the British.5 The colonial
Government dealt with the tribals keeping their own vested interests in mind.
Their approach was basically law and order oriented and primarily meant to
keep the tribals isolated from the mainstream of national life. Their legal
system was complicated and its language was alien to the tribals. It was thus
the colonial period which brought most of the tribals under a common
political organization. It might be the first deliberate attempt towards the
tribals all over India.6 In pursuance of these laws the colonial rulers
maintained a stern posture throughout their rule in India, and even in tribal
areas they enforced them with an iron hand.7
Until colonial intervention and even a little later, the tribes continued
to live with an „internally self-subsistent economy‟ and also self-contented
traditional system. Since the advent of the British there began an infiltration
by outsiders into tribal areas and the autonomous tribal economy was
threatened. There emerged a relationship between tribals and non-tribals .
But the process was reversed when the British policy of isolating the tribes
resulted in large scale exploitation by landlords, money- lenders and
contractors, adding to their already strained life in fighting off the onslaughts
of ruthless nature. The judicial system which had been adopted gave the
money -lenders immense power over their debtors. They had their heyday as
no one was there to check their usurious activities.
5 Though some may claim that Emperor Asoka was the first to mitigate the
process by creating the post of Anta-mahamatya – the minister to look after the
downtrodden – but nothing is known about the steps taken in this regards. 6 P.K. Gopalakrishnan, Notes on Our Development Experience-since
Independence (1950-85), Trivandrum, 1985,p.235. 7 S.C. Dube, 'Inaugural Address' in K.S. Singh (Ed.) Tribal Situation in India,
Vol. 13, Shimla, 1972, p. 28.
239
Question of land ownership
With the British dominance Malabar became a part of the national
market, which was integrated to the world capitalist system.8 The elements of
market economy brought about a radical change in the traditional economic
life of tribal communities. They were confronted with the vagaries of the
colonial market economy that continually eroded their life style and
simultaneously deprived them of an important means of subsistence. Due to
the impact of new economic and politico-administrative measures, many of
the tribesmen lost their moorings from their traditional economy.9 The tribal
world was opened up aggressively and their resources were exploited. All
land in Malabar has been regarded as private land.10
Thus colonial rule was
based on the idea of private property that runs contrary to the experience of
the tribal communities. The private use of land for profit thus replaced the
early system of collective ownership among the tribals. For the first time
tribal resources and land became commodities. The colonial policy of
appropriation of land belonging to tribal groups compelled them to migrate to
interior parts of the forest in search of livelihood.11
In the course of their rule
the British gradually transformed land ownership into private property and
established the legal bases for capitalist production relations among landlords,
tenants, village servants and agricultural labourers.12
But there are scholars
who argue that such property right on land has been there before the British
8 Bipan Chandra Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India, New Delhi,
1979, p p.3-4. 9 V.S. Upadhyay, 'Special Problems of Minor Tribes', in L.P. Vidyarthi (ed.),
Tribal Development and Administration, New Delhi, 1986, p. 40. 10
Report of the special officer for the Investigation of Land Tenures on the
Recommendatins of the Malabar Tenancy Committee, May 1947, p.144. 11
K.S. Singh, 'Forward in Pariyaram', M. Chicacko (ed.), Tribal Communities and
Social Change, New Delhi. 2005, p. 18. 12
Kathaleen Gough E., Rural Society in Southeast India, London, 1981, p. 121.
240
intervention. William Thackeray, reported that the whole land on Malabar
cultivated and uncultivated was privae property and held by Janmam right
which conveyed full absolute property in the soil, and the Janmakar or
proprietor could dispose of his land as he pleased.13
The same idea was also
given by Thomas Warden, Collector of Malabar from 1804 to 1816. In his
view Janmam right of Malabar vest in its holder an absolute property in the
soil.14
For example, Walker‟s report states that “this much is certain that the
Jenmam possessed the entire right more tenaciously maintained.”15
In the
fifth report also it is observed “the land in general appears to have constituted
a clear private property more ancient and probably more perfect than that of
England:”16
This interest is known in Malabar as Jenmam.17
E.M.S.
Nambudiripad also has stated that unlike other parts of India, in Kerala land
had started developing as private property even in pre British days.18
He
further states that this development of proprietary interest in land was taking
place within the frame work of a predominantly natural economy. Thus the
British agrarian policies and revenue settlement they introduced in Malabar
were based on some misconception. 19
But, William Logan came to the
conclusion that, prior to the commencement of the British rule, no private
property in the European sense of the term had existed in Malabar and that the
13
Willaim Thakkeray, A Report on the Revenue Affiairs of Malabar and Canara,
1807, 7th Sept, Madras, 1911. 14
Thomas Warden, Report on the Land Tenures in Malabar, dated 12th
Sept. 1815,
p.1. 15
As quoted in Report of the Malabar Tenancy Committee – 1927-1928, Vol. I,
Madras, 1928, p. 6. 16
Ibid. 17
The word Jenm mean origin and it signifies the hereditary proprietary interest in
land. 18
E.M.S. Nambudiripad, The National Question in Kerala, Bombay, 1952, p. 73. 19
K.T. Thomas, Jenmi System in Kerala in 19th Century, Unpublihsed Ph.D
Thesis, Department of History, University of Calicut, 1995, p.50.
241
early English inquiries and the English courts had mistaken the Jenmi for a
landlord of the European type and had endowed him with the full European
rights of ownership, especially with the power of ouster, and that they had
misunderstood and misconstrued kanam and other tenures.20
Thus the
perception of the early British authorities in Malabar like Walker, Thakeray,
Warden etc., about the land tenures and agrarian relations in Malabar
completely upst the traditional janmi system.
Finally, it aas to be admitted that British rulers in Malabar supported
the rights of privagte land holding families and executed revenue agreement
with them and treated them as proprietors following the policy of permanent
settlement of Conwallis.21
In fact, the old property relations in respect of land
were changed to suit the pattern of individual ownership for collecting land
revenue. This land revenue settlement of Malabar differs from the ordinary
ryotwary settlement of the Madras presidency in that the existence of a
landlord between the state and the actual cultivators has been recognized in
the theoretical distribution of the produce on which the rates assessment is
based.22
In the ryotwari tracts of the other districts, the ryot hold land on
pattas and are not liable to be evicted by anybody. In the Zamindari tracts,
ryots enjoy occupancy rights. But in Malabar, lands are held under the Jenmi,
but the holders of these land do not enjoy occupancy rights and are liable to
be evicted.23
The legal conception of absolute private property of the British
eroded the traditions of point ownership and sharpened tension within the
tribal society. Under colonialism the tribal people were not considered to
20
As quoted in Report of Malabar Tenancy Committee – 1927-28, Vol.I, Madras,
1928, p.11. 21
Permanent Settlement Regulation, Regulation XXV of 1802, Fort St. George,
dated, 18th July, 1802. 22
C.A. Innes , et al, (eds.), Madras District Gazetteers – Malabar, 1951, p. 304. 23
Report of Malabar Tenancy Committee – 1927-28, Vol. I, 1928, p. 34.
242
have any property right in land as they have no records to prove. Prior to the
advent of the Mysorean rulers, there was no public land revenue in Malabar.24
The public land revenue system introduced by the British in Malabar
was just the same as in every other Indian province. In 1802 Major Macleod,
the first principal collector of Malabar, raised the rate of assessment and the
province rose in revolt.25
In Wynad these measures did much harm to the
landed tribal groups like Kurichias and Kurumans. They were in a position of
confrontation both with the Hindu landlords, and the British colonists as the
latter seriously encroached on their rights and territories. The rights of
transfer in land conferred by the British system of law and revenue made it
possible for the tribals to be manoeuvred into selling their land to non-tribals.
With administrative reforms the tribals were totally deprived of their
economic activities. In the beginning they were allowed to retain hill sides
for shifting cultivation with millets and sorghum and for grazing and their
rights to hunt in the forest was not severely curtailed.26
Later the hillsides in
Wynad largely began to be used for plantations by the British, thus forcing
the tribals to migrate to the interior parts of forests. They were thus deprived
of their only source of livelihood. This did much harm to the productive
capacities of the Krichias. All these tribes who had little option to survive,
were forced to became cheap labourers and raw materials. In their search for
resources the British firms had discovered that the foothill of the mountains
were excellent for large plantation of cash crops. The investment of foreign
capital in plantations had been an emerging phenomenon in India in the 19th
24
William Logan, Malabar Manual, Madras , 1995, p. 599. 25
Guide to the Records of the Malabar District – 1714-1835, Vol. I, Madras,
1936, p. 7. 26
T. Madhava Menon (ed.), A Handbook of Kerala, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 2002,
p. 726.
243
and early 20th
Centuries27
. This opening of plantation economy made a far
reaching impact on agrarian structure of Kerala.28
Large plantations made
their appearance in Wynad during the second quarter of the 19th
century,
prior to which the taluk was practically left to the tribes and covered with
jungle. The first regular coffee estate was said to have been established at
Mananthavadi sometime between 1830 and 1840.29
The immediate result was
the destruction of the traditional rural co-operative work pattern and
conversion of the people into cheap labour force.30
While reducing the tribes
paupers the colonial rule created a condition for their transformation into
proletarian groups without having to undergo the intermediary stages of
transition.31
Thus they were integrated into the larger system of colonial and
capitalist exploitation being led to abject poverty. The problem of tribal
poverty was thus inseparable from the history of colonial exploitation.
Colonial Economic Exaction and Tribal Resistance
The commercial interests of the British led to the socio-economic
transformation of Malabar. Every resource was a potential source of revenue.
They introduced a new system of administration, an array of new taxes, an
army of petty officials and establishment of a central police and judicial
system all contributing to the deterioration of the authority of tribal elders.
The measures to raise the revenue in Malabar were introduced by Thomas
27
K.K.N. Kurup, The Process of Tribal Land Alienation and Disempowerment in
Wynad, Banglore, 2006, p. 2. 28
K. Saradamoni, Emergence of a Slave Caste-Pulayas of Kerala, New Delhi,
1980, p. 114. 29
C.A. Innes, et al., n. 22, p.501. 30
George M. Foster, Traditional Culture and the Impact of Technological Change,
New York, 1965, p. 25. 31
K.S. Sahu, „Health of the Tribes: Issue and Perspective” in M. Viswanathan
Nair, Anthropology of Tribal Health and Medicine in Forest Environment.
Kozhikode, 1995, pp. 108-109.
244
Warden, the third principal collector of Malabar. Exorbitant taxes and rents
were imposed on land and it was the poor peasants and tribals who were hit
hard. The new taxes were realised ruthlessly by the zealous agents of the
local authority and the traditional system of land control broke down. Not
only were the hereditary tribal chiefs deprived of their land but the tribal
cultivators too lost their land to the new comers.32
The pauperised tribal
peasants were not merely reduced to the status of tenants at-will, share
croppers, and agricultural labourers but were also enslaved. T.H. Baber has
mentioned the despicable conditions of the Kurchias in his minutes that „they
were deprived of their caste by cutting off their lock of hair (the
distinguishing mark of their caste) by making them eat prohibited food and by
otherwise distinguishing and polluting them.33
Such practices have helped to
generate a feeling that even their identity too was in danger.34
During the British period alienation from land due to faulty legislation
pertaining to forest land and lack of understanding of tribal social
organisation were responsible for tribal uprisings.35
The revenue settlement
created havoc in the economic life of Wynad and lay waste the whole valley,
driving the inhabitants from destitution to madness. The Kurichias were
much disturbed by the British insistence of collection of revenue in cash
instead in kind.36
The revenue payment of each individual was raised to ten
32
C.P. Yadav, et al. (eds.), Encyclopaedia of Scheduled Castes and Scduled
Tribes. Vol. IV, New Delhi, 2000, p. 324. 33
As quoted in T.K. Ravindian, Institutions and Movements in Kerala History,
Trivandrum, 1978, p. 163. 34
M.T.Narayanan, 'Tribal Resistance to British Colonialism in Kerala' in S.
Sivadasan (ed.), Colonialism and Resistance Movements in South India. Kalady,
2008, p. 104. 35
M.S.A. Roa (Ed.), Social Movement in India, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1978, p. xxi. 36
C.K. Kareem, Kerala and Her culture: An Introduction, Trivandrum, 1971,
p. 71.
245
per cent.37
The imposition of unified legal ownership system and taxes in
cash was opposed by the tribal communities. Later a system of rent was
imposed on the tribal chiefs, and the demand for money was created enabling
money lenders and traders to step in. This was the immediate cause of the
first wave of the tribal revolts (1799-1859) throughout India, which were
followed by attempts to develop a special system of administration for
tribals.38
In the history of anti-colonial resistance in southern India, the
Kurichias were the first to rise in revolt against the alien rulers. Intense
disaffection was widespread among the tribal societies against the socio-
economic condition which they were forced to accept. They laid siege on the
detachments at Mananthavadi and Sultan Battery. During the first decade of
the 19th
century after the defeat of Tipu Sultan, Pazhasi Raja rose in revolt
against the British.39
He had withdrawn to Wynad where the Kurichias had
already organized under the able leadership of Thalakkal Chandu who
opposed and baffled the British, even the military genius of Colonal Wellesly,
by their guerilla tactics and techniques of archery.40
When the disturbances
became widespread Pazhassi Raja sought the support of the peasants and hill
tribes in the struggle against the British. The capture of Panamaram Fort in
Wynad in October 1802 was the first sign of the rebellion, wherein the
Kurichiyas under Chandu played a significant role.41
37
Ibid., p.104. 38
K.S. Singh, 'Agrarian Dimension of Tribal Movement', in A.R. Desai (ed.),
Agrarian Struggle in India – After Independence, Delhi, 1986, p. 186. 39
A. Yesuratnam, The East India Company and The Principal Raja of Malabar
(1708-1805), unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Calicut, 1977, p.271. 40
Military control of this province was placed under the Madras Government
which appointed Arthur Wellesly in 1800 as the Commander of the Force in
Malabar. 41
It is said that Edachenna Kungan, a rebel leader, was present when a revenue
collector came up and demanded some paddy from Kurichias. Kungan killed
the revenue collector on the spot, and the Kurichias of the locality under the
246
In the middle of these developments, Thomas Warden took charge as
the principal collector of Malabar, and he was ably assisted by T. H. Baber,
Subcollector of North Malabar. Baber was successful in putting down the
rebellion and he fully utilized the service of the kolkars in driving out the
rebels from the jungle.42
His policy of enlisting the support of the local
people for maintaining law and order and the work done by the kolkars soon
cleared the plains of the rebels. Pazhassi and his followers received the
support of a large number of Kurichias and Kurumans who believed that the
British would annihilate them and therefore had, out of fear, deserted their
hamlets and were living in the jungle . 43
The Earl of Mornington, the
Governor General, also felt that the British possession on the coast of Malabar
would not be safe as long as the tribes of Wynad had not been severely
punished .44
The conflict lasted till the end of 1805. It came to a final halt
with the death of Pazhassi Raja on 30th November 1805. All these colonial
attitudes created potential for unrest among the tribal groups. Consequently ,
at the beginning of 1812, a rebellion of Kurichias broke out against the
British. Although the Kurichias fought courageously their sporadic revolt
they raised, armed with bows and arrows, were quickly suppressed by the
mighty military machines of the British. The heroic nature of the rebellious
tribes finds a place in the correspondence of the company. They could use
leadership of their chief Thalakkal Chandu, became the followers of Kungan.
Edachenna Kungan, his two brothers, and about 50 Kurichias attacked the
British post at Panamaram which was held by a detachment of 70 men of the
first battalion of the 4th
Bombay infantry under Captain Deckenson and Lt.
Maxwell (William Logon, p.536.) 42
Due to some setback the British were compelled to change their mode of
operation, instead of deploying the regular army in the thick forest, Captain
Watson raised a force of Kolkars or native police to go deep into jungle against
the guerilla warfare of the Kurichias. 43
Yesuratnam, n. 39, p.271. 44
Correspondence of Marques Wellesly, as quoted in Yesuratnan, n. 40, 1977,
p. 246.
247
bows and arrows with wonderful dexterity .45
A veteran soldier James
Welsh had to admit that his troops were no match to the Kurichias.46
An
analysis of these factors highlights the revolt was in many respect a direct
outcome of the economic policies of the colonial rule in Malabar.
Forest Policies under Colonialism
The vast forest areas in India did not escape from the colonial
economic interests and exploitation. It is a fact that from the beginning of the
19th
century itself, control of colonial state over the forest zones for revenue
was tightened. The procedure for forest settlement had been a matter of
intense debate in the forest administration and the crucial question was how to
balance the opposing interest of the state – as representatives of a general
public – and local users and owners of customary rights.47
To „solve‟ the
problem it was decided that European praxis should be followed. Thereby,
European legal ideas and procedures were introduced to control the Indian
forest zones. Colonial government brought the forests used or occupied by
tribal and other agricultural communities under reserve. But this was an action
indigestible to the tribal and contrary to their ethos. There are documents
clearly indicating the increasing interest of the colonial state in the affairs of
forest of Malabar. These also reflect the changing perception of the colonial
45
Corresponding letters to the President and Members of the Board of Revenue
Fort St. George. Vol.No.2323, Regional Archives, Kozhikode. 46
Ibid. 47
Antje Linkenbach, Forest Future - Global Representation and Ground Realities
in the Himalayas, New Deli, 2007, p.127.
248
rule on the forests of Malabar.48
These reports refer to the private ownership
of the forests of Malabar.49
The control and management of forests by the British government was
closely linked with the expansion of the colonial Empire.50
A perusal of
forest management in India under colonial rule would help us understand the
changing attitude of the British towards the woods and the people who used
them. In the beginning the British were interested only in the exploitation of
forest resources especially timber. They monopolized the timber trade
throughout Malabar and parts of Travancore, disregarding all previously
existing rights.51
Soon Britain emerged as the world leader in deforestation as
they needed huge bulks of timber for military and naval purposes. By 1790
the construction of vessels on a large scale became an imperative and serious
attempts were made to control the extraction and utilization of the principal
product of the Malabar forests.52
Above all, a generally hostile attitude to
forest preservation was reinforced by the belief that forests were an
impediment to the expansion of agriculture and consequently to the
generation of land revenue.53
48
William Thackeray, A Report on the Revenue Affairs of Malabar and Canara,
Madras, 1807, para 2, p. 118. 49
H.Smith, Report of the Bengal-Bombay Joint Commission, Madras, 1862, para
10. 50
K.V. Kunhikrishnan, „The Colonial State and Indias Forest Strategy
Requirements and Policy Shifts,” in C. Balan. (ed.) Reflection on Malabar:
Society, Institution and Culture, Kanhangad, 2005, p.52. 51
Antje Linkenbach, n. 46, p. 125. 52
KV.Kunhikrishnan, Forest Policy and Administration in British Malabar, 1880-
1947.unpublished Ph.D Thesis. University of Calicut. 1995, p. 14. 53
Ramachandra Guha, „Fighting for the Forest: State Forestry and Social change
in Tribal India‟ in Oliver Mendersohn, et al. (eds.), The Rights of the
Subordinat People, Delhi, 1994, p.22.
249
As the British themselves had no tradition of forest management
German experts were invited to establish the Imperial Forest Department in
1864. Since then the Indian Forest Act VII of 1865, the first step to create a
state monopoly on forest and to ensure proper forest management was begun
to execute. The Indian Forest Act of 1878 provided a comprehensive piece of
legislation that served as a model for other British colonies and continues to
be in operation today. The Act ensured the absolute state monopoly over the
forests, with peasants and tribes allowed only a limited access to forests and
forest produce. This Act paved the way for the constitution of massive areas
of reserve forests and their subsequent working on commercial line.54
Such
an arrogation of the ownership of the forests by the British had reduced the
claims and rights of tribals, who had been living in the forest and enjoying
them through the ages. On some occasions the administration even went to
the extent of asking tribal people to produce documentary evidences to prove
their rights on forest lands, on which they were living for generations.55
Forests were opened up through a system of contractors working under the
British, with freedom to use their own labour. The Hill Tribes were engaged
in the activities of collecting Minor Forest Produces (MPF) and in their
relation with outsiders they were exploited by them.56
This incursion into
tribal areas exposed them to the exploitative pressures of money lenders and
land grabbers.
The first national forest policy was implemented in 1894 which
adopted administration of the state forests as a state subject. It also ensured
that the claim of agricultural development would be stronger than forestry.
People were encouraged to clear-fell forests for cultivation speeding up the
54
Ibid., p. 23. 55
KV. Kunhikrishnan, n. 52, p. 14. 56
Fracis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras, Through the Countries of Mysore,
Canara and Malabar, Vol. 1, Madras, 1870, p. 385.
250
pace of deforestation.57
The colonial Government not only claimed but
enforced its ownership over forest resources, thus forests became for the first
time a resource controlled and regulated space of the British Empire. This
brought the colonial regime in direct conflict with forest dwellers with deeply
entrenched notion of ownership of forests.58
The main effect of the colonial policy was felt in the brake up of
traditional tribal village economy .While the colonial game laws made
traditional tribal activities illegal and the state monopoly over trade in forest
produce also seriously affected the tribals who had depended on them for
subsistence .The introduction of commercial crops motivated the colonial
rulers to displace the tribals from their habitat. Where the shifting cultivation
inhibited the growth of plantation, its abolition could conceivably solve what
was at that time one of the plantation economy‟s most pressing problem – a
guaranteed labour force.59
The Indian Forest Act of 1927, as an all India Legislation, denied the
inherent rights of the people.60
This legislation laid emphasis on the
exploitation of the forests for revenue purpose rather than on the value of
preservation or conservation.61
This is also evident from the preamble of the
Act, which states that the laws are framed for regulating transit of forest
produce and the duty leviable on timber and other forest produces. The
tribesmen simply could not understand the new regulations. In effect it made
57
A.P. Dwivedi, Forest – The Ecological Ramification, Dehradun, 1993, p. 36. 58
K.S. Singh, “Rethinking Forest, Forest Dwellers and Ecological History” in B.B.
Chaudhuri, et al. (eds.), Tribe, Forest and socialformation in Indian History.
New Delhi, 2004, p. 46. 59
In this critical situation, tribals were the main source of labour supply and they
were experienced too for such work. 60
Digvijay Singh, 'The Real Issues', in Seminar, No. 552, August, 2000, p. 20. 61
K.S. Singh, Economics of the Tribes and their Transformation, New Delhi,
1982, p. viii.
251
the tribals dependent on colonial market economy which in turn left them
destitute.
It is to be mentioned that the forest administration of the British in
Malabar was no longer a reason for the Kurichia Revolt of 1812. The tribes
were deprived of their traditional right on forests only after the establishment
of the Forest Department in 1864. Depending on the relative pressure of
commercial forestry and the maintenance of social control, some strategies
like banning of shifting cultivation seems to have been adopted in different
regions. Sir Richard Temple clearly stated in 1863 the policy to be adopted
towards shifting cultivation.62
Shifting cultivation was considered harmful for
commercial forestry and it was highly discouraged as a major cause of soil
erosion by the champions of commercial logging. But for the tribes it was
often the only possibility. Henry Cleghorn, Inspector General of Forest in
1867, viewed that it should not be allowed in localities where teak and
blackwood flourished. Finally , shifting cultivation was banned in the
evergreen forests of Western Ghats by an order on 12th
April, 1870.63
By
another order in 1881 the clearing of forests and shifting cultivation even
beyond 6 k.m. of the forest was strictly prohibited. A more practical reason
for such hostility was that shifting cultivation often prevented alternative
economic uses of hilly or forest land. Thus the earlier rights enjoyed by the
tribals, by the grace of rulers, were now transformed into mere concessions.
In Wynad, at the same time, the British had to grand several concessions to
the tribes, especially to the Kurichias.64
They were also exempted from the
62
G.S. Ghurye, n. 2, p. 101. 63
O.K. Johny, Wynad Rekhakal (Mal.), Kozhikode, 2001, p. 90. 64
Panoor has mentioned his conversation with some Kurichia elders in 1962 that
their ancestors have enjoyed the cultivation of Rotation Punam under the British
in some parts of Wynad, and they are looking forward to get permission for the
same even now to lead a happy life K. Panoor, Keralathile Africa (Mal.),
Kottayam, 1963, p. 42.
252
provision of the Arms Act with reference to their bows and arrows.
However, these concessions did not extend to granting pattayam to the forest
land that were under the control of adivasis in Malabar.65
The tribes living in
reserve forests were under the control of the Forest Department. So they were
not issued land deeds66
. All Forest policies that curtailed the tribal freedom
and access to hunting and gathering created an acute sense of deprivation
among the tribal committees. Of all communities it was the Kurichians who
suffered much by these policies as they were the major tribal community who
survived on hunting and shifting cultivation.
Post-Independent State and the economy of the tribal people
In this section the present researcher will discuss the post-independent
India and Kerala state programmes and policies in modernizing tribal
economy and their effects. Primarily it will be an analysis of the condition of
the Kurichias. Other tribal communities in the Wynad will also occasionally
come in the discussion. Colonial government through their forest policies and
other administrative reforms had already redrawn the social and economic life
of the tribals of Wynad, including the Kurichias. It could be argued that the
post-independent Indian state also was following many of the colonial
policies. Therefore, while charting programmes for the tribals, the state often
neglected the economic life which was embedded in their cultural life.
Perhaps the continuing subalternity of the tribals could be seen as the result of
the unimaginative policies of the state in „developing‟ the tribals. What
happened to the tribal life in the post-independent period, including the
changing patterns of their means of subsistence, is closely observed in the
succeeding pages.
65
The Mathrubhumi, 10 June 2006. 66
Ibid.
253
It is a fact that the tribals constitute a vital part of Indian society and
therefore, any general change or modernizing of Indian society will have its
effects on tribals as well. But whether such changes were always
advantageous to the tribals is a question of debate. Often, it was seen that, in
the modern development process the tribals are seen straggling behind. It
shows that they are always in a liminal position. They were forced to leave
their ageold practice and they have not reached upto the level of reaping the
fruits of modern developments. It is in this situation tribal development had
become one of the major programmes of the independent Indian government.
Thus considerable emphasis is being laid for the uplift of these people and to
reduce the gap between tribes and non-tribes. But, still, that is, even after five
decades of planning, the tribal development has not achieved its objectives.
It has to be mentioned that even after the implementation of various
welfare and development schemes their participation as an independent
economic unit is extremely low compared to the non-tribals. Nevertheless
they continue to remain predominantly engaged in primary sector activities
like cultivation, agricultural labour, livestock, forestry, fishing, mining and
quarrying, plantation and allied activities. There is also a large scale shift
from the primary sector to secondary and tertiary sectors. All these have
made some significant changes in the occupational and material advancement
of the tribes. An attempt was made in a survey during the 1970‟s to calculate
and study the pattern of some specific occupations of the tribal communities.
Their occupations were classified into 12 groups. (1) Shifting cultivation (2)
Regular cultivation (3) Agricultural labour including farm and plantation
work (4) Livestock rearing (5) Basket making (6) other household industry
(7) Collection of forest produce (8) household work (9) government services
254
(10) food gathering (11) other unspecified occupations (12) private services.67
Though it is clear that most of these occupations do not have enough
significance in today‟s tribal economy and they must be taken into account in
the parameters of change . Their economic problems mainly appear in terms
of „occupational injustice‟ without supportive tribal programmes and
policies.68
Thus the development initiatives have produced dismal results in
the tribal economy of the state.
Agriculture is the main stay of Indian rural economy and all the same
so of the tribal economy. Since agriculture is the mode of livelihood for a
majority of people in rural areas, the changes that took place in it were of
great repercussion for the people who lived there. The Kurichias are
comparatively skillful in agriculture but the land owned by them was neither
fertile nor suitable for irrigation. But they have undertaken agriculture
(particularly cash crop cultivation) as the primary source of subsistance in this
district.69
The Kurichias have also partially mechanized agriculture and
adopted some innovations. In addition to their traditional crops of coffee and
pepper they cultivate ginger, banana and several roots. For ploughing they use
power tillers. They are also using chemical fertilizers along with cow-dung
and insecticides, and have experimented with new varieties of paddy.70
Though agriculture is the major occupation of many Kurichia and
Kuruma households it is marked by low productivity , thus keeping them at
subsistence level. By 2001 census, 90% of ST population depends on
67
Report on Socio-economic survey of Tribals in Kerala 1976-78. Trivandrum,
1979, p.19. 68
Radhakrishna Pandu, 'Tribal Problem: A Study from Macro to Micro', in S.N.
Tripathi (ed.), Tribals in India – The changing Scenario, New Delhi, 1998,
p. 340. 69
T. Madhava Menon (ed.), A Handbook of Kerala, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 2000,
p. 197. 70
Interview with Balan, a Kurichia Cultivator, Manathavadi,16.3.2008.
255
agrarian sector.71
As per a non-Governmental report the land holders above
one acre among the tribes of Wynad are 14%, most of them belong to the
Kurichas and Kurumas, landholding group from 50 cents to one acre is 26%,
from 10 cents to 50 cents it is 33% and the landless labourers are 16% and
most of them belong to the Paniyans, Adiyas and Kattunaikkas.72
The
cropping pattern followed by these people shows wide inter-regional
variations due to differences in climatic and ecological factors.73
Thus a rigid
and uniform economic and agricultural development programmme would not
succeed. Along with this a rapid population growth crated pressure on
agricultural land resulting in the fragmentation of landholding. One of the
crucial factors in the growth of landless labourers and their unemployment is
obviously this pressure of population on land as measured by changes in land-
labour ratio.74
The low per capita lands become uneconomic to cultivate.
Without better irrigation facilities tribal economy cannot be developed as
pointed out by the committee in 1964.
Although the history of tribal economy shows endless variations from
shifting cultivation to settled agriculture , the tribal occupational status
declined from that of cultivators to mere agricultural labourers in the course
of economic transformation in colonial and post-colonial period. As majority
of them were not able to produce enough for their subsistence, they have been
going out to seek employment elsewhere in the slack agricultural season soon
after paddy harvest. In the absence of land, lack of employment opportunities
was also identified as a persistent problem especially among the female .
71
Census 2001, ST. Directorate, Trivandrum. 72
Sreyas, NGO, Sultan Batteri, 2006. 73
P. Sivanandan, “Economic Emancipation through Institutional Reforms and
Development Programmes” in A.M. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel (ed.), TheDalit
Desiyata – The Kerala Experience in Development and Class Struggle, Delhi,
1990, p. 21. 74
Dharma Kumar, Land and Caste in South India, New Delhi, 1992, p. 101.
256
However, agriculture employment is available to women only for two months
in a year, work being available to them for ten to five days at sowing and
weeding time and ten to five days at harvesting time in each cropping
season.75
As women are unskilled labourers they do not get any other
employment within the village and recently they are largely going out of state
for work.76
Their proximity to the forest keep them away from getting
employments in plantation estates. The breaking up of this traditional
economic setup was followed by the weakening of traditional group level
social relation.77
Agriculture in Wynad unlike other districts has historically been
dominated by commercial crops and spices. The export of these commodities
from the state has been recording fairly good growth in the district till towards
the end of the 1990s.78
The decline in productivity and prices affected the
profitability of cultivation, especially on farm using hired labour. Agriculture
thus has now become an area of uncertainty and anxiety for all people in the
district. What makes tribal agriculture worse in the changed situation is that
they are unable to overcome the situation by alternative options. During the
last two decades, despite having mechanised farming, agriculture in the
district has been left to the vagaries of the monsoon. Adding to the problem
of the crisis-ridden agriculture sector, actual rainfall in the district has come
down to 30% of the normal. It is aptly described in the phrase „
karshikaprathisandhi ‘ or „agrarian crisis‟, a phrase now firmly found a place
75
Interview with Chirutheyi, agricultural labourer, Kalpetta ,14.4.2009. 76
Interview with Raman, agricultural labourer, Sultan Batteri, 26.2.2008. 77
P.R.G. Mathur, 'Tribal Movement in Lakshadweep and Southern India' in K.S.
Singh (ed.), Antiquity to Modernity in Tribal India, New Delhi, 1998, p. 334. 78
P.D. Jeromi, “Farmer‟s Indebtedness and Suicide Impact of Agricultural Trade
Liberalisation in Kerala” in E.P.W., August 4, 2007, p. 3241.
257
in the local lexicon . The crisis has sparked off many suicides.79
Of all
suicide cases 20% are reported from tribal communities.80
All these
eventually resulted in a trend towards bidding good-bye to agricultural
occupation by many people. It is a common observation that more and more
tribal youths are abstaining from manual agricultural works. Though it is
not true to state in tribal parlance that the plough has been replaced by
service in government sector. But of course agriculture is the first sphere
where the marginalisation of tribal people has taken place . Development
programmes, especially with capital input, giving a commercial twist to
agriculture have only proved disadvantageous to tribal population.
Forest Policies of the Independent State
The welfare of the tribals is closely linked with the management of the
forests. Everyone agrees that a close relationship exists between the tribals
and the forest. However the forest policies in most cases have failed to take
this factor into consideration. The forest administration and existing
regulations have deplorably overlooked the interests of the tribals. They are
primarily concerned with the revenue from the forests. After 1947, the
adoption of new forest policies as part of economic development was to
prevent indiscriminate use of the forest by the tribal people.
In Malabar, a major part of the forests remained in the hands of
Janmies.81
The Madras Preservation of Private Forest Act, 1949 was passed
79
Report of the Kerala State Farmer’s Debt Relief Commission – 2006. 80
Sreyas, Sultan Battey, 2006. 81
In 1945, the Madras Government conducted a survey to assess the details of
private forests in Malabar and found that 116 Jenmies were in possession of
3,10,000 hectares of forest land. This extension of private forests under Janmies
was more than two times of reserve forests under the government – T.P.
Viswanathan, Keralathile Vanapalanam, Prasnangalum Pariharangalum
(Mal.), Trivandrum, 1990, p. 5-6.
258
by a temporary measure with a view to prevent uncontrolled destruction of
private forests.82
With the influx of settlers money receipt system was
introduced which gave permission to cultivate the land without legally
transferring the ownership. 83
It was a total violation of the Act, and
consequently large areas of forest land were converted to farm land. As under
the British many of the tribes became farm labourers in Wynad.
The forest policy, therefore, was revised at the national level in 1952.
The Forest Policy Regulation (1952) drastically cut down the rights of the
tribals in the forest. Forest was taken as national wealth and was to run on a
commercial line. In these circumstances, the Dhebal Commission which
inquired into the position of ST in 1960-61, recommended an integrated
approach for the development of the tribes as well as the forest area.84
The
commission recommended a basic change in forest policy to enable tribals to
have control of the forest resources. It is a fact that without the active
participation of adivasis forests cannot be protected. The objective of the
Forest Policy was to provide continuous employment to as many tribal people
as possible in various forestry operation in the reserve forests. In the
beginning forest contractors were the employers of tribals in Malabar and the
officers of the Forest Department had expected to see that tribesmen got fair
wages.85
After the formation of a separate department for tribal welfare the
state‟s forest policy became closely linked with it. The state has clearly
demarcated the Revenue Forests to be controlled through the State Forest
82
C.K. Karmakaran, Politics of Vanishing Forest in Kerala, Trissur, 2003, p.27. 83
T.P. Viswanathan, n. 81, p. 7. 84
Dhebal. V.M. Report on the SC/ST Commission 1960-61, New Delhi, as quoted
in L.A. Krishna Iyer, Social History of Kerala, Madras, 1968, p.69. 85
A Aiyappan, Report on the Socio-economic condition of the Aboriginal Tribes of
the province of Madras. Madras, 1948, p. 20.
259
Department. For meeting the manpower requirements for exploitation and
regeneration of forest resources the Forest Department established a few
human settlements inside or in the vicinity of the forest and named them
Forest Villages.86
The forest dwellers in this forest land stand on a different
footing.87
For the protection, advancement and management of the Hill Tribes,
Hillmen Rules used to be framed on the strength of empowering provisions in
the Forest Act. Kerala Hillmen Rules were notified in 1964. 88
These Rules
were not different from the old Travancore Act, 1911. Assignment of land to
the Scheduled Tribes for cultivation is made under the Hillmen Settlement
Rule. The Tribal settlement in the forest is permanently fixed by the Forest
Department and they are under the control of the department. The Scheduled
Tribes living in such settlements were required to register their names with
the Divisional Forest Officer through the Range Officer. The Scheduled
Tribes are allowed the concession of cultivating land free of tax in the
settlement to the extent of 5/8 of an acre per head. The land is not registered
in the name of Scheduled Tribes eventhough they may be traditionally
cultivating the land for long. The Scheduled Tribes who violate the forest
rules are liable to be expelled from the settlement temporarily or permanently.
The tribes do not therefore enjoy any security of tenure in the land which they
cultivate. They are always at the mercy of the Forest Department.
The Kerala Hillmen Rules, 1964, were however, struck down in 1970
by the High Court of Kerala against a petition filed by one Eachara Ittiyathi, a
86
Devendra Takur et al. (eds.), Tribal Life in India, Vol.II, New Delhi, 1996, p. 3. 87
The definition of the term „forest dwellers‟ as people who reside in forest, and
excluding people who live in close proximity to forest. This means the primary
beneficiaries are the people who live in recorded forest villages. Frontline, Jun
12, 2007, p.9. 88
Notification No. MS.575/64/AD dated 19.8.1964.
260
tribal, challenging the constitutional competence of the state legislature in
framing such rules.89
The unholy hand behind Ittiyathi is quite predictable,
since no Hill tribe, in the usual course, may approach the High Court with
such a prayer on constitutional ground, when the said Rules were very much
in their favour in the matters of free enjoyment of government land and of
protection from the exploitation of middle men. But it was only in Keala that
the Hillmen Rule (which govern the people in the forest area) were challenged
and struck down by the High Court which held that these constituted violation
of the fundamental rights.90
In 1971 the State Government, by the Kerala Private Forest (vested and
Assignment) Ordinance, 1971, took over all private forests without
compensation. Soon the ordinance was replaced by the Kerala Private Forest
(V and A) Act, 1971. It was also immediately challenged in the court of law,
and the Kerala High Court struck it down on 21.6.1972.91
All these led to the
distruction of large areas of forests. In 1972 the government issued another
ordinance to protect the forests in Malabar. For the implementation of the
provisions of the Act, a Vested Forest Committee was constituted. It
estimated the tribal colonies in the forests and recommended distribution of
land to tribals in the vested forests as per its report there are 1015.26 hectors
in north Wynad and 14,666.76 hectares in south Waynad.92
The committee
also prepared a model of the scheme for utilisation of the forest land. It was
this land that was used for the Pookot Dairy Farm and Tribal Development
Programme of Valat in Tavinhal Panchayat.93
89
C.K. Karunakaran, n. 82, p. 45. 90
B.D. Sharma, Dalits Betrayed, New Delhi, 1994, p.126. 91
T.P. Viswanathan, n. 81, p. 7. 92
C.K. Karunakaran, Keralathile Vanangal Noottandukaliloode (Mal.), Vol. 2,
Trivandrum, 1995, pp. 78-79. 93
Ibid.
261
The forest laws do not seem to have been framed to suit the needs of
these tribes. The earlier relationship of tribals with the forest is no longer
valid; the traditional right on concessions may be used by the community only
to supplement marginally their incomes. But in tribal experience, forest and
game laws reduced their access to the fruits of nature.94
By the provisions of
the Forest (Conservation) Act, 1981 no tree in the forest area can be cut
except for the purpose of replanting the area. As interpreted and implemented
in Kerala State, this prohibition has been used to stop all tribal development
activities in the forest. In addition to the Forest policies relentless
deforestation ruined the tribals and forcedthem to move out. After
independence all these have happened in the name of „development'.
Statesponsored development drawn up for short-term monetary gains is also
responsible for this deforestation.95
The period also witnessed escalation of
tension between forest officials and forest dwelling communities, the
enhanced role of timber mafia acting in collusion with a section of the tribal
people and the bureaucracy, and also increasing incidence of protest and
violence and movements to project and protest people‟s rights. 96
There are large scale clearing of tropical forests in Sultanbatteri and
Mananthavadi regions. The tribals in these areas have lost control over their
resources and have become daily wage earners. This finally led to causing
misery to the tribals who depend on forest for food, employment and non-
timber forest produces. Immediately after World War II, throughout Malabar,
Cochin and Travancore, forest lands were converted into settlements and
turned over agriculture under the „Grow More Food Campaign”. Another
instance is the migration of ex-servicemen through the Wynad Colonisation
94
Ramachandra Guha, Savaging the Civilized – Varrier Elwin His tribals and
India. New Delhi, 199, p.150. 95
P.R.G. Mathur, n. 77, p. 334. 96
K.S.Singh, n. 61, p. 41.
262
scheme which has also adversely affected the forest and forest dwelling
people like the Paniyas.97
The demand for timber, fire wood and reckless use
of forests continued to rise substantially during this period. In less than a
decade between 1960 and 1970, all the accessible and fertile areas were
occupied. During this rapid thrust the area of cultivation was extended further
into the interior parts of the forests. The tribal properties thus were alienated
from their possession by all kinds of ruses.98
This systematic encroachment
on the preserves of the tribals, accompanied by the attempt at forest
conservancy by the government, had already caused the migration of tribal
families northwards to Mysore and Coorg.99
The deforestation in Wynad has totally changed the district. A careful
study of the records throws light on some startling truths. From 1900 to 1995,
in about a century, a new and different Wynad has emerged. A good chunk of
thick forests has vanished, gigantic trees have disappeared, innumerable
species of wild life have dwindled and some have even become extinct. The
Wild Life Protection Act 1972 and strict enforcement of its provisions led to
conflicts between the tribal people and the Forest Department. The
government policies had put the forest dwellers between the mill-stones of
department officers and settlers. The consequence of the increasing alienation
of the tribal people from the Forest Department have been disastrous to the
protection of forests themselves. The relationship seems to be strained
mostly on account of the strong action being taken against tribal people for
petty offences and even against legitimate collection of MFP.
97
2nd
FYP-Kerala, Trivandrum, 1958, p. 112. 98
T. Madhava Menon (ed.), A Handbook of Kerala, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 2000,
p. 54. 99
Dilip Menon, Caste, Nationalism and Communism in South India – Malabar
1900 – 1948. New Delhi, 1994, p. 12.
263
Economic impact of migration to tribal areas
Wynad happened to be an important centre of settlement of migrant
Travancoreans. Therefore, in popular usage, this migration to Malabar is
sometimes referred to as „Wynadan migration‟.100
The large scale migration
of small farmers from the Travancore and Cochin regions to Malabar during
the second half of the 20th
century had far-reaching and disastrous effects on
the tribal communities.101
The most significant impact was felt on the
economic front, and it had always adversely affected the tribals. The large
scale influx of migrants to Wynad resulted in the progressive depletion of
common property resources including the forests .They not only grabbed the
tribal lands, but encroached into the forest land in which tribals exercised
considerable user rights. This finally caused the loss of non-farm
employment opportunities.
There could be a number of economic parameters like the level and
composition of income, extent of employment, pattern of employment,
cropping and land and asset holdings. As per the project report of the
Ministry of Environment, there was no significant change in the composition
of income. While farm income remained almost stable, there was a marginal
appreciation in the share of wage income. The only notable change was the
fall in the share of self-employment income. It was really caused by a sharp
fall in incomes from crafts, collection of MFP and other forms of self-
employment generated through the utilization of forest products like bamboo,
reeds, medicinal herbs etc. 102
100
P.K. Michael Tharakan, 'Dimensions and Characteristics of the Migration of
Farmers from Travancore to Malabar, 1930-1950', Journal of Kerala Studies,
Vol. III, Part 2, June 1987, p. 290. 101
Ibid., pp. 287-88. 102
Mohandas, Impact of New Settlers in the Western Ghat Region on the Socio-
Economic conditions of the Tribal Population. Thrissur, 1992, p. 75.
264
There have been changes in the cropping pattern of significantly larger
proportion of households. Even though the average area under cultivation
went up there was only a very marginal increase with respect to individual
crops. Change in this regard was a shift in favour of perennial cash crops
like coffee and pepper from paddy and other miscellaneous crops. It is also to
be noted that coffee and pepper were not cultivated by any of the tribal
households earlier.103
In the post-migration period, it is found that substantial
areas have been brought under coffee and pepper by many of the Kurichia
Tarawads. All these resulted in the decline in the area under miscellaneous
crops including farm agriculture. The emergence of pepper and coffee as the
major commercial crops in the district due to organized efforts of settlers has
a strong demonstrative effect on the tribals.104
In many areas the settlers
entered into joint – cultivation arrangements with the tribals, especially with
the Kurichias and Kurumans, which helped the latter to make the desired
change in their cropping pattern. At the same time it also adversely affected
the tribals in many ways. In the beginning the settlers worked on their own
agricultural land, but after that they themselves became a larger labour force
for agricultural practices of others. Thus the wage labour in the estates
available to the tribals declined when settlers also joined the labour force
competing for the limited job opportunities.
Some writers saw only the positive side of the impact of migration, that
tribals could learn new cultivation practices from the settlers which led to
improvement in production and productivity of their major crops. Migration
may thus have helped in bringing skill to this area where they could most
profitably be utilized and in contributing to a better utilization of human
103
Interview with S. Joseph, a cash crop cultivator, Pulpally, 11.8.2008. 104
Interview with Varchese, cash crop cultivator, Thavinhal, 11.8.2008.
265
resources.105
But they ignored the role played by migrant people on the
destruction of the tribal ethos. Compared to the Kurichias and other tribals of
Wynad, the non-tribal peasants had superior agricultural technology, but they
produced surplus with the help of tribal labourers only.106
Even after
substantial changes took place in cash crops and techniques of cultivation the
rural economy of Wynad remained stagnant.107
The non-tribals of the cities
were also getting interested in practicing cash-crop agriculture. This led to
the origin of a kind of neo-rich farmers who in practice provided all
incentives to the tribals to get their land sold or mortgaged. This resulted in
land alienation to settlers who have been lured by the fertile soil of Wynad
eminently suited for cultivation of a variety of high value cash crops. Not
only was the land of the tribals alienated, they were virtually alienated from
the development of the area which resulted in the degradation of the economic
conditions of the tribals. Although the establishment of farms and estates by
the settlers created more employment opportunities the self-employment from
dairying really declined as a consequence of the loss of grazing lands due to
their conversion into cropland by the settlers.
The destruction of the traditional tribal economy reduced the tribals
into the status of wage labourers and were forced to buy most of their
requirements from the market. Thus the traditional self-reliant, non-
monetised tribal economy gradually got transformed into a dependent and
monetised economy making them highly vulnerable to external economic and
social environment with the arrival of outsiders with their highly monetised
105
K.C. Zachariya, „Bombay Migration Study: A pilot analysis of Migration to an
Asian Metropolis,” in General Breese (ed.), The City in Newly Developing
Countries, Princeton University, 1969, p. 365. 106
Vidyut Joshi, Tribal Transition in India Issue and Development (ed.), Jaipur,
1998, p. 23. 107
Thomas W.Shea, 'Barriers to Economic Development in Traditional Societies in
Malabar', A case study, in Journal of Economic History, Vol.x1x, No. 4, Dec.
1957, p. 522.
266
profit oriented culture, the socio-economic interdependence that existed
earlier broke down.108
The migrants developed the economy, started
educational institutions and led an affluent life. This life and living style of
settlers had a little effect at least on some of the tribals as they also started
aspiring for similar economic conditions. But many of the poor tribes were
marginalized to interior areas of the forests. Along with this, their perception
and attitude towards money also underwent significant change. This attitude
was confined to certain landlholding communities and they began to impart
better education to their children. Whereas many others like the Paniyas and
Adiyas due to loss of their traditional life support system, were forced to
depend heavily on poorly paid casual work for livelihood.
Agricultural proletariats
In the changed economic situation the tribal folk, especially the
Kurichias, were transformed as labourers. They were heavily concentrated on
the primary sector for their subsistence. Their occupational structure,
especially in agriculture, with the features of paltry level of income,
possession of fewer assets, lamentably low levels of literacy, concentration in
traditional activities and high incidence of indebtedness further weakened
their condition. So their problems have now become identified with the
agricultural labourers from non-tribal communities. Since agricultural
labourers occupy lowers position in the occupational hierarchy, the obvious
conclusion is that these agricultural labourers are drawn from the lowest
socio-economic group. A distinct feature of the tribal agricultural labour is
the preponderance of women and children as wage earners. Although the
increased wage rate, better living condition, fixation of working hours etc are
major changes taken place among the agricultural labourers there was a
108
T. Madhava Menon (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Dravidian Tribes, Vol. I,
Trivandrum, 1993, p. 88.
267
negative relation between the number of agricultural labourers and the wage
rate among the tribal people.
A study of the wages is essential for a proper understanding of the
living condition of the tribals. Agricultural labourers led a life of poverty as
they got only a meagre amount as wage. So in the household economy their
wants are few and limited. There are ameliorative legislations for agricultural
development which mainly aim at the general development of agricultural
labourers. The first step in this regard was the promulgation of the Minimum
Wage Act in 1948 by the Government of India. Even before the adoption of
the Constitution the Minimum Wage Act helped to safeguard the interests of
agricultural labourers in many parts of the country. This Act casts a duty on
the appropriate government to fix the minimum wages payable to employees
specified in the Schedule of the Act. These provisions are designed to deliver
justice to workmen. Their meagre demand for labour can be met from the
vast armies of unemployed workers available around and at a rate of wage
fixed by them. An element essential to the success of the achievement of the
social objectives of this enactment is the parallel and strict enforcement of the
provision of this Act. The fixation of minimum wage was desirable for many
reasons, particularly to indicate the State‟s anxiety to protect this group from
undue exploitation. Although this Act has little effect on rural agricultural
labour, the ostensible purpose of fixing the minimum wages of agricultural
labour was never realized, as the Act was seldom seriously implemented.
The Report of the Committee on minimum wage pointed out that the
distressed state of the agricultural sector as a whole cannot be rectified by
mere wage fixation and it would affect the major sections of the population.
While a uniform minimum wage could not suit all localities, any wide
differentiation between zones may result in disturbing the agricultural
268
economy of the state.109
The problem of fixation of wage was therefore
very delicate and difficult and it has been approached form the angle of
comparative wage level in other occupations and it was found that there could
not be any great disparities between the standard of requirements of the
agricultural labourers and of others.110
Unlike the industrial workers, agriculture labourers are not organised
with the result that they do not have much bargaining power. It is, therefore,
the recommendations in the 1964 Report that have been made to take
necessary steps to enforce the Minimum Wage Act strictly and with due
regard to the cost of living index. A special survey in Wynad during 1976-78
has revealed the existence of various kinds of wage systems among the
tribals. Even after many decades of independence there existed payments in
kind. The Paniyas were given it in the form of foods. Till recently, they got
rice and curry in the morning before they entered into the field of work and
the same might be taken to the field at noon where they were working to
avoid the loses of time .A combined system of payments existed and the paid
wages were much below the minimum wage fixed for these areas. This
phenomena is result of the lack of organisation among the tribal agricultural
labourers. Simultaneously with this, consequent upon the phenomenal rise in
the level of unemployment among them in the district, there is massive unflux
of migrant labourers into this tribal area leading to the displacement of tribal
folk. In this situation, it is known for the increasing spread and militancy of
trade unionism among the agricultural laboureres backed by leftist parties.
The problems of scheduled sections have been recognised only as trade
union problems and not as a larger political problem.111
This is to say, even
109
Report of the Minimum Wage Committee for Employment in Agriculture - 1956,
Ernakulam, 1957, pp. 4-5. 110
Ibid. 111
M .Kunhaman, Development of Tribal Economy, New Delhi, 1989, p. 88
269
though various political parties have been organising them into trade unions
so as to obtain improvement in wage-rates and better labour conditions, no
attemptshas so far been made to end the alienation of these people from the
means of production.112
In the matter of forming organisations among the
agricultural labourers, there is competition among the political parties of
different ideologies while keeping these people permanently as agricultural
labourers.
The Left parties are far ahead in implementing beneficiary schemes for
agricultural labourers. An epoch making change in this regard was the Kerala
Agricultural Workers Pension Scheme, which came into affect from 4th
January, 1980.113
Although the tribals are mainly agricultural labourers in
Wynad these pension holders are comparatively very less.
A further study on the trends in real wage rates of agricultural
labourers during 1950-51 to 1971-72 has pointed out that Kerala is one of the
States that has shown a consistent rise in real wages since 1950-57.114
Higher
wages in the context of an increasing supply of labour underline the
importance of collective bargaining in securing high wage rates in the state.
How far this is applicable in the case of tribals is a matter to be discussed. The
present researcher‟s observation reveals that these trends of increasing wage
due of the higher bargaining power are not seen among the tribals of Wynad.
Moreover, such an attempt from the side of the tribals are always opposed by
powerful classes in Malabar. Though the Kerala Government has fixed the
minimum wages for labourers engaged in agricultural, it has not been
enforced in Kozhikode as the notification was invalidated by the High Court
112
Ibid. 113
The scheme initially provided a monthly pension of Rs.45 to each agricultural
worker who attained the age of 60 and whose annual income was below
Rs. 1500/-. The monthly pension was enhanced ro Rs. 60 per month from 1987-
88 and to 70 per month from 1.8.1991.It was revised to Rs.100 in1995-96. 114
As quoted in K. Saradamani, n. 28, p. 232.
270
on a writ petition filed by a few landlords.115
There was only negligible rise in
the wages of unskilled workers in the agricultural sector. The wage rate of
Rs.77.17 of male workers in the year 1995-1996 witnessed a rise upto
Rs.174.67 in 2005-2006. The corresponding figures for the female workers
are 51.17 and Rs.119.80 respectively.116
In short, tn the case of tribal workers
of Wynad the ageold tendency of paying lower wages still prevails.
Work Participation
The distribution of the tribal workers in the primary, secondary and
tertiary sectors gives a broad indication of the nature of their participation in
different sectors of the economy. The tribals were generally engaged in
miscellaneous occupation apart from some specific occupations. But in the
new economic scenario all these have changed and the communities like the
Paniyas .the Adiyas, the Kattunaikkas, etc are agriculture labourers. Whereas
a substantial percentage people belonging to the Kurichiya and the Kuruma
communities are still agriculturists.117
Statistics shows that presently the tribal people who constitute only
1.14% of total population of Kerala form 13% of the total agricultural
labourers in the State.118
They are mere agricultural labourers and only very
few own agricultural land. Even the well-known Land Reform Act of Kerala
had been of only marginal help to them. In 1990s in Kerala the agriculture
sector provided employment to 78% of ST workers, of whom 57.5% are
labourers and 20.5% are cultivators. In 2000 the cultivators in STwere
115
A Sreedhara Menon, Kerala District Gazetteer - Kozhikode, Trivandurm, 1958,
p. 552. 116
As quoted in the Report of Kerala State Farmers Debt Relief Commission,
Trivandurm, 2006. 117
Report of the Commission on the Socio-economic Condition of SC/ST 1978,
Vol. I, Part I, Trivandrum, p. 10. 118
Economic Review, 2004, p. 345.
271
reduced to 17%.119
The work participation of ST is 46.04% and SC is
41.21% as against the state average of 31.43% for the whole population. The
major reason for higher rate of work participation is the involvement of tribal
women in this field. Atribal woman can be a multipurpose worker.While
average work participation rate of the women in the state is 15.85%, the
rates for SC and ST women are 31.73 and 36.90% respectively.120
The
proportion of female workers is largely in occupations attached to the
households and in unspecified works.
The ST communities contributed the vital man power to the agrarian
economy of Wynad. The work participation rate of tribals in the district is
higher than any district as the largest agricultural labourers of Paniyans and
Adiays fully depend on agriculture. ST cultivators are becoming agricultural
labourers due to deforestation and large scale land alienation. Decline of
these work force from cultivators to agricultural labourers is a clear indication
of the deterioration of tribal economy . The immediate effect of dispossession
was enslavement in the 19th
and 20th
centuries and proletarianisation of tribal
labour. The process of proletarianisation was accelerated during the 2nd, 3rd
and 4th decades of the 20th century following the large scale migration.121
The migrants purchased land with bonded labourers from the Janmies and this
led to emancipation of more tribal slaves and they became wage labourers.
Occupation mobility among the tribals
The occupation that the STs traditionally followed can not fetch them a
livelihood in the present. So their occupational mobility is an important item
on the agenda concerning their development. The condition of labour in
certain organised sectors, especially in plantations, improved much. Hence
119
Economic Review, 2000, p. 188. 120
Ibid., p. 186. 121
Kunhaman, n. 111, p. 45.
272
there is an influx of others to this area and the plantation owners and factory
owners are willing to engage others as labourers.122
As a result, a large
section of tribals are losing their occupation every year at a fast rate. At this
critical juncture mobility in their occupation has been a major aspect
influencing their socio-economic condition.
Occupational mobility refers to shifting of occupation from traditional
sector to non-traditional sector or occupation in village to occupation in town
with a view to improve one‟s socio-economic status. Higher social and
professional status as well as better and stable income are the main incentives
for achieving occupational mobility. The traditional sector includes all the
cultivators of the family agricultural land, agricultural labourers and other
daily wage coolies and the non-traditional sector includes all government
employees, industrial workers, plantations labourers, and those people who
are running small business establishments.123
Many factors have contributed to the occupational mobility among the
tribes of Wynad and its rate varied from tribe to tribe due to education and
receptivity. The new employment opportunities and education are creating
certain amount of mobility in their occupations. The growth of towns like
Kalpetta, Mananthavadi and Sultanbatteri were very conducive to provide
such opportunities. However, even unskilled manual labour in the town
entails a pay-schedule with a better cash component than the typical work in
the villages. The urban workers unlike their counterparts in the settlements,
no longer find themselves totally dependent on a village agricultural
economy in which their subordinate economic position entails an inferior
122
Interview with Kumaran, a plantation worker, Kalpetta ,5.6 .2009. 123
J.R. Raghu Ramadas, 'Occupational Mobility among the Kurichias' in A.C.
Swarankar (ed.), Indian Tribes - Health Ecology and Social Structure, Jaipur,
1995, p. 210.
273
status as well.124
In the light of these facts, it may be argued that urban
employment confers some 'mobility - advantage' even in the case of manual
labour.
This mobilisation has slightly improved as a result of the welfare
measures adopted by the government. Such mobility naturally affects the
younger people who are forced to give up their traditional occupation which
has been the cause of their social distance from the non-tribals. 125
Younger
generations prefer generally white collar jobs for the purpose of upgrading
their lifestyle. Raghu Ramdas in his study on the occupational mobility
among the Kurichias has analysed their present occupation in preference to
their traditional occupation. He states that the youngsters are moving into
nontraditional occupations in great number though the traditional continued to
be predominant source of living.126
This trend is largely observed among the
Kurichias and Kurumas.
Tribal Welfare Department has been giving training to high school
educated youth in various skilled jobs. The youngsters of Paniyas and Adiyas
till recently were treated as illiterate and were thought to be unfit for
technical posts and their employment was confined to low grade works of the
unorganized sector. Sometimes such family members were forced to be
affiliated with the unorganized sector for the sake of employment. It could not
be denied that social stigma prevents many of them getting mobilized. The
working condition, the type of wage payment and the hours of work done are
hard to tolerate, but they desperately undertake it. But it can be said that a
large number of Kurichias and Kurmas moved to non-traditional sectors with
the help of development programmes. Other sections of the tribals sought
124
Ibid., p.214. 125
A. Balakrishnan Nair, Government and Politics of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1994,
p. 297. 126
J R .Raghu Ramdas, n. 123, p. 210.
274
mobility primarily through new employment opportunities outside their
panchayats due to town employment. Contact with non-tribals is another
factor which leads to occupational mobility among the tribes of Wynad. The
rate of contact of tribes with others varied from tribe to tribe. Many of the
small tribes are far removed from the general population and are not able to
break their barriers. After the disintegration of the joint family setup the
Kurichias began to settle independently. Most of them are living in the midst
of non-tribals and plantation work is the major non-traditional sector where
both men and women tribal folk are engaged as paid workers.127
The economic servitude is not only confined to agriculture, but met
within small artisan industries. Uralikurmans of Wynad, work as artisans for
their agrarian neioghbours. It has been noticed that many tribes, especially the
Uralis, had to abandon their traditional occupations due to migration and lack
of availability of raw materials. The Kattunaikkans who were food-gathers
have hunters and become farm labourers and mahouts. The Paniyas and
Adiyas also have improved their working conditions with the advent of
plantations. But the quality of their work has not much improved.128
The
rate of labour mobility is also very low among the tribals like the Paniyas,
Adiyas, Kattunaikkas, etc. But the new generation, especially among the
Kurichias and Kurumans, has been gradually moving towards non-traditional
occupation.
Tribal Indebtedness
Indebtedness is one of the major problems that upsets all the
developments of the tribal people. The chronic indebtedness among them is
mainly due to their poverty, ignorance, extravagant expenditure on social and
religions ceremonies, lack of credit facilities and consequent dependence on
127
Ibid., p.215. 128
Interview with K.K. Kochu, dalit writer, Kottayam, 19.11.09.
275
usurious and unscrupulous moneylenders. The emergence of new credit
agencies has also contributed to this phenomenon. The forest laws have
reduced their chances of earning, so their capacity to repay the loans is
decreased. Unless this evil is effectively curbed the programmes undertaken
for the economic advancement of these people will not have the desired
results.
Tribals are the main customers of moneylenders in Wynad. The needs
of tribals are fulfilled by the moneylenders as they are already settled in all
villages and towns of Wynad. It is during the lean season that they mainly
depend on moneylenders to meet their daily requirements. This pattern was
almost uniform under the survey of 1976-78 in the three major Tribal Blocks
in Wynad.
As the tribals are illiterate and ignorant they have no idea of what is
maintained in the account registers of the moneylenders. They give their
thump impression very obediently wherever required by the moneylenders
and that seals their fate for the future and for the future of the coming
generations.129
It is very easy for them to obtain these kinds of loans as they
are trustworthy in repaying the loan. These loans are conditional. If they are
unable to repay, they have to deliver agricultural and forest produce to them at
prices much lower than the market rate.130
Thus a new social order is created
in the tribal society, the agents of these order being represented by non- tribals
and the outcome is that the 'tribal poor' find themselves exceedingly indebted
and alienated from their resources.
These unorganised local moneylenders lend money without any
formalities because he deals with them at personal level and has no
129
Interview with Raghavan, the Secretary of the Society for collecting MFP,
Sulthan Battery, 11.8.2008, 130
Interview with Chandu, The President of Adivasi Kshema Samithi – Wynad,
11.2.2008.
276
confounding form and procedure.131
The moneylenders were able to keep the
tribesmen away from any contact with co-perative societies leading to the
failure of all developing programmes of the government.132
Under such a
system there could hardly be any practical control of moneylending in the
tribal area. No effective legislation has been enacted in any state to curb these
illegal practices . The only law common to deal with the problem of
indebtedness is 'Debt Relief Act'. 133
In pursuance of its provisions various
state governments have promulgated and enacted a number of laws and
regulations. In Kerala there is 'The Kerala Money Lending Act of 1958‟.134
But all these are ineffective, and in the changed economic scenario money
lending cannot be checked completely by legislation alone.
Another factor which has accelerated this indebtedness is the merciless
exploitation of tribal people by non-tribals and sometime by their own people
who are more advanced. Methods employed extend from snatching away their
land and making them labourers on their own land to sexually exploiting
their women. The nature and magnitude of exploitation varies considerably.
Though the exploitation of the tribals have come to the notice of the
administrators and policy makers from time to time, practically nothing has
been done in this regard.135
It is, therefore, not only necessary but also
agreeable to protect the poor tribals from such wicked people. It seems that
the entire fabric of tribal community will be disrupted to suit the needs of
131
A. Aiyappan, 'Tribes in Southern India' in Devendra Thakur et al., (eds.) Tribal
Life in India Vol. I, New Delhi, 1996, p. 95. 132
S. Narayan, Indian Anthroplogy, Delhi, 1998. p.74. 133
Report on the Evaluation committee on the welfare of SC/ST-OBC in Kerala
state, Trivandrum, 1964, p. 48. 134
Ibid., p. 98. 135
P.K. Bownick, 'Social Scientists, Social Action and Social Progress', in George
Pfetter et al., (eds.), Contemporary 'Society Tribal Studies, Vol. II, New Delhi,
1997, p. 112.
277
exploitative non-tribal neighbours through their economic power and
political influences .
Tribal exploitation may not be a new phenomenon, but it is quite
possible that the exposure of tribal communities to external exploitation has
increased with the expansion of modern communities and state institutions. It
pointed out that the Government has been responsible directly or indirectly
for the economic malaise that has inflicted the tribesmen. Aiyappan states
that "they have failed to give the minority - the weakest of our minorities - the
protection it deserves from exploitation by the stronger members of majority
communities”.136
The tribal people were also exploited by their own personnels whom
the government had appointed to develop these people.137
The major
exploitation of tribal people was mainly due to a wrong development strategy.
The question of implementation of many tribal schemes depended on the
bureaucracy.138
Unfortunately, in Kerala, we do not have a pro-people
bureaucracy. The idea that servants of the state are the masters of the people
has become strongly rooted in the whole machinery. Everything sponsored
by the bureaucracy was looked upon with distrust and suspicion by the tribals.
Efforts made by the government to impart short training in tribal life and
culture to different levels of bureaucracy were not very effective due to lack
of proper understanding of tribal problem and their felt need. Many things
done in the past in the name of tribals have not really reached them due to the
legal and administrative lacuna added with the double standard adopted by
some of the politicians and exploiters. Basically ignorance and apathy of the
tribal people have also contributed to this to a large extent. The present day
136
Aiyappan, n. 131, p. 94. 137
Hoshiar Singh, Tribal Development Administration, Jaipur, 1994, p. 31. 138
Bureaucracy is largely recruited from the upper social category and retains its
'elitist' character.
278
exploiters of the tribal people are qualitatively different from the traditional
landlords. The tribes do complain that even some of the bureaucrats beloning
to the Scheduled Castes have exploited them or at least neglected their cause
cruelly.
Tribal poverty and Alleviation programmes
Poverty as an existential reality is quite old, but its interpretation from
a multi-dimensional perspective is something new. Though it was prevalent
among all sections of the people, its incidence is much higher among the
economically and socially disadvantaged groups like Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, and the rate of reduction in poverty over a period of time
was also lower among them than other sections of the society. The lack of
employment, education and low earning have left the tribal people in a
constant state of poverty. It is widely believed that poverty and hunger are
relatively recent among the tribal communities and are created from outside
and not evolved from within.139
Scholars find several reasons for the
continuing poverty of tribals. For some, it is due to their own drinking habit.
A few others attribute the continuing external exploitation as the reason.
Some argus that it is nothing but the fate of the tribals.
Although an understanding of the basic problem of the genesis of
poverty is not so crucial here, but it cannot be denied that the state of poverty
is the direct offshoot of an unequal possession of wealth and power by
members within the society.140
Such inequalities will deny opportunities to
the downtrodden people.141
The result is that 'poverty breeds poverty”. In
139
Govinda Chandra Rath, Nehru and Elwin on Tribal Development; Contrasting
Pespectives‟, in Tribal Development in India, New Delhi, 2006, p. 70. 140
K.C. Alexander, 'Rural Development Studies in Eighties' in M.S. Gore (ed.),
Third Survey of Research in Sociology and Social Anthropology, Vol. II, New
Delhi, 2000, p. 258. 141
As per the Human Development Report of 2005, the denial of opportunities for
general category is 29.5%, whereas it is 45.5% for SCs and 57.9% for STs. In
279
such a condition no developmental strategy meant to remove poverty cannot
be considered successful, if it does not touch the genuine problems of the
tribal people.
Poverty alleviation programmes had received priority in the early Five
Year Plans, but it could not make much headway. Tribal way of life and
habitation are under constant threat and they are left with little way of
livelihood options. The Paniya, Adiya and Kattunaika communities are still
fighting for survival. Their days start and end with the battle for food, and
they seldom find time to earn for other essential purchases. 142
This is not
measured statistically but can be identified with the specific depriving social
conditions such as nature of work, standard of education, level of housing
pattern, attitude towards lifestyle, equality of dress style, food and consumer
articles etc. It should not be taken to mean food only, qualitatively and
quantitatively but ignorance, illiteracy, immobility, suffering from easily
curable diseases and the like. Thus poverty within the poverty can be
identified in the case of the Paniyas and Adiyas.
The incidence of poverty among the SCs and STs of Kerala is only half
that at all India level. The poverty rate is lower in rural Kerala (31%) and in
urban Kerala (23%) compared to 36.7% and 30.5% at all India level
respectively.143
A category-wise rating of poverty will clearly reveal the
incidence of poverty among the tribals. The SC constitutes 19% of the BPL
population in Kerala, though they are only 9.81% of the total population of
the state. It shows that the poverty among the SC people is about double that
of the population of the state. Whereas ST constitute 5% of the total BPL
population the proportion of ST population is only 1.14%. It implies that the
the case of STs in the 10 districts it is more than 50%. Wynad, Idukki, Palakkad
and Kasargod occupy the highest order in this regard - Human Development
Report, 2005, as quoted in Economic Review, 2008, p. 364. 142
Interview with Joseph, a Rtd. Tribal Officer, Mananthavadi, 11.10.2007. 143
Economic Review, 2008, p. 363.
280
incidence of poverty among them is more than 3 times that of the total
population of the state. Scientific data on BPL and APL, especially of tribal
people are not available. A recent survey conducted by Kerala Adivasi Forum
has found that more than 3000 tribal families in the district had been included
in the APL category by the government.144
The criterion for division of APL
and BPL itself was not accurate. As per the available data of district-wise
profile of the tribal Kerala in 2000, Wynad district has the largest tribal
concentration. It also has the largest level of poverty at 60.38% as shown in
Table below.
TABLE 13
District-wise profile of poverty among the Tribals in Kerala
Sl.
No. District
Total number of
ST Families
ST Families
BPL
Percentage of
ST Families
1 Trivandrum 4059 2161 53.24
2 Kollam 925 95 10.27
3 Pathamthitta 1647 722 43.84
4 Alappuzha 651 47 7.22
5 Kottayam 3999 749 18.73
6 Idukki 11516 6422 55.77
7 Erankulam 1212 118 9.74
8 Trissur 967 430 44.47
9 Palakkad 8610 4571 53.09
10 Malappuram 2362 1247 52.77
11 Kozhikode 1215 288 23.70
12 Wynad 23287 14063 60.39
13 Kannur 3635 196 5.39
14 Kasargod 5355 2555 47.71
Total 69441 33664 48.48
Source: TSP, 2000, Government of Kerala
144
The Hindu, 25 November 2009.
281
The incidence of poverty is relatively higher among the tribals
indicating their low earning, and lack of assets, malnutrition and poverty-
related diseases. Thousands of them are struggling due to serious ailments
and starvation . In 1993, about 30 people died due to starvation in Noolpuzha
Panchayat, where the Paniyas are in a majority.145
Newspapers have reported
the volume of hunger and hunger deaths in Wynad quite frequently. A report
published in 'Mathruboomi’ a Malayalam daily, titled 'Will Wyand become
another Ethiopia', explains the pathetic conditions of starvation among
them.146
Such causalities were reported from the Wynad district and the
immediate response of the state government was to dismiss it as exaggeration
by the media. There is no starvation death in government records.147
In
1978, the Government of Kerala declared in the Legislative Assembly that till
the beginning of 1978 no STs had died of starvation but only due to lack of
nutrition.148
The same case of diseases continued in 1983 among the tribals in
Wynad .149
But the reality is that malnutrition makes them more vulnerable
to diseases. The low life expectancy of the Paniyas and Adiyas (about 40-45
years) is mainly due to prolonged malnutrition and excessive drinking habit
without adequate food.150
Despite the strong refutation by the governments
there is a general consensus among the media, political activists, social
activists, researchers and public at large that starvation death in Wynad is a
recurring fact.
145
The Malayala Manorama, 17 July 1993. 146
The Mathrubhoomi, 12 December, 1993. 147
Sundra Ramananda Iyer, Social Development in Kerala, Illusion or Reality,
Aldershort, 2000, p. 88. 148
Proceedings of Kerala Legislative Assembly, 15th Feb, 1978, 3rd Session, Vol.
VI, p. 589. 149
Proceedings of Kerala Legislative Assembly, November 25th, 1983, Vol. No.
LIX, p.78. 150
Interview with KC .Kunhiraman (Ex-MLA), Mananthavadi, 6.1.2008
282
Anti-poverty programmes
Antipoverty programmes had been strengthened over the years to
generate additional employment, create productive assets and import technical
and entrepreneurial skill to raise the income level of the poor. The cost of
each component of all these programmes is shared by the central and state
governments. A large share of each programme has been earmarked for the
SCs and STs and implemented through Panchayati raj institutions. They are:
1. Swanrajayanthi Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY) 1999.
2. Indira Awaz Yogana (IAY)
3. Sampoorna Grama Rozgar Yojana (SGRY) 2001.151
4. Prime Minister Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY).
5. The Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) 1978-79.
6. National Rural Employment Programme (NREP), 1971.
7. Kerala State Development Corporation (KSDC)
8. Intensive Habitat Development Programme (IHDP)
9. National Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Finance and
Development Corporation (NSFDC)
10. Valmiki Ambdekar Awas Yojana (VAMBAY) 2001-02.
Besides these the State Poverty Eradication Mission has also
formulated a specific project for destitute identification, rehabilitation and
monitoring called 'Ashraya' with the assistance of the Central Government to
reach out to the downtrodden. The mission also implemented the
'Kudumbashree' programme by organising the poor by creating community
structures of women below poverty line which focus on demand-led
convergence of available services and resources under the leadership of the
local government.
151
SGRY was launched in Septemebr 2001 by merging the ongoing schemes of
Jawahar Grameen Samridhi Yojana (JGSY).
283
A critical analysis on the implementation of the poverty alleviation
programmes shows that the destitute category like ST who are in the lower
strata of the BPL list always got sidelined or their interests were not
adequately protected due to some reasons. They are:
I. The conventional programmes aimed at reducing poverty on economic
terms only.
II. The various needs of the destitute category such as housing, drinking
water, sanitation facilities, education, social problems etc., were not
taken into account.
III. The incapacity of the destitute to set up and run profitably a micro
enterprise.
IV. The destitutes were sidelined in wage employment programmes.
V. No consideration of the awareness level of the destitute.
VI. No holistic approach in tackling the multiple dimensions of poverty.
VII. The various programmes were implemented parallel to one another and
never led to a demand- led convergence.
VIII. The destitutes never constituted a vote bank.152
In short, all the
schemes and programmes, including land reforms, implemented by the
government for tribal development intended to eradicate poverty did
not contribute to any significant measure to bring up the tribals over
the property line.Various reasons like lack of active participation of
tribal consumers, failure of identifying the problem and felt-need,
centralised and highly bureaucratic approach and mismanagement and
152
Economic Review, 2004, p. 325.
284
misappropriation of funds are pointed out for the failure of these
programmes
Tribal Co-operative Movement
A Co-operative is an association of people for their common economic
and social progress. In Kerala it plays a vital role in the economic
development of the Backward Classes. It was thought that the co-operative
efforts of the STs would come into existence when the members of their
communities joined hands on the basis of the principle of co-operation and
carry on economic activities. It was expected that this would be able to bring
about radical changes in their living conditions. Along with legislation to
check money lending, exploitation and indebtedness there were some
alternative arrangements to provide credit facilities to the tribal people
through the agency of co-operative societies. During the First and Second
Five Year Plan period, there were on the whole 293 co-operative societies
working among the Backward classes under HWD.153
In 1980, it was raised to
463 for SCs and 72 per STs.154
In view of the importance of co-operation in the economic uplift of the
Backward Classes there are separate co-operative wings for both SCs and
STs. Among such societies in Wynad there are about 12 major and active
societies, its memberships reserved exclusively for the STs. A list of these
societies are given in Appendix 7.
The ST Co-operative Federation involved in the functioning of these
co-operative societies by providing financial help for collecting Minor Forest
produce (MFP) from the tribals, helping to start consumer stores, co-operative
153
221 for SC, 55 for ST and 17 for OBC. Report on the Evaluation Committee on
the welfare of SC,ST and OBC in Kerala, Trivandrum, 1964, p. 50. 154
Proceedings of Legislative Assembly, 9th July, 1987, 9th session, Vol. LXIV,
No. 4, p.47.
285
Maveli stores and providing long term loans .155
These societies have been
given sufficient financial grant for stocking and disposal of forest produce.
The lease of right to collect MFP is as far as possible given to these
societies.156
MFP and all the forest produce other than wood play an
important role in tribal economy. Earlier the right for collection of MFP was
sold in public auction to private individuals, but from 1978 onwards, this right
is entrusted to the tribal co-operative societies.157
The societies are also given
contract of MFP as a special concession. The MFP collected by the Girijan
co-operative societies are sold to the Kerala Harijan and Girijan
Development Co-operative Federation at prices fixed by the MFP committee.
The spread and growth of co-operative movement in different sectors
were nurtured under development plans with government initiative and
government finance. The economic assistance to SC and ST co-operative
societies is given from SCP and TSP respectively. Although the tribal co-
operative societies play a great role in improving the economic condition of
the tribals still they are suffering from major setbacks. But, of a total of 797
SC and ST co-operative societies under the Registrar of Co-operative
Societies, only 575 are functioning in the State. Many of the ST societies in
Wynad are dormant due to lack of involvement of the members. The overall
participation of members in ST societies is less than 20%.158
The major
problem of lack of management of societies by the tribals themselves, as
pointed out by the Report in 1964, has not been solved even after four
155
Proceedings of Kerala Legislative Assembly, 19th
December, 1983, 4th
session,
Vol.LIX, No.17, p.352. 156
2nd
FYP Kerala. Government of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1958, p.192. 157
C.K. Karunakaran, „Legislative and Executive Measures for Tribal Welfare in
Kerala' in Leelakrishnan et al. (eds.), Tribal Welfare Law and Practice, Cochin,
1985, p. 209. 158
Bhaskaran. A. A study of ST. Co-operative Societies in Wynad District –
Performance Problem and Prospects, unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Cochin, 2006,
p. 178.
286
decades of their functioning. These societies have, therefore, invariably to
depend on outsiders for management. The secretaries of most of the societies
are non-tribals. They are working without considerable felt-need of the
members.159
The societies could not save the members from the exploitation
of moneylenders. They were unable to create a sense of awareness among its
members as they are the custodians of these societies and it totally failed to
create a positive impact in the socio-economic outlook of their members.
Granting credit is one of the important objectives as per the bye-law of all ST
societies. But most of the societies do not grant credit to its members due to
shortage of funds and nonrepayment of old debts.160
Above all these societies
functioning in Wynad District are carrying on the traditional objectives only.
They are not innovative. The reason for all such weaknesses has been
attributed to the large percentage of dormant membership and its inactive
condition. But the political interference, lack of professional management,
mismanagement and misappropriation of funds as their common features
could not be ignored. Neither the members nor the societies themselves have
developed due to lack of co-ordination among the different departments
involved in the administration of the societies.
Land Reforms and Its Impact on Tribals
Land control is the basis of agrarian hierarchy and therefore the means
by which the dominants have subordinated the landless, especially the
scheduled sections in all villages. So, Land Reforms were an important issue
on the agrarian agenda in India after independence. The central question in
ST development strategy is land and its equitable distribution because the
159
Ibid., p. 177. 160
Interview with Soman, a member of SBSTSCS, 11.5.2008.
287
main problem facing the STs is lack of assets in the form of land.161
Reforms
are necessary not only for bringing about equity and social justice, but also for
laying sound foundation for viable growth. The transfer of assets can be
achieved through effective implementation of land reforms and enforcement
of land relation and ceiling laws, both in rural and urban areas.
Land ownership confers power and prestige. Thus the relation of
social structure and land system has been pointed out both by Indian and
Western scholars.162
Historically, landholding was an outstanding and
inseparable economic feature of the tribal society. So, when the importance
of land increases political activity increases manifold. The principal means of
livelihood for tribals is the land, and their development is linked with the
development of their land. Thus the possession of landed-property by the
members of a group or tribe has dual meaning.
After independence the Government of India has taken various
programmes and strategies of development. This has given rise to a change in
property structure. Basically during the initial stages of planning, State
intervention was geared more towards a structural change keeping land
reform in the forefront. Land reforms mean the legal amendment in the
existing rules of land ownership and its management. If land ownership is
always an indispensable passport to high rank, it certainly facilitates upward
mobility.163
As land is always equated with power, land reforms mean the
161
The term „land‟ is used to mean commonly such land as is held or let for
agricultural purpose but not connected with horticulture, pasturage or groves etc. 162
As quoted in Banvir Singh, „Land: Reforms and Social Change‟ in K.S. Mathur
et al. (eds.), Studies in Social Change, Lucknow, 1973, p. 177. 163
M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India, Bombay, 1960, p. 12.
288
restructuring of power. Therefore, the traditional power structure has been
shattered in favour of a democratic system.164
Indian Constitution has put agriculture and land reforms in the purview
of the province of the State (a state subject). Although similar steps (abolition
of intermediaries, tenancy reforms, land ceilings and land consolidation) were
taken in all parts of the country, the legislation and their implementation
varied from region to region. As Kerala has invested heavily on social sector
after independence, it was the first state in the country to introduce radical
land reforms in 1957.165
The agrarian reforms in Kerala over the last three
decades are generally believed to have been more far-reaching and effective
than elsewhere in India.166
But there had been much obstacles faced by the
Government. When the Communist Party come to power in Kerala in 1957
big landlords rightly apprehended that their feudal interest on land would be
at stake.167
After the formation of Kerala, the first major achievement was Kerala
Agrarian Relation Bill, 1957 which was introduced in Kerala Legislative
Assembly.168
It was passed on 15.10.1960 as aresult of the pressure from
below.169
In Malabar region the peasant struggles pressurized the state to
implement it. Thus the genesis of this could be traced back to the earliest
164
K.K.N. Kurup, „The land Reforms and Social Change in Kerala‟ in Jamal
Muhammed (ed.), Perspectives of Kerala Studies, Kalady, 1999, p. 147. 165
Land Reforms Act originally brought by the first communist Government in the
State in 1957 was the main foundation stone for the uplift of the small time
farmers and downtrodden in the state. Agrarian Relationa Bill, Ernakulam,
1959, p. ii. 166
K.N. Raj, et al (1983) as quoted in EPW, May, 22, 1999, p.1273. 167
Report of Land Reforms Survey in Kerala – 1966-67. Trivandrum, 1968, p. 95. 168
Agrarian Relation Bill, Ernakulam, 1959, p. ii 169
Paramjith S. Judge, Social Change through Land Reforms, New Delhi, 1999,
p. 173.
289
phases of tenancy reforms set in motion as an outcome of a series of
protracted struggles by the peasantry against the evils of landlordism such as
rack renting and frequent evictions.170
But this Act was repealed in 1961 and
was substituted by the KLR Act, 1963.171
Under section 82(i) of the KLR Act
1963, the ceiling of land area was fixed for individuals and joint families.172
But the Congress Ministry, after the fall of the first Communist Ministry,
passed another legislature in 1964 after diluting some of the provisions of the
1957 Bill. Had not this Bill of 1957 been passed at this time the next Ministry
of anti-communists would not have implemented land reforms at all.173
In
1967 again a coalition government led by the Communists decided to amend
the Act of 1964, and a drastic amendment was brought in 1969 as the basis of
LR in the state. Individuals were prevented from owning, holding or
processing land in excess of the ceiling limit w.e.f. Ist January 1970. The
result of this Act was to redistribute excess land to all agrarian labourers and
dwellers. Thus the implementation of LR started from 1.1.1970, based on the
LR (Amendment) Act of 1969. Later the Act could not be implemented as
the Ministry resigned on account of inner party rivalry.174
In the history of land reforms, Kerala is one of the states in India where
it was effectively implemented with a motivation to restructure the entire
agrarian system along with the elimination of land monopoly by a few
170
P.Sivanadan, n. 73, p. 13. 171
KLR Act, 1963 (Act 1 of 1964) in the principal LR law in the state of Kerala
and it was included in the 9th
schedule of the Constitution as item 39 by the 17th
amendment. 172
Agricultural land ceiling in India was also set high by Asian standard. 173
N.Jose Chander, The Legislative Process in Kerala-1957-1969. Trivandrum,
1980, p. 141 174
The KLR Act, 1969 was practically implemented by the C.P.I. led Ministry
under the leadership of C. Achutha Menon.
290
traditional landlords.175
The LRAct, 1969 is considered one of the most
radical and successful legilsation even in South Asia. In a state known for
effective implementation of land reforms based on the slogan, „land to the
tillers,‟ the high sense of socio-political awareness among the downtrodden
sections and pro-poor bias of the architects of the land reforms were
evident.176
The reforms have brought about many significant changes in the
traditional social structure of the agrarian community. But the rate and
magnitude of changes obtained by different societies on the implementation
of land reforms may vary according to tribe-caste-composition, ratio between
land holders and the landless peasants and distribution of land holdings.
The traditional agrarian society in Kerala had been chracterised by the
existence of three distinct strata, such as the upper one claiming control over
land, the middle one consisting of tenants and with control over product and
the lowest consisting of the real tillers of the soil but without any control over
either land or its production. The third category of agrarian labourers
comprised mostly of SC and ST whose conditions were pathetic. They could
be bought and sold or mortgaged. This structure of the agrarian society
corresponded to the caste structure.177
The genesis and evolution of this
structure had been historical and began to change as a result of agrarian
response.
175
K.K.N. Kurup, n. 164, p. 147. 176
Land for tiller,‟ a slogan, for the first time raised by the Congress during the pre-
independence days was mainly for mobilising the peasantry and the proletariat
as part of its anticolonial struggle, at its 45th
session of 1931 at Karachi and later
in its 50th
session of 1936 at Faizpur under Nehru. A.K. Gopalan,
„Manninuvendi‟ Trivandrum, 1975, p.3. 177
M.Kunhaman, „Left Parties and the Dalits in Kerala,‟ in M.A. Abraham
Ayrookuzhiel (ed.), Dalit Desiyatha - Kerala Experience in Development and
Class struggle, Delhi, 1990, p.84.
291
Effective implementation of land reforms is one of the crucial tests of
the government‟s will to improve the condition of these weaker sections
traditionally engaged in agricultural activities under dependent relations. So
there had been various objectives as abolition of landlordism, imposition of
ceiling on land holdings and distribution of surplus land among the landless
labourers and nominal farmers. Other major objectives are reordering of
agrarian relations in order to achieve an egalitarian social structure, abolition
of intermediaries, reduction of poverty among the rural poor, realising the age
old goal of „land to the tillers,‟ strengthening the asset base of the rural
poor.178
It is also considered that the main instruments for the re-distribution
of income wealth, status, power and opportunities have been brought to the
land reforms.
In Kerala experience the land reforms had been to make the tenant
cultivators secure in their land-holding by declaring them to be permanent,
protected and non-evicted tenants. Whereas, what is least known is the fact
that some of the traditionally vulnerable sections which ought to have
benefited more from the various reforms became the victims of such reforms.
These vulnerable groups especially tribals did not benefit from the land
reforms.179
Another clear case in point is the heavy price that the STs were
forced to pay in the course of the implementation of land reforms in the
state,180
The impact of KLR Act, 1963 on tribal owners had a surprising
effect because of leases under which non-tribals used to cultivate tribal lands.
The enactment of these progressive Legisltion had a strange consequence of
making the tribal owners impoverished, often because tribal owners,
especially the Kurichias, had more land than they had resources to cultivate.
178
Economic Review, 2004, p. 330. 179
M.A. Oommen, Essays on Kerala Economy, New Delhi, 1993, p.10. 180
Kunhaman, n. 177, p. 1.
292
A good portion of their holdings was left fallow owing to the pattern of
shifting cultivation So the practice was to lease the land orally to settlers
by accepting nominal amount or in most cases liquor. The land reform
legislation enabled such non-tribal immigrants to establish their ownership
right over such leased land; for, according to the interpretation of the
legislation the tribal became „landlord‟ and the nontribal immigrants, tenants.
These tribals also came under the mischievous provisions of the Kerala
Agriculture Income Tax because of large holdings. The law-makers
mechanically applied borrowed accounts, inflicting gave injustice tribals. The
law treated them as owners of forest lands which they traditionally cultivated
and hence landlords.181
By good words and charming persuasion, the tribal
owners, ignorant of the provisions of the KLR Act, could be induced to induct
a non-tribal as a tenant cultivator, who then proceeded to use the provision of
the Law to get the land assigned to himself, paying a nominal, if any,
compensation to the original owners.182
Often the „tenant‟ would be the
owner of many acres of rubber or other exempted plantation which are outside
the ceiling provision of the Act. Thus the KLR Acts was a „government-sent‟
boon to the settlers and it made a favourable impact on peasant migration.183
The KLR Act,1963 as amended in 1969 and then in 1979 covers most
of the aspect of land reforms, namely tenancy, ceiling and allotment of land to
the hutment dwellers. A ceiling on the maximum land holding was an
important provision of KLR Act, 1963, which was expected to have made
available large areas for distribution among the landless poor sections. This
expectation was defeated, however, as a result of successive amendments to
181
B.R.P. Bhaskara, "Look in Back Kerala Land Reform" in K. Raman Pillai (ed.),
Land Reforms, New Delhi, 2011, p.111. 182
T. Madhava Menon, „Law and Tribal Societies in Kerala” in P. Leelakrishnan et
al. (eds.), Tribal Welfare-law and Practice, Cochin, 1985, p. 168. 183
T. Madhava Menon, n. 4, p.162.
293
the ceiling limits and provisions of exemption from ceiling under political
pressure exerted by the neo-rich peasant class. The land exempted from
ceiling limit was mainly plantations and private forests. This gave an
incentive to concentrate their attention on plantation.184
So all the land beyond
the limit has been shifted to plantation.185
. This resulted in partially ending
the implementation of distributive land reforms and surplus land distribution.
A case study by the CDS on the decade of 1957-66 indicates that from the
beginning of the agrarian reforms enactment itself, the capitalist classes of
Kerala had started protecting their landed property. To overcome the threat of
ceiling on holding they transferred ownership of about 0.22 million acres of
land and out of this about one quarter of land was already leased out when
the ownership transfers took place. 186
Due to this widespread evasion of the
ceiling laws much of the surplus land could not be discovered and whatever
land was redistributed, had gone to the detriment of the lower strata.
Extensive land holdings of many Kurichia mittoms came under the „ceiling‟
provisions of the KLR Acts, despite the marginal protection accorded to
„deemed‟ partition.187
The benefits of land reforms in Kerala have been viewed from various
points. It is viewed that land reforms in Kerala had essentially benefited the
middle class and tenants – especially the Syrian Christians and Ezhavas – but
these had not substantially benefited the landless agricultural labourers of SCs
184
Report of Land Reforms in Kerala 1966-67, Trivandrum, 1968, p. 96. 185
A new definition to the term „Plantation‟ was made to protect particular
interests. As per this definition the land principally cultivated with tea, coffee,
cocoa, rubber, cardamon or cinnamon will come under the plantation. 186
Poverty, Unemployment and Development Policy – A case study of selected
issues with reference to Kerala, C.D.S. Trivandrum, 1997; p.64. 187
K.S. Singh (ed.), People of India, Vol. 27, Part II, New Delhi, 2002, p. 718.
294
and STs.188
The impact or significance of the KLR Act was not so decisive as
the Agrarian Relation Act. Besides, the LR Act of 1963 may be said to be a
victory for the landed classes.189
When this reform generally changed the
structure of ownership and operation of landholding the other communities
became a new class of peasant proprietors.190
In view of the Communist
Party, the peasants like Pattakkar, Varakkar and Kanakkar were the real
beneficiaries of land reforms as mediators in between landlords and
agricultural labourers. The people below the rank of Ezhava community,
especially SCs and STs, would never come in these categories.191
These
scheduled sections, as a class of traditionally agricultural labourers from time
immemorial, were not allowed to hold tenancy right and were, therefore, left
entirely out of the process of transfer of ownership.
The provisions in the KLR Act for conferring right to tenants and
Kudikidappukar (hutment dwellers) might have benefited some SC and ST
families. These families were permitted to set up a „kudi‟ or hutment on the
landed property upon the understanding that they participated in the agrarian
activities of the Janmi and even of his or her ‘Kudiyan in return for the right
to habitation. This institution is to be seen as a timeless arrangement central
to feudalism in Kerala, and its principal role was to ensure a supply of labour.
They became landowning households by virtue of their status of hutment
dwellers by the land reform legislation. The members of each hutment were
entitled to ten cents, five cents or three cents of lands surrounding the kudi
188
Paper presented by M. Tharakan on Agrarian Reforms and Rural Development
in Less Developed Countries, at Culcutta, Jan 3,5, 6, 2002. 189
M.J.Javernesa Begom, 'Impact of the Land Reform of 1958 and 1963 on Kerala'
in Journal of Kerala Studies, Trivandrum, 1983, p. 144. 190
K.S. Singh, n. 187, p. 31. 191
Interview with K.K. Kochu, a Dalit writer, Kottayam, 19.11.2009.
295
on the basis of ‘Kudikidappu avakasam‟.192
The others were settled in the
marginalised coners of Lakshamveedu colonies and Harijancolonies.193
Some
conclude that land reforms in Kerala has not benefited a majority of
agricultural labourers.194
Land reforms have helped them to reduce some incidence of
landlessness, but failed to transform them to cultivators as it is one of the
main aims of the legislation.195
But the only qualitative change in the
position of the traditional tillers has been their transformation as free wage
labourers. The distributed tribal land located mostly in the undulated terrain
of the forest areas are unsuitable for intensive cultivation and not proved to be
a viable source of livelihood. Thus the Dalit and Adibvasi sections not
getting even a small piece of farm land. In land reform they were left in
lurch.196
The result was that the tribals were uprooted from the soil. It is in
this sense that we may speak of land reforms as having created a labour
market where it did not exist hitherto. By the 1970s this arrangement has
been largely confined to the Malabar.197
There is only very little evidence of land being bought by tribal people.
As per the provision of the KLR Act, 1963 surplus land taken over by the
state government was to be distributed to the landless agricultural labourers
of which 50% was to be distributed among agricultural labourers belonging
192
Proceedings of Kerala Legislative Assembly, 3rd
session, Vol. x, No 18, 1960,
p. 1834. 193
K.K. Kochu, Mathrubhoomi Weekly, March 12-18, 2006, p.47. 194
J.P.Mencher, 'The Lessons and Non-Lessons of Kerala Agricultural Labourers
and Poverty', in E.P.W, Vol. 15, No. 41, 42, Oct. 1980. 195
Economic Review, 1999, p. 206. 196
K. Venu, 'Land Reforms in Kerala – Some observations' in Raman Pillia (ed.),
Land Reform, New Delhi; 2011, p.116. 197
Pulpre Balakrishnan, 'Land Reforms and the Question of Food' in Kerala in
EPW, 22 May 1999, p. 1273.
296
to scheduled groups with prohibition of alienation of these land, for a
minimum period of 12 years from the date of distribution.
In the discussion it has to be admitted that land reforms in Kerala had
several historic achievements to its credit. The conferring of the ownership
rights to Kudikidappukar is an important result of this Act (1963) which is
described from section 75 to 80 G. Abolition of tenancy and conferring the
ownership right to tenants is contained in the law, i.e, from section 3 to 74.
The provision to distribute the land in excess of the ceiling limits to the
landless was incorporated in the law from section 81-88 A. Therefore, this
Act bans the creation of fresh tenancies, confers on the tenant the right to
purchase his owner‟s land and prescribes a ceiling in regard to the extent of
land that can be owned by a family. The greatest achievement made by the
amendment of 1969 was the abolition of the Janmi system, the greatest
landmark in the agrarian history of Kerala in particular and India as a whole.
Thus the feudal land relation has completely disappeared in the state. As an
historical process this was strengthened by political activism of the peasantry,
peasant disturbances and legislative measures.198
But the land reforms were
not successful in vesting ownership of land in the hands of the tiller,
succeeding only in transferring it to intermediaries.199
This intermediary caste
groups have come to dominate the socio-economic and political scene in the
state200
The proportion actually distributed is less than half that targeted. Upto
1.7.1978, the number of such beneficiaries were 29000, i.e. the 44% of the
total beneficiaries.201
The assignment details upto 1.7.1978 shows that 21728
198
K.K.N. Kurup, Modern Kerala – Studies in Social and Agrarian Relation,
Delhi, 1988, p. 161. 199
Pulpre Balakrishnan, n. 197, p. 1273. 200
M. Kunhaman, n. 177, 1990, p. 84. 201
Report of the commission on the socio-economic condition of SC/ST – 1978,
Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1979, p. 100.
297
hectares were distributed to 78760 scheduled families. This constitutes only
14% of the area and 19% of the beneficiaries in the State. Thus there was
deficiency in the percentage stipulated under the rule.202
It was only after
1990, as per the tribal development programme, that the details of surplus
land distribution were estimated. As per the declaration in Kerala Legislative
Assembly, a total of 62628 acres of surplus land has been distributed to
134047 beneficiaries, of which 57196 (42.66%) were SCs and 7087 (5.28%)
STs. The details are given below
TABLE 14
The district-wise details of
distribution of surplus land to ST and SC till 30.10.1990
(In acres)
Sl. No. Districts ST SC
1. Kasargod 720 3510
2. Kannur 1757 3432
3. Wynad 2596 1316
4. Kozhikode 240 3816
5. Malappuram 34 7440
6. Thrissur 50 7129
7. Ernakulam 39 3672
8. Palakkad 1191 11822
9. Idukki 353 2186
10. Kottayam 75 2381
11. Alappuzha 32 3718
12. Pathanamthitta -- 330
13. Kollam -- 3419
14. Trivandrum -- 3025
Total 7087 57196
Source: Proceedings of Kerala Legislative Assembly, 12th
session, December 20,
1990, Vol.LXXXI, No.4, p.42.
202
Ibid. By a 1978 survey the total account of SC and ST given detailed separate
account is not available.
298
In the detailed account of surplus land were distribution upto
31.12.1991, 63088.0 acres of surplus land were distributed to 137257 total
beneficiaries in Kerala. 7168 (5.22%) of ST beneficiaries got 5107.0 (8.09%)
acres of land and 58705 (42.77%) of SC beneficiaries got 24704.0 (39.15%)
acres of land. The ST beneficiaries in Wynad was only 2596, i.e., 36.21% of
the state ST share, 38.53% of the district total up to 31.12.1991. The
distribution of surplus land to ST in Wynad was 1516.0 acres, i.e., 29.68% of
the state ST share and 45.78% of the district total.203
Although in official
records the beneficiaries of surplus land distribution to scheduled categories
in Wynad is 48% of total apto 31.12.91, the highest number of landless tribes
is also found in this district.
In a comprehensive tribal development programme, a special scheme
for providing land to the landless and house to the homeless is being
implemented in the state. As part of it the Tribal Development Mission
(TRDM) has been formed to undertake reliabilitation activities based on a
Master Plan. Till 2003 TRDM has identified 22052 landless tribal families
and 32131 families with less than one acre of land in the state. The highest
number of landless tribes is found in Wynad and it is 13303, i.e. 60.32% of
the total landless tribal people in the state. The highest number of tribes
holding less than one acre of land is also found in Wynad and it is 12184, i.e.,
37.91% of the state total. The acres of land distributed to tribes in the district
was 1974.90, i.e., the highest rate of 38.15% of the state. The average acres
of land distributed was 3.37 acre per family which covered 583 (18.73%)
families in the district.204
Landlessness among the tribal farm workers is still higher in Kerala at
55.47 percent as against the national average of 32.99 percent. District-wise
203
Economic Review, 1991, p. 256. 204
Economic Review, 2004, p.352.
299
details of landless tribal families and families benefited from land distributed
under Tribal Development Mission (TRDM) is given below.
TABLE 15
District-wise details of landless tribal families and families benefited from
land distributed under Tribal Development Mission
Sl.
No. District
No. of
landless
tribals
No. of
Tribals 1
acre of
land
No. of
families
covered
Acre of
land
distributed
Average
area per
family
1 Kasargod 226 171 69 73.43 1.6
2 Kannur 1395 2249 400 304.37 0.76
3 Wynad 13303 12184 585 1974.90 3.37
4 Kozhikode 318 889 420 600 1.43
5 Malappuram 339 2224 61 46.38 0.76
6 Palakkad 5389 2637 10 4.44 0.44
7 Thrissur 271 840 20 5.68 0.28
8 Ernakulam 132 888 296 428.90 1.42
9 Idukki 190 5436 1072 1583 1.48
10 Kottayam 153 1340 19 19 1.0
11 Alappuzha 117 568 114 27.75 0.24
12 Pathanamthitta 68 1032 24 1.39 0.1
13 Kollam 138 572 128 114.68 0.9
14 Trivandrum 13 1101 -- -- --
Total 22052 32131 3208 5173.92 1.61
Source: Report of TRDM.
But the details of surplus land distribution in the state from1.4.2003
to 31.10.2004 show that 648 acres of land were distributed to 2415 total
families. 799 SC and 506 ST families were benefited under this scheme and
they received 159 and 168 acres of land respectively. But the SCs and STs of
300
Wynad district were not beneficiaries under this scheme.205
Regarding the
distribution of surplus land to tribals the present Minister for Tribal affairs
said that 30000 tribal families in the state had less than one acre of land and
22000 families were landless .So the government needs at least 7000 hectares
to reliabilitate the landless, but only 3500 hectares are available, the scarcity
of land is the major impediment in the distribution of land.206
It is the lack of
interest to recover the waste land by the government and the growth of tribal
population that has resulted in the shortage of land.
The distributive land reforms of the state government has continued to
a great extent till recently bringing about changes in the socio-economic
status of the scheduled groups. It seems that „the land for tillers‟ has gone
out of political agenda.207
The recent struggles for land hves been suppressed.
The land reforms supposed to radically change the pattern of land ownership
in favour of landless classes have partially come to an end. Above all the
implementation of these laws has been dilatory and half-hearted which has
frustrated the basis purpose. It is also pointed out that the frequent changes
of governmenst have also made it difficult for the left in Kerala to implement
land reforms in a thorough manner. Even in the face of intermittent setbacks
to the implementation of land reforms caused by judicial and political
interventions the government was able to protect the land rights of the
peasantry and finally to abolish landlordism in the state.
205
Economic Review 2004, p.255. 206
The Hindu, 15 July 2006. 207
As the term „tiller of the soil‟ was not properly defined, many rich tenants who
had been keeping under possession large areas of land and cultivating them with
hired labour, acquired full ownership right over their possession by virtue of
these enactments.