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RITUALS

PRACTICES, ETHNIC AND CULTURAL ASPECTS AND

ROLE IN EMOTIONAL HEALING

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RITUALS

PRACTICES, ETHNIC AND CULTURAL ASPECTS AND

ROLE IN EMOTIONAL HEALING

ALLEY PARISH EDITOR

New York


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ISBN: 978-1-62948-665-9 (eBook)


CONTENTS

Preface vii

Chapter 1 Communitarianism and the Obasinjom Mask Performance as Ritual Healing among the Bayang and Ejagham of Southwest Cameroon 1 Ngambouk Vitalis Pemunta, Tabi Chama-James Tabenyang

and Mathias Fubah Alubafi

Chapter 2 Plant-Based Rituals for the Prevention and Cure of the Evil Eye in a Rural Community of Western Spain 59 José Antonio González, Alfonso J. Aparicio Mena and Francisco Amich

Chapter 3 Shamanic Healing and Psychotherapy 115 Joanic Masson and Amal Bernoussi

Chapter 4 Pro-Social Functions of Ritual Involvement to Early Adolescents 137 Chan-kiu Cheung

Chapter 5 The Religious Rituals of the Anastenarides in Greece 165 Evy Johanne Håland


Contents vi

Chapter 6 Ritual of Healing People in the Shamanic Practice of the Nanai People Inhabiting the Lower Amur Region 191 Olga V. Maltseva

Chapter 7 Medico-Religious Plants and Cultural Rituals Used by the Mauritian Population against Diabetes and Related Complications 211 Mootoosamy Anushka and Mahomoodally Mohamad Fawzi

Index 233


PREFACE Rituals of various kinds are a feature of almost all known human societies,

past or present. They include not only the various worship rites and sacraments of organized religions and cults, but also the rites of passage of certain societies, atonement and purification rites, oaths of allegiance, dedication ceremonies, coronations and presidential inaugurations, marriages and funerals, and others. In this book, the authors discuss the practices, ethnic and cultural aspects and role in emotional healing relating to rituals. Topics include communitarianism and the Obasinjom mask performance as ritual healing among the Bayang and Ejagham of Southwest Cameroon; plant-based rituals for the prevention and cure of the evil eye in a rural community of Western Spain; Shamanic healing and psychotherapy; pro-social functions of ritual involvement in early adolescents; the religious rituals of the Anastenarides in Greece; ritual of healing people in the Shamanic practice of the Nanai people inhabiting the lower Amur Region; and medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used by the Mauritian population against diabetes and related complications.

Chapter 1 – This paper combines ethnographic fieldwork and traditional African philosophy to examine the role of the Obasinjom masquerade’s witch hunting ritual performance in individual and community therapy among Bayang and Ejagham ethnicities of Southwest Cameroon. They are a cross-border Bantoid people living in both Southwest Cameroon and South-eastern Nigeria with common sociocultural and sociopolitical institutions including cult agencies (secret societies). Aside from sharing a common world view characterised by the entanglement between the material and immaterial realms, they further believe in reincarnation and see death as a transition from the material universe into the immaterial world of the ancestors. Accordingly,


Alley Parish viii

elders and traditional rulers are believed to be intermediaries between the worlds of the living and those of the dead. Like other African people, they have both a personalistic and naturalistic disease theory system and share a wide variety of ritual medicines for the diagnosis and treatment of diseases. Illnesses believed to be caused by personalistic agents-witchcraft are the domain of the Obasinjom cult agency-the god of medicine-which is physically represented by a speaking mask. The mask is believed to be omniscient and endowed with clairvoyance and supernatural powers. Through the dual processes of revelation and `remembrance’, Obasinjom connects the past, present and charts the future. This is done by using its supernatural powers to trace and unveil the mediating object and circumstances through which the malevolent spirit gained access to its victim. It is therefore involved in recreating the `biography’ (Kopytoft, 1986) of how the malevolent spirit gained access to its victim’s life essence. The Obasinjom mask is transformed through ritual performance from a banal into a ritual object thereby relating it to persons and events and attributing to it a biography and agency. This essay documents the specific role of the Obasinjom mask as overall controller over ritual medicine. The paper also examines the diffusion and subsequent appropriation of the Obasinjom cult agency by other Cameroonian ethnicities for ensuring community health and well-being because of its detective role in exposing witchcraft practices and criminal activities. Grounded in the African world view of health and personhood, the essay demonstrates that the Obasinjom cult agency’s performative ritual healing is a recreation of community sentiments among participants.

Chapter 2 – Belief in the evil eye remains rooted in one sector of the Spanish population. The phenomenon is more evident in rural areas of western Spain, where a vast tradition of magical resonances still survives. In this sense the region known as the Arribes del Duero (provinces of Salamanca and Zamora), an area that used to be very isolated up to the mid-twentieth century, is very important. In this rural community, an exhaustive study of the traditional knowledge and current use of different plant species to prevent and cure the evil eye has been ongoing between 2009 and 2013. Here, a multiple methodological approach (an overview of the literature, semi-structured interviews, participant observation, a focus group, local coexistence, etc) was carried out. To analyze how knowledge varies depending on the socio-demographic characteristics of the different informants, an analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was performed. It appears that 31 species of vascular plants are used currently, or have been used in the recent past. Among the preventive rituals, some are based on plant amulets or witch repellents, and


Preface ix

many are associated with key moments in the religious calendar. For example, branches gathered from olive trees, laurel, and/or rosemary are blessed on Palm Sunday, and then placed on windows and balconies to protect people’s homes. Most documented curative rituals are based on the smoke produced by the combustion of aromatic plants or certain herbal species. Even today, in the culture and human group studied popular religion and belief in magic are clearly connected with nature, especially plants. From the perspective of medical anthropology, based on the explanations given by the informants the issues in hand were investigated within the broader context of wellbeing. The discourse chosen to communicate the authors’ observations is not intended as an external explanation of the socio-cultural phenomena observed and studied. Instead, this chapter represents an attempt to transfer, in the authors’ own words, the information received from informants in addition to the facts observed by us, the field researchers. The interdisciplinary approach (ethnobotanical, ethnographic, anthropological), gathering and harmonizing the contributions of different specialists, has enabled the creation of a text whose perspective of the phenomena observed is broad (etic and emic approaches). In short, this study explores the plant-based rituals documented within a complex integrated and interrelated dimension the “socio-physico-bio-psycho-eco-cultural” domain, and its repercussions on the community.

Chapter 3 – The last decades have seen the return of shamanics healing in the Western world. This return originated in the seminal work of Mickael Harner (1990, 2013) whose investigations led him to identify several (certain) invariants which all together constitute what he decided to call the «core shamanism». The «core shamanism» is not to be considered as neo shamanism, but incorporates the main traditional techniques in order to study, pass on and preserve those ancient practices (rituals). 60 to 80% of the occidental population regularly turns to so called alternative therapeutics (Michel, 2011). Disease is often seen as an existential crisis which finds no answer in traditional medicine. This need to «make sense», together with therapeutics failure of traditional medicine, sometimes focusing on symptoms only, leads a lot of people turn to healers and sometimes shamans in order to journey into a personal evolution, a reorganization that could facilitate a positive evolution of the subjects. There is the confrontation of 2 logics, one rational and objectifying considering traditional medicine as a reference, and another symbolic where polysemy speaks the language of subconscious and myths. The authors suggest within the framework of this chapter to introduce the shamanic cosmology together with the main healing principles. From a clinical situation, part of the authors’ research studies (support of young


Alley Parish x

woman suffering from mourning issue) they show the relevance of these ancestral knowledge and question the possibility of integrating these new symbolic universes into the authors’ occidental psychotherapeutic arsenals.

Chapter 4 – Ritual has been evolving and consolidating with the development of many civilizations. Notably, emphasis on ritual is notably a representative feature of Chinese civilization. In view of the longstanding emphasis, ritual is likely to be functional to the thriving of society and its members. However, the functions of ritual are empirically uncharted and are dubious in that ritual appears to be traditional and even outdated. In addition, involvement in ritual can be costly, time-consuming, and contrary to the individual’s interest in freedom. Thus, empirical evaluation of the functions of ritual is imperative. Critical to the individual, functions in sustaining socio-emotional functioning are pertinent to the evaluation. For such an evaluation, the study collected survey data from 1,788 early adolescents in Hong Kong, China. Results of the study reveal that the adolescent’s involvement in collective ritual activity for national cause exhibited positive relationships with adolescent’s resilience, cooperation, and helping. Conversely, the involvement maintained negative relationships with stress, suffering, and the crisis experienced by the adolescent. In this connection, the ritual activity covered sport, volunteering, training camps, sermons, carnivals, and concerts. These findings purport that ritual, which is collective and nationalistic, has socio-emotional functions to early adolescents. Essentially, these functions are justified by interaction ritual chain theory. Ritual is an established practice that involves people to perform in a routinized for a socially relevant cause, such as a religious one (Marshall 2002; Seeman 2004). The established property means that ritual follows a tradition. This traditional property is likely to make ritual obsolete or inappropriate for modern times. Its risk of being obsolete tends to cast doubt on the value of its preservation. This doubt raises a need for research to examine the value of ritual for people, notably the younger generation. While the value of ritual may subside among the younger generation, it may be particularly salient to younger people (Peleg-Popko and Dar 2002). This registers an inconsistency for research to address. The value of ritual concerned is in some expected pro-social functions, comprising cooperation, affiliation, and resilience, as opposed to adversity, suffering, and distress (Seeman 2004). These functions are the traditional merit of ritual for people and younger ones especially as a way of socialization or preparation of social living (Peleg-Popko and Dar 2002). In clarifying the modern value of ritual, it is necessary to distinguish the value from that of religion, due to common overlap between them. Essentially, ritual is not necessarily religious.


Preface xi

Rather, ritual can happen in everyday life through social interaction. The daily presence of ritual makes the cause for interaction ritual, such that ritual prevails in and involve in collective activity, such as a concert or carnival. In this connection, interaction ritual chain theory would be pertinent to the formulation of a framework for understanding the functions of ritual (Collins 2004a). Nevertheless, as empirical evidence for the functions is scarce, the present study is required to glean research findings to shed light on the framework for young people in the Chinese context of Hong Kong. To be feasible and relevant for the study, the young person’s involvement in ritual is the input variable concerned. Such ritual refers to interaction ritual or collective ritual in sport, volunteer work, adventure activity, religious activity, a carnival, or concert, which are common in young people (Dekker et al. 2003; Morrissey 2008). Ritual operates in such activity through patterned, repetitive, synchronous, and interactive practice (Hagan and Bryant 2003). In addition, ritual carries copious cultural or symbolic meaning for entertainment, artistic, and other social activity (Thomas 2001). Such patterns and meaning engender rhythm, emotions, collection action, and common focus, as on some spectacles in ritual. All these features function to boost effervescence in participants to maintain their norms and cohesion. Ritual, however routinized or dull, may be particularly instrumental to young people in order to cultivate their order, discipline, adherence, and allegiance and to reduce their fear and senses of insecurity, chaos, and anomie (Peleg-Popko and Dar 2002). As such, ritual performs a socialization function to normalize and stabilize young people’s social life. As such, ritual conveys social norms through its patterned practice to shape young people’s orderly conduct. Cooperation, affiliation, and resilience represent some pro-social or salutary performances, whereas adversity, suffering, and distress are the reverse of the performances (Batson and Moran 1999). First, cooperation means the promotion of well-being for people involved. It would involve some sacrifice of a person for the benefit of the all the people. Cooperation is valuable because of its evolutionary value for the longevity of the human species (Sanderson 2001). This value rests on the merit that people who cooperate can achieve something with reasonable effort. For young people, cooperation would happen with family, classmates, teachers, neighbors, and others to generate mutual benefits to all the people involved. Second, affiliation means maintaining a close relationship with others. It can happen through helping, consoling, consulting, as well as greeting others, in social some favorable gestures. Affiliation represents a basis for social cohesion to uphold social well-being (Dickes et al. 2010). More than this, affiliation is likely to bolster economic growth through


Alley Parish xii

investment, cooperation, and reduction in transaction cost (Berger-Schmitt 2002; Stanley and Smeltzer 2003). Affiliation is also helpful to sustain political stability or order (Berger-Schmitt 2002; Maloutas and Maloutas 2004). Meanwhile, affiliation is in need of restoration because of the retrenchment of social welfare, shrinking of state support, and the loss or decline of the community (Forrest and Kearns 2001; Lawler et al. 2009; McDaniel 2003). The emergence of radicalism and extremism also invokes the need for the restoration (Husband and Alam 2011). Furthermore, increasing inequality in society would require the elevation of affiliation to mitigate the stress of inequality (Duhaime et al. 2004; Maloutas and Maloutas 2004). To the young person, affiliation is crucial to establish attachment for procuring a secure base for the person to develop (Imamoglu 2003). Affiliation is vital because of its relief of social exclusion, which is calamitous to the young person (Coles et al. 2000). Third, resilience means adjustment in the face of risk (Lengua 2002). Essentially, resilience is a state of response, rather than an ingrained trait (Luthar et al. 2000; Rutter 1999). Resilience is valuable for the young person to achieve growth in a positive way (Brendtro and Larson 2004). The growth notably entails courage, belonging, mastery, independence, generosity, attachment, achievement, autonomy, and altruism, which are all pro-social virtues. Meanwhile, safeguarding the young person’s resilience is required in face of ubiquitous stress and adversity afflicting the person (Rutter 1999). Resilience has demonstrated its contributions to the young person’s well-being, life satisfaction, and self-esteem (Shek 2004). The reverse of resilience is adversity, suffering, and distress, all manifesting some socially undesirable conditions. Adversity is likely beca8use of structural change in society (Byrne and Mazanov 2002). It can happen in the young person’s academic, social, and family domains (Chapman and Hayslip 2005). Adversity has shown its harm to the young person’s identity (Strauser et al. 2006). Suffering in the young person is clearly dysfunctional (Williamson and Schulz 1992). It can lead the young person to a state of learned helplessness. Besides, distress is a common malaise in the young person (Ostberg 2003). It arises from change, transition, and stress, which are prevalent in young age (Gerard and Buehler 2004).

Chapter 5 – The Anastenaria is celebrated by the Anastenarides. They descend from refugees who fled to Greece from the village of Kōsti in eastern Trace, nowadays Bulgaria, after the Balkan Wars, and had settled in several villages in Greek Macedonia by 1924. The Anastenaria is dedicated to the deceased saints, Kōnstantinos and his mother, Elenē, who are depicted on holy icons that the Anastenarides brought with them from Kōsti. The main ritual


Preface xiii

during the Anastenaria is the ecstatic dance over red-hot coals by the Anastenarides who are possessed by their saint. The festival presents a ritual, which in many ways is in opposition to the official Orthodox religion, and it has been persecuted by the Church. Therefore, it was performed in secret for many years last century. Officially, the uneasy situation between the Church and the Anastenarides has come to an end. But, still the Church states that the festival presents a combination of paganism and Christianity, and does not subscribe to the holistic view of the Anastenarides. The article is based on fieldwork which the author has carried out in two of the villages populated by Anastenarides and other (“indigenous”) Greeks during annual festivals. The article explores how the religious spaces surrounding the rituals carried out by the Anastenarides in the villages are copies of the original cultic space in Kōsti. Furthermore, their cultic apparatuses belong to “former days”, thus constituting an ancestor-cult located to their place of origin, since the “Thracians”/“Kōstilidians”, celebrates their “Kōstilidian” community and identity through their religious rituals.

Chapter 6 – Shamanism of the peoples inhabiting the Lower Amur region deserves special attention as a cultural phenomenon that was representing a harmonious fusion of Central Asian and Far Eastern traditions. The practice of shamanic healing of the Amur Nanai - representatives of the Tungus-Manchu group of peoples, equally combined elements of fishing (related to fishing, hunting) and household rituals (ancestor worship). The ideological platform of the ritual based on the relationship between the human soul and the spirit, which personified in various forces of nature. The shaman took the part of mediator into dialogue between the man and the invisible world of the spirits. As a healer, he installed the balance between the free spirits and the soul of man. According to animistic ideas of Nanai people, the human has several souls: omia – it was receiving at the time of birth; pania – vital soul, zulemzi – it was remaining after death. The shaman protecting the vital soul (pania) from hostile spirits managed its. The human that pania was away from the body or the negative impact on human beings invisible – perceived it as illness. The Amur Nanai people has formed category of shamans, which has practice of healing human. They returned the soul to the host body or neutralized the negative impact on human hostile spirits. Weak mepi- shaman could heal itself, siurinku shamans treated all people. Siurinku passing through trans-session established the cause of diseases by catching malicious spirits with the conclusion into wooden or made of peat sculpture, which was depicting a bear or a tiger. Thus, the spirit "pacified" became assistant for shaman. According to data by the beginning of 20th century and to results of a survey of elderly


Alley Parish xiv

Nanai people, the shamans-siurinku could cure part of neuropsychiatric diseases, which modern medicine is not able to handle. Shamans performed not only the medical role, but also a social one. The seon-spirits, gathered and "tamed" them, became defenders of the villages from penetration smallpox epidemics. From the 1920-s the active campaign against shamanism has led to many cases unexplained of mental illness among the indigenous population. Natives explained it by the loss of shaman’s status of the patron saint of settlements. Seons, which they collected, again found themselves at liberty "could to send to people different mental disorders." Since the 1970s, shamanic healing practice has moved into a latent state. Occupation was not advertising. Currently, the ritual shamanic healing is almost lost irreplaceable heritage of Nanai culture.

Chapter 7 – The tropical island of Mauritius is renowned for its extra-ordinary cultural diversity, being inhabited by various ethnic groups. Mauritius possess a rich tradition of culture and religion in the management of panoply of pathologies and traditional medicine continues to be the cornerstone of therapy for various ailments. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, there is no specific study so far on medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used in the management of diabetes and related complications by the local population. According to recent statistics, Mauritius has one of the highest prevalence of diabetes in the world and the economic burden associated with it is enormous. It is in this background that the present study has been undertaken and geared towards the documentation of medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used against diabetes and related complications. Following a cross sectional study, 10 medico-religious plants belonging to 9 families were recorded to be used against diabetes and related complications. The Hindu community was found to be the more common user of plants for religious practices. Some plants used against diabetes (e.g. Ocimum tenuiflorum) were considered as holy plants and venerated by the Hindu community. Interestingly for the first time, cultural rituals, occultism, hydrotherapy, the use of sea water and charcoal were documented to be used against diabetes and related complications. The traditional use of plant amulet necklace reported in the present study can be considered as an important finding which warrant further investigation. Data generated from the current study regarding the use of medico-religious plants and cultural rituals against diabetes and related complications require further investigations in order to validate their efficacy in clinical practice and needs to be conserved in order to prevent erosion of valuable knowledge and cultural rituals.


In: Rituals ISBN: 978-1-62948-664-2 Editor: Alley Parish © 2014 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

COMMUNITARIANISM AND THE OBASINJOM

MASK PERFORMANCE AS RITUAL HEALING

AMONG THE BAYANG AND EJAGHAM OF

SOUTHWEST CAMEROON

Ngambouk Vitalis Pemunta1*, Tabi Chama-James Tabenyang2

and Mathias Fubah Alubafi3 1Linnaeus University, Centre for Concurrences in Colonial and

Postcolonial Studies, Linnéuniversitetet, SE, Växjö, Sweden 2Department of Anthropology,Walter Sisulu Unversity,South Africa.

Eastern Cape, Republic of South Africa 3Art Histories and Aesthetic Practices, Forum Transregionale Studien,

Wallotstrasse, Berlin and VIAD, University of Johannesburg, South Africa

ABSTRACT

This paper combines ethnographic fieldwork and traditional African philosophy to examine the role of the Obasinjom masquerade’s witch hunting ritual performance in individual and community therapy among Bayang and Ejagham ethnicities of Southwest Cameroon. They are a crossborder Bantoid people living in both Southwest Cameroon and Southeastern Nigeria with common sociocultural and sociopolitical

* Email:[email protected].


Ngambouk V. Pemunta, Tabi C. Tabenyang , Mathias F. Alubafi 2

institutions including cult agencies (secret societies). Aside from sharing a common world view characterised by the entanglement between the material and immaterial realms, they further believe in reincarnation and see death as a transition from the material universe into the immaterial world of the ancestors. Accordingly, elders and traditional rulers are believed to be intermediaries between the worlds of the living and those of the dead. Like other African people, they have both a personalistic and naturalistic disease theory system and share a wide variety of ritual medicines for the diagnosis and treatment of diseases. Illnesses believed to be caused by personalistic agents-witchcraft are the domain of the Obasinjom cult agency-the god of medicine-which is physically represented by a speaking mask. The mask is believed to be omniscient and endowed with clairvoyance and supernatural powers. Through the dual processes of revelation and ‘remembrance’, Obasinjom connects the past, present and charts the future. This is done by using its supernatural powers to trace and unveil the mediating object and circumstances through which the malevolent spirit gained access to its victim. It is therefore involved in recreating the ‘biography’ (Kopytoft, 1986) of how the malevolent spirit gained access to its victim’s life essence. The Obasinjom mask is transformed through ritual performance from a banal into a ritual object thereby relating it to persons and events and attributing to it a biography and agency. This essay documents the specific role of the Obasinjom mask as overall controller over ritual medicine. The paper also examines the diffusion and subsequent appropriation of the Obasinjom cult agency by other Cameroonian ethnicities for ensuring community health and well-being because of its detective role in exposing witchcraft practices and criminal activities. Grounded in the African world view of health and personhood, the essay demonstrates that the Obasinjom cult agency’s performative ritual healing is a recreation of community sentiments among participants.

INTRODUCTION

In the last few decades, a torrent of studies on witchcraft and the occult-the predominance of belief in ̏ deals with spirits ̋ -has become an analytical framework for the accumulation of individual wealth (Onwu, 1985:27, Gilliland, 1986:73, Masquelier, 1997, Olsen, 2002:523,525, Nyamjoh, 2005, Barbara, 1995, Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999) as well as an epidemic in African studies. Witchcraft and the occult entail ‘‘the deployment, real or imagined, of magical means for material ends”(Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999:281). As Barbara Frank eloquently maintains, ‘‘[a] widespread West African belief holds that individual wealth is gained through a criminal pact


Communitarianism and the Obasinjom Mask Performance … 3

with spirits to whom human beings must be given as compensation. It appears that this belief has become more frequent since a modern cash economy has created substantial differences in income and wealth” (Frank, 1995:331). The widespread and deeply rooted nature of belief in the occult led Peter Geschiere (1997) to observe that it influences all spheres of life including politics, football and the economy. He subsequently baptized the widespread nature of these necromantic practices as the ‘modernity of witchcraft’1. Comaroff and Comaroff (1999:281) use the expression ‘‘the economy of the occult”2 to encapsulate both the use of body parts and whole persons in witchcraft practices for personal gain3. The intersection between religious beliefs, practices and types of economy as well as economic morals on the one hand and changes in belief systems with attendant socio-economic and political changes on the other have been variously commented upon (Ardener,1970, Fisiy and Geschiere, 1991, Geschiere, 1994, Rowlands and Warnier, 1988) in Cameroon. In most of Africa, attitudes about personal achievement, change and economic development is reflected in altered witchcraft beliefs and accusations directed at the greedy rich who are accused of entering into pacts with the spirit world by exchanging human blood for wealth and power (Ferme, 1999 ,Olsen, 2002). As William Olsen points out, witchcraft has become a discourse for explaining socio-economic changes and inequalities: ‘‘the rich are besieged by suspicions of witchcraft’’and associated with connections to the occult as undergirding their wealth (Olsen, 2002:524). Witchcraft and witch finding in Africa, Comaroff and Comaroff (1999:286) concede tend to take center stage in‘‘narratives that link translocal processes to local events and that map translocal scenes onto local landscapes, that translate translocal discourses into local vocabularies of cause and effect”. Similarly, Ciekawy and Geschiere (1998:5) observe that ‘‘...witchcraft rumors easily integrate modern, party politics, and the state’s legal and administrative services. They bridge as easily the distance between village and city. They

1 For one thing, modernisation theorists and the early teachings of Christianity erroneously

predicted that belief in witchcraft will disappear with civilsation. 2 They also deploy the concept of ‘‘millennial capitalism-the long fusion of the modern and the

postmodern, of hope and hopelessness, of utility and futility, of promise and its perversions” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999:283) to articulate the entanglement between the local and the global as well as the resultant inequalities between the rich who monopolise vast and disproportionate wealth and the poor swimming in abject poverty.

3 The burgeoning trade in body parts has turned the young as well as albinoes into endangered species. Although being born as an albino is attributed to witchcraft, their body parts are traded partly because of the allegation that they do not die, and the use of their body parts for magico-religious rituals is based on the believe that they make people rich, boast good luck and success as is the case in Tanzania and most of Africa.



increaseingly acquire transnational dimensions”. Using the analogy of witch-craft and the market, they further maintain that common open-endedness may account for the association and articulation of signs of global capitalism with witchcraft representations that tend to impose the theme of containment. Against this backdrop, and faced with the effervescence of witchcraft dis-courses, witch finding rituals are a common response to the contradictions and ambiguities created and advanced by cultural, mystical, political and economic transformations (Masquelier, 1997, Ciewawy, 1989, Fisiy, 1990, Fisiy and Geschiere, 1990, 1991, Niehaus, 1993, 1995, Meyer, 1999, 1991). Myriad mechanisms for nullifying the threat (containing witchcraft) have been resorted to by people eager to grapple with the presumed nefarious effects of occultic practices. These mechanisms of containment include: the Penta-costalist’s special ways of exorcing witchcraft in Ghana (Meyer, 1999), chief’s intervention in an area of the Cameroon Grassfields in contrast to a segmen-tary forest society where the help of the state was solicited (Fisiy,1990, Fisiy and Geschiere,1990,1991, see also, Ciewakawy,1989), as well as the violent witch hunts in post-apartheid South Africa (Niehau,1993, 1995).

This study of the performatic communal ritual healing of witchcraft attacks by the Obasinjom cult agency captures global contemporary processes and their articulation at the local level among Bayang and Ejagham ethnicities of Southwest Cameroon. Through an examination of the entanglement between the material and the immaterial realms (the duality of two worlds) as well as the African holistic concept of health as instantiated in the integrated African worldview of the person, this paper examines the role of the talkative Obasinjom masquerade4 performance in both individual and community health. Although the focus is on the Bayang and Ejagham, the chapter draws heavily on African philosophy-on the beliefs and practices of other African people to foreground their worldview into a broader perspective.

4 The Obasinjom masquerade and the Obasinjom secret society/cult agency will be used

interchangeably throughout this chapter. Among the Bayang and the Ejagham, the ‘mask’ or ‘gown’ which is the outfit for public performances is intertwined with its public identity. Most often, the masked dancer and the association are one and the same thing (see also Ruel, 1969:201). This is not to confuse process with object. As Robert Thompson concedes, masks are commonly made to be danced, and they take on the meaning and function of what they are only in the process when they cease from being independent objects (Thompson, 1974: xii-xiv). In the process of the artifact/ritual drama (Olsen 2002:69), masks become real for participants and sculptures are artifacts, the leavings of art-ing.



In the fundamentally holistic, sacred and highly integrated African world view that pervades and permeates all aspects of daily life, the human community has its full meaning and significance only within the transcendal centre of ultimate meaning.

COMMUNITY: THE AFRICAN WORLDVIEW AND THE CONCEPT OF HEALTH

For traditional Africans, community is much more than simply a

social grouping of people bound together by reasons of natural origin and/or deep common interests and values. It is both a society as well as a unity of the visible and invisible worlds; the world of the physically living on the one hand, and the world of the ancestors, divinities and souls of children yet to be born to individual kin-groups. In a wider sense, African traditional community comprehends the totality of the world of African experience including the physical environment, as well as all spirit beings acknowledged by a given group5. Although Africa is characterised by diversity, there are however certain

widespread beliefs and practices regarding worldview and the concept of health that are deeply embedded in all aspects of the daily life of an African. Traditionally, medical practice in Africa-including among the Bayang and the Ejagham as well as among their Ibiobio neighbours in South-coastal Nigeria was intertwined with and undertaken within the context of the traditional/ indigenous religion6,with the use of both natural and supernatural means to maintain good health, prevent and cure diseases (Ekong 2007). Medicine and magic were practiced at the interface of each other- mostly by traditional

5 Christopher I.Ejizu.(N.D).‘‘African Traditional Religions and the promotion of community-

living in Africa”. Available: http://www.afrikaworld.net/ afrel/community.htm. 6 We are deeply aware of an ongoing polemic among those who endorse the view that African

Traditional Religion should be referred to in the singular, those who think it should be in the plural and those who are neutral.We subscribe with Oliver Onwubiko(1991, 2005) that “it is safer...to talk of African religions[in the plural] because it is difficult to speak yet of a systematised and generally accepted form of belief and worship found through out Africa” to the need for plurality so as to reflect diversity. John Mbiti has switched from African Religion and Philosophy (1969) to African Religions and Philosophies (1970/1990) reflecting his realisation of the diversity of religious practices in Africa (see also Mbuy (2000:176-177). This diversity of religious practices as well as shared similarities in African cultural values and practices does not of course presuppose lack of unity but rather the fact that ethical values are intertwined with religious values.



healers in the quest for health sustainability among various groups of people. Plants and other natural substances were and still are, heavily relied upon for the prevention of physical ailments while magico-religious rituals are used for those suspected to have supernatural undertones (Esema 2002, Ekong 2001). Presently- and despite their adoption of Christianity- most Africans are still known for their belief in the efficacy of herbal remedies and ritual practices in the prevention and cure of certain diseases by cult agencies such as the Obasinjom secret society (Tabi, 2011). The notion of germ theory in the aetiology of disease is completely alien to most Africans including the Bayang and Ejagham communities. In other words, beliefs in medical practice are neither personalistic nor naturalistic (Foster and Anderson, 1978, Gilbert et al.2002). Rather, medical systems are often characterised by both personalistic and naturalistic aspects, and there is the transgression of the fluid boundaries between medical systems as people use and make sense of different medical sytems(see also Hsu,2008:317-318). While it is believed that diseases are caused by a person’s lifestyle/habits of consumption, it is also believed that they are sometimes also caused through the agency and mediation of supernatural factors (Zubane, 2001). In other words, in the cosmology of most African societies, animals, insects and other natural elements do not cause or transmit diseases except when they are used by the gods as punishment against a person, or group(see also Ajala and Nelson, 2013:82, Fubah, forthcoming).

The African worldview is concretised through communal experiences that are constantly enacted and re-enacted through ritual performances during various stages of the lifespan. Simultaneously, individual and community wellbeing is so intertwined that a misdeed by one member of a family can bring a curse to the entire family and even to unborn generations. Communi-tarianism is shorthand for the African view of the person- a world sense in which the material and the immaterial universes are intertwined as captured by Mbiti’s (1970) concept of the “living-dead”(see also Lamla,1981,1991). This notion faithfully captures the entanglement of the worlds of the living and the dead and how the latter influences the former both positively and negatively (cf.Fubah, forthcoming). Human kind is seen as constituted of both material and immaterial substances-body and spirit. The former is visible and palpable, whereas the latter is invisible and intangible. The invisible members of the kinship group-ancestors and spiritual beings are powerful and above human beings. They are represented by different kinds of symbols including carved objects, shrines and sacred altars. In the Bambui Kingdom, for example, ancestral elders are represented by title cups—which are in turn used by their successors in propitiating them (Fubah,2012, Fubah, forthcoming). The



widespread use of title cups as symbols for the ancestors has led Fubah to argue in his forthcoming paper that title cups are representatives of the ancestors in the Western Grassfields(Fubah, forthcoming). They are also remembered through personal names, especially in cases where personal ancestors or spirit beings are believed to have reincarnated through the agency of children. Among the Akan of Ghana, they are represented through ancestral stools, ‘Okpensi’ and Ikenga among traditional Igbo, shrines of ‘Muzimu’ (ancestors) among the Baganda of Uganda(see also Mbiti,1990,). While the body perishes at death, the spirit transforms into another being (see Sarpong, 1993:80). Most African societies including the Bayang and the Ejagham believe in life after death-reincarnation. Hence, when a man dies, especially in the Western Grassfields, his power is transferred into a stone and a drinking horn before he is buried. The reason behind this is that the stone will serve as his head upon which libation shall be poured to venerate him and ask for blessing (Fubah, forthcoming).

Extrapolating from Placide Temples and John Mbiti, philosopher Ifeanyi Menkiti describes the African conception of man as opposed to the Western perspective as communitarian-as defined by “an environing community” (Menkiti,1984:173, see also Menkiti, 2004). Similarly, Richard Onwuanibe concedes that the African view of the person is more practical than theoretical: “based on the conviction that the metaphysical sphere is not abstractly divorced from concrete experience, for the physical and [the] metaphysical are aspects of reality, and the transition from one to the other is natural”. In this regard, personhood is the outcome of the interplay between the individual and the community. The individual is non-existent independent of the group: “whatever happens to the individual happens to the whole group” and vice versa (Onwuanibe, 1984:184). This same vision underpins the quest for diagnosis, illness and therapy. In the Western individualistic world view, health and illness largely depend on people’s living and working conditions. Whilst Africans share this perspective, they also look for the cause of illness and disease from their social relationships: if a taboo has been breached, the necessary course of action-usually involving rites to appease the gods or the ancestors is accordingly identified and embarked upon through diagnosis usually by consulting a soothsayer/witchdoctor (Fubah, forthcoming). As vividly captured by John Mbiti (1970:141), the individual does not exist out of society: “I am because we are, and since we are, therefore, I am”. Stated otherwise, personhood is articulated in communal terms and is a reference to one’s experiences in terms of social relationships. Whatever happens to the individual is believed to happen to the whole group, and whatever happens to



the whole group happens to the individual. The individual can only say: "I am because we are, and since we are, therefore I am. This is a cardinal point in the understanding of the African view of man" (Mbiti 1990: 106).

The relationality of the African personhood, Anthony Appiah concedes is encapsulated in “the general views of a people about the world- social, natural, and supernatural-in which they live”(Appiah, 2004:26). This demonstrates the centrality of communal experiences. For a critical discussion of the myriad differences in foregrounding the concept of personhood in African philosophy, see Matolino, 2011, Pemunta, 2011b, Menkiti, 2004, 1984). In other words, the individual is rooted in networks of solidarity and community life.“He is seen in his “relatedness” to the physical, environment, others and the unseen world of constructive forces ... When any of these relationships is impaired, the human being is “sick”. This explains why,

healing in Africa is not just a biomedical concern, it has to do with preservation or restoration of human vitality in the context of the community and his relationship as a whole. The sense of belonging, solidarity and community life is so strong in ...traditional society that people do not care so much about what you have as how many people you are able to rally. This for the African, is real wealth. People who bring about social disorder and destroy harmony are considered to be witches and wizards. They are said to be“nobodies”, no matter how much they own or how wealthy they are (Mbuy, 2001:180).

In practical terms, the relationality of the African world view is instantiated in the holistic vision of health as manifested in traditional medicine. “ [It is] the sum total of the knowledge, skills, and practices based on the theories, beliefs, and experiences indigenous to different cultures, whether explicable or not, used in the maintenance of health as well as in the prevention, diagnosis, improvement or treatment of physical and mental illness7.”(World Health Organization 2000:1). It has been estimated that 80 percent of Africans independent of socioeconomic and professional backgrounds are dependent on traditional medicine for their health needs (Hostettmen et al., 2000, Tabenyang, 2011). It often involves rituals and sacrifices and the interactions between African metaphysics and cosmology as they shape people’s social relationships. Health from an African perspective becomes an all-encompassing condition: a state of complete wellbeing and

7 The terms complementary/alternative/non-conventional medicine are used interchangeably with

traditional medicine in some countries.



vitality that permits an individual to express his or her physical, emotional, intellectual, creative and spiritual capabilities in a manner that is harmonious with that individual, others, society and all of life. Good health is associated with success in all human endeavours: soil fertility and high yields, social and biological reproduction-daughters and sons securing marriage partners and giving birth to grand children- and professional success among others. In Savage’s (1996) description of a holistic vision of health and illness applicable to Bali Nyongans of Northwest Cameroon, he notes that reproductive morbidity, or the inability of a woman to bring forth an offspring, whether through failure to conceive, miscarriage, stillbirth or infant or child mortality is an indication of disharmony with the living and/or between the living and the dead. Health is therefore perceived within the context of traditional society, as a harmonious state where the social/religious or supernatural realm clearly impacts on both physical and psychosocial well being. Pregnancy, par excellence, is one of these states (see also Richards, 2002).

In concretising the six main tenets of African Traditional Religion (ATR), Tatah Humphrey Mbuy (2001:178-179) uses the analogy of “stones” instead of beliefs because they are more concrete and symbolic. These six “stones’’ consists of Belief in Supreme Divine, Belief in other Deities and Principalities, Belief in the Ancestors and the “Living Dead”, Belief in, Respect for and Celebration of life, Belief in Solidarity and Community life, Belief in Culture as standard. Quoting Owolowola,(1993:9), Mbuy (2001:178) maintains that “ death does not write “the end’’ to human life but opens the gate to the hereafter, hence, prominence is given to belief in the continuation of life after death”. This explains why the ancestors are seen as pacesetters of morality and moral guardians. They are the originators of custom and mediators between God and the living. They dish out negative sanctions to people who commit crimes such as incest and murder and when such individuals-including leaders or titleholders within their communities eventually die, they are barred from entering the world of the ancestors.

Alongside this hierarchical worldview, most African people believe that the world is inundated by good and bad spirits. The former are associated with the God of their ancestors and represent his activities and his manifestations. These deities and principalities like among the Yoruba are hierarchically organised. They are believed to be intermediaries between the living and God and individually provide favours in the area of their jurisdiction. There are gods such as those of fertility, good luck among others. The actions of most Africans is further underpinned by belief in the ancestors and the “Living Dead”, a concept originated by John Mbiti (1970) to demonstrate the



permanent social intercourse between the dualistic interconnected worlds of the living and the dead as manifested through sacrifices to ensure good health as well as biological and social reproduction. The ancestors are constantly invoked and honoured as a prelude to any major celebration-marriage, birth, naming ceremony and funeral celebrations among others.

The living-dead are bilingual; they speak the language of men, with whom they lived until 'recently', and they speak the language of the spirits and of God ...They are the 'spirits' with which African peoples are most concerned: it is through the living-dead that the spirit world becomes personal to men. They are still part of their human families, and people have personal memories of them (Mbiti, 1990:82).

Ancestral rites include the Ima Muo among the traditional Igbo, the Egungun of the Yourba, Poro for young boys and its counterpart Sande (the equivalent of umgidi among the Xhosa people of South Africa) for young girls in Liberia and Sierra Leone which generally mark the transition of young adolescent boys and girls from 'social puberty' to full adult status with all the attendant roles and responsibilities. The Luguru of Tanzania refer to their initiation of young males as 'ng'hula' (meaning growth and maturity). It begins with the seclusion of the candidates in camp under the supervision of a specialist male elder known as 'kisepi'. During the period which lasts between two and four weeks, and which corresponds to the period required for brewing the beer to be used for the rites, the candidates are fed on a rich diet of chickens. They learn among others, the communitarian value of sharing everything in common and they are exposed to the 'treasured secrets', including the historical landmarks, myths and symbols of their community.

Although absent,the ancestors are believed to have achieved a new spiritual dimension and to exert greater influence over the lives of generations of the living. The category of “ancestors” regroups “titleholders [within the family, tribe or clan who discharged their duties well and were of exemplary moral standard] who have died and are near the Great One and have great power after death over earthly problems” (Mbuy, 2001:179-180). They are believed to come in the form of snakes, scorpions, lions, leopards and other creatures-explaining the existence of totems that are treated with utmost respect and never killed as well as sacred places and objects that are worshipped. In the Bayang and Ejagham country, relics of memorial statues of



Ngbokondem8 who were commemorated at death abound (see Niger-Thomas, 2009:170). Ruel (1969:204) points out that these effigies-formerly in mud within a protective hut’ and later in cement- were built in commemoration of a dead member of the association. The ancestors are in full control over the success or failure of future generations and they fight against evil spirit which sends illnesses to the living as well as stall their progress.

Most African tribes largely use a pluralistic system of healthcare, made up of an institutionalised modern medical system based on scientific procedures and a variety of non-conventional therapies based on indigenous knowledge systems, beliefs and traditional practices9. Because of the embeddedness of healing in culture, healers play a significant role in the health and wellbeing of a significant proportion of the population. A good number of studies indicate that an estimated 70% to 80% of the people in Africa rely entirely on folk medicine for their healthcare needs (Zubane, 2001, Tabi, 2011). It is therefore evident that the introduction of conventional medicine has not replaced indigenous healing methods. Traditional healing and healers like the Obasinjom cult agency have continued to provide healing services to many people for different reasons, thereby creating a plural healthcare system in most communities.

Cecil Helman suggests that people attribute the causes of illness to factors within: 1) individuals themselves (e.g., bad habits or negative emotional states); 2) the natural environment (e.g., pollution and germs); 3) factors associated with others or the social world (e.g., interpersonal stress, medical facilities, and actions of others); and 4) supernatural factors including God, destiny, and indigenous beliefs such as witchcraft or voodoo (Helman, 2001). Westerners tend to attribute the cause of illness to the individual or the natural world whereas individuals from non-Western societies are more inclined to explain illness as a result of social and supernatural causes (Furnham et al.1999:189).

8 Tradition of honouring firstborn daughters that entailed seclusion, initiation and the subsequent

building of a commemorative funerary statue decorated with their dancing clothes upon their death. In the past, members formed an association (see Pemunta, 2008, 2011, Niger-Thomas, 2009).

9 Both scientific and rational explanations, instead of religious explanations, are regarded as justified and as most suitable in explaining the world. In the biomedical paradigm, formally trained medical experts use science to provide medical diagnoses and cures for phenomena which are perceived as deviant and can be returned to their normal state. The focus of the biomedical model is the treatment of disease, rather than the patient as a whole.



In their disease theory systems all cultures use attributional concepts to explain illness causality. Cross-culturally, three widely held paradigms of disease causation are naturalistic, personalistic and emotionalistic (see Foster,1976, Foster and Anderson,1978, Kottak, 2008, Helman,2001). Naturalistic disease theories explain causation in objective, scientific terms and are underpinned by the core concept that illness occurs when there is a disequilibrium in the body. For instance, the Western biomedical paradigm views disease as originating from within the body due to a specific, identifiable “medical” cause or pathogen (viral, bacterial, germs etc.). In this scenario, the pathogens need to be eradicated so that the person is cured from the disease and restored back to good health. Another naturalistic disease theory- the humoral system explains illness in terms of an imbalance in the various elements called humors-: blood, phlegm, yellow bile and black bile. Therefore health is the outcome of an equal balance of the four humors and occurs through the restoration of the proper balance of humors through removal (bleeding, starvation) or replacing (special diets, medicine) the deficiency (Helman, 2001). In a medical system characterised by notions of “hot” and “cold”, medicines are believed to stabilise and influence the hot-cold balance. Among groups that hold this view such as the Sakhalin Ainu (Ohnuki-Tierney 1981) homeopathic principles guide the selection of medicine: illness associated with a certain animal is treated with substances of that same animal (see also van der Geest and Whyte, 1989:355).

On the contrary, in a personalistic disease theory illness is attributed to the intervention or as being the handwork of an agent such as another human, witch, sorcerer, non-human, or through supernatural force. In their study of the local aetiology and pathways to malaria care among the Ibiobio of south-coastal Nigeria, Ajala and Nelson (2013) maintain that malaria is caused by witchcraft, exposure to sunlight and the consumption of yellowish food items including yellow maize, pawpaw, orange and red oil. In a similar study on malaria causation among the Bali Nyonga of Northwest Cameroon, 11.54% of respondents maintained that “an individual can also catch malaria as a result of actions by individuals (evil eye or witches) with the aim of causing harm to the individual or to his/her kin: “nobody loves anyone these days and the world is spoilt’’. Although the Bali Nyonga have a multiple causal folk theory of malaria- with dirty environment (80.76%) and the mosquito (76.92%) as the leading causes, other causes are poor hygiene (46.15%), impure sources of portable water (23.08%), malnutrition (15.38%), witchcraft (11.54%), human-vector contact (34.61%), and palm wine drinking (32.69%).



Witchcraft offers an explanatory framework for why severe malaria that often leads to madness affects some people and not others, as well as resistance of the parasite to anti-malaria drugs. People’s practices in relation to disease are not a medley of disconnected and meaningless customs, but are inspired by definite ideas concerning the causation of disease. Their modes of treatment follow directly from the ideas concerning etiology and pathology (Pemunta, 2013:26). Among the Azande of Southwestern Sudan witchcraft is not only

pervasive, but also ubiquitous and serves as an idiom about human activities. Witchcraft provides an explanatory paradigm for the relations between men and unfortunate events as well as shape reactions to such events. Occultic beliefs also provide a system of values for regulating human behaviour and belief in witchcraft is logical, meaningful and practical within the context of Azande culture and society (Evans-Pritchard, 1963:63-69). Polanyi (1958:286-296) discovered striking parallels between the belief in witchcraft and scientific thought: both are seen as “the simplest description of the facts, or as the most economical survey of sense data, or as ... conventional framework valued for [their] usefulness”. Similarly, Nyamjoh (2005:241) documents how discourses of “Nyongo’’-a popular form of witchcraft that privileges zombification over instant gratification through instant and total death” force Bamenda Grassfield migrants abroad to negotiate conviviality with their kith and kin back in Cameroon. Accusations of Nyongo are levied

...when he or she is perceived to have appropriated or attempted to appropriate the life essence of another person, occasioning a sudden and often mysterious “temporary” death. It is claimed that those capable of Nyongo benefit from the afflicted by harnessing the abilities of the latter to slave for them as zombies after their presumed death. Nyongo also refers to the mysterious place(s) where victims of fierce greed—Nyongo—are said to be slaving away, visible mostly to slavedrivers or to those who have consigned them to slavery.... “it is believed that a person possessing it is able to kill others, especially his own relatives, and to use their bodies to work for him in an invisible town on Mount Kupe in Bakossi country” (Ardener, [1960] 1996: 216,cf, Nyamnjoh, 2005:242).

Among the Azande, witchcraft is believed to be an inherited substance in the belly which lives a fairly autonomous life, including performing bad magic on one's enemies. However, witches may sometimes be unaware of their powers, and can accidentally strike people to whom the witch wishes no evil.



Because witchcraft is believed to always be present, there are several rituals connected to protection from and cancelling of witchcraft that are performed almost daily. When something out of the ordinary occurs, usually something unfortunate, to an individual, the Azande may blame witchcraft, just as non-Zande people might blame "bad luck". Oracles are a way of determining from where the suspected witchcraft is coming, and were for a long time the ultimate legal authority and the main determining factor in how one would respond to the threats ( Evans-Pritchard, 1963).

Emotionalistic disease theories explain illness as caused by strong emotional states (e.g., intense anger, jealousy, shame, grief or fright). The personalistic and emotionalistic disease theories are easily applied to patients of Western societies who are familiar with and have faith in the medical beliefs and practices prevalent in their own cultures (Foster,1976). These health attributions and beliefs, differ significantly from those of the Western biomedical paradigm which is based on scientific knowledge. Whereas, some Asian cultures including the Chinese and the Vietnamese believe in the dualistic cosmic theory of the yin and the yang- in a balance between opposite forces (e.g. positive and negative, light and dark, hot and cold) reflecting the difference between health and illness, others endorse the view that illnesses are caused by spirits or ghosts (Bigby, 2003) (see also Vaughan et al. 2009:66-67).

The modern healthcare system has several shortcomings. It is ill-equipped to treat a wide range of illnesses occurring in African communities including- psychiatric disorders and epilepsy, and it does not deal with the spiritual aspects of disease. The above reasons amongst others have created space for intervention based on traditional medical remedies (Zubane, 2001, Lamla, 2007, 1991, 1981, 1975, Lantum,1978, Labhard et. al. 2010, Tabi, 2011, Pemunta, 2000) and techniques for the restoration of health. Apart from the shortcomings of the modern healthcare system, most Africans hold strong traditional beliefs and practices to health which influence their perceptions to illness (Summerton, 2006), and therefore partly determines therapeutic recourse. This is consistent with the view that attributes the popularity of traditional medicine in Africa to its firm embeddedness in the wider belief system as well as its historic accessibility and affordability in comparison to western medicine (WHO 2002:2). Views of health, illness and disease are determined by the belief system. Referring to Rukobo (1992:5), Summerton, (2006) maintains that the African systemic view of the world is characterised by an interrelationship in which the components of society are functionally integrated. In this light, medicine, illness, disease and death are understood within the prism of religion and at times, within the context of myth and



mysticism. Within this functionally integrated worldview there is a basic distinction between theories of natural and supernatural causation regarding, illness which forms the axis of traditional cosmological, religious, social and moral worldviews of health and illness (Abdool Karim et al. 1994:6). From a biomedical perspective,

when an individual becomes ill, the question of causation pertains to ‘what’ caused the illness and ‘how’ it was caused. The traditional African worldview of causation believes that, in addition, the question of ‘who’ caused it and ‘why’, must also be addressed. This is an essential part of the healing process. As a result, any form of treatment/therapy given without this understanding may confuse the patient, thus compromising the treatment’s effectiveness and acceptability (Abdool Karim et al. 1994: Ibid).

The worldview and religion of the Bayang and the Ejagham is under-pinned by personalistic and naturalistic concepts of disease and illness and it is at this point that traditional medicine and healers including the Obasinjom cult agency- the god of medicine- enter the scene in the people’s quest for relief as a quest for therapy both as individuals and as a community.

BACKGROUND

The Bayang and the Ejagham are found in present-day Manyu Division of the Southwest region of Cameroon. Manyu is one of the six administrative Divisions that comprise the Southwest region. The Manyu Basin that is framed by the higher‘‘Grassfields’’ is bounded to the East by the Northwest region. Covered by rainforest, it is increasingly being converted to agriculture. It is made up of four administrative subdivisions with Mamfe Central-including Mamfe town and its surrounding villages, as the most densely populated. In the east of the Division is Upper Bayang. Eyumojock subdivision located south and west of Mamfe Central is largely made up of lowland and borders Nigeria. In the northern part of the Division is Akwaya which also borders Nigeria. The Bayang country in Southwest Cameroon is comprised of 11 villages while the Ejagham occupy an estimated 150 villages10 (Niger-Thomas, 2009), with the Lower Bayang community sharing a common

10 Röschenthaler (2004) put the number of Ejagham villages at an estimated 140-half in

Cameroon and half in Nigeria.



boundary with the Ejagham who are nearer to the Nigerian border where the co-ethnics of both groups portioned out by colonialism live today in Southeast Nigeria.

Source: Pemunta(2011a).

Figure 1. Map of Southwest region with its six administrative divisions.

Source: Pemunta (2011a).

Figure 2. Map of Manyu Division.



The dominant ethnic group in Mamfe Central and Upper Bayang Subdivisions are the Bayangs. The Ejaghams are the majority in the Eyumojock Subdivision. Manyu is home to a myriad of ethnicities which overlap in their territories and ‘are products of the colonial reification of more fluid identities”. They also share common ‘‘socio-economic and political institutions and have historic connections to the outside world by virtue of their trans-border location on the Cameroon-Nigeria frontiers” (Pemunta, 2011c:171). Wealthy members of these ethnic groups were slave masters and intermediaries in the long-distance trade that linked the Western and eastern or Central Grassfields and the Atlantic Coast of Cameroon with the lower Cross River Basin (Pemunta, 2010, Pemunta, 2011:35,47, Pemunta,2008, Röschen-thaler, 2004:241). Among these slaves (basem, singular.nsem) were notorious kleptomaniacs, murderers and witchcraft suspects as well as debtors (Chem-Langhëë and Fomin, 1995:192, 194). Slaves and their descendants lived on the margins of society, were socially and physically ostracised from mainstream society and could only occupy the lower ranks in most cult agencies. Chem-Langhëë and Fomin (1995:204) further intimate that“[they] were perceived and treated as kinless persons and kleptomaniacs with dangerous psychic powers, outside the pale of Bayang culture and kinship system...barred from participation in the corporate life of the Bayang, except when they acted as stewards or sacrificial victims at some important social or ritual occasions”. Apart from social segregation, to further pre-empt being victimised by the alleged occultic powers and kleptomaniac habits as well as the undesirable qualities of their slaves, the Bayang adopted cult agencies such as Obasinjom and mfam from their Ejagham neighbours to neutralise the mystical powers of the latter. It was however the Ekpe secret society that facilitated the creation of a Cross River trading network along and away from the river. Membership of Ekpe was used in cementing relationships of trust as well as commercial credit in the Cross River network (Bentor, 2002:30). Slaves were further used as shields because of“their powerful psychic powers to ward off evil spirits” (Chem-Langhëë and Fomin, 1995:197). With the onslaught of colonial interference on the institution of slavery in Cameroon, slave settlements were relocated to the depth of the forest to escape the colonial gaze and governmental regime. Aside from serving as sacrificial lambs, descendants of slave ancestry (bambi) were further excluded from ritual functions and participation including the war dance (etogobi beti) whose apogee was heralded and symbolised with the slaughter of a slave at midnight (Pemunta, 2008, 2011).



Like other coastal groups in the Southwest region and on Cameroon’s coastline, the Bayang and Ejagham are acephalous communities. Chieftaincy has colonial roots and chiefs as well as elders hold membership in various cult agencies including Ekpe and Obasinjom while women normally hold membership in Ekpa, Mawu and Monekim (Pemunta, 2011a, 2011b). As Malcolm Ruel pointed out ‘the village is the basic and most important unit of neotraditional government. Ties may exist at higher levels, usually through clans-village groups defined by perceived common descent-but these are more fluid and have no fixed political authority’’ ( Ruel, 1969:73-93).

This segmentary society is headed by the Ntuifam- the chief who is considered as the stool of the community. Following the Chief’s hereditary position are renowned secret societies like the Ekpe and the institution of Obasinjom (Akum Etek) in which he is a prominent and highly respected member. Next to Akum Etek is Nju-Essere (the village council)-followed by Abhonatui (Quarter heads); Nne Nkwi Ndephenju (Family head); Etek (Village community) and Ajom Etek (Divinities). The Ntuifam occupies the highest office in the governing system. On enthronement, the chief is initiated into all the secret societies. It must be noted that in this decentralised sociopolitical set-up the Chief has limited powers of administration. The system of occupation of Ntuifam as chief is rotative within members of the founding families of the village.

The Akum Etek- the governing organs of the land are also composed of representatives of the Ekpe cult; Obasinjom and the reigning chief who occupies the Ntuifam stool. This very important governing machinery of the land keeps the people together in a way conducive to their lifestyle. Recent changes in belief system have been orchestrated by foreign encroachment- particularly Christian indoctrination; the application of colonial administrative strategy of indirect rule greatly reduced the chief’s power and influence and brought remarkable structural disruption into the hitherto indigenous cultural setting. Today, although most individuals including the Chiefs have converted to Christianity, they remain traditionalists at heart. In other words, they are syncretic Christians.

The Bayang and Ejagham believe in a pantheon of Gods-with the Supreme Being at the top of the hierarchy, the world of spirits, benign and malevolent, as well as the ancestors-and dependence on them, a code of ethical behaviour, faith in supra-human powers-magic, witchcraft and sorcery. Malevolent spirits and the intervention of witches and ancestors and other cosmic forces are out to correct an inappropriate behaviour (see also, Atindabila et al. 2011:458, Tsumasi, 1981, Mbiti, 1970, Mbuy, 2000). At the



top of this hierarchical world view is the Supreme Being, God Obhassi-ossoh who rewards and punishes the living. Every good is attributed to Him and He oversees all activities. Apart from belief in the Supreme Being, the people also believe and worship other gods Ajom ranging from family, individual, and the village god. Different families have their family Njom (njome ndephenju) mostly placed in the centre of the compound in the form of a tree or stone. Sacrifices are offered to these gods from time to time. They are meant to protect members of the society against external attacks, provide good health, peace, harmony, blessings, fertility and prosperity. The family heads of each lineage usually perform popular cult (ancestral worship) on behalf of their members.

The Bayang and Ejagham claim cultural affinity with each other as well as with their kith and kin in Southeast Nigeria. These inhabitants of the tropical rainforest possess various sociocultural and sociopolitical institutions including the Obasinjom masquerade which is charged with unleashing violence by publicly exposing witches. The essence of this paper is to examine the role of the talktaive Obasinjom mask in both individual and community health. We have demonstrated that this can only be grasped through an examination of the entanglement between the material and the immaterial realms as well as through the concept of health within the prism of the African world view.

THE OBASINJOM MASQUERADE

Most accounts about Obasinjom11 are unanimous that this secret society/cult agency that is epitomised by its public face- the talking mask (masquerade) originated among the Ejagham (Rősenthaler, 2004, 2006, 2007, Ruel, 1969, Talbot, 1912) as well as our ongoing ethnographic fieldwork in these communities beginning in 2006. One of our key respondents, Pa Martin Otang concurred that the Obasinjom mask was acquired from the Okuri people, a small village on the Cameroon-Nigeria frontier. A man called Obassi Abong was the pioneer to use the Obasinjom mask (see also Talbot, 1912:51f, 197f, 52). Etymologically, the word Obasinjom comes from two Ejagham words- “Obassi’’- meaning “God’’ and “Njom”-meaning medicine. Njom is however a polysemic concept. First and foremost, it is anything that a man can use as a shield against physical or spiritual danger. It can be injected into an individual’s body (agbe njom) through scarification of strategic body parts 11 In Talbot’s(1912) account, Obasinjom is referred to as Akpambe.



such as joints and the subsequent application of a concoction comprised of herbs, barks of certain trees and roots onto the wounded surfaces with the aim of protecting the individual. In other words, people can inject Njom-usually called agbe njom into their bodies where it serves as a vaccine against witchcraft. A liquid form of njom, called agwoh njom can also be drunk to serve the same purpose. Other concrete forms of Njom include-metals, wood, necklaces worn on the neck, wrist or waist. It can also be in the form of a bangle, ebhangne njom worn on the wrist.

It may also be represented by a ring mpkak enereh won on the finger. Njom can also be in the form of a parchment ntungne njom. The above objects used as Njom are said to be deified and therefore have the power to protect the individual who uses them. Njom can also be kept in the compound, njom ndephenju by the family head. Usually found in the middle of the compound, the head of the family is responsible for performing rituals on the family Njom for the protection and prosperity of its members. The village also has its own Njom, njom etek. It is often kept in the middle of the village, at /near the Ekpe hall, Ochame mgbe. This is represented by a shrine. Njom etek is believed to protect the whole village from illnesses and pre-mature deaths as well as witchcraft. The Obasinjom mask is kept either in the Ekpe hall or in the leader of the lodge’s house. Njom, whether kept by the individual, family or the members of the society, is for protection. Seen from this perspective, Obasinjom means the god of protection against both physical and spiritual dangers.

In order to stop wrongdoing and to vindicate oneself from false accusation, Njom is also administered as an oath. If one commits a crime and falsely swear by Njom, he/she can die. Furthermore, Njom can be used as an injunction. It can be put on one’s property to scare away thieves. In this case anybody who sees Njom on it will automatically avoid touching the property. This is so because it is believed that if one steals a property on which Njom is placed, one can die. Njom is therefore seen as a mechanism of social control among the people. People also swear Njom as a pre-emptive measure to scare away witches. For example, if one dreams that malevolent individuals are running after him/her, it might denote a planned witchcraft attack. On waking up, the individual will immediately swear Njom to threaten and scare away the perpetrator(s). However, Njom is not only meant for protection. An evil-doer might also use it to commit all sorts of evil. In this case, a malevolent individual can use it to charm his/her lover(s) Ebhuge ma. Still other people can use Njom to poison and eliminate their enemies. Njom is therefore



something that can serve both good and bad intentions, benevolent as well as malevolent purposes.

More aptly stated, “Obassi’’ means “God is the creator of everything in the universe and anything created by God can be used for both negative and positive purposes12”. Obasinjom in the widest social sense is the god of protection against all kinds of imaginable dangers. Its function is to investigate, detect and expose witches and wizards, forecast and prevent malevolent acts that have already occurred or are still to occur. It has the power of clairvoyance. Individuals also consult the institution for their own personal problems and to ensure their personal and family’s well-being because it is believed that the institution has mystical powers to cure and to protect using elements from the fauna and botanical universe of the people. These elements include herbs, barks of trees, roots, clays for the preparation of various concoctions for therapy, for the fortification of members of the institution and for preparing the mask for its mystical and therapeutic activities. In his discussion of the four types of medicines (njom) in Kembong, Koloss (1984:63) maintains that medicines are powers found in certain magical plants that have been provided by God and the ancestors to fight against witches and criminals and that carved figures, lumps of clay, horns, or raffia bags are the repositories, unlike Obasinjom- the fifth category of medicine of which constitutes a mask. Figuratively, Obasinjom is the chief traditional healer as captured by the idiomatic expression “the stick that falls on different [other] sticks and nothing can fall on top of it”. This implies that the speaking mask of Obasinjom has unrivalled supernatural power and abilities. In other words, no other medicine can supersede it- its power overshadows everything-it is ‘‘God’s medicine” (Koloss,1984). This is what led Nsor Ferdinand, (2004:85) to assert that:

Obasi-Njom…is the most powerful deity found in almost all the villages in Manyu-Division. Etymologically, it is referred to as the god of gods. It is the most dreaded and feared deity, which can destroy any witch, wizard and supernatural force that is against human progress. Its main duty is to protect both people and property.

Its unrivalled powers is comparable to that of the nganga (witch doctor) among the Maka-another forest people- who is reputed as possessing highly developed occult powers to be able to heal and has as accordingly been qualified as a super-witch (Geschiere, 1994:73). While Obasinjom is believed

12 Interview with Pa Martin Otang, July 20, 2008, Eyumojock.



to be omniscient and omnipotent, its power is also constantly upgraded in function of a specific task while it is performing its duty of healthcare provision and the restoration of the social order. In executing its duties, there is always a backup plan as symbolised by the throwing of Alligator pepper

(Aframomum melegueta) 13 and some ritual leaves meant to energise and invigorate the mask.

The Obasinjom association like other cult agencies and associations (ajom) detect cases of witchcraft and anti-social behaviour. In most of West Africa, secret societies detect, prevent and at times kill people involved in witchcraft practices- and in the process, these secret societies act as mechanisms of social control and are therefore important in enhancing the ethos of community membership. This is so because witches fear being victimised by these secret societies. Most of them therefore abstain from witchcraft activities (Parrinder, 1974:14). In the world view of the people, witchcraft provides an alternative “native” explanatory model. It offers explanations for phenomena such as certain illnesses including infertility, epilepsy and excessive bleeding during the female circumcision ceremony of an initiate, among others. Oral accounts have it that in the past, there were several instances of witchcraft attacks, wickedness, envy, malicious jealousy that often resulted in death in these communities.

Whenever this happened, people traded accusations and counter-

accusations with no one admitting guilt. This acrimonious atmosphere led to bloody feuds amongst families and community members. Innocent people lost their lives on a daily basis. No one knew what to do. The wise fathers consulted an oracle on the “other side of the river” –that is the Calabar people of Nigeria. There, they found a system that was helpful…could tell what was the cause of a problem, death or even a sickness and equally determine treatment or remedy for the crises14. Witchcraft discourses is about the struggle of the local community to

maintain control over ambitious individuals in its midst-and the containment of the activities of witches serve as a bulwark against the “threat-and-lure-of new forms of individualism”(Geschiere, 1994:73). Respondents consistently maintained that the Obasinjom cult agency came to revolutionalise older

13This spice that is widely used in many cultures for entertainment, religious rites, food flavour

and as a part of many traditional doctor’s medications. 14 Interview,Pa Tabenyang, 20 July, 2013, Mamfe.



mechanisms of witchcraft detection-particularly the ordeal15. This shows the appropriation of the Obasinjom cult agency to come to grips with local intractable problems that seemed to have a supernatural cause. It might also be suggested that the adoption of the Obasinjom cult agency was informed by the widespread belief that medicine that comes from afar is more potent than native ones. Despite this foreign aura, natives while away from home sometimes attempt to obtain medicines from their homes (see also Van der Geest et al.1996:168). In tandem with

‘the near universality of ethnocentrism goes a widespread belief in cultures throughout the world that extraordinary knowledge can be found elsewhere, usually far away. Supernatural (or rather supercultural) capacities lie outside the domain of the familiar. An exotic provenance of medicines, therefore, is easily seen as a promise that these are indeed superior ... this desire for foreign medicine goes beyond Western pharmaceuticals’... and seems to have been a hallmark of cultural interaction prior to colonialism (cf, Whyte, in van der Geest and Whyte,1989:360). It was against this background that the first Obasinjom mask was bought

from the Okuri people in the Calabar region of Nigeria by the Ejagham. Thereafter, it was transacted to the Bayang people. Today most Bayang villages boast of or are associated with an Obasinjom shrine/lodge. However, the association has jealously maintained its original Ejagham trademark and identity-in terms of its “name .. titles, formal songs, formal salutations and most of its songs’’ (Ruel,1969:210) as well as the language of diagnosis and therapy despite being traded. In fact, the use of a foreign language other than the ordinary everyday language adds a powerful aura to most secret societies including the Obasinjom cult agency. The dissemination of Obasinjom within and beyond the Cross River region took place through “complex transactions of knowledge and user rights in intellectual property against material goods and services’’. It was further used as a mechanism for establishing or

15 In the old days, a suspected witch was brought before the council of elders (village council)

and forced to take a poison, and if the accused survived the ordeal, he/she was declared innocent and set free while his/her accuser was severely punished (see also Koloss,1984:100). Such ordeals consisting of swearing on a poisoned stone still exists among the Papiakum of the Western Grassfield. Accused persons usually in cases of witchcraft are forced to swear on the stone and if they are still alive after a period of time, they are believed to be innocent. It is further used in attesting to the truth, for affirming one's innocence, in settlement of disputes, for covenant-making and oath-taking.



consolidating relationships with other communities, alliances for trade and peace and for the creation or enlargement of spheres of influence (Röschenthaler, 2004:242-243). Simon Harrison’s analysis of the management of knowledge points to a double-edged strategy involving the simultaneous restriction of the circulation of ideas as well as the promotion of the circulation of ideas. The latter strategy of disclosure to trusted outsiders serves as a means for the preservation of sacred knowledge and the strengthening of the legitimation of claims to land rights as well as the subsequent avoidance of territorial dispossession among Manambu clans in New Guinea (Harrison, 1995). The dissemination of Obasinjom has resonances with the balancing act principle of “giving-while-keeping” (“withholding and concealing”) since the Ejaghams have jealousy maintained their original trademark. Though an economic exchange, the dissemination of the cult agency beyond the original Ejagham locale is embedded in the idea of ‘giving-without-losing’-a dynamic also found in Aboriginal ritual circulations as well as in other contexts (see among others Glowczewski, 2002: 287, Werner and Bell, 2004, Godelier, 1999). This form of ritual knowledge is enacted only by the initiated. In reality, “this sacred knowledge cannot be ‘‘given’’ in exchange because it enters as a validation of the social position of individuals and it can move among individuals only as it devolves within the group for which it provides ethical legitimization” (Werner and Bell, 2004:xiv). Similarly, Godelier characterizes ritual knowledge as ‘things not given but kept’ (Godelier, 1999). However, ‘‘the sacred does not monopolize the domain of things not subject to alienation” (Werner and Bell, 2004:xiv). As Harrison concedes “...a strange property or resource is never lost when dispensed. After giving it away, the giver still possesses it” (Harrison, 1995:11, see also, Harrison, 1993:144-145). It also resonates with ritual traffic in Melanesia in that “donors did not usually surrender their title to the ritual, but rather extended to the recipients rights to perform it. The transactions typically took the form of a kind of franchise, under which the donors sold or formally conferred the rights to reproduce certain aspects of their culture” (Harrison,1993:141).

Among the Bakweri who adopted the Obasinjom cult agency from the Bayang at a hefty price, the restraining impact of witchcraft on accumulation was directly intertwined with jealousy, and by the obligation to destroy wealth during grandiose potlach-like ceremonies. This was a mechanism through which “individuals increased their stature and best protected themselves against jealousy and liemba (witchcraft)”. The nouveaux riches were accused of allegedly killing close relatives and transforming them into zombies (vekongi) who then laboured on invisible plantations on the Kupe mountain-



some 100 kilometres north of Bakweri country in Bakossiland. Peter Geschiere (1994:78) aptly calls this magical appropriation of the life essence of others “the selling of relatives”, while Smith (2001:804) characterises it as “illegitimate fast wealth”-the achievement of wealth through satanic rituals. Witchcraft accusations were levelled against nyongo sorcerers who had constructed zinc houses (modern houses by local standards) presumably with the labour of zombies. The few modern houses owned by local interpreters and carpetbaggers were believed to be haunted and were accordingly deserted.

When the Bakweri took to the cultivation of banana- they enjoyed a boom which created an abundance of wealth. The banana boom subsequently triggered economic changes as well as new tensions around nyongo. It was against this backdrop that on the advice of a “nyongo doctor”, one Mr. Njombe of Lysoka- the village council decided to seek a solution to the nyongo crisis. The villagers put together 1000FF and a delegation was dispatched to Bayang country to “buy” the Obasinjom juju that could neutralise nyongo. Following Edwin Ardener (1970) “seven weeks later...a convoy of fierce looking dancers wearing long robes, and at the centre, a frightful crocodile mask” set foot in Bakweriland. Ardener further notes that “the wonders of the following days exceeded/surpassed all expectations”(cf. Dibussi,1996:4). Obasinjom lived up to its billing by identifying a huge number of sorcerers. Thirty “doctors” were subsequently initiated into the secrets of the Obasinjom dance, while powerful fetishes were left behind to protect Lysoke village. Other Bakweri villages soon copied this example and also bought lodges of Obasinjom amounting to an estimated 20,000FF of the “banana-boom” money. The curse of modern houses and new forms of wealth evaporated and a construction boom followed suit. While nyongo was gone, there was Obasinjom instead (see also Dibussi, 1996).

MEMBERSHIP AND CONSULTATION Induction into the Obasinjom cult agency is strictly acquired only through

initiation by a mature male. The initiation process suggests the creation of a community sentiment in the initiate. As Paul Bohannan points out...“initiation into society is a ritualized teaching to the novitiates that they embody in themselves personally and in their relationships collectively, the moral force of society-they are themselves the gods (not God) and the sanctions”(Bohannan, 1964:164). Interested individuals consult the members of this cult agency who then conduct an initiation ritual ceremony during which the novices (mon



njom- ‘‘children of the medicine”) are admitted and eventually trained. Once a person is bestowed membership, he becomes known as ‘ewunjom’. Initiation into ewunjom is open to all ‘‘free borns’’ in a community16. However, women can only play a marginal role in the background within the group like the singing of songs during treatment and/or consultation. The actual masquerade display and other matters remain a men’s affair. Membership is open to all mature males who are judged to have respect for the elders and the customs and traditions of the people and who are capable of paying the initiation fee. In the past, this entailed the ability to provide large quantities of food, four legs of bush meat, a goat, plantains and palm wine to the members of the association. Today, there is a significant reduction in both the quality and quantity of initiation objects-instead of four, two legs of meat, 5000CFA frs is offered as a substitute for a goat, a few jugs of palm wine, and depending on the social status of the initiate- may be a few bottles of beer. The quantity of these initiation objects are ‘‘graded in amount according to the various ranks and offices within the association” (Ruel, 1969:200). Like any graded society, membership and subsequently social mobility involves a series of ceremonial ranks and titles through payments and the offering of sacrifices with each step conferring specific ritual prerogatives and insignia (Harrison,1993:140). Although most respondents repeatedly maintained that membership is open to every male who is considered to be morally upright, Stephen Ojong (2005:49), disputes this view by maintaining that the trumpeter, the soldier and the interpreter are co-opted by the chief of the institution whereas all other members are selected. Initiation partly entails participation in a blood pact during which prospective initiates are scarified and they subsequently mix and consume each other’s blood while vowing in the process to keep the secrecy of the inner workings of the institution from non-members. Ruel (1969:200) maintains that:

...a rule that applies to almost all associations(and indeed to almost all corporate groups in Bayang society) is that nothing which takes place in the context of an association meeting should be repeated outside it. This rule covers any decisions or arrangements made in a lodge, but it applies also and more especially to the constitution of the association itself: the formal arrangement of its parts, the precise activities of its members, the significance of the emblems or regalia belonging to it, and so on. To become a member of an association is, then, to buy knowledge of it, the

16 Times have changed and outsiders out of their own volition can become initiated into the

Obasinjom cult agency.



more advanced a person’s status in the association, the fuller, more exhaustive, is his knowledge of it. Indeed Bayang often speak of ‘seeing’ or ‘knowing’ an association (both terms in the sense of ‘having revealed to one’) as a synonym for being a member of it. The element of formal secrecy as it concerns the constitution of an association is sometimes further elaborated by the use of a secret sign-language. These rules of secrecy...act as a means of control over its members and also serve to enhance their solidarity as a group. The bloodletting and exchange that this initiation ritual entails can

facilitate the transmission of HIV. Initiation, which used to take as much as two weeks, ends with a ritual dance in the course of which the neophytes dance around the knife of Obasinjom which is placed at the centre of the hall. The egg of a locally bred chicken is attached to the handle of the knife and a pasty concoction smeared on the handle. The individual who picks the knife goes straight into the sacred forest and upon his return after cutting the Obasinjom tree Eti njom17-- becomes the masquerader. Once initiated into the Obasinjom cult agency, the initiate is not allowed to travel. This prohibition includes leaving the village to stay in town or to go abroad. The reason is that should Obasinjom be consulted and “the spirit goes into that individual to perform the task of healing or otherwise, he will not be ready and available’’. Besides, in such a situation an ewunjom will need guidance to the nearest shrine. In a city, town or abroad, the shrine will not only be far away but there might be no one around to guide him to the shrine. Koloss(1984:64) however reports that mantlebearers usually keep the leader informed of their travel plans so that he can summon dancers who are in the vicinity.

Obasinjom is often consulted when a crisis erupts. Against the backdrop of a problem, concerned parties consult the Obasinjom shrine to find out the cause and seek a solution. While going to the shrine they are expected to carry with them ritual objects- a bottle of afofo (locally brewed whisky) and three eggs of a local hen (contri fowl). The eggs and the afofo are used by the priest at the shrine to “call” the spirit of Obasinjom which then possesses one of the ewunjoms and he goes into a trance. The selection of which ewunjom to assist in healing is solely determined by the spirit of Obasinjom itself. Once the person (ewunjom) is attacked which is usually felt with a loud shout, he is immediately led to the nearest shrine to wear the Obasinjom mask and subsequently led to a public place to display.

17 It is called Ewujorm by kenyan speakers.



Once the Ebhu-Njom goes into a trance, the talking drum that is usually placed at the veranda of the Ekpe hall (town hall) is played. Immediately the talking drum, eyuk is played, the institution is obliged to perform and at this point in time, nobody can stop the Ebhu-Njom any longer. It has something to reveal. Following the playing of the talking drum eyuk, the Ebhu-Njom walks majestically towards the ochame mgbe, (the town hall). It is here that the mask is kept. A member of the institution accompanies him. He moves one step after the other while shouting oh-oh-oh, and before he reaches the Ochame mgbe, the Obasinjom mask Nku-Njom that was initially inside the Ekpe hall is brought outside by the members and placed on the table.

Upon reaching the town hall, the other members help the Ebhu-Njom to put the gown on. He is now called Obasinjom. The individual who wears the Obasinjom masquerade is called Ebhu- Njom. When he goes into a trance and wears the mask, he becomes known as Obasinjom. The villagers who have already gathered at the arena are ready to start singing the Obasinjom songs once they are given the green light by the Obasinjom interpreter, the Ossame-Njom. The below black overflowing gown is decorated with cowries. Some Obasinjom lodges also use dark-blue, and red which are usually decorated with cowries. As a ceremonial object, the Obasinjom mask has a biography-it is “invested with meaning through social interactions’’---- through the ritual healing process in the course of which victims of witchcraft attacks are healed as well as when witches are detected and exorcised. The mask changes from a banal object into a ritual object through the process of ritual performance thereby relating it to persons and events and attributing to it a biography. In other words, meaning is enacted through performance and witnessing and the mask is therefore imbued with agency in the process-(Gosden and Marshall, 1999:170, see also Kopytoff, 1986, Gell, 1998, Pemunta, forthcoming). Igor Kopytoft (1986) is credited with the concept of the biography of objects. According to this notion, things can only be understood through an examination of the triple processes and cycles of production, exchange and consumption as a whole. Objects do not only change through their existence, but they also have the ability of accumulating histories, so much so that the present importance of an object is the outcome of the interrelationship between persons and events to which it is related (Gosden and Marshall,1999:170). As social actors, objects are imbued with agency and meanings reside in a sense in these objects through performance. Performances give objects inherent meaning, thereby conferring on them a biography. Objects become doubly implicated in social action. On the one hand, they can accumulate biographies



to themselves as well as can “contribute to the biography of a ceremony or body of knowledge, rather than accumulating their own inherent meanings, can be helpful” (Gosden and Marshall, 1999:176). See also Appadurai’s (1986) notion of the “social life of things’’ as well as Alfred Gell’s (1998) concept of “distributed agency’’. Agency, following Laura Ahern agency ‘is the socioculturally mediated capacity to act’ (2001:110).

© Tabi Chama-James, 2011.

Figure 3. Flowing robe of the Obasinjom masquerade.

Obasinjom usually begins its ritual performance by telling people what he has come to do. He then orders the crowd to sing the first song. Obasinjom then lifts its long mask gown with the right hand and then the left. While still in the arena, it dances in circle then points its knife to the crowd to see if he could get some information from it. He then moves in different directions in the village to gather information on the problem under investigation. While it moves, some of the members of the institution follow it. These members are the Ossame- Njom (the interpreters) the Erutu-Njom (the Obassi-Njom trumpeter and the Agune-Njom the soldier of Obasinjom. These members follow the Obasinjom masquerade wherever it goes. They control the actions of Obasinjom and execute its orders until it returns to the arena in front of the



Ekpe hall. It is here that Obasinjom discloses the information it has gathered to the crowd through the interpreter (the Ossame-Njom).

© Pemunta, 2011a.

Figure 4. An Obasinjom masquerade in action.

Obasinjom moving around and gathering information from the spiritual realm. Following behind are members ready to execute its instructions.

THE OBASINJOM MASQUERADE

© Pemunta, 2011a.

Figure 5. An Obasinjom masquerade in action.



The face of the Obasinjom masquerader (Ebhu-Njom) is decorated with varied symbolic objects. Usually dressed in a black overflowing gown, only the eyes, hands and the legs of the masquerader can be seen. On the head are the feathers of the nku ndap bird (peacock), which is said to represent memory, wisdom, clairvoyance and intelligence. Following Koloss’s (1984:64) account, the headpiece-a carved crocodile’s head- contains the medicine of Obasinjom at its back and is crowned with an impressive peacock feather headdress. Like witches, the crocodile lives in both water and on land. The feather enables Obasinjom to chase witches in flight. On the forehead are magical objects including egg shells, mixed with the paste of a certain undisclosed concoction and the wooden statute of a baby. Both the egg shell and the pasty concoction serve as food for Obasinjom whereas the carved wooden statue of a baby symbolizes Obasinjom’s love, care and protection of innocent babies, ignorance, and purity of motive as well as neutrality- which marks the beginning of every investigation. The statue of the little baby is an instantiation of Obasinjom’s love for children. It often attributes a specific time during which it covers them with the mask gown. Lifted with the help of some of its members, children are covered with it-as a shield meant to protect them from malevolent individuals and occultic practices since they are believed to be vulnerable. The head of the masquerade is littered with fibres made from the young shoots of the raphia plant and meant for decoration. It wears a tie made of leopard skin (nsem: leopard), denoting power and authority. ‘The eyes made of European mirror glass are unusual and indicate the carvings divinatory functions’ (Koloss, 1984:64).

During its performances, Obasinjom holds a knife (Essome-njom) in the right hand and a woven basket in the left hand. The knife is believed to be a telephone for the transmission of information from the spiritual realm through telepathy whereas the basket serves as the telephone receiver. The transmitted information is made public through the interpreter, Ossame-njom. During a performance, the masquerade usually lingers around the village, inspecting various spots and from time to time, goes into a trance once it has received information about what is under investigation or about something sinister that is going to happen in the future. Although members claim equality in terms of role and status within the society, it is hierarchically organised. Following Ojong (2005:50-53) and our own research, there are five interrelated statuses and roles within Obasinjom. At the top of the hierarchy is the chief, Ebhangne-Ne-njom, followed by the masquerader (mantlebearer), the soldier, Agune-njom, and the trumpeter/interpreter called Eru-njom. The interpreter usually carries a spearlike staff which is ‘cooked’ (contains medicine), plants



the spear in the ground while dancing or to circumscribe the performance area for the mask. At other times, Obasinjom seizes the spear and raises it against invisible witches. The mantlebearer who usually performs the divinatory dance is picked by Obasinjom and then is seriously ‘‘cooked”. The selection process for his/their initiation consists of a ‘‘test of medicine”. Members of Obasinjom prepare medicine in seven bags of plantain leaves which endows the mask with its power. A selected candidate falls into a trance and the arm holding the specially cooked cutlass (besum njom) starts trembling. This is followed by the rubbing of medicine in his eyes and scarification of the body, after which further medicines are smeared onto the wounded surfaces. A specially gifted candidate can perform supernatural fits such as the climbing of tall trees and buildings with unrivalled facility after his initiation (see also Koloss’s (1984-63-64) detailed account of the initiation process).

During consultation, the patient is sits on a chair at the middle of the arena where the institution is performing.

© Pemunta, 2011a.

Figure 6. Patient consulting the institution of Obasinjom.



Although an entirely male institution, a girl child, usually the daughter of one of its members plays a symbolic role within the society especially during public performances. The Ma-njom, as she is called, plays the symbolic role of “wife” to Obasinjom. According to Koloss (1988:64) she has the power to control and even to stop the mask, should it be rampant-‘‘calm it down”. In other words, she appeases the Obasinjom when in wrath and additionally, ‘‘she ground certain herbs [that are] needed to perform the rituals on the shrine of the cult agency’’ (Röschenthaler, 2004:251). During performances, she regularly spits a sharp, pepper-like drug (Alligator pepper (Aframomum melegueta) on the mask so that it will tell the truth and nothing else but the truth. The alligator pepper also invigorates the mask that might have been weakened by sorcerers who do not want to be exposed. Furthermore, she constantly enjoins the mask to go on in these idiomatic words: ‘‘Husband, where is your dog? Send your dog to come”. She can be seen clapping and singing to impress him whenever he is dancing in the course of his public performances. The role of this pre-pubescent girl ends whenever she starts menstruating and Obasinjom has to recruit a new symbolic wife thereafter. A ritual purification comprising of medicine and palm wine are mixed on a large leaf and sprinkled on her in the sacred forest. Stephen Ojong Eret’s (2004) account, suggests that the aim of the ritual is to determine whether she had been faithful to her husband or not. In the former case, a feast is hosted for and in the latter; the individual who defiled her is made to pay a pre-established fine. This ritual purification is followed by the recitation of the following incantations:

Obasinjom, you had been married to this wife. Today, she leaves you to meet her parents. Forget about her. As she goes away, let her stay in peace. Let her head and her stomach not have trouble. Let her not place her foot on a thorn, or dash her foot against a stone (Koloss, 1984:64).

Although menstruation marks the end of the symbolic marriage between

Ma-Njom and Obassinjom, the title Ma-Njom remains with the girl till death. It is an acquired and highly respected status. Obasinjom therefore protects the virginity of a girl child and only prepares her for marriage and procreation: ‘‘...Let her stomach not have trouble”. She is an example that was supposed to be emulated by the other girls in the village.



The Ma-Njom vacates her symbolic office of Obasinjom’s wife at the onset of menstruation because menstrual discharge is symbolic of pollution. It is said to be incompatible with the ritual purity of the Obasinjom secret society and masquerade. In the Ejagham and Bayang worldview, it is considered a lethal pollutant. As blood itself, menstrual discharge is ‘out of place’, breaching the natural bounds of the body that normally contains it…Menstrual blood does not issue randomly or accidentally, as does the blood of wounds, but from a single source and to some extent regularly and predictably (Buckley and Gottlieb, 1988:26). Buckley and Gottlieb, (1988) further maintain that menstrual discharge breaches the boundary of the body that normally contains blood, except there is injury. The preoccupation and fear of menstrual discharge symbolise the relations between the sexes among the Bayang and the Ejagham. Whereas masculinity is highly revered, it is paradoxically also seen as vulnerable to a polluting feminine influence. In line with Mary Douglas’s (1966:147) emphasis on the relationship between menstrual pollution and sociostructural contradictions and ambiguities, we might suggest that discourses of contamination work to overturn the structural gains made by the Ma-Njom in her enviable position of the symbolic wife of Obasinjom(see also Lee,1996:74, McCracken,2003). When she eventually starts menstruating, she goes out and shouts at the top of her voice: “Nti Egbe oh, Nti Egbe oh”. This is considered to be a tacit invitation to prospective suitors to come forward and ask for her hand in marriage.

© Pemunta, 2011a.

Figure 7. Depleted Obasinjom sacred forest in Bakem Village.



The Obasinjom cult agency further serves as an intermediary between the people and their ancestors since the sacred forest is believed to be the abode of the gods/ancestors. It ensures the protection of people and property against contagious magic, ensures community wellbeing as well as regulate the use of the forest by conserving the sacred forest for future generations.

The Obasinjom ‘‘evil forest’’ (ebanjom, ‘‘fence of medicine”) is the repository and nursery for medicinal herbs. It is out of bounds to the uninitiated without special permission from the chief of the institution. It is here that important ceremonies are conducted as well as the habitat for the most important magical and medicinal herbs. The sacred forest creates a link between the community and the world of the ancestors. This link between the worlds of the living and that of the ancestors allies with Jean-Marc Gastellu’s view that “every society has its natural reserves which depending on the circumstances might take the form of sacred groves or the territory of the spirits.” Belief and nature, Gastellu (1980:96), further maintains are intimately intertwined:

Belief and nature cannot be dissociated or treated independently ...

Beliefs constitute the heart of a people’s cultural experience. Nature or the natural milieu is the second decisive element in the constitution of a culture since it is, in part the resultant of the interaction between the community and its environment (ibid, 1980:96). Similarly, James People and Garrick Bailey (1998) maintain that socio-

cultural systems are shaped by the environment. Most of the medicinal plants used in the Obasinjom cult agency come from the sacred forest. This implies that the group’s existence depends on the availability of the forest. The shrine of okpi-non etem is also kept in the Obasinjom sacred forest, and part of the initiation of new members takes place there. Apart from the fact that the presence of the god, okpi-non etem frightens non members from entering the forest, its existence assures the continuity of this cult agency but also conserves the forest. Members also collect medicinal plants from other forests and plant them in the sacred forest, thereby ensuring the availability of medicinal plants for future generations of members. The institution is therefore increasingly practising insitu conservation rather than its members having to go into the forest each time they need particular herbs. This is happening against the backdrop of global warming and environmental degradation.



AN OBASINJOM THERAPEUTIC SESSION

“New situations demand new magic” (Evans-Pritchard (1937:513) We have pointed out above that the Obasinjom cult agency came as a

novelty to the use of the ordeal as a mechanism for detecting occultic practices and that it was accordingly used as a solution to protracted problems with supernatural undertones. We have further surmised that despite its perfor-mance characteristics as a witch-hunting agency, the adoption of the Obasinjom cult agency was partly informed by its foreign aura- by the pervasive belief that medicine that comes from afar is stronger than native ones (see also Van der Geest et al.1986:168).

Among the Bayang and the Ejagham, diseases are usually perceived to have a natural or supernatural cause. Like elsewhere, theories of disease causation underpin the search for therapy (see variously, Helman, 2001, Furnharm et al., 1999:189, Kottak, 2008, Foster, 1976, Foster and Anderson, 1978). While herbalists and tradipractioners deal with the physical aspects of disease, the Obasinjom cult agency manages the spiritual dimension as well as the prevention of endemic diseases in the community. The domain of treatment for Obasinjom therefore include the prevention of endemic diseases particularly those with supernatural undertones. As eloquently articulated by Evans-Pritchard (1937:513), “New situations demand new magic”. Historically the Bayang and the Ejagham people experienced a lot of endemic diseases and misfortunes which affected their social and economic lives. In the 1960s, many Bayang lost their cattle due to an outbreak of a cattle disease. Later in the 1970s, the skies failed to produce rain and many farmers lost cash crops like cocoa and coffee. In Manyu Division, the production of cocoa and coffee plummeted and the National Produce Marketing Board collapsed. Cassava production also dropped. Water fufu and gari which are the staple foods for the Bayang and Ejagham became scarce and prices quadrupled in the market. Many farmers dumped their cutlasses and hoes. In the early 1980s, like cocoa, coffee and cassava, the production of egusi also dropped due to poor rainfall. In the late 80s, plantains suffered the same fate. Serious typhoons blew over the land and trees were blown down including plantains, bush mango trees etc. Life in Bayang country was getting really difficult and unbearable. Many youth moved to the cities to get a better life. It was the intervention of the Obasinjom cult agency that later normalised life in Manyu Division. Respondents conceded that in the late 1980s the Obasinjom cult agency decreed that all women should dance ‘ekgba’-- a special ritual dance



performed by the womenfolk at night. Only original Bayang and Ejagham natives-‘freeborns’ in contrast to those of slave ancestry are entitled to dance ekgba. For an individual to have the right to dance, she should have a father and mother whose grand and great- grand- parents were natives in contrast to descendants of slave families. Ekgba is a women’s dance that takes place in the heart of the night meant to exorcise and cleanse the community. Participants sing and dance in unison from one end of the village to the other naked. It is usually believed that by doing so, they are pushing away any sicknesses, bad luck or evil fate from the village community. The dancing of ekgba is a very important cleansing rite for the Bayang and Ejagham people which can only be authorised or called for by the Obasinjom cult agency as the overall seer and god of the land.

The Obasinjom cult agency protects the community from evil invaders. Witchcraft and witch-hunting are common phenomena in the daily and spiritual life of the Bayang and Ejagham people. In the course of the ritual performance, once something unusual is seen, the Ebhu-Njom, the mas-querader shouts oh-oh-oh, and then proceeds to expose it to the villagers. He then goes into a trance and is no longer his conscious self. In other words, the spirits of Obasinjom have possessed him; his actions are as a result of this possession and not his own cognitive, conscious processes. The unusual thing might be witchcraft or a subsequent evil machination in the making.

It plays a major role in chasing, destroying and preventing witches from entering the village. In Besongabang village for example, the Enow’s family18, mysteriously lost several members of their lineage group during the early 1990s. In pain, the family consulted the Obasinjom shrine in kembong. They offered an egg, the contents of which were poured into njom’s mouth and the shell was glued to the inside. The mask was then provided with palm wine and the supplicant began: ‘‘Father something that needs your attention has come up. I solicit you to speak the truth. Tell us what you see...” (see also Koloss, 1984:65). During the exorcism session/public performance interspersed with music, the Obasinjom mask accompanied by a horn player and some men with guns identified an orange tree behind the Enow’s family home to be the abode of witches. The Obasinjom requested through the interpreter that the orange tree be torn down. Accordingly, a chain saw was hired to do the felling. It was under the watchful and bemused eyes of the congregation that when the tree was cut in the middle of the trunk, a clay pot containing human hair, finger nails and small pieces of clothes was unveiled. The Obasinjom cult agency

18 Fictitious name.



then told the Now’s family and the spectators that a male member of the lineage was involved in a ‘‘bargain” with witches with whom human blood is provided in exchange for wealth. As an initiated member, he already had, and still had to regularly, designate human victims. He had already provided the nails, hair and pieces of clothes of his relatives. In return, he acquired the mystical gift of wealth. The hair, finger nails and pieces of clothes belonged to those members of the Enow’s family who had died as well as those shortlisted for death. Similarly, as a young boy of 14, Ojong Stephen recalls witnessing members of the Obasinjom institution digging spots in his native Mbakem village where items belonging to human beings-including women’s under-wear, hairs and breast-wear were buried in the ground- some inside snail shells. People were told that it was the work of witches to render the women barren and that when they are dug out and the occultic forces embedded in them destroyed, the women are free from barrenness (Ojong, 2004:4-5). Apart from the above functions, Obasinjom also calls the names of people involved in witchcraft practices. By so doing, witches are scared from committing deviant activities for fear that Obasinjom will expose them. At times Obasinjom orders the Agune-Njom to shoot using its spear or gun towards particular spots believed to be hide-outs for witches. This action could kill them or merely drive them away, thereby curtailing the activities of witches in the society.

The various bodily parts and objects mentioned above- human hair, finger nails and pieces of clothes, women’s underwear, hairs and breast-wear- signalled that a blood sucking witch was waiting to attack the prey that were thus designated. Additionally, it is also believed that exchanging objects including food, money with neighbours and acquaintances or even total strangers on behalf of the tutelary spirits mark victims for execution. This ‘‘poisoned gift” transform recipients into sources of sustenance for the spirit and the victim generally dies after the spirit has sucked all their blood”. Gifts are vectors through which spirits gain access to their victims”. In other words, destructive instincts are channelled through the mediation of gifts and redirected towards a community member who has no kinship ties with the master’s family (Masquelier, 1997:188,189-190). As Masquelier (1997:191) further maintains:



Every object may be invested with mediating powers that transform them into vectors of witchcraft. As such, they are not neutral elements shielded from the vortex of forces spiritual and material... . They are intimately and actively part of the spatio-temporal continuum that links people and spirits on a quotidian basis (Masquelier, 1997:191). In the case of bewitching close kins, the sharing of ties of blood and milk

mediate the immoral dealings with a spirit, unlike with strangers and other acquaintances where there is the intersection of the world of humans and spirit through the mediation of objects. This explains why among the Bayang and the Ejaham, children are forewarned from picking money and food items on the road or pathways; and from accepting gifts from strangers because they might become preys to people with evil intentions and might pay with their lives. Stated otherwise, they will expiate their faults with their lives. We can surmise with Marcel Mauss (1954:58) that ‘‘the burden incurred by the recipient of a gift can even make [it] dangerous to accept”. Among the Ron of Nigeria, hural attacks are associated with children taking grain laid out on rocks at the riverside to dry-the grain therefore mediates human and supernatural interaction. Similarly, ‘‘[T]he greedy person who secretly pursues his or her private gain is considered guilty of offering up other people’s lives, often the lives of his or her own family members. It is the rich themselves who offer up the ones close to them to greedily enjoy their seeming good fortune until, in many cases, they themselves also perish through their own deeds”(Frank,1995:339). In the same vein, Evans-Pritchard (1937:73) eloquently stated that ‘‘witchcraft was a social fact, a person”, found only ‘‘in particular places, at particular times, and in relation to particular persons” (Ibid:72). A witch normally starts off by ‘‘eating” or ‘‘giving away” members of his/her kinship group before proceeding to strangers. This is what McCaskie (1981:128) called the structural resonances of witchcraft: people having kinship relationship with each other are ‘‘especially fertile for and susceptible to the operations of witchcraft which conspire to induce death through mystical means”. However, among the Ron of Nigeria, collective wealth acquisition by taking some of the spirit’s possession is treated as a group initiative-as serving the public interest-through a public ceremony, however to do the same secretly and individually is considered as bad- dangerous and punishable by death (Frank, 1995:332).

After prescribing the necessary medicinal herbs, the Obasinjom masquerade suggested cleansing rituals to extricate the male member of the family from the cult and to drive away the spirits of the dead relatives which



were still lingering around the village in search of revenge to rest in peace and also provided protective charms for those that could possibly be next victims. Like other witch finding cults, Obasinjom ‘‘divination and forms of mystical healing and therapeutic cleansing” (Masquelier, 1997:526) is a mechanism of disclosing and curing witches as well as of neutralising their potency. It can therefore be surmised that the Obasinjom cult agency helps fix the past and chart the way for the future by partially tracing the ‘‘biography” (Kopytoft, 1986)-‘‘remembering” (Masquelier, 1997:198)- the circumstances underlying the multiple mystical deaths in the Enow’s family thanks to its clairvoyance. The Enow family’s dilemma shows how witches ‘sell’ relatives in the market of sorcery at night and from there, they bring back their riches, transport their victims ‘in lorries to invisible plantations’. The nouveaux riches are increasingly perceived as owing their success not to hardwork, but rather to witchcraft-- a new form of hidden violence” that breaks through the old communitarian restrictions (Geschiere, 1994:78, see also Nyamnjoh, 2005). The correlation of ritual killings and ritual murder with occultic practices to access wealth and power is widespread in Cameroon and throughout most of Africa (Olsen 2002, Smith 2001,Geschiere,1997, Meyer, 1998, Masquelier, 1997). Stories of the occult is a manifestation of popular discontent over inequality as well as people’s ambivalence about and critical awareness of their own role in maintaining patron-clientelism (Smith, 2001:804). The rich are perceived as greedy because of their presumed failure as well as unwillingness to redistribute their wealth showing an ambivalence in the intersections of desires and social obligations (see also Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999). This Obasinjom therapeutic session has resonances with the Zande’s belief in the powers of the poison-oracle. The oracle provides answers to questions through the mediation of the effects on a fowl of a poisonous substance, called benge. The oracle-poison is extracted from a creeper gathered in a traditional manner, which is supposed to become effective only after it has been addressed in the words of an appropriate ritual. The Azande--we are told--have no formal and coercive doctrine to enforce belief in witch-doctors and their practice of the poison-oracle, but their belief in these is the more firmly held for being embedded in an idiom which interprets all relevant facts in terms of witchcraft and oracular powers(Evans-Pritchard,1937/1963, see also Gray, 2001:342).

Generally, accusations of witchcraft/occult practices often originate from within a circle of close kin (Geschiere, 1994:73, Olsen, 2002:523,525, Nyamjoh, 2005). This has led Geschiere to describe witchcraft as ‘‘the dark side of kinship” and Monica Wilson as the ‘‘nightmare of kinship” (Wilson,



1963), witchcraft is further ‘‘explicitly linked to home and to the family” as reflected in the Akan proverb that‘‘It is the animal that is in your cloth that bites you”(Ciekawy and Geschiere,1998:4). Similarly, Nyamnjoh’s (2005) concept of Nyongo also articulates the entanglement of witchcraft and the occult in close kin relationships. Following Geschiere’s account witches are believed to possess a common substance in their belly which permits them to leave their body through a process of transformation. The Maka call this substance djamb- however only special individuals-true witches- are capable of activating it. At the call of the night owl, he maintains, they leave their body and fly away in ‘magical aeroplanes’ along invisible threads to a witches Sabbath where they congregate with their accomplices for huge cannibalistic banquets (Geschiere, 1994:73). Among the Nyakyusa, where the main cooperative activity within the village is protection against evil, which in this culture is witchcraft and the breath of men, witches are believed to have pythons in their belly. Christians and non-Nyakyusa suggest that these pythons are tape worms or enlarged kidneys or intestines. Witches are thought to be motivated by greed for meat and milk. The breath of men ‘is an entire group of people acting on an individual through the pythons of the witches’. This can cause long term illness but not death (Wilson, 1963). In this system of trade by barter, from time to time, each witch offers one of his or her relatives. The witches eat the heart of their victim, who immediately becomes ill. Death will be eminent, barring he finds a witchdoctor powerful enough to rescue him from their grip. Witchcraft powers are also used for acquiring and exercising authority or for success in war- ‘‘Witchcraft of War’’. The healer (nganga) must have highly developed occult powers to be able to heal. In other words, he must be a super-witch (Geschiere, 1994:73). Similarly, the originator of the Obasinjom cult agency, Obasi Abong was initiated into the necessary rites by his mother, a reputed witch of Okuri origin in the Cameroons (Talbot,1912). Even the inventor of Asunka, a variant of Obasinjom, Ewa did so because his own mother was a witch who on one occasion reportedly refused to admit him into the house because she was practicing witchcraft. He forced opened the door, killed her and used the skull bones to create the medicine of Asunka (Röschenthaler, 2004:258). Witchcraft discourses are used as a paradigm for addressing and confronting modern changes including inequalities that ‘transgress old communitarian restrictions’ and which seem to be the outcome of new forms of individualism and suggest new patterns of violence (Geschiere,1994:69). Similarly, John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff point out that witches are accused of sapping the life essence of others for ‘‘illegitimate production and reproduction” that also involves the harvesting and subsequent commerce in body parts for ritual purposes. They are involved in the transportation of ghost workers to urban centres as well as of part-time



zombies: ‘‘people who wake up exhausted in the morning, having served unwittingly in the nocturnal economy to feed the greed of a malign master” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999:289).

OBASINJOM AS A DIVINER AND SOOTH-SAYER:

CONNECTING PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE Sometimes people may unknowingly suffer as a result of their malevolent

and anti-social activities or those of their parents and other close relatives. This is a direct outcome and implication of the communitarian ethos according to which the individual is defined as part of a larger group and only exist as such and his faults and problems are considered as those of the kinship group (see among others Mbuy,2000, Menkiti, 2004, 1984, Appiah, 2004, Mbiti, 1970, Pemunta, 2011b,Onwuanibe, 1984). It is commonplace among the Bayang and the Ejagham to find a man or a family suffering from a spell that was cast on their parents or great grandparents. Such people will continue to suffer for something they know nothing of or have even forgotten. In most cases, it is the Obasinjom cult agency that discloses to such people the reason for their suffering and perhaps who was responsible for the spell afflicting the family. As a young lad, one of the co-authors of this essay alongside his peers were indiscriminately harvesting mangoes, plums and guavas in nearby farms on their way to and from school. It was believed that no ill omen could afflict a child in school uniform. It was common in those days for people to put charms, spells and omens (medicine) on their farms to deter thieves from what was theirs. In most of Africa objects such as bundles of feathers are put in sticks in fields or laid on stone piles as safeguard against thieves and blight and to punish defaulters with disease (Parrinder, 1976:64, see also De Rosyn, 1981, 2005). One of his peers for whom it was fun harvesting from people’s farms, developed epilepsy. He was taken to the best hospitals and traditional healers without success. He was subsequently taken to a Pentecostal church in Nigeria for spiritual healing. There it was revealed that the ‘‘spirit of epilepsy’’ had been cast on him. However, when he was brought back to Cameroon, he continued to suffer from epileptic seizures. During one of its public performances, the Obasinjom cult agency invited his parents and told them that their son was suffering from a spell which he had contracted while in primary school. The Obasinjom spokesman proceeded to tell the parents who owned the farm and how his relatives could be contacted. And that a certain ritual had to be performed to do away with the epileptic fit. Once the ritual was



conducted, the victim, Etchu has never had an epileptic seizure. Today he works as an engineer in a multinational petroleum company in Nigeria.

This case like the multiple misfortunes of the Enow’s family, shows the mediation of objects as a medium of exchange for gaining access to victims by inflicting them with disease or death as well as Obasinjom’s mystical ability to ‘‘remember” the circumstances that led to the transmission of disease- ‘‘spirit of epilepsy” to the victim when he trespassed on the farm and harvested fruits from there. In other words, Obasinjom was involved in retracing the ‘‘biography” (Kopytoft,1986) of the thing (spirit) that caused the incurable epileptic fit as well as in the detectation and management of spirit-induced afflictions and disruptions. Objects provide a link, a sense of continuity between the present and the past, the immaterial world of the spirit and the tangible world of humans (Masquelier, 1997:191). They are capable of binding people together (Mauss, 1954).

Alongside a dense network of sociocultural and political institutions-including Ekpe- also called the Leopard society- the Obasinjom cult agency is one of the custodians of the tradition and customs of the Bayang and Ejagham. It therefore also plays a political role among the people. Most recently, most Bayang and Ejagham communities have experienced chieftaincy disputes partly due to the segmentary nature of these societies, the expansion of lineages and intermarriages as well as political interference and political manipulations from members of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) party. For instance, Besongabang village has witnessed a protracted chieftaincy dispute since 1972 between the two major lineages of the Etchu and Boh Abane. The death of late Chief Mbeng Besong in the 1990s was preceded by a fierce and acrimonious chieftaincy dispute in Mamfe town. Chieftaincy feuds are ongoing in Bachuor-Ntai, Besongabang, Mamfe as well as in Kembong and Nchang villages. The Obasinjom cult agency has been very instrumental in maintaining peace and order and defining the role of culture and tradition in determining succession to the throne. Participant observation shows that villages that adhered to the ruling of the Obasinjom secret society have witnessed the rapid resolution of their chieftaincy disputes. However in some villages those making competing claims over the chieftaincy crown have vigorously and vehemently resisted the ruling of the supreme god of the land. The Obasinjom cult agency is the cultural identity of the Bayang and Ejagham people. As the badge of ethnic identitification, which is strictly off limit to women, initiation into Obasinjom is constantly appropriated by the new elite as they jockey and jostle for positions within the bureaucratic party-state apparatus of the nepatrimonial state in Cameroon. Membership of secret



societies is a corollary of chieftaincy and all chiefs are members. Most elites have been initiated into this cult agency which is based on the rule of secrecy-a characteristic of both everyday life and of myriad ritual contexts, including the institution charged with female circumcision, initiation into various cult agencies and masquerade performances. It might be stated that as in Senegal, the Obasinjom cult agency’s officiants are increasingly involved in the local appropriation of national politicians since initiation into various cult agencies and the conferment of neotraditional titles such as chief-even where none existed and where they lack legitimacy- has become the norm in most of Cameroon19. In Cameroon and most of Africa, discourses of ‘sorcery’,’witchcraft’, ‘sorcellerie’-references to the occult permeate every aspect of society especially the ‘modern’ ones-football matches, national politics and business (Geschiere,1997). This intertwinement of initiation as well as the occult and modern politics is also happening in most parts of Africa-usually for electoral support. For an in-depth and perceptive analysis of this phenomenon elsewhere in Africa (see De Jong, (2002) on Senegal, Meyer,(1998) on Ghana, and on the societies of the Upper Guinea Coast (see Ellis,1999, Ferme,1999). In Sierra Leone, membership of the Poro(male) and Bondo (women) secret societies are the badges of ethnic belonging, identity and the gateway to leadership and political power within the Sierra Leonean state apparatus(Pemunta and Bosire, 2012, Pemunta, 2012:200-201).

Misconceptions prevail about what Obasinjom is capable of doing and what it cannot do. For example as a soothsayer, it can tell a family the source and/ or cause of its problems but would not oblige the family to believe in its wisdom or oblige its members to take to its spiritual remedies. Although supplanted by Christianity,the Bayang and the Ejagham practice religious syncretism. Whereas, some individuals feel that membership of the Obasinjom is incompatible with Christianity, this is not the case. In reality, people have the free will to go to church and even be church elders as well as hold membership in the Obansinjom secret society simultaneously:

Unfortunately, modern churches such as Born Again [a Pentecostal

group] are still reluctant to accept members of the Obasinjom traditional cult agency … when they even try to do so, they will expect them to decline membership of Obansinjom. Membership into and exit from the

19 Paul Biya, the Cameroon president was named ‘‘Fon of Fons”, meaning he has been given all

the medicines which is a symbolic resource in the possession of local leaders all over the country to use in protecting his throne and his rule.Some individuals even attribute his longivity of over thirty years in power to this collective medicine.



Obansinjom cult is voluntary. It has never been heard of that a person was forced to be a member. The Obasinjom does not get its powers from people. Rather people get their magical powers from the Obasinjom cult agency. It does not destroy but fixes and protects the community and its people. As articulated by Sallie Marston (1989), mass rituals are demonstrations

of community power and solidarity and serve as complex commentaries on the political economy of social relations. Although Obasinjom may be characterised as a witch-hunting cult, it is however, ‘‘not an anti-witchcraft movement” and is also ‘‘not acquired by potential victims of witchcraft’’. Whereas Obasinjom ‘‘offers its services to elucidate witchcraft and theft and provide solutions, but it does not attempt to eliminate them permanently’’ (cf.Niehaus 2003 in Roschenthaler, 2004:242). Although the Obasinjom cult agency is capable of killing witches, its main role is to check their activities. Many members of the cult agency are actually involved in occultic practices. One of Ojong’s interviewees, Pa James Ojong maintained that killing these people will mean wiping out more than half of the population:

if this is done, from whom will you buy or sell? It is possible for the institution to do away with witchcraft. However, considering the humanitarian factor, it will not be proper to do so. We know that the practice of witchcraft is bad. And that many people are involved in the practice, yet it is not possible to eliminate them…, this is because of the importance Obasinjom accords to human life(Interview of May 20th, 2006,Mbakem village). The dissemination of the Obasinjom cult agency is a conversion of

symbolic capital into economic capital (Bourdieu, 1990:128,135), while recipients were reportedly doing the reverse. Evildoers make amends in financial terms. Before those who have violated community norms are forgiven, they make amends in financial and/or material terms. In cases where the state is solicited to intervene in occult cases, like in Southeast Cameroon; there is the double appropriation of the witchcraft discourse by both the state and witchcraft doctors on whose expertise the former relies to prosecute alleged witches. By relying on the nganga’s(witch doctor’s) expertise, the State is able to mount its juridical offensive that targets witches in the area despite the difficulties of establishing proof of occult aggression(see Fisiy,1990,Fisiy and Geschiere,1990,1991).



CONCLUSION Witchcraft discourses seem to serve mainly as a mechanism for combating

new inequalities in some parts of Cameroon where ‘‘witchcraft rumours seem to have a strong levelling impact’’ (Geschiere, 1995:69). The Obasinjom cult agency by unleashing violence-by publicly exposing witches, containing hidden, occultic violence in various communities as well as restoring both individual and community health through ritual performances maintains social harmony. Witchcraft is perceived as disruptive and antithetical: it ‘‘transgress [es] the old communitarian restrictions’’ and is seemingly a testament of new patterns of violence (Geschiere, Ibid). In other words, as a form of ‘illegitimate production and reproduction” Comaroff and Comaroff (1999), it threatens both the social and biological foundations of society calling for the need for ritual healing so as to establish equilibrium.

As a mask, the Obasinjom cult agency does not only gets transformed through its existence in the course of the ritual performance process, it also accumulates histories- so much so that its present importance is the result of the interrelationship between persons and events to which it is related (Gosden and Marshall, 1999:170). As a social actor, the Obasinjom is imbued with agency and its ritual meaning resides in its public performance. Ritual performance gives an object such as a mask inherent meaning, thereby conferring on it a biography. Objects become doubly implicated in social action. On the one hand, they can accumulate biographies to themselves as well as can “contribute to the biography of a ceremony or body of knowledge, rather than accumulating their own inherent meanings, can be helpful” (Gosden and Marshall, 1999:176). See also Appadurai’s (1986) notion of the “social life of things’’ as well as Alfred Gell’s (1998) concept of “distributed agency’’. Agency, following Laura Ahern, “is the socioculturally mediated capacity to act’ (2001: 110). Following his study of the Poro secret society, Roy Sieber cited by Booths concluded that masquerades are symbols of the spiritual forces that validate the acts and the precepts of the elders. They serve as the visible expression of a spiritual force or authority that validates the basic beliefs of a society, and reinforce acceptable social modes of conduct and symbolise the spiritual authority that eradicates social evils (Booths, 1977: 146-7).

African masquerades are generally public performance troupes that evoke a wide variety of significant ideas and values concerning the social, occupational, political and religious aspects of life of traditional peoples. The Egu Orumamu of the Igala in the Middle-belt area of Nigeria belongs to and is



performed by individual village groups twice a year, at the beginning and end of the farming season. The Chiwara masquerades of the Bambara are for purposes of ritual purification of villages of social ills in order to ensure success in agriculture. The Do masquerade of Western Ghana like the Gelede of the Yoruba is for fighting witchcraft in society.

Masquerades are rich in their meaning-content. Onyeneke refers to them as "the Dead Among the Living", while Kalu suggests the title of "Gods As Police Men". Masquerades, no doubt relate to several important areas of life of the peoples of Africa. Masks usually identify and represent the respective social units; villages or age sets in the community. They are closely associated with the occupational pursuits of the people, as well as their socio-political structure (Ejizulu,1986). Primarily, masquerades are thought of by Africans as powerful sacred symbols. They represent lineage ancestors and serve as the visible expression of the spiritual force and authority believed to validate the basic beliefs and values of society. They also serve to reinforce social modes of conduct and symbolise the spiritual authority that eradicates social evils. As a sacred symbol with a rich religious significance, they contribute considerably to bind people together, to sustain and foster the people's sense of interdependence.

The uniqueness and agency of Obasinjom as a mask is that it is not only the only speaking mask, it is also equipped with medicines and its mantlebearer executes the command of the medicine during public performances or public therapeutic sessions when it is involved in exposing and healing cases of witchcraft and criminality so as to guarantee peace and stability in the community. In its trance-like state, the mantlebearer is unaware of what is taking place and has no remembrance of events after the performance. Aside from fighting against/pre-emptying malevolent happenings, Obasinjom is endowed with the power of clairvoyance, is aware of the reasons for both individual and collective misfortunes, be they illnesses, cases of infertility, poor crop yields, multiple deaths and prescribes the necessary rituals and herbs for bringing the situation under control or for bringing things back to normal thanks to the various medicinal plants kept at man’s disposal by God and the ancestors. Despite the supplantation of belief in the ancestors by Christianity and modernity(western education), the Bayang and the Ejagham still subscribe to a pantheon of gods with God the Almighty at the top of the hierarchy of Being, followed by the ancestors. This is not antithetical, the lesser gods are believed to be emanations of God the



Almighty. In their relational world view of a universe populated by inanimate objects and spirits including those of the ancestors, God the Almighty continues to exert a firm hold on people’s lives. It also demonstrates the entanglement of religion, magic and healing in the everyday lives of the Ejagham and Bayang people.

According to them, God created all the plants and animals in the universe which serve as medicine for the benefit of mankind. Unlike the individualistic western worldview, the Bayang and the Ejagham like other African people are still indebted to God the Almighty and are affected by the aggression of one of their kin, reason for which they often seek ritual medicine or the swearing of medicine to cast out a spell due to the action of one of their kin so as to avoid the decimation of the whole family as the case of the Enow’s lineage documented herein tends to suggest.

This chapter has demonstrated the role of the Obasinjom ritual performance in individual and community healing. Apart from spontaneously diagnosing, healing and protecting, this cult agency connects the past, present and charts the future. The multiple misfortunes of the Enow’s family as well “the spirit of epilepsy” that was unleashed on Etchu- show the mediation of objects as a symbolic medium of exchange for gaining access to the victim’s life essence as well as Obasinjom’s supernatural skills in “remembering” and reconstructing the mischievous circumstances that led to the transmission of disease by a personalistic agent. In other words, Obasinjom is instrumental in retracing the “biography”(Kopytoft,1986) of how the malevolent spirit caused the disease or misfortune in each instance that led to social disruption. As well as how to effectively manage the situation by restoring normal health as a state of physical, emotional, and social wellbeing characterised by progress in all domains of human activity. In this process, objects connect the present and the past, as well as the material world of humans and the immaterial world of spirits and the ancestors. Whenever there is a disruption, Obasinjom identifies the connecting object and prescribes how to restore the social system to normal.

One informant, Pa Ben Ojong articulated the communitarian ethos of the Obasinjom institution by stating that it is everything to him and the village. He stated that “Obassi-Njom aré okum etek, Obhassi-Njom aré okum obhere”. He is saying that the group belongs to the village and to the group members. In other words, the institution works for the wellbeing of the village. As a member, he made us to understand that the institution equally protects him.



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Chapter 2

PLANT-BASED RITUALS FOR THE

PREVENTION AND CURE OF THE EVIL EYE IN A RURAL COMMUNITY

OF WESTERN SPAIN

José Antonio González1,*, Alfonso J. Aparicio Mena2 and Francisco Amich1

1Grupo de Investigación de Recursos Etnobiológicos del Duero-Douro (GRIRED), Universidad de Salamanca, Salamanca, Spain

2Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas de Castilla y León, Salamanca, Spain

ABSTRACT

Belief in the evil eye remains rooted in one sector of the Spanish population. The phenomenon is more evident in rural areas of western Spain, where a vast tradition of magical resonances still survives. In this sense the region known as the Arribes del Duero (provinces of Salamanca and Zamora), an area that used to be very isolated up to the mid-twentieth century, is very important. In this rural community, an exhaustive study of the traditional knowledge and current use of different plant species to prevent and cure the evil eye has been ongoing between 2009 and 2013. Here, a multiple methodological approach (an overview of the literature,

* Corresponding author; e-mail: [email protected].


José A. González, Alfonso Aparicio Mena, Francisco Amich 60

semi-structured interviews, participant observation, a focus group, local coexistence, etc) was carried out. To analyze how knowledge varies depending on the socio-demographic characteristics of the different informants, an analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was performed. It appears that 31 species of vascular plants are used currently, or have been used in the recent past. Among the preventive rituals, some are based on plant amulets or witch repellents, and many are associated with key moments in the religious calendar. For example, branches gathered from olive trees, laurel, and/or rosemary are blessed on Palm Sunday, and then placed on windows and balconies to protect people’s homes. Most documented curative rituals are based on the smoke produced by the combustion of aromatic plants or certain herbal species. Even today, in the culture and human group studied popular religion and belief in magic are clearly connected with nature, especially plants. From the perspective of medical anthropology, based on the explanations given by the informants the issues in hand were investigated within the broader context of wellbeing. The discourse chosen to communicate our observations is not intended as an external explanation of the socio-cultural phenomena observed and studied. Instead, this chapter represents an attempt to transfer, in our own words, the information received from informants in addition to the facts observed by us, the field researchers. The interdisciplinary approach (ethnobotanical, ethnographic, anthro-pological), gathering and harmonizing the contributions of different specialists, has enabled the creation of a text whose perspective of the phenomena observed is broad (etic and emic approaches). In short, this study explores the plant-based rituals documented within a complex integrated and interrelated dimension the “socio-physico-bio-psycho-eco-cultural” domain, and its repercussions on the community.

INTRODUCTION The evil eye, defined as the power to inflict illness, misfortune, damage to

possessions such as animals or crops, or even death, simply by gazing at or praising someone [1-3] is a geographically widespread belief. Although by no means universal, the evil eye is considered as a particular socio-cultural phenomenon deriving from a common root, the fear of envy, and that affects many countries and cultures equally [4]. This belief is similarly held by Jews, Arabs and Christians, and it extends to India in the east, along the Atlantic coast of Ireland, England, Scotland, Spain, Portugal and France, northwards to Scandinavia, and southward to North Africa. The core of this superstition is located in the circum-Mediterranean countries, India and the South American


Plant Rituals for the Prevention and Cure of the Evil Eye ... 61

countries most influenced by the Spanish conquest. Thus, today there is widespread belief in the evil eye among the indigenous peoples of Latin America and such belief also reached North America [3-5].

With regards to health systems, the evil eye is still considered the origin of many health problems, domestic disturbances and illnesses worldwide, and a vast array of rituals, remedies and amulets are used to prevent and cure it [4, 6-11]. For instance, studies in Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia have shown that a common explanation of interviewees is that the evil eye is the cause of their illnesses [12-14], and in the United Kingdom (UK) most resident Muslims believe in the evil eye: approximately half of them state that it is able to cause physical and mental health problems and that these problems should be treated by both doctors and religious figures [15].

According to the results of a recent study [5], belief in the evil eye is more likely to be found in agro-pastoral societies that sustain higher levels of inequality and rely more on visible and vulnerable material wealth as compared to foragers and horticulturalists; this is why belief in the evil eye persists within certain Indian immigrant communities in the UK [16] and is still deeply rooted in Mediterranean countries with universal access to biomedical health care [6, 17, 18]. Specifically, the belief in the mal de ojo –evil eye– is deeply rooted in many rural areas of western Spain: Galicia, Asturias, W Castile and León, Extremadura and W Andalusia [19-22]. The isolated region known as the Arribes del Duero (henceforth the ARD), in the western part of the provinces of Salamanca and Zamora, is a good example. In this territory, the inhabitants vividly recall the folklore of witches and one of their most feared powers, the ability to invoke the evil eye [23, 24].

Although it is believed that the evil eye can be cast, not always voluntarily, by people with eye defects (cross-eyed, one-eyed) and pregnant women, in the ARD witches are the primary culprits, both qualitatively and quantitatively. Even today, stories of witches and zánganos (lit. drone bees, the name given to wizards or witches’ assistants), their covens and secret rites and their metamorphosis into different guises, and knowledge of preventive and curative formulas against the evil eye survive.

The witches of the ARD have been described as simple poor women from villages, evil, hunch-backed and ugly. Traditionally, they were not allowed to kiss children or enter people’s houses or stables. It was crucial to avoid their influence and contact with the evil eye at all costs. They are also known to be able to transform their shape, mainly into animals (mainly black cats) and also whirlwinds [23, 25, 26].



In consonance with cross-cultural studies, in which no divergence is observed on comparing its various manifestations [27, 28], the evil eye in this Spanish territory is understood as the negative magical or supernatural influence exerted by some people (in particular witches) on others just by looking at them. It is also thought to be caused voluntarily or involuntarily by certain people’s “gaze” [25, 29, 30]. Among other malefic consequences, the evil eye affects both the peace of families (with the occurrence of all kinds of calamities) and, above all, peoples’ health [25, 31]. Owing to jealousy, excessive praise, and in particular envy, children who have been affected by the evil eye for no apparent cause do not sleep or eat, fail to thrive, cry a lot, and may get sick and even die. In the case of pregnant women, it may cause them to miscarry and it may cause the mothers’ milk to dry up [23, 32]. With regard to animals, loss of appetite, sudden death, mothers abandoning their young or not allowing them to suckle are common manifestations. In some cases, they even kill their offspring. The traditional matanza (slaughter of swine and preparation of hams and sausages, etc, for later curing) may fail (the products rotting), as may crops, and a plethora of negative events involving people, animals or possessions may also occur [23, 26].

In the recent past the plant component of rituals aimed at the prevention and cure of the evil eye in the ARD has been very important [33]. Accordingly, we wondered if the knowledge and use of certain “magical plants”, sensu Scott Cunningham [34], for the prevention and/or cure of the evil eye still survive.

Consequently, the main aims of the present work are as follows: (i) to document the implementation of plant-based rituals by people from the ARD against the evil eye; and (ii) to determine the degree of knowledge and use of these rituals in the 21st century within this rural community as a general model for western Spain. This was accomplished by performing an ethnobotanical-anthropological study conducted in the most representative locality of the territory –Villarino de los Aires (Salamanca)– and several neighboring villages.

From an anthropological perspective, some clarifications are in order: 1) What we are researching-observing? We are looking for knowledge

and traditional and current uses of natural remedies (preventive and curative) of people raised in specific traditions.

2) Cultural location. Symbolic and symbolic-physical healing customs of the ARD area.



3) Why are herbal rituals implemented in these spaces (physical, social and cultural)? In this case, against what these people refer to as the “evil eye”, accompanied by rituals, and corrective elements directed against: (a) specific ailments or (b) people who cause these or other problems (“witches”).

4) The nature of the evil wrought. In general, it can be considered (a) physical or (b) non-physical. The first affects the body of the individual and the “social body”. The second, although also possibly affecting the physical body, mainly “attacks” the non-physical constituents of the person (his/her mental-emotional constitution and social dimension). The evil referred to here would be of three types, depending on cases, circumstances and intensity: (a) of a non-physical nature (symbolic, symbolic-physical, traditional-local), (b) of a social and socio-personal nature, or (c) of an emotional-mental nature.

5) The nature of the remedies. In principle, it would be possible to talk about plants in a strictly botanical sense: However, from an anthropological-ethnobotanical perspective, when studying cultures that include symbolic constituents united-fused-associated with natural resources (plants, animals, minerals) in people’s worldview (their way of understanding-explaining the world and things in it), we must speak of “plants” as complex elements with physical and non-physical “components” or physical-symbolic potentials. In medical anthropology, we consider traditional evils (referred to by the locals) as syndromes of cultural nosology (or indigenous), without intending to define them. Their meaning is only clear when viewed from within their society and customs (contextualization). Thus, their definition necessarily corresponds to the members of those cultures. As researchers, we see these syndromes as expressions of alterations linked to events, experiences and ideas pertaining to their source contexts. Their etiology would be complex and interrelated, of a socio-physico-bio-psycho-eco-cultural type [35]. The other target of the rituals studied is personal: the “witch/witches”.

6) The nature of witches. The specific explanation was given by local informants. Anthropologically speaking, and always respecting the explanatory model of the local inhabitants [36], a “witch” would be a woman with all the usual components of a human being, but with certain “extra” capabilities, potentials, characteristics and traits (or associated constituents) of a symbolic nature. These features will serve the woman: (a) to connect with “other spaces” and to



intermediate between them and “normal” space (perceived space and space most of us experience), (b) to act on their own initiative, (c) to act on request, (d) to act according to a school of traditional-local training, in a kind of “teacher-apprentice” relationship (family link, non-family link), and (e) to change appearance (e.g., adopt the form of a cat: ailurothropy).

STUDY AREA

Arribes del Duero: The Portrait of a Mediterranean Landscape Located on the western side of the provinces of Salamanca and Zamora

(W Spain; 40º50’ to 41º35’ N, 6º00’ to 6º41’ W; Figure 1), the ARD is the administrative border between Spain and Portugal along some 120 km. It is a high-quality protected area and has been awarded the status of Natural Park (with a surface area of 106,105 ha), with singular ecological and geomorphological traits [37]. Located at considerable distances from large industrial areas in Spain, the territory is also characterized by a strong demographic regression, which started half-way through the last century. This has given rise to losses of almost 60% of the local population, a large population of elderly people (almost 40% of people are over 65), an imbalance in the sex ratio (with large numbers of unmarried men), a very low population density (8 inhabitants/km2) and a low cultural level (~50% with only elementary schooling) [38]. The ARD area has a relatively poor socioeconomic structure and there are many dependent individuals in its population, who do not generate wealth but instead consume it. This structure is significantly different from the prevailing European framework. The population forming the largest group is involved in farming activities (35.5%), and this percentage is far higher than those of its regional and national contexts. Wage earners represent only half of the working population, which is low even in comparison with other clearly rural areas in Spain. This is due to the greater impetus from self-employed workers [38]. In the ARD, the economy is mainly based on the primary sector, livestock-raising being preponderant over crop-growing [39, 40]. The particular orographic characteristics that divide the territory into two clearly differentiated morphological units –the peneplain and the steep river valleys (called arribes)– together with the special typology of the soils govern the degree of development of the various human activities [37, 41, 42]. The agricultural



constraints and changes that have arisen recently in traditional Spanish agriculture account for the importance of livestock-raising in the ARD. Beef, lamb and cheese are the most important products.

Figure 1. Geographical location of the study area. The edge of the Arribes del Duero Natural Park is shaded.

Regarding land use, livestock-rearing is predominant in the ARD. Forest fires, tree felling and grazing have led to the almost complete disappearance of the original plant cover. This is one of the clearest examples of the Mediterranean landscape in the western sector of the Iberian Peninsula, where non-irrigated croplands are intermingled with scrubland, temporary grazing pastures, and Mediterranean crops (olives, vines, almonds, citrus fruits) [37, 39, 42]. Land use spreads out in concentric bands around the various localities. Closest to these are vegetable-growing plots and cortinas (enclosed areas devoted to the cultivation of forage plants), which form a mosaic of privately owned plots. The second band comprises the tierras, or open communal fields or meadows for public use, whose right to exploitation is decided on by drawing lots. Finally there is the monte, for use by all of the inhabitants, and, on flatter lands, there are the dehesas, which are private properties located at the limits of the municipal territory and where free-range livestock-raising is the norm [41, 43].

The livestock has and continues to influence the cultural heritage of the ARD in an important way. A broad variety of construction types related to



agro-forestry activities [44] have been conserved, and are indeed very numerous, and the traditional architecture of villages features houses with a ground floor (the entrance) and an upper floor (perhaps two). In many cases, the ground floor is only used for complementary activities –as a stable, wine cellar or store-room– while the upper floor(s) are used for the living quarters. The ground floor, perhaps not very big, is also often used as a stable to house the whole of a family’s livestock. Often, chickens are kept under the stairs leading up to the living quarters, retained by some kind of wood screen or simply with chicken netting [45].

The history of human settlement in the zone dates back to 500,000 years ago, during the Paleolithic, when it was populated by nomadic and hunting tribes. With time, these were superseded by crop- and livestock-raising tribes, until the Celtic invasion and domination of the area, around the 9th century BCE, brought with them a “standardization” and an increase in the population. In the 3rd century BCE, the first Carthaginians arrived, followed by the Romans, but the lack of deposits rich in minerals and the complicated orography of the region were sufficient to deter the Empire from paying special attention to this territory. After the Roman influence had dissipated, a political vacuum prevailed for some years, during which the zone was abandoned. Neither the Visigoths nor the Arabs colonized it, and it fell into oblivion until the 10th century CE: the beginning of the Reconquest. With the expulsion of the Arabs, the area began to be repopulated by the Galicians and the Leonese. Thereafter, the population began to increase and continued to do so up to the 15th and 16th centuries, when a drop occurred owing to border and separatist skirmishes [37, 39]. After three centuries of instability, intense husbandry of the land began and is still implemented today.

In recent decades this rural community has undergone changes, although they have been very slow to take effect. People have subsisted under survival conditions, and for generations have only seen a few, and then slow, alterations to their customary way of life. Thus, many villages have taken many years to climb out of their subsistence routine, which formerly allowed the inhabitants to obtain almost everything necessary for their survival from their immediate surroundings [46]. Traditional livestock-rearing practices, although gradually abandoned (among other reasons owing to the effect of commerce and wealth on rural life), can still be seen in many villages and have been preserved by many of the inhabitants (normally the older ones).

Finally, the fact that the ARD was a border area has allowed the possibility today not only of its excellent environmental health but also allows it to harbor deep-rooted traditions, customs and autochthonous peculiarities



[24, 47]. Likewise, an especially interesting aspect is the persistence of the leonés, which can still be seen in the daily use of certain words, idioms, and expressions typical of this language [48, 49].

Villarino de los Aires: A Spanish “Witches’ Village” In the province of Salamanca several localities have been known as

“witches’ villages” [25]; among the three most important ones in the ARD is Villarino de los Aires (41º16’12’’N – 6º28’05’’W; Figure 1). Even in the mid-20th century [50] it was said that if people in Villarino de los Aires did not know where the witches were, and if no preventive measures were taken, the very least that could happen would be that they would become the victims of an aojamiento (casting of the evil eye). It was popularly held that this was a village where strange things happened that could only be attributed to witches, since all the witches from the ARD and the neighboring regions held their coven meetings here, precisely in the “Valle de Zarapayas” [26, 50-54]. This place name has its origin in the Galician word zarapallar, i.e. to fumble, to bungle [54].

Additionally, there are numerous references in the literature that hold that this village would be most representative one in western Spain. For example, as reported by De la Fuente Ballesteros [55], the main setting of the first comedy about magic written by Juan Eugenio Hartzenbusch (1806-1880), entitled “La redoma encantada” (The Magic Phial) (1839), was the Castillo de la Cabeza Encantada (Castle of the Haunted Head), located in Villarino de los Aires.

Another interesting and illuminating example occurred half-way through the last century. The parish priest of Villarino de los Aires –D. Juan Manuel Hernández– explored popular beliefs in witches, and reported his efforts in fighting a tradition even stronger than doctrinal coherence: “In this village the belief in witchcraft is so deeply rooted that however hard I work I cannot seem to banish it. And in the catechism for adults I give it my all! And the same could be said for my conversations with private citizens”. In the same text, after a discussion of a series of examples about the power people attributed to witches, he ends by saying: “… we shall struggle as hard as possible to make it disappear” [56]. Later, he also reported a list of parishioners’ beliefs obtained



in reply to different questions about witchcraft asked of them, such as, How do you know if someone is a witch?, or Where do they meet? [57].

METHODOLOGY

Data Collection Procedures

A multiple methodological approach was used: 1) Firstly, an overview of the literature was conducted with a view to

compiling all plant-based rituals used to ward off the evil eye found in the territory of the ARD, scattered through numerous publications. Most data obtained form the core information of a previous work [33]: however, in the present study new data may appear, derived from later publications. In the search of the literature, a total of 14 studies were reviewed. Table 1 provides a list of the references consulted, arranged chronologically.

Table 1. List of consulted references

Authors Date Ref. Morán 1927 58 Cortés Vázquez 1952 59 Hernández 1953 57 Cortés Vázquez 1955 50 Cortés Vázquez 1981 52 Blanco 1985 30 Blanco 1992 25 Granzow de la Cerda 1993 60 Falcón 2001 53 Panero 2005 23 Gallego & Gallego 2008 61 Velasco 2010 62 García Montes 2012 54 González et al. 2012 63



2) Between May-July 2009 a questionnaire was compiled with the aim of gaining insight into the beliefs of the people of Villarino de los Aires about witches and their powers. The questionnaire, to be completed anonymously and individually, had various items referring to people’s knowledge about different preventive and curing rituals for the evil eye (e.g., How can you ward off the evil eye? How can you cure the evil eye?). A stratified random sampling by gender and age was employed. The questionnaire was given to 84 people of seven age groups (21–29, 30–39, 40–49, 50–59, 60–69, 70–79 and ≥ 80 years) of 12 people each (6 men and 6 women). They accounted for approximately 10% of the adult population in the village, and all of them were born and currently lived in Villarino de los Aires. The information gathered was later published from the ethnobotanical perspective [63]. At that time, we obtained the collaboration of 52 informants, i.e. 61% out of a total of 84 of those participating in the questionnaire. Later, another 17 people handed in the questionnaire to us, especially on the days following a public lecture in which we discussed the data and presented the above published article. Thus, in the present chapter we extend our data about the topic in this locality and update our calculations to find out how the knowledge and implementation of rituals against the evil eye vary in terms of age, gender and educational status.

3) Following the line of Clifford Geertz [64] in that explanations for cultural facts correspond to the people who create-elaborate them, in June 2013 semi-structured interviews were conducted in the villages close to Villarino de los Aires: Cabeza de Framontanos, Pereña de la Ribera and Trabanca, in the province of Salamanca, and Cibanal, Fermoselle and Formariz, in the province of Zamora (Figure 1). In all cases the individuals interviewed were over 60, were born in the region, and had a sound knowledge of useful plants. By contrast, interviews were also conducted in two quite distant villages: Moral de Sayago and La Fregeneda, located at the ends of the Natural Park (Figure 1).

4) Likewise, a focus group, as a way of approaching the reality of the circumstances and achieving a direct analysis of symbolic systems, was set up in Villarino de los Aires in July 2013.



Data Analysis To analyze how the level of traditional knowledge of the informants

varied with respect to their socio-demographic characteristics, we performed an Analysis of Covariance (ANCOVA), taking the number of use-reports provided by each informant as the variable to model and using the XLSTAT 2009 program. Likewise, as explanatory variables we took the three items of the personal data requested in the questionnaire: “age” (a quantitative variable), “gender” (a qualitative variable that takes values of m = male or f = female), and “educational status” (a qualitative variable that takes values of ne = no formal education, pr = primary, se = secondary or hi = higher).

RESULTS OF THE ETIC APPROACH

Ethnobotanical Data A total of 31 plant species (belonging to 17 botanical families) were

mentioned by informants or are documented in the literature. Table 2 shows the list of useful species, indicating the part(s) used and their adscription to the four use-categories established: (1) protection of people, (2) protection of houses and/or stables (including individual animals), (3) curing of people and/or animals, and (4) curing possessions (cheeses, home-produced pork products, wine, etc).

The best-represented families are Fabaceae and Lamiaceae (with 4 species in both cases). Most species (19, 61%) are herbaceous plants, followed by those with a shrub or tree habit (26% and 13%, respectively). Twenty-one species (68%) are wild. Among them, 14 are typical of dry, disturbed places: ditches, roadsides, and fallow or open shrubby land.

The use-categories relative to protection include 19 and 12 useful plant species, respectively, for the “direct” protection of people and the protection of houses and/or stables. Twenty species are listed as an element used in healing rituals of people and/or animals, and seven in curing rituals for different possessions.


Table 2. Plant species traditionally used against the evil eye in the Arribes del Duero (Salamanca-Zamora, Spain)

Plant species Local Status Part(s) Use-categories (voucher) name(s) used P-Pe P-HS C-PA C-Po CONIFEROPSIDA

CUPRESSACEAE Juniperus oxycedrus L. (SALA 102358)

Jumbrio W Branches √ √

MAGNOLIOPSIDA

APIACEAE Magydaris panacifolia (Vahl) Lange (SALA 18297)

Caña de San Juan W Flowered aerial part

√ () √ () √ √

Peucedanum officinale L. (SALA 18348)

Yerbatú, hierbatú, hierba tú, anda tú, hierba tul

W Leaves √ √ √

ASTERACEAE Centaurea ornata Willd. (SALA 59507)

Trolla, cardo de arzolla

W Root √ ()


Table 2. (Continued)

Plant species Local Status Part(s) Use-categories (voucher) name(s) used P-Pe P-HS C-PA C-Po CAPRIFOLIACEAE Sambucus nigra L. (SALA 17435)

Canillero, saúco W Branches and flowers

√ () √ ()

FABACEAE Cicer arietinum L. (PHO 113)

Garbanzo C Seeds (dried) √ √

Echinospartum ibericum Rivas Mart., Sánchez Mata & Sancho (SALA 19135)

Bolaga W Aerial part √ ()

Genista hystrix Lange (SALA 19033)

Piorno W Aerial part √

Ononis spinosa L. (SALA 19097)

Gatuñas W Aerial part √ √



Plant species Local Status Part(s) Use-categories (voucher) name(s) used P-Pe P-HS C-PA C-Po LAMIACEAE Lavandula pedunculata (Mill.) Cav. (SALA 17753)

Tomillo, tomillo moro, tomillo de burro, cantueso

W Flowered aerial part

√ () √ () √

Rosmarinus officinalis L. (SALA 16225)

Romero C, SD Branches and leaves

√ () √ ()

Thymus mastichina (L.) L. (SALA 17736)

Senserina de San Juan, senserina, tomillo blanco, tomillo de San Juan, alegría


√ () √ () √ √

Thymus zygis Loefl. ex L. (SALA 17737)

Tomillo sansero, senserino, sinserino


√ √



Plant species Local Status Part(s) Use-categories (voucher) name(s) used P-Pe P-HS C-PA C-Po LAURACEAE Laurus nobilis L. (PHO 79)

Laurel, aurel, laurelar

C, SD Branches, stems and leaves

√ () √ () √

OLEACEAE Olea europaea L. (SALA 17872)

Olivo, oliva C (W) Branches and leaves

√ () √ () √ √

PAEONIACEAE Paeonia broteri Boiss. & Reut. (SALA 18241)

Rosa fedegosa W Root √

ROSACEAE Rubus ulmifolius Schott (SALA 17950)

Zarza, zarcera W Branches √ ()

RUTACEAE Ruta chalepensis L. (SALA 17981)

Ruda C Whole plant

√ () √



Plant species Local Status Part(s) Use-categories (voucher) name(s) used P-Pe P-HS C-PA C-Po Ruta montana (L.) L. (SALA 17983)

Ruda W Flowered aerial part

√ () √ () √

SCROPHULARIACEAE Scrophularia canina L. (SALA 69621)

Maldeojo, hierba del mal de ojo

W Aerial part √ () √ () √

Verbascum thapsus L. (PHO 82)

Gordilobo W Flowered aerial part

√

SOLANACEAE Capsicum annuum L. (PHO 106)

Pimentón M Fruits (dried and reduced to powder)

√

Datura stramonium L. (PHO 223)

Cardo tufón

W Whole plant with fruits

√ ()

VERBENACEAE



Plant species Local Status Part(s) Use-categories (voucher) name(s) used P-Pe P-HS C-PA C-Po Verbena officinalis L. (SALA 16734)

Verbena W Flowers √

LILIOPSIDA

ARACEAE Dracunculus vulgaris Schott (PHO 156)

Dragontea, organtía, serpentaria

C Whole plant or stems

√ () √ ()

LILIACEAE Allium sativum L. (PHO 103)

Ajo C Bulbs and string √ () √ () √

Asparagus acutifolius L. (SALA 15705)

Esparraguera W Branches √ ()

Urginea maritima (L.) Baker (SALA 15664)

Cebolla chirle W Bulb √



Plant species Local Status Part(s) Use-categories (voucher) name(s) used P-Pe P-HS C-PA C-Po POACEAE Cynodon dactylon (L.) Pers. (SALA 16857)

Grama W Creeping stems and leaves

√ () √ √

Secale cereale L. (PHO 92)

Centeno C Ears √ ()

Triticum aestivum L. (PHO 91)

Trigo C Ears and fruits

√ () √

Voucher: SALA = voucher in Herbarium SALA (Universidad de Salamanca, Spain); PHO = digital photograph. Status: W = wild; C = cultivated; SD = semi-domesticated (cultivated and reverted to wild status, and neglected cultivated plants); M = market. Use-categories: P-Pe = protection of people; P-HS = protection of houses and/or stables; C-PA = curing of people and/or animals; C-Po = curing possessions. () = current use.



Rituals for Prevention As evidenced by the above figures, the inhabitants of the ARD have

traditionally based, and continue to do so, their “battle” against the evil eye mainly on prophylactic measures, with varying degrees of complexity. At present about 75% of preventive rituals documented are still performed (Table 2). There are two different types of protective rituals: rituals of a profane nature and rituals associated with the religious sphere.

Profane Rituals for Protection The rural community studied has given rise to an abundance of preventive

methods, against witches and the evil eye. In particular the significant use of profane amulets, “witch repellents” of plant origin based on the smell of certain plant species. Under the nomination of “amulet”, like other authors [25, 65] we considered any portable object superstitiously attributed to have protective virtues, its magic being passive (apotropaic magic). Amulets work as a “protective shield” which the inhabitants of the ARD placed around them, their houses, animals, stables, wine cellars, etc.

For the protection of individuals, strongly aromatic plants or its parts are commonly used. As in many Spanish regions [66] and other Mediterranean areas [67], rue (Ruta, Rutaceae) has traditionally been considered an efficient witch repellent (“witches cannot stand its smell”) across the provinces of Salamanca and Zamora [25, 62, 68, 69]. In the ARD, a traditional custom has been to place a twig of rue (owing to its nasty smell) under the mattress to protect people while asleep. Children would carry a small bag containing the plant hidden in their clothes.

Many informants cited the use of garlic (Allium sativum), “the greatest enemy of witches”. Adults carried a clove or head of garlic in a pocket or a bag of cloth; in the case of babies the garlic cloves were placed under the pillow of the cot (Figure 2). The protective function of garlic bulbs against the evil eye is recognized throughout the western cultural context [70], especially in the Mediterranean region [71, 72], and it has traditionally been used in many of the villages of the provinces of Salamanca and Zamora [23, 25, 30, 60, 62].



Figure 2. Heads and cloves of garlic are commonly used as protective elements. Strings of garlic are also hung behind doors to repel witches.

In Villarino de los Aires it is common to see the use of cañas de San Juan (Magydaris panacifolia) (Figure 3), canes with a pleasant smell of cumaru [73], and the perennial grass known maldeojo or hierba del mal de ojo, literally “evil eye” or “evil-eye herb” –Scrophularia canina– (Figure 4); some residents still keep a piece of their stems and branches under the mattress. Similarly, in this village two informants reported currently using a non-smelling dried root of Centaurea ornata (locally known as raíz de trolla); keeping it under their pillows as a repellent. And some informants, following the recommendation of a neighbor or a family member, place a small bag (sachet) of linen with a few grains of cooking salt and a few pieces of rue, hierba del mal de ojo, cañas de San Juan and grama (Cynodon dactylon) under the mattress or pillow. For our informants, the latter plant species symbolizes “strength”, since it is a persistent cropland weed that farmers are unable to eliminate completely from the land. Protective sachets are made on the eve of the 12th of June, St. Juan de Sahagún’s Feast Day; they are kept for one year, and then burned in the bonfire traditionally lit on this Feast Day, as will be discussed later. Also interesting is the belief in hanging such sachets around the neck for nine days in cases of “major threat”. This ritual act is a renowned use of herbs in current magical procedures (“the sachet help the body’s healing powers”) [34].



Figure 3. “Cañas de San Juan” (Magydaris panacifolia) in the windows and rooms of houses of Villarino de los Aires.

People’s belief in carrying a sprig of canillero (Sambucus nigra) in their pocket to rid themselves the evil eye also survives, but the most “extreme case” is undoubtedly that of an old man in Pereña de la Ribera. Upon demand from a neighbor to protect himself during visits to the house of an alleged witch (“every time her bedroom grew smaller because of a witch’s evil spell”), this man wrapped his bare chest with a prickly, flexible branch of zarza (blackberry elmleaf or thornless blackberry, Rubus ulmifolius) as a cilice under his shirt. This informant told us: “pain is what most protects against the evil eye, against the powers of the witch”.

Amulets for the protection of houses and buildings are more numerous and varied. Traditional houses in the ARD, constructions that define the real and symbolic territory of a family, is a microcosm and is the main link between the family, community and neighbors. To protect the house from the powers related to witchcraft, people have developed a truly magic-religious defensive strategy. From time immemorial, families have placed protective elements on the main accesses to their houses (doors, windows, fireplaces) and in bedrooms. Until not long ago, equines (mules, donkeys) and other livestock



also lived in the house, because they were the economic mainstay of the family, but these also had to be safeguarded from any risk. All the family’s fears revolved around events that might disturb its economy and annual revenues, and with these its survival.

Figure 4. Scrophularia canina, plant known as “maldeojo” or “hierba del mal de ojo” at Villarino de los Aires.

The house communicates with the outside through the front door, which connects with the social and natural world. Thus, the front door is the most protected element of the house. Plants are placed there so that witches cannot enter. After the front door, windows and balconies are the structures most defended. Bunches of protective plants are also placed at these entrances, and these bunches are blessed annually. These entrances open ways into the house and hence they can also be subject to the evil eye. The bedroom is an important place because it is the place where children are conceived, people are housed when they are sick and, in many instances the place where they die. Bedrooms thus require a special kind of protection.



Garlic is used to protect the home, strings being hung behind doors and windows (Figure 2). A fair number of informants stated that they collected cañas de San Juan once a year for ornamental purposes and for their pleasant smell, but some admitted that they kept a few branches at home or in the garage to protect them from evil eye. These canes can still be seen in windows and other parts of the houses (Figure 3). Another Apiaceae, Peucedanum officinale, known as hierbatú or yerbatú –probably taken from the Latin hérbatus [74]– was traditionally used at the ARD to repel witches (Figure 5). It was placed behind the front door or on a wall, to protect houses, people and animals. One informant reported the following saying: “Yo no entro dónde estás tú, porque está la yerbatú” (lit. I dare not go to where you are, because there’s yerbatú), similar to what was reported by Panero [23] in neighboring villages of Zamora: “Si no fuera por la ruda y la hierbatú, yo me pasearía por donde te paseas tú” (lit. If it were not for rue and hierbatú, I would dare to walk wherever you do), and Cortés Vázquez [52] in Fermoselle: “Donde la hierba tú no vuelvo yo” (approx. Where the herb is, I cannot go). Similarly, Blanco [25] documented that in Pereña de la Ribera houses were protected by hanging a plant known as anda tú behind the entrance door. This name stems from the popular belief that when the plant is properly placed, the witch, when trying to get into the house, would say “Anda tú, que yo no puedo” (approx. You go [into the house], because I can’t). According to Blanco this plant would be probably Sisymbrium officinale (L.) Scop. (Brassicaceae), but during the interviews conducted in this locality we observed in situ that it is really Peucedanum officinale.

Similarly, the disagreeable smell of some fetid species is used. The so-called maldeojo is considered to frighten off witches at Villarino de los Aires. Its branches are hung behind the front doors of houses, in larders, stables and/or garages (Figure 4). Likewise, as a witch repellent a small branch of rue (Ruta montana) is placed in the kitchen llares (the iron chain in the fireplace from which cauldrons were hung) to repel the possible entry of witches through the chimney or on the front door, again to prevent their entry. Most informants reported the tradition of hanging this plant behind stable or garage doors and some of them admitted still practicing this ritual (Figure 6). In the same locality Ruta chalepensis can still be seen in pots at the door of some houses, “so that people with mischief in their hearts cannot come into it” (Figure 6).



Figure 5. In the recent past, the divided leaves of Peucedanum officinale played an important role as a repellent against witches.



Figure 6. (A) Due to its foul smell, branches of Ruta montana are hung behind the doors of stables and garages. (B) To keep out people with malicious intentions, Ruta chalepensis is cultivated near the door of some houses.

To avoid the evil influences of witches, branches (with leaves) of Sambucus nigra are hung on doors and windows. Currently its dried flowers are also burned in braziers in the belief that if a witch is present she will



succumb to the smoke and leave. Central European traditions, as well as in the northern part of Spain, consider that this tree, held to be sacred, has the power to attract divinities or charitable entities [75]. Although this species is not used in the ceremony of the bonfires, its branches are gathered on the eve of St. John and are hung at dawn.

In Pereña de la Ribera we noticed a plant of jimsonweed (Datura stramonium), locally known as cardo tufón, tied to the window grill of a property serving as a garage-cellar-storehouse in order to protect the possessions stored there –cheese, wine, etc– (Figure 7). According to one interviewee, “placed there, this plant prevents the entry of witches. Its distinctive odor and its fruit covered with strong spikes repel witches”. This may be thought of as a “contradiction”, since the presence of this poisonous plant among the components most frequently used by “classical” witches to prepare their unguents enabling them “to fly” has been documented [70, 76-78]. This plant was used because it elicits such an extreme modification of consciousness and perception that the individual loses contact with reality [79], although it is known that it has been used to break spells and protect against evil spirits by placing it around the home [34].

Figure 7. “Cardo tufón” (Datura stramonium) in the window of a house of Pereña de la Ribera.



Also as a “witch scarer”, in some villages of Zamora some people still place branches of esparraguera (Asparagus acutifolius) in windows or doorways.

Finally, even today Dracunculus vulgaris is grown in some home-gardens. Panero [23] notes that the choice of this toxic plant as a witch repellent may be due to its bad smell, but may be also due to the resemblance of its stems to a snake. It is well known that snakes have always been feared by women and by deduction this would include witches. Our informants were unable to offer further information about this.

Preventive Plant Rituals and the Religious Calendar In Spain, plant rituals and plant offerings are still commonly employed in

the religious calendar. In many annual festivities, the offering of plants plays a role beyond Catholic devotion: to give thanks for the good harvest, as manifestations of the annual cycle, as an element of cohesion and solidarity in human groups, and as a way to cure or prevent certain ailments [80-82]. Regarding prophylaxis against the evil eye, three key dates are important in the ARD: Palm Sunday, Corpus Christi and St. John’s Eve.

In this territory, as in most regions of Spain, people still follow the tradition of taking a “bunch of branches” to the mass held on Palm Sunday, and the blessing of such bunches at the door of the church is of special importance. Later, these are placed on windowsills, balconies or on doors for protection against witches and to ward off the evil eye from the home. In Spain, the variety of species used is directly related to the flora of each region [25, 68, 83-85]. In the ARD bunches are traditionally made from olive branches, laurel and rosemary, either alone or combined (Figure 8).

These plant species have been known since time immemorial. The olive tree (Olea europaea) is an emblem of peace in all cultures and religions of the Mediterranean region [86]. Christianity assimilated much of the earlier mythological and magical traditions, and among many other interesting aspects olive branches are present on the coat of arms and seal of the Spanish Inquisition as a symbol of pardon and reconciliation with the repentant [78]. It has always been regarded as highly protective against the evil eye [70, 76]. Laurel (Laurus nobilis), considered to be consecrated to the sun god Apollo, is a symbol of victory, inspiration and eternal life. However, since Apollo was also the god of oracles and prophesies, it has been used in prophetic and purifying rites [34, 76, 86]. Rosemary (Rosmarinus officinalis) was



consecrated to the Lares. As deities whose primary function was to protect the family home, when a family moved house the members were recommended to burn a branch in each room and leave the burnt remains there [76]. Also, this fragrant shrub is one of the plants venerated for its relationship with the history of the Virgin. It is said to have aided her during her flight to Egypt and it is believed to flower on the day of the Passion because Mary placed a few sprigs on the diapers of the Savior [70, 76].

Figure 8. The blessing of bunches on Palm Sunday. Blessed bunches made from olive tree, laurel and/or rosemary branches and cuttings tied to the balconies and windows of houses.

These “blessed bunches” can be considered to represent “small trees” [81]. Accordingly, the supernatural virtues, good or bad, attributed to the tree species used will also be present in them.

Corpus Christi is a feast day that has been celebrated in Spain since ancient times and it has a predominantly floral underlying motif, acclaiming new growth. It is a moveable feast day that is always celebrated on the Thursday after Trinity Sunday, but modern times have relegated it to the following Sunday, known as “Corpus Christi Sunday”. With this change, this feast day (on a Thursday) has all but disappeared, although a few villages



preserve it as the central axis of their festive calendar. Formerly, the main festive event was the procession of the Blessed Sacrament [47]. The streets through which the procession was to pass were adorned with colorful embroidered sheets, bedspreads, silk shawls, etc, hanging from balconies and windows. Also, neighbors would strew the ground with aromatic herbs. Participants trod on these plants, creating a special atmosphere and inviting concentration and absorption. Later these “blessed” plants were collected from the ground and stored, “for when they might be needed”.

Within the scope of our study, the importance of this festivity has now been relegated to other days of religious celebration. Thus, in Villarino de los Aires its role has been diverted to the feast of St. Roch (16th of August), the village’s patron saint. For the procession celebrated in his honor the streets where the effigy is to pass are adorned with aromatic plants. The villagers put down thyme (Thymus mastichina), lavender, laurel and rosemary branches together with sprigs of mint. When the image of the saint has passed by, or after the procession, many people collect the laurel and rosemary branches and store them at home for protection (Figure 9). Generally, these branches are placed in a small vase that is left in view throughout the year in the corridor or in the hall of the house.

A more markedly magical and supernatural day, unifying the purifying power of fire and the beneficial virtue of smoke, is St. John’s Bonfire (on the eve of the 24th of June). As in other parts of Spain, in the ARD St. John’s Eve dates back to remote times and with the passage of time has given rise to rites relating to the sun and fire, some of which remain pertinent today [47, 87]. Fire invites people to jump about and dance and this is believed to encourage renewal and rejuvenation (the old is burned) [81, 82]. The glimmer of fires illuminates the shortest night of the year, warding off evil spirits and witches. This form of occult celebration pays homage to a pagan festival dating back thousands of years. The Vettones and Vaccaei tribes populated these lands and worshiped the sun which represented their source of life [47].

Years ago, in Fornillos de Fermoselle (Zamora) a humaza (bonfire) would be made with three aromatic plants on the eve of St. John: tomillo blanco (Thymus mastichina), tomillo sansero (T. zygis) and caña de San Juan. Although these bonfires were not very large, they were designed to produce as much smoke (with a penetrating odor) as possible with the aim of purifying people and their houses [61]. In Saucelle (Salamanca) a bonfire was made in each sector of the village, burning thyme and other species. The doors of the houses were left open because it was believed that the smoke held “virtue” and had protective powers [30].



Figure 9. During the procession honoring St. Roch certain streets of Villarino de los Aires are strewn with herbs. Some people collect rosemary branches or laurel, which they take home for amulets.

Interestingly Villarino de los Aires is an exception regarding this, since the bonfire is held on the eve of the 12th of June, the feast day of St. Juan de Sahagún. It is the only village in the region that honors this Patron of the Route to Santiago, because the Saint is believed to offer protection against plagues and pests affecting vineyards [47]. One 90-year-old villager told us: “I remember when I was very young that I read in La Hoja del Buen Amigo, a periodical that they used to give out at church every Sunday, that as there was a plague of aphids affecting the vines and there was no means to combat it. The Town Council decided to appeal to the help of a saint. To do this, they put the names of sixty saints in a bag, and three times running they pulled out the name of St. Juan de Sahagún. This finally did work against the plague. The Town Council therefore designated St. Juan de Sahagún as the village benefactor and promised to venerate him. On the Saint’s feast day, a mass with a sermon was pronounced and a procession was held. This lasted until about fifty years ago, when there were no longer any mayordomos (organizers of festivities) left and the promise was really no longer kept”. In the Diocesan Archives of Salamanca, specifically in the “Boletín Oficial del Obispado”



from 1891, there is a document that chronicles the miraculous event that occurred in Villarino de los Aires in May 1690 [54].

Formerly, at night everybody in the village participated in the bonfire celebrations. Each borough had its own bonfire, but all burnt the same plant species: senserina de San Juan (Thymus mastichina), which has a characteristic odor, and cañas de San Juan, which gives off a lot of smoke. People ran and jumped over the bonfires to smoke themselves in order to ward off witches and their aojamientos [47, 53, 54]. Today the villagers only build a huge pile of branches in the main square, around which people wait until the village mayor lights it. When the flames have died down the young men and children jump over it (Figure 10). It is believed by the neighbors that for the greatest benefit it is necessary to jump over the fire seven times and to keep all the windows of the house open.

Figure 10. St. John’s Bonfire in the main square of Villarino de los Aires. When the flames die down the inhabitants draw near so that they will be engulfed by the smoke, and then the younger villagers and children jump over the flames and embers.

A significant percentage of the informants associated the celebration of St. John’s Bonfire with protection by smoke from witches and their evil deeds, but only some of them admitted that they still attended the bonfire with this in



mind. Likewise, a few of them were really sure that today tomillo (Lavandula pedunculata), senserina de San Juan and a few cañas de San Juan are in fact burnt. Tomillo has only been burnt in the bonfires in recent decades, as a result of its greater abundance owing to the abandonment of agricultural fields. Formerly, other plants were added to the two traditional species that were the basis of the bonfire. The maldeojo is especially interesting. A large number of informants –all older than 60– cited this nasty smelling plant as an element of the bonfires, and most of them recalled seeing branches of this species being burnt.

Other less cited species are certain spiny plants or weeds that are difficult to eradicate from croplands. This is not only for protective purposes but also to “rebound” the harm done back to the person who originally caused the evil eye. In this sense, two informants mentioned the importance of the use of gatuñas (Ononis spinosa), a spiny perennial herb. Throughout the ARD it is unpopular since its strong spines often scratch people and animals working in the field. In the Iberian Peninsula, and indeed in other regions of Europe, hung from the lintel of the door this species served to counteract the evil spells of thieves and protect the house and its residents [76]. Others informants reported the use of grama and of piorno (Genista hystrix), a spiny bush with branches ending in a strong, sharp spine.

Moreover, it should be mentioned that some informants recalled that certain people used to collect the ashes from the bonfires and put them in a scapular (a type of cloth amulet) that was tied to the end of the bed, or in a small cloth bag they carried sewn inside their clothes. Sometimes the ashes were scattered around the stables and in the rooms. The same is the case of freshly harvested and unburned pieces of cañas de San Juan. With these, small crosses were made that were carried in people’s clothing or were placed under the pillow. Some informants declared that even today they continue to practice these rituals for protection against witches and evil eye.

In Trabanca the feast known as “the burning of bolagas” is celebrated on New Year’s Eve (St. Sylvester’s Day), December 31. Formerly, this ritual was celebrated on 24th December, coinciding with the winter solstice. Branches and stems of the compact prickly bush known as bolaga (Echinospartum ibericum) are burned with the secular purpose of celebrating the cycles of nature and praising the sun god, victor over darkness [47]. Some informants also link the gracia (magic power) of the smoke emitted to protection of the individual against the evil eye.

Finally, a few preventive religious amulets are used. For example, one woman of 65 recalled making small crosses with two olive leaves (one



inserted into the other through a slit), which were carried in a pocket or placed under a pillow. And as in other regions of Spain [25, 30, 76], some of the villagers would nail a small cross made from twigs of laurel bendito (blessed laurel) to their door to ward off lightning, misfortune, bad luck, and the evil eye (Figure 11). In the ARD, the different representations of the cross, the basic icon of Christianity, have always been valued as a protective symbol; the cross protects people, houses and belongings, and animals from evil [88, 89]. Consistent with the proposals of Gómez Pérez [3], according to our informants these wooden crosses are used a tool to absorb and/or repel the negative influences caused by the person who casts the evil eye.

Figure 11. Small cross made from laurel blessed and nailed to an outer door to protect the house.

Curative Plant Rituals of People and Animals An important body of traditional knowledge relating to healing of the evil

eye still survives in the ARD area, at least in one part of the population.



None of our informants reported performing curative rituals to ward off evil eye, or at least they did not admit to carrying them out. However, the narrations corresponding to interviews conducted by J. A. Panero regarding witchcraft in Sayago (Zamora) include some use-reports that can be considered as up-to-date. In Formariz three ears of rye (Secale cereale) or of wheat (Triticum aestivum) are moistened with holy water (collected on Easter Saturday) and are then used to bless a sick person or animal. In Salce, one informant, adhering to an ancient family custom, cultivates organtía (Dracunculus vulgaris) in his garden, cuts the plant on the night of St. John before sunrise, keeps it and, with its stem, makes a cross that is placed on or near the animal made sick by the evil eye [23].

In these two healing rituals, the eclectic pagan and religious practices coincide. This can be considered common, since it is also seen from the analysis of the oldest references. For example, at Villarino de los Aires an ancient way of curing and protecting children was to throw four garbanzos (chick peas, seeds of Cicer arietinum) into the well (no longer present) of a certain church in the village [58].

Nevertheless, most documented curative rituals are based on the use of sahumerios, the smoke produced by the combustion of aromatic plants or other substances (sahumar, from the Latin suffumāre to smoke, to provide aromatic smoke to purify or merely produce a good smell). Plant-derived smoke has had, and still has, enormous socio-economic impact throughout human history. Plants are burned for medicinal purposes, pest control or food preservation and also as hallucinogenic agents, and remain very important in spiritual and religious ceremonies [77, 90, 91]. Based on the ancient folk belief that the smoke of certain substances purifies or cleanses people (or animals) of impurities and exerts spiritual or magical effects to ward off the evil [34, 90, 92], the elements used in sahumerios (burned as incense) are intended to counteract the negative effects of the evil eye.

Generally, healing rituals were performed at home, not requiring the presence of a curandero (faith healer). The officiator passed the smoke from the materials burnt in a can with coals around the child, making crosses in the air, or took the child and repeatedly passing him/her over the smoke. When it livestock was affected, the can was passed under the belly of the animal. In most rituals documented, cooking salt and olive oil are key, not only to help in the production of smoke, but also for the symbolism evoked. Since ancient times salt, essential for human survival, symbolizes “life energy” and it is believed to be able to ward off misfortune. Olive oil symbolizes “spiritual power”, and since it was also used in lamps it represented “light” [34, 93].



These two elements are still very present in popular Spanish superstitions and beliefs [94].

Healing rituals based on the smoke produced by the combustion of certain plant species were documented as early as the first decades of the twentieth century. The Augustinian priest César Morán, attending Hinojosa de Duero, La Fregeneda and other villages of the ARD documented that when a child suffered from the evil eye, caused by some witch of course, his/her body was passed three times over the fumes resulting from burning the following materials: the feathers of a pitorra (woodcock, a bird species that winters in the territory), flowers of cangorda (a plant species not referred to, unknown), hedgehog’s teeth, a small piece of a religious stole, flowers of verbena (Verbena officinalis), rue (according to the author Ruta graveolens, although this species is not grown in the ARD), cebolla chirle (the bulb of Urginea maritima) and gordilobo (Verbascum thapsus). He also reported that these same ingredients fried in olive oil were used to cure elderly people. To achieve this, nine balls of tow were soaked in the resulting substance and were rubbed individually all over the patient’s body on nine consecutive nights [58].

The same author reported the use in Villarino de los Aires of cañas de San Juan as a curative remedy for sick children. It was used to pour smoke over them. Likewise, in the same locality Cortés Vázquez [50, 59] reported the curative use of a sahumerio composed of small pieces of cañas de San Juan together with hierba del mal de ojo, three olive leaves, three grains of cooking salt, and three drops of olive oil (note that three is an odd number), placed in a can with coals. The priest of this village in those years completed this healing ritual by saying the Creed three times [57].

Our studies confirm the use of such rituals and provide new information about curing people and animals.

Stories are told about the recovery of children after they had been subjected to such practices: in particular after they had been “smoked” three times with the “blessed thymes” (Thymus mastichina, T. zygis and Lavandula pedunculata), which were collected from the procession on Corpus Christi, and kept at home for whenever necessary. All over the world thyme is burned to attract good health [34].

In this sense, Panero includes in his book [23] a very interesting story collected in Gamones (Zamora), which we reproduce in summary form: “We came across the witch and the child suddenly felt sick. His father picked him up. Hurriedly we all went to a neighbor’s house to cure the evil eye, who commanded that as soon as possible we should light a fire, and heat an earthenware bowl, as new as possible, over it. We should then throw in



branches of tomillo (Lavandula pedunculata), sinserino (Thymus zygis) and alegría (T. mastichina), gathered in the procession. When smoke began to appear, we had to “collect” it in a sheet which we were to wrap around the child, covering him completely. His father should dip the forefinger of his right hand in lard and make a cross on the child’s forehead and temples. All this was done immediately, and after fifteen minutes the child was coming to himself”.

In Trabanca, a man of 80 years old told us that when he was just a child a neighbor cured the evil eye with a sahumerio (sick neighbors used to come to her). She would throw three laurel leaves, three drops of olive oil and a pinch of salt and pimentón (dried and ground paprika –Capsicum annuum– used as a dye and preservative in the manufacture of chorizo and similar sausage products) into a can with coals. She would then pass the dense smoke produced around the person, making signs of the cross as she went. Finally she crossed herself nine times and prayed three Our Fathers together with the “patient”.

In Pereña de la Ribera, an elderly woman of more than 90 assured us that “rue burned together with a few grains of salt is very effective against the evil eye. It gives off a lot of smoke, it smells really bad, but, you know... evil cures evil”.

Also, the evil eye could be eradicated by “smoking” the sick person or animal with burnt yerbatú (Peucedanum officinale) with three drops of olive oil or burning it with three olive leaves, some drops of oil and a few grains of salt. According to the Bible (Exodus 30:34), this plant species was used for incense [91].

Finally, other highly valued species are also cited in mono-ingredient sahumerios for curative purposes: rue, to cure equines (usually mules and asses), and laurel leaves, to treat affected people. In many cultures laurel leaves are purifying elements par excellence and are burned during purification ceremonies (including exorcism rituals) to remove evil spells [34].

Curative Plant Rituals for Possessions Although less numerous, more “original” use-reports obtained in the ARD

speak of the implementation of sahumerios to cure people’s possessions, especially home-made staple foods (chorizo, ham, cheese…). We have found no references to this type of magical use of plants in other geographical areas.



What follows relates to two experiences collected in Villarino de los Aires and included in a previous article [63].

One woman aged 69 mentioned that when she was a child her grandmother was worried because a certain woman in the village had seen her curdling milk with thistle flowers and lamb rennet to make cheese. On cheese-making days when the milk did not separate, the grandmother placed the blame on a “witch”. To solve this problem, the grandmother used to “smoke” the milk by burning pieces of senserina de San Juan and cañas de San Juan with a few drops of olive oil.

The other experience involved an octogenarian woman who recalled that when she was a child her grandmother always hung bunches of herbs over the fireplace. On one occasion, during the matanza (the family’s annual pig slaughtering event), neighbors recalled finding the intestines “braided” in the trough, forming a knot that could not be undone. Her grandmother burnt yerbatú and gatuñas (Figure 12) in a can together with three drops of olive oil and three grains of wheat, the Eucharistic symbol par excellence and also an attribute of abundance, fertility and conception [34, 86]. Thanks to the smoke the knot came undone of its own accord.

There are many people who firmly believe that the traditional products of pig slaughter may be subject to the evil eye. A deeply rooted custom involves making three signs of the cross with the thumb of the right hand over the marinated meat [54]. With this ritual act it is believed that absolute protection can be achieved throughout the evening before the preparation of cold cuts. Additionally, some informants recalled an ancient custom, almost a practical joke: on the day of the matanza, the young men of the village would place coals in a tin can or an old pitcher and then threw in anything that would produce a lot smoke and a bad small (horns, cat’s hair, dried excrement, sulfur, etc). When everything was ready, they opened the door of a neighbor’s house and threw the steaming container into it. Startled by the noise and overcome by the smoke and awful stench, the inhabitants would flee from the house as fast as they could, although usually no anger or disgust was expressed. Besides tradition, this rite had a magical significance, because the repellent smell served as prevention against the possible evil eye, which could damage products stored in the house.

In a semi-structured interview conducted in Fermoselle (Zamora) in June 2013, we obtained a new use-report for this use-category. Our informant, a woman of 91 years old, told us that one year when wine production was disastrous her mother “purified” the cellar with the smoke resulting from burning the root of Paeonia broteri together with sulfur. By means of this



ritual act she managed to “ward off the evil eye”. “Over the following years, the grape harvest was very good and there were no problems with the wine”, she added.

Figure 12. Peucedanum officinale leaves and branches of Ononis spinosa as the main elements used in an ancient ritual of the “healing” of “bewitched” pork products.

Analysis of the Current Knowledge of the Inhabitants We obtained the collaboration of 69 informants (82% out of a total of 84

of those participating in the questionnaire), 34 men and 35 women, with an age range of 22–98 years (mean, 55.7 years; SD = 20.6). Most of these people had no formal education or only primary studies (42, 60.8%) (Table 3). The high abstention among individuals younger than 60, only 70.8% of these returned the completed questionnaire, may reflect a loss of knowledge about traditional culture, presumably because the process of oral transmission has been broken down [95, 96]. Many people consider that belief in the real existence of witches and evil eye is a sign of a lack of culture and underdevelopment. Therefore, some people fear to recognize such beliefs as meaningful, attributing them to ignorance without realizing that in fact they are merely one more element of popular wisdom. Sometimes, uprooted from



the context fed by a magic mentality, people readily forget names and forms. Nevertheless, a total of 265 use-reports were collected (mean, 3.8 use-reports/informant; SD = 4.8); most of them contributed by elderly informants (max. = 20, an 89 years old woman).

Table 3. Socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents (n = 69)

and level of knowledge and implementation of plant-based rituals against the evil eye among the population of Villarino de los Aires

(Salamanca, Spain)

Variables Frequency % (males/females)

Gender Male 34 49.3 Female 35 50.7

Age 21–29 10 (5/5) 14.5 30–39 9 (5/4) 13.0 40–49 8 (3/5) 11.6 50–59 7 (3/4) 10.1 60–69 12 (6/6) 17.4 70–79 12 (6/6) 17.4 ≥ 80 years 11 (6/5) 15.9 Educational status No formal education 7 (4/3) 10.1 Primary 35 (16/19) 50.7 Secondary 14 (9/5) 20.3 Higher 13 (5/8) 18.8

Knowledge of preventive rituals Yes 39 (20/19) 56.5 No 30 (14/16) 43.5 Knowledge of curative rituals Yes 16 (7/9) 23.2 No 53 (27/26) 76.8

Implementation of preventive rituals Yes 24 (13/11) 34.8 No 45 (21/24) 65.2

Implementation of curative rituals Yes 0 (0/0) 0.0 No 67 (32/35) 100.0



Table 4. ANCOVA results for traditional knowledge and implementation of rituals, and model parameters

A

Parameter Value SD Student’s t Pr > t

Intercept –1.367 1.810 –0.755 0.453 Age 0.080 0.037 2.130 0.037 Gender – m 0.000 0.000 Gender – f 0.000 0.000 Educ. status – ne 3.948 2.688 1.468 0.147 Educ. status – pr 0.517 1.719 0.301 0.765 Educ. status – se 0.503 1.659 0.303 0.763 Educ. status – hi 0.000 0.000

B

Parameter Value SD Student’s t Pr > t

Intercept –0.563 0.675 –0.835 0.407 Age 0.018 0.014 1.259 0.213 Gender – m 0.000 0.000 Gender – f 0.000 0.000 Educ. status – ne 4.086 1.002 4.077 0.000 Educ. status – pr 0.651 0.641 1.015 0.314 Educ. status – se 0.211 0.618 0.340 0.735 Educ. status – hi 0.000 0.000

The results of the exploratory analysis conducted in relation to the

traditional knowledge amassed by the different informants in terms of their characteristics show that only 20% of the variability in such knowledge can be explained in terms of age, gender and educational status (R2adj. = 0.204). The remaining variability would be due to certain effects (other explanatory variables) that were not, or could not, be measured during the study. We surmise that some socio-economic effects would be involved, although attending to the results of the analysis of variance it may be concluded with a certain degree of confidence that the three explanatory variables do bring a significant amount of information to the model (ANCOVA, F4, 64 = 5.369, P = 0.001, confidence interval = 95%). Table 4A gives details of the model. There



are no significant gender differences in relation to the level of knowledge of rituals against the evil eye. Only the age parameter was found to have a significant effect. The older people (over 60 years), regardless of gender, had more knowledge and provided a broader range of plant-based rituals and remedies. It is important to understand that the differences in knowledge between old and young people are related to: (1) the accumulation of knowledge being proportional to time, (2) the knowledge of old people being rejected by young people as old-fashioned, and (3) the loss of knowledge about witchcraft and the evil eye being related to structural changes in cosmology and the beliefs associated with a new socio-economic system. The gender variable, with submarginal significance, was retained because its presence led to reasonable increases in the percentage of variation explained (estimated by the value of R2adj.). According to our results, the average of the use-reports provided is much higher in the group of respondents with no formal education or basic education.

For the analysis of variance in relation to the implementation of protective rituals against the evil eye, the variability can be explained at 41% (R2adj. = 0.411) in terms of the variables studied, and the model has a better fit (F4, 64 = 12.851, P < 0.0001). There were no differences in terms of gender and age, although these variables did have submarginal significance. Despite this the differences attributable to educational level were patent (see Table 4B). Most respondents with a high-school or college education do not perform the rituals documented in this study, and only some of them place bunches blessed on Palm Sunday Mass on a balcony or in a window to protect the house (“it is family tradition”).

THE EMIC APPROACH

Experiences Narrated The conception of an interdisciplinary work involves organizing different

perspectives of the phenomenon studied. Likewise, a study of this type can gather quantitative and qualitative information, combining and complementing etic and emic references (classifications, statistics and views or narratives of experiences from informants). We have developed an ethnobotanical approach to the plant species and rituals reported and used in the study area, offering data obtained by verification procedures. We now provide a set of opinions



and explanations coming from the orally transmitted experiences and knowledge in different parts of the ARD.

Members of a family of La Fregeneda (Salamanca) told us that not all localities in the region have preserved their inherited traditions. The grandmother, son and grandson reported their experiences and memories in relation to our subject matter. Only the grandmother knows “everything” about witches and the evil eye. The son and grandson live away from the village and although they pay frequent visits they do not have much information about the topic. The grandmother notes that not only witches can cast the evil eye. “There are other women who can do it”. Regarding methods of protection, the grandmother and son talk about to the power of garlic, especially when placed under the pillow. “There were people who used to stick scissors into a head of garlic” (presumably to better release the smell?), they explain. Regarding magic-religious traditions, these informants told us: “On the night of St. John, we used to make bonfires in the streets of the village and burned wood from the tree we call jumbrio (Juniperus oxycedrus)”. They added that on Palm Sunday they would carry branches of laurel, rosemary and olive tree to be blessed by the priest at the door of the church. They would then put them in the windows of their houses to protect them against evil. We asked where or from whom they acquired that knowledge. They replied that it came from the family, from their ancestors: “These are things from around these parts” (referring to the village and vicinity). The grandmother added that, being a border locality with Portugal, mention is sometimes made of “Portuguese witches”.

From another part of the ARD, Moral de Sayago (Zamora), we learned of the testimony of Hermelinda. She is the daughter of a local veterinarian and is knowledgeable about the traditional uses of plants. When we asked Hermelinda about the evil eye her voice shook, and she recounted something that had happened in her family a long time ago. This is her story: “When I was young I fell in love with a man who had no future. His family did not want me. I got pregnant and had a girl. In my home the baby was accepted but not in the father’s house. That family did not want her. The girl’s paternal grandmother did not want her to live because she was born of a love that could not be. The baby cried bitterly; she suckled but failed to thrive. She went from bad to worse. My mother began to think that behind all this there was some kind of spell. Someone had cast the evil eye on the girl! Our relatives thought so too. We started to investigate but not could find the witch. My mother was convinced that her other grandmother had commissioned a witch to carry out the deed. My daughter got worse and worse and we were afraid she would die.



Then, my mother reacted by going to church. There she prayed and took three small pieces of ornaments from the Virgin’s mantle. She made a scapular and put the mantle pieces inside, and then placed it in a fajero (a baby sling/shawl). Immediately, my daughter stopped crying. She started to suckle hard and gained weight. She no longer cried all the time! From that moment onwards the girl grew and the evil disappeared. I’m sure, that the actions of my mother saved her. There was a clash of forces. Everybody knew this. On the one hand the witch and, on the other, my mother. My mother won. It was the greatest experience of my life, and I am telling it as it happened. My mother kept the scapular for many years and she helped other children with it”.

In addition, we asked Hermelinda about the use of protective plants and she told us that in her village people always used blessed rosemary, thyme, laurel and olive tree to protect themselves and their animals. “On the feast day of St. John we used to burn thyme to ward off witches”. Hermelinda recounts her experiences with normality. She told us: “All this is true. Everyone knows that. I don’t care if the whole world knows about this” (referring to the publication of personal data).

At Villarino de los Aires, the “epicenter” of this study, we also collected many interesting experiences. The following are some of the explanations and narratives:

A man age 65 told us: “When I was a teenager I found a small cat on my bed. It was said that a certain local woman was a witch. I threw the cat out the window and, when the next day I ran into this woman, she asked me: what did you do with the cat yesterday? I replied: the same as you. You’ll pay dearly for this! –she exclaimed. I am still waiting. She died and I’m still alive”.

In the group work (focus group) we obtained some important data: “the quintessential plants used in Villarino de los Aires to prevent and combat the evil eye are: caña de San Juan, hierba del mal de ojo, ruda and grama”; “while in other localities of the ARD its inhabitants would burn anything in St. John’s Bonfire, in Villarino the people only burned aromatic plants, nothing else”; “I believe more in this than in the holy water of priests” (said one informant of 76, referring to different herbal rituals of protection and cure). Subsequently we asked about witches today, and the informants answered: “Here there are no longer any witches. They have dies off without transferring their powers to others”.

When asked about the reason why certain plants are chosen to counteract or prevent the evil eye, they explained: “The truth is that antagonistic plants are used. We believe that it is to balance things out. Some plants provide one kind of influence and others another. Perhaps in order to avoid the excessive



influence of one it is best to use others in combination. It’s what we believe, anyway”.

The ARD is a vast area where there are still vestiges of a rich and varied ancient culture that has been lost to another kind of “universal culture”, parallel to the development of the “global society”.

The “Architecture” of the Narrated-Local Symbolisms: The Making of a Collective Explanation

Among the tasks of anthropologists are the collection of points of view,

reports of different experiences and the explanations of informants and other members of the community studied.

Collective explanations are highly appreciated because, in addition to providing essential information relating to the object of study, they reveal the level of cohesion of the human group, at least within the sphere of cultural heritage. Points of view and narratives about experiences have already been addressed. Below we talk about the collective explanations concerning the evil eye in the socio-cultural and geographical context of the ARD and, specifically, of the village of Villarino de los Aires. The information comes from a meeting with some residents while they were acting as informants for this study.

The “building” of the collective explanation of an event or traditional phenomenon within a community is achieved with the “discursive bricks” of the collective historical background. Considering that we constantly build and destroy culture, we can never be sure of the purity of the contents communicated when we listen to an informant’s experience report. We assume that many factors would be involved in and would mediate the transmission of knowledge from grandparents to grandchildren. Therefore, one must always be suspicious of the initial or immediate information and be prepared to contrast it with subsequent narratives. During our encounter with several informants (the focus group) this process was simplified, the informants contrasting their contributions in the same place and at the same time amongst themselves. What we did observe was that regarding the issue of the evil eye there was a high degree of consistency. In their own words, each of those present spoke about the actions of certain persons able to wreak different kinds of havoc in people, but also in animals, plants and/or things (“products such as milk can curdle through the influence of a witch”).



The use of local terms and expressions (perhaps different from those used by neighbors a few kilometers away to refer to the same thing) points to a fairly compact and original tradition. We believe that ancestral contents have been correctly transferred to people of about 55 years old. Such mechanisms of transmission (oral, local and family) seem to have worked until recently. However, the advent of “modernity” has changed all this. “Younger people are not interested, or do not care much for these things”, they tell us. “Because of these changes, they are losing the ancient practices and are more interested in their expectations of a more comfortable life. Today there are no witches”.

Those same people (older than 55-60) remember the stories told to them by their grandparents by word of mouth. Based on their ancestral sources they narrate experiences with this or that woman who was a witch and cast the evil eye, but of themselves they say they have had no personal experiences directly related to the evil eye. They also point out that they now have a “modern mind-set” and that many of the things formerly attributed to occult powers can today be explained by science. Nevertheless, we suspect that more is going on than meets the eye. They themselves admit that even today it is not good to talk about these things, especially with strangers.

Walking through the streets of Villarino de los Aires we observed that a large number of signs of the old culture are still visible, signs that show us that culture is more alive than people say. On our stroll we saw amulets around the necks of passers-by, crosses carved in lintels and door jambs, containers adorning the chimneys (known as espantabrujas, lit. “witch scarers”), branches of plants in windows and doors, etc.

Are these signs just ancient cultural remains without content, mere folk-aesthetic practices? We believe not. Under the guise of privacy, with family or alone, rituals are still practiced “just in case” (just in case some “irrational” menace stalks and attacks).

Regarding curing rituals, all informants agree that there were no specialized healers in the village. “There were people who had powers ... with those powers they were able to conjure away warts or counteract the evil eye cast by a witch”.

In meetings with key informants, differences about the details of the traditions arose often. In the focus group at Villarino de los Aires, informants’ contributions involved complements to general ideas, known and supported by all. We noted that the information explaining the nature of the evil eye and the rituals and remedies used to prevent and treat it followed a similar line throughout the ARD. However, in all three aspects there are “zonal versions”. In Moral de Sayago, for example, the healing tradition includes a greater



number of religious elements (see narrations of experiences) while at Villarino de los Aires the people insist that they nearly always only use plant material.

Finally, to close this contribution, we should like to mention that those attending the group session, although they were people speaking only for themselves, can be considered representative of the rural community studied, at least for the above 55-60 year age bracket. In addition we emphasize that during the meeting new information arose and new data obtained in previous field work were obtained. This leads us to believe that there are still aspects and contents that have been preserved (deliberately or not) in the minds of the people and in the “stores” of their experiences, and that many rituals are still practiced in privacy based on previous knowledge or conviction, or “just in case” (in potentially harmful situations).

CONCLUSION In the Arribes del Duero area (Salamanca-Zamora, W Spain) a clear

relationship has been built up between popular religiosity, magic and the flora. The high diversity and abundance of preventive and curative methods against the evil eye (and witches) based on the use of certain plant species reflects the interaction of religion and magic. In this Spanish region, religion, magic and the traditional view of nature are “bodies” of individualized information in the group (or groups) and in people, depending on individual cases and circumstances. The sacred and the profane are mixed with no great theoretical or practical distinctions. Anthropologically, it may be proposed that facts and plants (in this case) are understood as complex units that also gather-integrate associated symbolisms. The traditional worldview determines the things communicated and the way to communicate them. In many areas of León, Zamora, Salamanca and Palencia similar ways of communicating (verbal and nonverbal) are seen (from outside), especially as regards certain facts, knowledge and experience. They can be seen as ways of speaking in a relatively “encrypted” fashion, understood only by local people or those who have had access to the keys to understanding. Unlike other zones studied in Spain, in the Arribes del Duero the plant component of rituals aimed at prevention and cure of the evil eye has been hugely important in our recent history, and largely persists. A total of 31 plant species were documented as preventive and/or curative remedies, most of them aromatic. Regarding protection, the use of profane amulets and plant elements characteristic of religious festivities (e.g., the blessed bunches of the Palm Sunday) is



remarkable. However, most of the preventive remedies and all of the curative rituals are based on plant-derived smoke. Twenty-two species (71%) are burned on Saint John’s Bonfire night as a preventive ritual, or as curative sahumerios. Similar to other Spanish areas, the choice of certain plant rituals is guided by local traditions and some people, as “living books”, have preserved knowledge of their use through oral transmission. This rural community also considers that plants have certain “abilities” (views as described by the associated symbolisms) beyond their physical, medical or pharmacological actions. The symbolic nature of these useful plant species is reinforced and strengthened in certain interactions such as the blessing of the bunches on Palm Sunday or their transformation into purifying smoke during St. John’s Bonfire. On the other hand, the power of the so-called syndromes of cultural nosology (the evil eye in this case), and the power of witches (who cause it) are attenuated by local-regional beliefs. The trust of the villagers in the plant rituals discussed here (religious, pagan, mixed) allows, for example, branches placed outside the houses or stables to protect its inhabitants for a long time.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors would like to thank the study participants for transmitting to

us their knowledge about the cultural heritage of their community.

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Reviewed by Dr. Manuel Pardo de Santayana, assistant professor of Botany (Department of Biology, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain), and Dr. Ángel B. Espina Barrio, professor of Social Anthropology (Department of Social Psychology and Anthropology, Universidad de Salamanca, Spain).



Chapter 3

SHAMANIC HEALING AND PSYCHOTHERAPY

Joanic Masson1, and Amal Bernoussi2**

1Assistant Professor of Psychology, psychotherapist, University of Picardie Jules Verne,

Amiens, France 2Assistant Professor of Psychology, psychotherapist,

University of Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens, France

ABSTRACT

The last decades have seen the return of shamanics healing in the Western world. This return originated in the seminal work of Mickael Harner (1990, 2013) whose investigations led him to identify several (certain) invariants which all together constitute what he decided to call the «core shamanism».

The «core shamanism» is not to be considered as neo shamanism, but incorporates the main traditional techniques in order to study, pass on and preserve those ancient practices (rituals).

60 to 80% of the occidental population regularly turns to so called alternative therapeutics (Michel, 2011). Disease is often seen as an existential crisis which finds no answer in traditional medicine. This need to «make sense», together with therapeutics failure of traditional medicine, sometimes focusing on symptoms only, leads a lot of people

Email: [email protected]. ** Email: [email protected].


Joanic Masson and Amal Bernoussi 116

turn to healers and sometimes shamans in order to journey into a personal evolution, a reorganization that could facilitate a positive evolution of the subjects. There is the confrontation of 2 logics, one rational and objectifying considering traditional medicine as a reference, and another symbolic where polysemy speaks the language of subconscious and myths.

We suggest within the framework of this chapter to introduce the shamanic cosmology together with the main healing principles. From a clinical situation, part of our research studies (support of young woman suffering from mourning issue) we show the relevance of these ancestral knowledge and question the possibility of integrating these new symbolic universes into our occidental psychotherapeutic arsenals.

1. INTRODUCTION In the last decades a return to shamanic practice has been observed in the

West (Diogène, 2003). This return has been facilitated by the works of the anthropologist Harner (1973, 1980, 2013) who, after having been taught different shamanic practices, studied in different continents how shamans work. From these many experiences, Harner was able to extract a number of invariants creating what he suggested naming «core-shamanism». Core-shamanism is not to be considered as neo-shamanism, but introduces the main traditional techniques to study, pass on and preserve those ancient practices. The «Foundation for Shamanic Studies» (FSS), founded by Harner, is an organisation which aims to be a platform in preservation, study and transmission of shamanism.

60 to 80% of people in the west resort to so-called alternative therapeutic practices (Michel, 2011). Illness is often experienced as an existential crisis for which medicine cannot find an answer. This need to make sense together with a lack of therapeutic options from medicine, which sometimes only focuses on symptoms, brings many people to turn to healers or sometimes shamans to progress in their personal development and enable the subjects to turn into their real selves. In the end, we can compare two logics: a rational and objectivising one referring to classic medicine, and, on the other hand, a symbolic logic where polysemy speaks the language of the unconscious and of myths.

From these two facts, a return to shamanic practice in the West and the evermore frequent recourse to so called alternative approaches, we were able to assess the efficiency of shamanic healing. Our study concentrated on the


Shamanic Healing and Psychotherapy 117

psychological level (psychopathologies) trying to connect our current knowledge in psychology and the shamanic vision, without giving more importance to one or the other epistemologically speaking. It is not about understanding shamanism in accordance to a psychological grid, but to better comply with these two points of view.

Our epistemological positioning is thus situated in the middle, not choosing one or the other explanation. In fact, nothing proves that nonordinary realities described in shamanism do not exist. Nothing contradicts the hypothesis of spirits existence. On the other hand, nothing proves it either. Respecting these symbolic universes which are tens of thousands of years old is therefore essential as it is an ancestral approach exclusively based on experience. Its long lasting shows a certain efficiency approved by those adhering and resorting to it. The second part of our research intends to comprehend what has been therapeutic during the shamanic healing(s) with both, in our case, shamanic and psychological readings. The final objective aims to ask about the benefits of shamanic practices in our society and the possibility of assimilating these into our western medical care.

Generally speaking, taking an interest in shamanic practices implies the development of what Harner (1980) calls «cognitive relativism», in the sense that the researcher has to bear in mind the relativity of his understanding of reality, of his cosmology, of his epistemological models which help him to think and produce scientific knowledge. Seeing further than our theoretical egocentricity and avoiding at all cost adhering to an «epistemological racism» (Narby, 1995) constitutes a scientific risk and an important key to a favourable opening to heuristic discoveries.

2. WHAT IS SHAMANISM? Originally, the word «shaman» is Russian, more precisely from Siberia

(Toungouse people, now called Evenk). Anthropologists have used this word to describe a group of traditional therapists (sorcerers, medicine-men, magicians, etc…) from different cultures. In its strict definition, the shaman is traditionally a person moving about, in trance until he burns out from exhaustion and passes out. This alteration of consciousness facilitates visions and allows the shaman to collect information from other realities. This visionary experience is perceived as a shamanic journey into another world which the alteration of consciousness («Shamanic State of Consciousness» (SSC), Harner, 1980, 2013) makes visible. The shaman is first of all a



practitioner of modified states of consciousness able to carry out spiritual work to maintain a balance between different realities («Ordinary Reality» and «Nonordinary Reality»). The word «shaman» then became a generic word to name people practicing more or less similar techniques. A second shared characteristic is being in touch with spirits and nature. Anything that exists in our reality is a spirit, or more precisely, anything that is in our reality is a spirit in another reality that the SSC («Shamanic State of Consciousness») allows to encounter. Shamanism is thus an animist practice which aims to work with spirits and to control them to come to an end whose aim is generally therapeutic. Harner (2013, p. 11) declares that a spirit is «an animate essence that has intelligence and different degrees of power, that is seen most easily in complete darkness and much less frequently in bright light, and in an altered state of consciousness better than an ordinary state». What makes the difference between the shaman and «a madman» is the capacity of the shaman to willingly control the process. He has, thanks to his experience, the capacity to open and close the «doors» separating the different realities. A small remark regarding this: Pr Flor-Henry’s Canadian team recently measured the EEG of the shaman Corine Sombrun, (initiated for nearly eight years in Mongolia) (Sombrun, 2002, 2004, 2007). Sombrun’s EEG while in a shamanic trance is similar to those of subjects presenting both a schizophrenic and a manic-depressive syndrome with the characteristic that the EEG returns to normal when the practitioner comes back to her ordinary state of consciousness (Le Monde des religions, 2012).

According to the shaman, the shamanic journey is a soul journey, an ecstasy allowing access to nonordinary reality (Castaneda, 2003), or more precisely to different nonordinary realities. Harner has indeed observed through his investigations that shamans describe more or less three «worlds» each with its own characteristics («three worlds cosmology», Huguelit, 2010, 2012), whatever their cultural origins the «Lower world» is a transcending world of natural energies which is not submitted to the laws of space and time. Shamans describe great natural landscapes. The spirits there are often represented as wild animals and sometimes deceased shamans who teach the practitioner. It is typically there that power animals live, but we will talk about this later. The «Middle world» represents the nonordinary aspect of our physical environment. Energies are numerous and thus blocks are frequent and a source of discomfort. Many kinds of positive or negative spirits can be found in this world (spirits of elements, trees, plants, etc…). It is a «business world» (Huguelit, 2011), meaning that the sprits have to be paid with, for example, offerings to benefit from their services or to avoid their anger. Witchcraft



happens precisely in this reality in between worlds. Finally, the «Upper world» is etheric and is not submitted to the laws of space and time. The spirits are generally spiritual guides (teachers) able to heal the shaman, give him spiritual teaching and answer existential questioning. According to some shamanic traditions, this world also contains dead people awaiting incarnation.

In SSC the practitioner has the possibility of going to these different nonordinary realities to carry out spiritual work. In order to experience the SSC, the shaman resorts to hallucinogenic plants (ayahuasca, iboga, mescaline, etc… (Chambon, 2009, Harner, 1973)), chanting, playing the drums or other types of percussion instruments. In core shamanism the drum is a «vehicle » opening the door to other worlds. The drum is indeed a stable tool which easily neutralises thoughts, bypassing the rational part and allowing the letting go. The drum works on the cerebral frequencies (Harner, 1980). Thanks to hemispherical synchronisation it makes the access to a modified state of consciousness easier. The second advantage is that it makes it easier to structure the ritual, as the shaman is not affected by the effects of hallucinogenic plant which could last for hours. A tempo of 205 to 220 beats per minute (4 to 7 cycles per second) generally allows someone to reach the SSC and ease the journey (magical flight).

The journey to the Lower world appears to be a first step in the learning of shamanic techniques. Here is what Harner (2011) says about it: «The shamanic journey is one of the most important tasks to be undertaken. The basic form of this journey, and the one usually easiest to learn, is the journey to the Lower world. To undertake this, a shaman typically has a special hole or entrance into the Lower world. This entrance exists in ordinary reality as well as in nonordinary reality. Entrances into the Lower world commonly lead down into a tunnel or tube that conveys the shaman to an exit, which opens out to bright and marvellous landscapes. From there the shaman travels wherever he desires for minutes or even hours, finally returning back up through the tube (henceforth called the Tunnel), to emerge at the surface, where he entered» (pp. 24-25).

The journeys, healings or other shamanic tasks are generally done with a «power animal» as well as «compassionate spirits»; these spirits specific to the Lower world take the appearance of an animal and become with time and practice real partners, and establish the «shamanic power». Emotional bonding is often described by practitioners. A shaman having shamanic powers is a shaman who often works with many spirits: «Without a guardian spirit it is virtually impossible to be a shaman for the shaman must have this strong, basic power source to cope with and master the nonordinary or spiritual



powers whose existence and actions are normally hidden from humans. The guardian spirit is often a power animal, a spiritual being that not only protects and serves the shaman, but becomes another identity or alter ego for him. The fact that a person has a guardian spirit does not in itself make him a shaman» (Harner, 2011, p.43). Helped by its power animal, the shaman finds himself protected in the ordinary reality and in the other worlds. For healing practice, the shaman asks the power animal to tell him the origin of the disorder and how to treat it. The true teaching is thus traditionally done by the spirits.

3. SHAMANIC AETIOLOGY OF DISORDERS The aetiology of illnesses rests universally upon two fundamental

representations (Michel, 2001): an excess of something or a flaw in something. We can find this same representation in shamanism: «Illnesses of the spirit only have two causes which are the complete opposite of each other. A person can go mad if his/her soul, or part of his/her soul is lost. This usually happens when his/her soul gets stolen. Sometimes however this person can unconsciously decide to get rid of it, maybe in exchange of something else. The second way of going mad is to be overcome by a stranger’s power» (Oumaï, Siberian shaman, in Kharitidi, 1998, pp. 211-212). The origin of illnesses and other problems is traditionally linked to a loss of power, a loss of a part of the soul, harmful intrusions or wandering souls (deceased) who have not managed to leave the lower world.

The aim of shamanism is to reinforce the soul, the strength, and the energy of the subject in order to achieve a healthy balance. A close relationship with our power animal partly guarantees this balance. Therefore, if a power animal leaves a person, this leads to progressive weakening and illness (Ingerman, 1991). This can cause chronicle health problems, chills (flu, etc…), depressive disorders, bad luck. The healing consists in retrieving the power animal. Death, traumatic situations or acts of witchcraft can lead to a partial loss of a soul. The person loses a part of him/herself and finds him/herself incomplete, weakened. The soul is not intact anymore or not completely embodied. The parts of lost soul can find themselves in the three worlds described earlier. On a psychological level, the following clinical signs can be found: dissociation, depressive disorders, addictions, feeling of emptiness and need to fill it, not feeling oneself (identity disorders). Let us add to this that a total loss of soul is manifested by a coma. The healing consists of soul retrieval. Finally, a harmful energy can take advantage of a weakening of the soul in order to



damage the subject. According to Harner (1980), clinically, physical pain, a temperature, signs of infection, contagious illnesses, tumours, etc… can be observed. The treatment proposed is shamanic extraction.

4. PRESENTATION OF THE MAIN TECHNIQUES OF HEALING IN CORE SHAMANISM

During a shamanic journey, the practitioner generally presents the

subject’s problem to his compassionate spirits and asks them for advice on the kind of healing to give. Shamanic practice attaches a lot of attention to the intention which, in a way, carries the work. This can be found in numerous psychotherapies such as hypnotherapy (Rossi, 1986, 2005) or EMDR (Shapiro, 2001), which will be addressed later in our reflections on therapeutics involved. The main shamanic healings proposed in core-shamanism are: power animal retrieval, soul retrieval, spirit-intrusion extraction, and psychopomp work. This list is far from complete as the spirits can offer all kinds of proceedings: working with plants, elements, spirits from the Middle world (trees, spirits of the places, etc…).

Soul and Animal Retrieval Helped by his power animal, the shamanic practitioner goes to non-

ordinary reality to look for the power animal of the subject needing retrieval. Once found, the spirit is blown into the body of the subject, usually into the chest and the top of the head. The subject frequently describes visions occurring during the retrieval, the power animal often appearing spontaneously. It is important for the subject to maintain good relations with his/her power animal in order to avoid another loss of power.

Soul Retrieval During a shamanic journey, the practitioner asks his power animal (or his

specific compassionate spirit) to take him to the place where the patient’s «piece of lost soul» is. After negotiating with this power animal or spirit, the shaman blows it into the body of the subject, usually in the same way as for



the retrieval of a power animal. Usually, the shaman is told the reasons for the loss of the soul (form of divination during the journey when the practitioner perceives certain events/memories of the patient which are responsible for the problem).

Shamanic Extraction The power animal (or the specific animal ally) shows the shaman the

presence of intrusions in the subject. Protected by his animal and other compassionate spirits, the shaman sucks up, sucks on the part of the body concerned by the intrusion to extract it. The shamanic extraction can also be done by hand or via a spirit which does the work.

Psychopomp Work During his journey the shaman negotiates with the spirit of the deceased to

convince them to leave the Middle world. The practitioner (or a compassionate spirit) then takes them to the world of the dead to free the subject. Soul retrieval is often needed as well, as a piece of soul could be kept by the spirit of the deceased.

Working with the Middle World Depending on the case, Shamanic work can be done with spirits belonging

to the Middle world, that is working with plants, stones, or the four elements (fire, water, earth, air) using rituals often dictated by spirits.

A shamanic healing can use several different techniques. Extractions can be followed by several retrievals in a same session. Choosing this or that technique is dictated by the power animal which makes the practitioner understand the origin of the problem to solve and how to treat it. The shaman always leaves it to his power animal and lets himself be guided by it. The practitioner does not have any curative power; he only is an intermediary, a mediator between our world and the world of spirits and ours.



5. CLINICAL VIGNETTE: SHAMANIC APPROACH TO A MOURNING ISSUE

Ms D. takes part in our study; her shamanic experience can be found here

below. The idea is to show the changes induced by two healings in the case of mourning.

Aged 25, Ms D. is of high socio-professional class. Born into a rural family she consults following the death of her father, who committed suicide following a quarrel with one of his sons nearly six months ago. Informed of the tragedy by telephone while at work, she quickly went to the family home. When she arrived, the emergency services and the police were already present, her father lying on the ground under a white sheet, in a pool of blood.

During the first session, Ms D. shows great distress (sadness, over-whelming anxiety). Sleep is greatly disturbed by nightmares or flashbacks of the scene, suggesting psycho-traumatic issues. With the subject we agree to work using EMDR to treat the traumatic experience expressed by a clear and fixed mnesic picture, dysphoric emotions (sadness, guilt, anger) as well as numerous physical symptoms (chest tightness, anxiety in the stomach, tension in the throat). Two consultations using EMDR improved the traumatic issue, according to EMDR criteria (Shapiro, 2001): the disappearance of psychic suffering linked to the memory, alteration of personal beliefs relating to the tragedy, disappearance of the sensory images of the memory to the benefit of a more semantic memory. Ms D. contacts us again a year later. No return of psycho traumatic aspects is observed but a great suffering linked to the absence of the father: great sadness, anxiety, inner sense of emptiness, exhaustion/asthenia, marked psychomotor retardation. Ms D. cannot accept the death of her father, refuses his absence and describes a feeling of loss of vitality. We thus find ourselves yet again with an anxio-depressive disorder together with an underlying bereavement issues.

We offer the subject the opportunity to participate in our study assessing the effectiveness of shamanic healing. The subject is not familiar with this traditional practice which she has heard about from friends. She expects something magical from the healing, a quick recovery from her suffering which would spare her remembering sessions, to use her words. During the preliminary session aiming to assess the situation, on a scale of 0 to 10, Ms D. gave a score of 10 to the intensity of her suffering. She wishes to stop mourning, «to stop crying whenever she thinks of her father», to find a new «joie de vivre» and good quality sleep. An assessment of self esteem is made



using Coopersmith’s (1981) Self-Esteem Inventory (SEI) and shows deterioration on a professional and family level.

Both healing sessions described below were carried out by a shamanic practitioner who had trained with the «Foundation for Shamanic Studies».

5.1. Report of the First Shamanic Healing

«At first, time is taken for drumming for conditioning purposes. After a few minutes of drumming, my power animal presents itself to me. My state of consciousness quickly changes. I feel myself being taken by the wind into the forest… suddenly I sense teeth, an animal’s mouth; it appears aggressive. It growls; I notice drool coming from its mouth. My power animal is by my side, as is my shamanic extraction specialist. Following this small shamanic journey, I feel that different healing sessions will be needed; I do not know more at that time. I shortly explain this to Ms D. and proceed to the healing. The drum modifies my consciousness and perceptions. I am knelt down by the subject’s side. My lips start to chant; comforting sounds similar to the sound of the wind in the trees and Amerindian chanting accompany me on my journey. My power animal is lying down next to me. I question him and ask what I should do to help Ms D. I quickly sense two beings by her side; a man sitting down and an old woman behind him. I sense the presence of the deceased father and probably his mother or grandmother by his side. I can see her wearing a sleeveless blueish apron. I ask them why they are here. They are here to help, to watch over the subject. She needs them; thus they are here for her. My compassionate spirit specialising in death is by our side, showing me that the psychopomp work can start. I ask both presences to leave, to let their child go, to free her and help her achieve fulfilment. They do so and I see them rise and leave.

I chant again to thank them and wait to see if my work is done… A few minutes, maybe less, go pass. A wolf with mostly white fur comes to me; I recognise its mouth and fangs which I had seen earlier. This spirit seems calmer now, less aggressive. It is one of Ms D.’s compassionate spirits. It looks pleased that both parents have gone, they were blocking her in her development while meaning to help her in her day to day life. I proceed to a retrieval of this spirit and blow it both into the subject’s stomach and top of her head to unite them and reinforce the shamanic contribution of this wolf to the subject. A dark black mass in the subject’s chest attracts my attention. It is sadness, sorrow. I proceed with an



extraction with my mouth and ask my spirit specialist in extractions if this is enough. I understand that I cannot take it all out but that it is enough for now. I feel that the work is not over. I play the drum and chant for the spirits to help me. I ask the spirits of nature to support the subject, help her in her blossoming. A big spider comes out of her chest. The wolf kills and eats it… A few other spiders continue to come out of the subject’s chest. Her pain is coming out. The wolf removes them as they come. I understand that it will now be there to help her recover from her suffering. The dark mass has nearly disappeared.

I play the drums and chant to thank the spirits for their help. My power animal is lying down by my side, like a big cat peacefully sleeping on a sofa in front of the fire. The wolf is by the subject’s side, its mouth resting on her left shoulder. Her parents are in the Upper world and watch over her in the distance. The wolf will now take over from them. I end the journey to speak to Ms D». Following the shamanic healing, we proceed to a first assessment with Ms

D. She does not describe any real awareness after the healing and has not learned anything new concerning the aetiology of her unhappiness other than her deceased grand mother’s «presence»: «the practitioner told me he sucked up tarantulas which represented an intrusion in my body. They represented darkness. There was a wolf by me to protect me, as well as my father and grand mother, both deceased». When asked «what surprised you the most during the healing?», Ms D. answered that the practioner’s description of her grandmother surprised her as she hadn’t known that she could still be «present». On a more experiential level, the subject felt very sad during the healing, felt intense shivers throughout her body as well as a feeling as though «something was going through her» during the power animal recovery. These feelings seem to affect her in the sense that it gives credit to the healing. However, she has a feeling of emptiness ever since, as well as a deep growing sadness. Her suffering is not combined with anguish as it was, but appears more like depression: sadness, a feeling of emptiness, psychomotor retardation. Paradoxically, she has doubts concerning the effectiveness of the healing while remaining enthusiastic about the idea of it having a possible effect on her. At her request, a second healing session is planned three weeks later due to her continued suffering.



5.2. Report of the Second Shamanic Healing

«At the sound of the drum I proceed on an exploratory shamanic journey searching for lost parts of soul. I quickly see my subject standing in a farmyard. She’s standing, petrified. The house is about 50m away from her. On her left, a man is lying down on the ground under a white sheet. I see the subject in her car, panicking, driving towards the family house, then again in the farmyard, petrified, looking at her deceased father… My compassionate spirit prompts me to go up towards the Upper world… I pass through a thick dark, unpleasant cloud. She is there, stuck in the cloud. I understand straight away that a piece of Ms D.’s soul tried unsuccessfully to catch up with her father following the psychopomp work three weeks ago. She is stuck between two worlds, lost… Finally, I see a baby in bed, probably under a year old. She sleeps peacefully then cries, frightened.

I quickly describe what I have seen to the subject and tell her that three parts of soul have to be found. She is willing to go through with the retrieval.

I start my new shamanic journey after calling upon the spirits of the six directions. My Upper world guide tells me to believe in myself and to carry out the retrieval work serenely.

My spirit specialising in retrievals tells me to look at the subject’s body before starting the healing. I see a huge breach starting from the top of her chest down to her lower stomach. Her body is as though it was open from the whole length of it. I see something like a yellow light pouring out of her body, which is gradually losing its energy. The integrity is badly affected. I seek my spirit to ask what has to be done. It tells me we will take care of this later.

I am once again in the farmyard, next to the subject who is still petrified. I talk to her; she does not seem to hear and stays still, looking at the scene. I go on talking to her and after a while she turns her head in my direction. I explain to her that her father is dead, that he is not part of our world anymore, that she has to keep on living and find her soul. She accepts after a few minutes of stillness… I hold out the crystal in my left hand. I play the rattle with my right hand and wait. It takes a few minutes before her body disappears from the farmyard and I can feel warmth in the crystal.

I go and look for the second part of soul and find myself in a thick, grey cloud, slightly distressing. I explain to her that she cannot be reunited with her father, that her life must go on in her body with the rest of her soul. Reassured, she agrees to follow me and condenses into the



stone. Her father is in the distance and addresses me a wink which I take as thanks…

I am now in front of the baby’s bed. I lose my balance and fall on my left side. She sleeps peacefully. I see a wasp in the bed, stinging her. She cries and looks frightened. I take this tiny part of soul which also condenses into the quartz.

Helped by my rattle, I open up the subject’s body, above the breach mentioned earlier. I place the stone on her stomach and blow the parts of soul into her body. My hand is on the crystal, I let the soul rebuild itself and lay the subject’s hands onto the stone on her stomach.

I then play the rattle, turning my attention to her body. A few minutes go by before I see her body slowly closing up. A fountain of clear water, blue and cool then springs up… Life is taking over.

My guide from the Upper world encourages me to request help from the spirits of nature on the subject in her recovery process. I thank him for his good advice and finish the healing.

During the whole process many animals came forward: wolves, elephants, butterflies, snakes, crocodiles, lizards». We had set our second evaluation nearly two months after the healing to

give it time and to better apprehend its possible effects. Ten days after the second shamanic ceremony, Ms D. sent us an e-mail which can be found here below:

«All I can tell you is that I felt myself come back to life for four to

five days; it had been a while since this had happened to me… But is it not the unconscious? Have I not drawn on resources which I ignored the existence of? I’m asking myself these questions as since Thursday morning (a week later), I find myself overwhelmed once again with sadness, the constant need to talk about my father, to think about him, and above all, this feeling of deep sadness… Of course I feel I keep repeating myself, wearing people out with all this, but I feel alone in my pain and stuck, afraid it will always be that way… which I refuse, I am determined to feel better, to forget if necessary (I could not imagine I would say that one day!) but I need to go on; it is becoming too heavy a weight to carry. Do you feel able to help me? Is there a way out or will I have to live with this suffering my whole life?» This message shows the start of a change. The temporary improvement is

a precursory sign of what is possible for her as well as of her difficulty to let



go. We will see this notion in the last part of this chapter. The shamanic healing seems to have allowed the start of a change, of a grieving process that the subject has to and can go through. The shamanic healing does not always allow «the» recovery but often invites the subject to take control, become independent and go on with life. Shamanism is not a magical practice or a short cut for the subject. On the contrary, it aims to restore the subject’s integrity and his capacity to find a balance (Huguelit, 2011). There is still a long way to go but it now seems this will be possible as the subject was able to feel peace, even if it was only for a few days. Besides, in her e-mail she talks about resources of which she ignored the existence and her determination to turn over a new leaf, to stop thinking about her father.

We meet Ms D. again nearly to two months after the second shamanic healing. The subject now feels fine. Peace came very progressively over a period of two weeks: she stopped feeling sad even when talking about her father, she experienced good quality sleep whereas following her father’s death she used to wake up in anguish, she experienced the feeling of being alive and of enjoying life again, and she lost the feeling of emptiness. The intensity of the suffering is now rated at 1 on a subjective scale of 0 to 10 whereas it was at 10 three months ago. Two months after the second healing the SEI shows a return of self esteem even though defensive elements are in place.

6. SHAMANIC LOOK AT THE THERAPEUTICS INVOLVED Traditionally, and it is also the case in core-shamanism developed by

Harner (2013), the healing and its effects do not originate from the shaman. The effects are due to the spirits’ intervention. The spirits are often entities which are naturally sensitive to human suffering and always ready to help if asked. The shaman is therefore the intermediary between the different worlds and seeks advice from his allies to find out the origin of the subject’s suffering. His spirits then let him know what type of healing to give, which can either be carried out by the shaman (always helped and guided by his allies), directly by the spirits or sometimes by the consultant him/herself, who may be required to accomplish a ritual act to restore his/her balance.

The first task with Ms D. is to guide both deceased entities into the «world of the dead» in order to free her from this link with death which «pollutes» her daily life. It is a matter of accompanying the deceased to the hereafter. The term used is «psychopomp», «psycho» referring to the soul, «pomp» to



guidance. In shamanism, the souls choosing to stay in the Middle world are traditionally either «ethnocentric spirits» (Harner, 2013), ancestors supporting their descendants as long as they are honoured by them, or spirits of deceased people blocked there for different reasons. Psychopomp work is useful when these spirits adversely affect the life of the living and the ultimate goal of the ceremony is to relieve the consultant and not to dialogue with the deceased.

In order to fill in the feeling of emptiness which could be created by psychopomp work, compassionate spirit retrieval aims to reinforce the subject’s inner balance and help him face up to his suffering. According to Harner (2013), restoring the link with the power animal avoids big health issues or harmful events. It is like strengthening an «energetic immune system» which will protect the person and help them recover their balance.

The next step in our first healing concentrates on an intrusion in the chest. The extraction is done by the shamanic practitioner and appears to be reinforced by Ms D.’s power animal, showing its role of repairing agent and its status of power animal. It must be noted that the intrusion took the form of a spider; in shamanic terms this is a spirit which in the ordinary world is reflected as sorrow and muscular tension. We note once again the animist shamanic vision: all is spirit.

Moreover, the end of the first healing indicates that the work is not over as some intrusion remains in the chest. Time is a vital resource in shamanism and shows once again that nothing is spontaneous. The practitioner as well as the consultant must not sustain magical thoughts. Shamanic healing does not always solve the problem but facilitates a therapeutic dynamic, giving the consultant who has retrieved a certain integrity the possibility of rebuilding him/herself.

The second healing starts with a divination journey to identify the parts of lost soul. Three parts seem to be outside of Ms D., evidence of traumatic experiences: an insect bite, the death of her father, psychopomp work. Despite its therapeutic effect (breaking the link with the descendants), the first shamanic healing activated the need for Ms D. to cling on to her father, as well as her difficulty in accepting her loss, and to go on living. The difficulty in letting go filters through here: a part of the soul is lost and stuck between the world of the living and the world of the dead.

With time, soul retrievals allow a strengthening of the integrity of the subject and restore the limits between her and the worlds. It will take a few minutes for Ms D.’s body to close up.



7. PSYCHOLOGICAL LOOK AT THE THERAPEUTICS INVOLVED

7.1. The Ritual, Symbolic Place for Change Shamanic healing can be considered as a therapeutic tool composed of

praxis (gestures, movements, attitudes, know-how) aiming for effective transformation of the individual through specific codified procedural constraints. The shaman assures an «apostolic» function (Palazzolo, 2009) in the sense that he believes in the therapeutic impact of the healing and more or less expects the «sick» consultant to adhere to the procedure in order to recover. This ritualised practice is codified like a technology which generally governs a practice of trance. A trance is actually a traditional act which creates change. Some of these modified states of consciousness can be socially defined and recognised whereas others are spontaneous and independent of social and cultural norms (Michaux 1995). The many induction modes as well as the socio-cultural contexts contribute to the multiplicity of subjective experiences and behaviour that can be observed. This can be seen in reaching the «Shamanic State of Consciousness» through playing the drums, rattles, jew’s harp, chanting or consuming hallucinogen plants.

A trance shows psychobiological plasticity in that the usual functioning of the subject can be modified in certain circumstances and adopt a new organisation. Rouget (1980) identifies four characteristics indicating a trance. The subject is in an unusual state; his conscience is modified, even absent (1). Neurophysiologic manifestations such as shaking, catalepsy, lethargy, etc… make the changes occurring visible (2). The relation to the environment is altered (3). Finally, a heightening of some faculties can be observed (pain tolerance, knowledge of previously unknown languages, etc.) (4). This definition of a trance shows that human faculties are necessarily intensified. However, some authors like Harner (2013) contradict this: « The SSC has differing intensities, from light to deep, and can have different effects, particularly if a properly prepared powerful hallucinogen like ayahuasca (yagé) is used » (p. 43). The practitioners of shamanism using drums describe many states of consciousness, deeper or lighter, permitting access to visions of other realities but without the characteristics described by Rouget. It is also possible to think that the cultural context plays a structuring role which could strengthen the effectiveness of the ritual and more or less organise the trance and its intensity. Depending on the country of the shaman, the typology of



each cultural niche, the customs, and the more or less esoteric symbolic universes participate in the ritual. Constants can however be found wherever it is practiced. Chambon (2009) differentiates an internal framework revolving around the preparation of the recipient and an external framework composed of the shaman and the immediate environment surrounding the ceremony. This organisation facilitates a secured access to «unknown worlds». Going through to the other world leads to an identity shock which can in extreme cases lead to a destructuring of the subject or psychotic decompensation. It is to avoid or to better control this risk that the ritual, coded with specific technical meaning, has to be respected to the letter. It has to be structured into stages conscientiously elaborated and thought out to guide the practitioner as well as possible in his exploration of the invisible worlds, the world of spirits. Chanting and rhythmic music are generally used to that effect. The importance of the procedural constraints and their respect makes the dispositive effective and encourages a reorganisation of the subject on three levels: organic, psychological and cultural.

The aim of the shamanic journey is thus to help the individual to be in harmony with his environment; it is in this sense a therapeutic approach aiming to recreate the integrity of the subject by getting back in touch with the natural world from which we come. To do so, trances help to access information from other worlds created by energy, or spirits. The practitioner aims to transform his existence which will necessitate a better understanding of what makes him a human being linked to the natural world and the «supra-natural». It is not about, as one may think at first, a simple psychological transformation or a simple lessening of the suffering that the subject can endure in his daily life. The intention is much bigger and radical: a metamorphosis of the individual is intended, to the point of being an integral part of the new reality he is discovering. The characteristics of personal identity and the reference framework of the subject are radically changed. This metamorphosis is like a «symbolic death», another constant in any effective ritual, during which identity facets disappear in an identity change.

The consultant finds himself caught up in a ritual where he will be immerged into a symbolic universe, which is the background for this dynamic. As underlined by Ingerman (2012, p. 128), «the ritual is an essential element of the whole healing process, whether the practitioner is wearing a white coat and a stethoscope or feathers and war paint. Anything which is physical profoundly marks the unconscious, meaning that the acts as such have little importance compared to the fact that they exist and come from the heart». The shamanic ceremony allows communication between man and nature, between



man who is often cut off from his roots, separated from his animal side, which is in fact his very essence. The consultant is thus invited to abandon him/herself to the experience in order to go through this transforming moment. He is invited to let himself be carried by the spirits’ work which the shaman represents. He is invited to let go.

7.2. Letting Go and Therapeutic Movement Abandoning oneself to this experience while hoping for an improvement

in one’s condition implies giving up the struggle. The consultant has to stop the struggle against himself. He has to break off all the strategies set up until now to get better, strategies which often only foster the suffering. For Roustang (2006), it is all about introducing the subject to another form of vigilance which is favourable to a reorganisation of the consultant’s existence. The healing treatment with its whole symbolic universe takes the subject from a «restrained» perception (usual vigilance based on customary dualist points of reference subject to conscience, space and time) to another wider perception of a holistic nature (immediate sensoriality with undetermined sensorial modality). The first perception is discontinuous and partial, and in order to work, needs to remove the perceived object from its context. It is through this differentiation that the individual comprehends his environment as well as his own functioning, whether it be physical or mental (for example: «I am aware of pain in my knee», «I have been sad since the death of my father»). The other perception that the experience allows to comprehend is more implicit. It corresponds with the first perceptive mode experienced by a child from birth, a sensoriality which existed before understanding. As underlined by Stern (2004), who first spoke of the notion of «primary consciousness», it is a perceptive mode linked to a primitive consciousness allowing a global comprehension of the external and physical environment of the child to the point that the baby can taste a smell, hear a colour, etc… (indeterminacy of sensorial modalities). This surrender of self especially happens through body contact between the shaman and the consultant, the absence of speech, as well as a lack of obligation of self control.

Letting go requires silencing the natural need for control and authorising ourselves to plunge into an unknown experience despite feelings of anxiety, fear and confusion. We understand this dynamic as an active participation of the subject in a holistic experience, while keeping the status of observer without worrying about controlling this experience. This dynamic process is



dissociative and provides the opportunity for a possible re-association. The possibility of becoming the observer of our own experience, of being able to take what comes from inside ourselves, to accept what we continually push away, represents an opportunity to integrate, reorganise and calm ourselves. To do so, in shamanic practice, the shaman must be sufficiently present and comforting, to guide and avoid any psychological breakdown. The relationship with the other person preserves the consultant from madness, thanks to common anchoring. Letting go is often experienced as a distressing moment as letting go is to open ourselves to invasion, it means taking a risk, the risk of not being able to protect ourselves from what is coming out of our self, hence the important part played by the person already initiated.

This clearly raises the question of trust. For a therapy to be effective, the practitioner has to believe in his technique of trustbuilding with his patient. A consensus about the technique used is therefore necessary. The technique must be known and recognised; it must be found in specialised and/or scientific magazines and be practiced. Being part of the world of those who have been initiated, or even healed, forms an implicit but strong therapeutic vehicle. In other words, what is said about the procedure must tell a truth or act as truth.

Trust in the achievement of the healing process is based on the need to rely on something inexpressible. By participating in the shamanic healing ritual, we call upon a third party, a new intentionality which is beyond our control. We ask the patient to trust something unknown within him (the unconscious, knowledge, psychic resources, etc.) or externally (power attributed to the therapist/shaman or to the spirits). Trust thus takes its energy from a place within ourselves, which is otherwise unreachable, a part of the psyche or of the body where potentials can develop. Like the shaman, the psychotherapist inspires a movement which fosters change in his patient. The subject allows himself to be carried by the field of forces proposed. This dynamic is often implicit and aims to create a new reality for the subject, or even a reassessment of identity which can be therapeutic.

CONCLUSION Western culture gives an essential role to reason, to that which is

objective. As a result, to a certain extent, shamanic practice shakes our certitudes, our vision of reality and view of healing. Cognitive relativism, dear to Harner (1980), makes the clinician-scientist confront anomality (Kuhn, 2012). Science is based on a vision of reality, a general consensus which



defines what appears as «normal science». Shamanic experiences are abnormalities in this movement in that the phenomena observed cannot be completely explained by our current models and our limited view of the world. An anomalous experience is thus a non-ordinary experience, which is not part of the cultural list of what is accepted and conceivable. To Huguelit (2012), a shaman, what is objective is what is perceived, and what is real is what works. Thus Shamanisms which are over 30, 000 years old according to anthropologists (Narby, 1995) are evidence of a certain degree of effectiveness as even today, many people even from the west, cross the Atlantic to be initiated into the mysteries of nature or to be healed by shamanic plants. This anomalous practice which is shamanism therefore leads us to think of a new paradigm with a new view of reality. For the researcher, this implies becoming more flexible regarding his own beliefs, taking risks, in particular that of not being understood or of being rejected by his scientist peers. This change in beliefs of what is true or false must be based on facts and only facts, and this constitutes the principle of what is science itself, as underlined by the anthropologist Narby (1995) «practice is the most advanced form of theory».

REFERENCES

Castaneda, C. Teachings of Don Juan: A Yaqui way of knowledge. New York: Simon & Schuster; 2003.

Chambon, O. La médecine psychédélique. Le pouvoir thérapeutique des hallucinogènes. Paris: Les Arènes; 2009.

Coopersmith, S. Self Esteem Inventory. Paris: Centre de psychologie appliquée; 1984.

Diogène. Chamanismes. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France; 2003. Harner, M. Cave and cosmos: Shamanic encounters with another reality.

Berkeley: North Atlantic Books; 2013. Harner, M. Hallucinogens and Shamanism. New York: Oxford University

Press; 1973. Harner, M. The way of the chaman. New Yprk: HarperCollins; 2011. Harner, M. The way of the shaman: A guide to power and healing. New York:

Harper & Row Publishers; 1980. Huguelit, L. La voie du chamane. Séminaire de base en chamanisme de la

FSS. Boffres, France; nov. 2011. Huguelit, L. Les Huit circuits de conscience. Chamanisme cybernétique &

pouvoir créateur. Paris: Mama Editions; 2012.



Huguelit, L., & Chambon, O. (2010). Le chamane et le psy. Un dialogue entre deux mondes. Paris: Mama éditions.

Ingerman, S. S’éveiller au monde de l’esprit. Paris: Véga; 2012. Ingerman, S. Soul Retrieval: Mending the fragmented self. San Francisco:

Harper; 1991. Kharitidi, O. La chamane blanche: L’initiation d’une psychiatre à la médecine

traditionnelle des âmes. Paris: Albin Michel; 1998. Kuhn, TS. The structure of scientific revolutions: 50th anniversary edition.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 2012. Michaux, D. Formes d’hypnose et formes de transe. In: Michaux, D. La transe

et l’hypnose. Paris: Imago; 1995. 310. Michel, D. Chamans, guérisseurs, médiums, au delà de la science, les pouvoirs

de guérison. Paris: Favre éditions; 2011. Narby, J. Le serpent cosmique, l’ADN et les origines du savoir. Genève:

Georg Editeur; 1995. Palazzolo, J. Avant-propos. In: Baud, J., & Midol, N. La conscience dans tous

ses états. Approches anthropologiques et psychiatriques: cultures et thérapies. Issy-les-Moulineaux: Masson; 2009; 164.

Rossi, EL. Cinq essais de génomique psychosociale. Encinatas: Trance-lations; 2005.

Rossi, EL. The psychobiology of mind-body healing: new concepts of therapeutic hypnosis. New York: Norton & Co.; 1994.

Rouget, G. La musique et la transe: esquisse d’une théorie générale des relations de la musique et de la possession. Paris: Gallimard; 1980.

Roustang, F. Savoir attendre pour que la vie change. Paris: Odile Jacob; 2006. Shapiro, F. Eye Movement Desensitization and reprocessing EMDR: Basic

principles, protocoles, and procedures. New York: Guilford Publications; 2001.

Sombrun, C. Journal d’une apprentie chamane. Paris: Albin Michel; 2002. Sombrun, C. L’exploratrice de la transe chamanique. Le Monde des Religions,

Jan/Feb 2012, 32-35. Sombrun, C. Les tribulations d’une chamane à Paris. Paris: Albin Michel;

2007. Sombrun, C. Mon initiation chez les chamanes. Paris: Albin Michel; 2004. Stern, DN. Le moment présent en psychothérapie. Un monde dans un grain de

sable. Paris: Odile Jacob; 2004.



Chapter 4

PRO-SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF RITUAL

INVOLVEMENT TO EARLY ADOLESCENTS

Chan-kiu Cheung City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong

ABSTRACT

Ritual has been evolving and consolidating with the development of many civilizations. Notably, emphasis on ritual is notably a representative feature of Chinese civilization. In view of the longstanding emphasis, ritual is likely to be functional to the thriving of society and its members. However, the functions of ritual are empirically uncharted and are dubious in that ritual appears to be traditional and even outdated. In addition, involvement in ritual can be costly, time-consuming, and contrary to the individual’s interest in freedom. Thus, empirical evalu-ation of the functions of ritual is imperative. Critical to the individual, functions in sustaining socio-emotional functioning are pertinent to the evaluation. For such an evaluation, the study collected survey data from 1,788 early adolescents in Hong Kong, China. Results of the study reveal that the adolescent’s involvement in collective ritual activity for national cause exhibited positive relationships with adolescent’s resilience, coop-eration, and helping. Conversely, the involvement maintained negative relationships with stress, suffering, and the crisis experienced by the adolescent. In this connection, the ritual activity covered sport, volunteering, training camps, sermons, carnivals, and concerts.


Chan-kiu Cheung 138

These findings purport that ritual, which is collective and nation-alistic, has socio-emotional functions to early adolescents. Essentially, these functions are justified by interaction ritual chain theory.

Ritual is an established practice that involves people to perform in a routinized for a socially relevant cause, such as a religious one (Marshall 2002; Seeman 2004). The established property means that ritual follows a tradition. This traditional property is likely to make ritual obsolete or inappropriate for modern times. Its risk of being obsolete tends to cast doubt on the value of its preservation. This doubt raises a need for research to examine the value of ritual for people, notably the younger generation. While the value of ritual may subside among the younger generation, it may be particularly salient to younger people (Peleg-Popko and Dar 2002). This registers an inconsistency for research to address. The value of ritual concerned is in some expected pro-social functions, comprising cooperation, affiliation, and resilience, as opposed to adversity, suffering, and distress (Seeman 2004). These functions are the traditional merit of ritual for people and younger ones especially as a way of socialization or preparation of social living (Peleg-Popko and Dar 2002). In clarifying the modern value of ritual, it is necessary to distinguish the value from that of religion, due to common overlap between them. Essentially, ritual is not necessarily religious. Rather, ritual can happen in everyday life through social interaction. The daily presence of ritual makes the cause for interaction ritual, such that ritual prevails in and involve in collective activity, such as a concert or carnival. In this connection, interaction ritual chain theory would be pertinent to the formulation of a framework for understanding the functions of ritual (Collins 2004a). Nevertheless, as empirical evidence for the functions is scarce, the present study is required to glean research findings to shed light on the framework for young people in the Chinese context of Hong Kong.

To be feasible and relevant for the study, the young person’s involvement in ritual is the input variable concerned. Such ritual refers to interaction ritual or collective ritual in sport, volunteer work, adventure activity, religious activity, a carnival, or concert, which are common in young people (Dekker et al. 2003; Morrissey 2008). Ritual operates in such activity through patterned, repetitive, synchronous, and interactive practice (Hagan and Bryant 2003). In addition, ritual carries copious cultural or symbolic meaning for entertainment, artistic, and other social activity (Thomas 2001). Such patterns and meaning engender rhythm, emotions, collection action, and common focus, as on some spectacles in ritual. All these features function to boost effervescence in participants to maintain their norms and cohesion. Ritual, however routinized or dull, may be particularly instrumental to young people in order to cultivate their order, discipline, adherence, and allegiance and to reduce their fear and senses of insecurity, chaos, and anomie (Peleg-Popko and Dar 2002).


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As such, ritual performs a socialization function to normalize and stabilize young people’s social life. As such, ritual conveys social norms through its patterned practice to shape young people’s orderly conduct.

Cooperation, affiliation, and resilience represent some pro-social or salutary performances, whereas adversity, suffering, and distress are the reverse of the performances (Batson and Moran 1999). First, cooperation means the promotion of well-being for people involved. It would involve some sacrifice of a person for the benefit of the all the people. Cooperation is valuable because of its evolutionary value for the longevity of the human species (Sanderson 2001). This value rests on the merit that people who cooperate can achieve something with reasonable effort. For young people, cooperation would happen with family, classmates, teachers, neighbors, and others to generate mutual benefits to all the people involved. Second, affiliation means maintaining a close relationship with others. It can happen through helping, consoling, consulting, as well as greeting others, in social some favorable gestures. Affiliation represents a basis for social cohesion to uphold social well-being (Dickes et al. 2010). More than this, affiliation is likely to bolster economic growth through investment, cooperation, and reduction in transaction cost (Berger-Schmitt 2002; Stanley and Smeltzer 2003). Affiliation is also helpful to sustain political stability or order (Berger-Schmitt 2002; Maloutas and Maloutas 2004). Meanwhile, affiliation is in need of restoration because of the retrenchment of social welfare, shrinking of state support, and the loss or decline of the community (Forrest and Kearns 2001; Lawler et al. 2009; McDaniel 2003). The emergence of radicalism and extremism also invokes the need for the restoration (Husband and Alam 2011). Furthermore, increasing inequality in society would require the elevation of affiliation to mitigate the stress of inequality (Duhaime et al. 2004; Maloutas and Maloutas 2004). To the young person, affiliation is crucial to establish attachment for procuring a secure base for the person to develop (Imamoglu 2003). Affiliation is vital because of its relief of social exclusion, which is calamitous to the young person (Coles et al. 2000). Third, resilience means adjustment in the face of risk (Lengua 2002). Essentially, resilience is a state of response, rather than an ingrained trait (Luthar et al. 2000; Rutter 1999). Resilience is valuable for the young person to achieve growth in a positive way (Brendtro and Larson 2004). The growth notably entails courage, belonging, mastery, independence, generosity, attachment, achievement, autonomy, and altruism, which are all pro-social virtues. Meanwhile, safeguarding the young person’s resilience is required in face of ubiquitous stress and adversity afflicting the person (Rutter 1999). Resilience has demonstrated its contributions to the young person’s well-being, life satisfaction, and self-esteem (Shek 2004). The reverse of resilience is adversity, suffering, and distress, all manifesting some socially undesirable conditions.


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Adversity is likely beca8use of structural change in society (Byrne and Mazanov 2002). It can happen in the young person’s academic, social, and family domains (Chapman and Hayslip 2005). Adversity has shown its harm to the young person’s identity (Strauser et al. 2006). Suffering in the young person is clearly dysfunctional (Williamson and Schulz 1992). It can lead the young person to a state of learned helplessness. Besides, distress is a common malaise in the young person (Ostberg 2003). It arises from change, transition, and stress, which are prevalent in young age (Gerard and Buehler 2004).

RITUAL IN THE CHINESE CONTEXT This study focuses on ritual in Hong Kong where Chinese tradition

applies. Ritual has been paramount in Chinese tradition, remarkably pertaining to Confucian or Scholastic teachings (Bockover 2012; Lin 1988; Wong 2012). In this case, Confucianism or Scholarism may count as a religion without god and sacredness, as it respects nature or heaven as the legitimate way of life, which nevertheless imposes few sanctions or constraints on people. As such, Scholarism denies any supernatural power and puts the emphasis on people’s self-cultivation.

Anyway, ritual under the guidance of Scholarism is to instill in its practice awe or reverence for Scholastic tenets (Curzer 2012). Ritual, inevitably, also performs a controlling role to boost people’s compliance with the tenets (Lin 1988). The boosting endeavors to set examples or present teachers for the teaching and learning to be compliant (Lin 1988; Tan 2012). This operates through the induction of humbleness, shame, and inequality in participants in ritual. In ritual, music is inevitable to foster rhythm, harmony, ease, tempo, and order (Wong 2012).

Eventually, ritual is to perform the functions of nurturing beauty, wisdom, standardization, self-realization, and morality in people (Curzer 2012). Ritual also tries to strengthen a community committed to Scholastic doctrines. The essential basis of ritual in such tradition is order (Lin 1988). Its practice tries to induce people’s self-cultivation in orderly, unconscious, invisible, and subtle ways. Shaping people’s sentiments is the primary means to perfect people. Ritual also relies on interdependency and community activity to fulfill its functions (Bockover, 2012). Nevertheless, such a community is a differentiated and even stratified one (Lin 1988). Ritual therefore rests on doctrines to comply with nature, which has differentiated and stratified features.



Predominant in the nature, according to Scholarism, is benevolence, which espouses philanthropy, magnanimity, respect, benefiting, and kinship (Bockover 2012; Lin 1988; Wong 2012). At any rate, ritual embraces the essential functions of teaching or indoctrination to shape people and their communities.

PRO-SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF RITUAL Ritual has traditionally exerted its pro-social or healing functions through

the gathering of people to create the state of co-presence (Marshall 2002). In this state, participants experience similarity, immediacy, and strength to generate social facilitation, which is encouraging and inspiring. Meanwhile, ritual works through the process of de-individuation, which fosters the feeling of unity. Ritual can also install meditation and rhythmic movement, which is comforting and empowering for the participant to tackle stress through senses of order and transcendence. The movement in turn would conduce to synchrony, which shapes coordination and cooperation (Wiltermuth and Heath 2009). What is more, interaction ritual chain theory goes a step further to emphasize the healing and socially integrative functions of interaction ritual particularly (Collins 2004a). The crux of interaction ritual is in the accrual of emotional energy to deal with myriad problems. The energy comprises elation, enthusiasm, and initiative taking (Brown 2011). Notably, the energy is empowering and reinforcing pro-social behavior. The empowering effect rests on the chain effect posited in the theory, such that interaction ritual can transmit emotional energy from one moment and situation to another moment and situation. The energy underlies rhythmic entrainment or feedback identification, which set the stage for social cohesion and the development of the community (Brown 2011). The entrainment is a means to remove the status barrier among people. As such, the entrainment turns people’s attention to a common focus, which energizes the sharing of mood to germinate collective effervescence. Collective effervescence is the further amplification of emotional energy to strengthen solidarity and morality promulgated in the ritual. Interaction ritual, according to theory, manifests its contribution through the symbolization of membership (Collins 2004a). The symbolization represents a cultural influence to induce members’ compliance with the norm upheld in the ritual. As such, interaction ritual embodies cultural capital, whose potency rests on symbolic similarity among members (Collins and Hanneman 1998).


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The interaction is particularly influential through emotional contagion (Collins 2004a). In sum, interaction ritual chain theory emphasizes the collective generation of emotional energy through a number of interaction ritual processes, including rhythmic movement and entrainment, synchronization, symbolization, and common attention. The energy then functions to bond the members and consolidate their moral conformity and allegiance. These functions would be pro-social in that they entrain solidarity, collaboration, and collective empowerment.

The functions of ritual and the interaction ritual chain can be explicable with a more general theory, social force theory (Anderson 2010; Cheung 2013). This theory generally posits that social force exerts its influence through the transmission of the component of the force to the receiver. The influence thus depends on the decomposition of the force into its components. Simply put, ritual induces cooperation when ritual transmits a component of cooperation. Similarly, ritual raises affiliation and resilience through its transmission of components of affiliation and resilience. Conversely, ritual reduces adversity, suffering, and distress when it transmits componential forces opposite to adversity, suffering, and distress. The general decom-position of component forces is plausible in ritual. First, ritual entrains synchrony, rhythmic movement, and common attention and focusing, all of which involve or entail cooperation among participants in the ritual (Wiltermuth and Heath 2009). Such coordinated or cooperating components of ritual are likely to shape coordination, according to social force theory. Second, ritual gathers people and engenders their solidarity through parading the co-presence of participants in the ritual (Brown 2011). This is the affiliation components transmittable from ritual to induce affiliation. Third, ritual arranges sharing to install collective empowerment and effervescence, which are to overcome isolation and personal stress (Collins 2004a). Ritual also relies on satisficing to sidetrack worry and obsession. Hence, ritual embodies the component of resilience in its collective practice to facilitate the participant’s resilience. In addition, ritual, especially positively styled one, emphasizes and features ecstasy, comfort, relaxation, vanquishing, empowerment, and effervescence (Marshall 2002). These features are just the opposite of the adversity, suffering, and distress. Hence, ritual is likely to transmit componential forces to oppose and thus reduce adversity, suffering, and distress.

Research in support of the propositions of interaction ritual chain theory or the more general explanation of social force theory reveals the following.



First, ritual is likely to facilitate cooperation through the synchronous practice in ritual (Wiltermuth and Heath 2009).

Accordingly, synchronous walking or marching would be a cooperative practice that would transmit a component force to raise cooperation in other games. In promoting affiliation, the experience of social connectedness appears to be helpful (Lee and Robbins 1998). As this connectedness prevails in ritual, ritual is likely to conduce to affiliation. For pro-social behavior in general, the experience of close relationship has shown its contribution (Bjornberg and Ekbrand 2008). In contrast, the experience of social exclusion showed a negative effect on pro-social behavior (Twenge et al. 2007). As ritual would heighten close relationships among participants and include them in the ritual as opposed to excluding them (Brown 2011; Collins 2004a), ritual is likely to contribute to pro-social behavior. For the young person particularly, participation in sport and youth organization activity has indicated a contribution to affiliation (Larson 1994; Rose-Krasnor et al. 2005). Insofar as these activities involve ritual elements (Dekker et al. 2003; Morrissey 2008), the benefit of ritual for the young person’s affiliation is plausible. Resilience in the young person tends to benefit from the experience of safety (Scales et al. 2000). Insofar as ritual sustains safety (Collins 2004b; Seeman 2004), ritual is likely to culminate in the young person’s resilience.

DISTINGUISHING RITUAL, RELIGIOUS, ACTIVITY, AND BACKGROUND EFFECTS

One issue is the overlap between ritual and religion in the examination of the effect of each of them. Obviously, religion is a robust cause of ritual (Kalkstein and Tower 2009). Nevertheless, religion covers more and goes further than ritual when it worships gods or sacred matters (Diez-Nicolas 2002). Religious typically entails an organization to attract a community of devotees (Glaeser and Gottlieb 2006). In addition, religion also produces its literature, music, and various services or activities (Katz-Gerro and Shavit 1998).

Nevertheless, religious also sanctions personal activities in one’s prayer, litany, and meditation for some intrinsic causes (Sedikides and Gebauer 2010). Eventually, religion is influential and functional, undeniably for pro-sociality, including forgiveness, social identification, moral belief, conforming to social norms (Ellison 1991; Skerkat and Ellison 1999; Saucier and Skrzypinska


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2006). Meanwhile, religion would function to contain crime and deviance (Skerkat and Ellison 1999).

What is more, religion is a solid basis for pro-sociality, through the socializing services of religion (Dovidio et al. 2006). This socializing function can operate through love, as championed in religion (Matts et al. 2009). Religion also organizes services such as volunteering to strengthen affiliation (Isham et al. 2006). Affiliation also prevails among religious fellows, especially when they are engaged in religious services. Religion also helps sustain cooperation among its devotees (Ravanera et al. 2003). For the young person particularly, religion appears to bolster resilience through the consolidation of attachment or social relationship, activation of social support, distraction of suffering, and various ways of personal growth (Crawford et al. 2005). Conversely, religion has appeared to prevent distress (Becchelia 2010). All these findings indicate the need for distinguishing the effects of ritual and religion, in order to ascertain the functions of ritual.

The effect of ritual involvement also needs to be distinguished from those of participation in various collective activities. These activities include the sport, volunteer work, adventure activity, religious activity, carnival, and concert. They have shown some effects on pro-social behavior. On the one hand, participation in sport has appeared to strengthen school engagement, teamwork, affiliation, friendship, communication with parents, popularity, and pro-sociality (Baron 2007; Broh 2002; Crosnoe 2001; Eccles and Barber 1999; Marsh 1993; Rose-Krasnor et al. 2005). Furthermore, participation in sport has appeared to prevent depression (Fredricks and Eccles 2005). On the other hand, volunteer work has appeared to foster support for pro-social norms, pro-social behavior, and affiliation (Avrahami and Dar 1993; Hansen et al. 2003; Simons and Cleary 2006). Furthermore, musical involvement has shown its contributions to affiliation and communication with parents (Broh 2002; Hagan and Bryant 2003).

Background characteristics, including age, gender, education, family size and structure, parents’ education and occupation, residency, birth order, and family income are also likely to affect pro-sociality and ritual. To prevent such confounding of the effects of ritual, controlling for the background character-istics are necessary. The risk of confounding is likely in view of some existing research findings. First, the young person’s pro-sociality, affiliation, or cooperation is amenable to the person’s female gender, education, parents’ education, and family income (Barry and Wentzel 2006; Hughes 2001; Power and Khmelkov 1999). Second, the young person’s distress is susceptible to female gender, age, family moves, and low family income (Dearing et al.



2006; Dubow et al. 2010; Hoglund and Leadbeater 2004; Williams et al. 2009).

The positive effect of family moves on distress suggests that residency would reduce distress. Third, a child with higher birth order appears to be active in ritual (Peleg-Popko and Dar 2002). This means that one who has more younger siblings would be less active in ritual. Fourth, a child from a single-parent family is more religious (Cheadle and Schwadel 2012). This child is also likely to engage more intensely in ritual. Fifth, affiliation is predictable by residency and family size (Chang et al. 2008; Li et al. 2009).

METHOD

Participants

A survey of 1,788 Hong Kong Chinese students provided quantitative data for the study. They were students of seventh to ninth grades in six secondary schools. A predominant proportion of them (90.6%) responded to the survey in their classrooms. The rest responded to the survey at some youth centers of a social service agency.

These schools and youth centers were located in different areas of Hong Kong. The students’ participation in the one-time survey was voluntary, anonymous, and approved by parental informed consent. The sampling plan proceeded with a random selection of six schools in Hong Kong and then a random selection of two classes of students in each grade of the selected schools to complete the survey. Eventually, the selected schools did not exhibit discernible peculiarities that departed from other schools in Hong Kong. The response rate of the students was 81.8%. While the self-admini-stration of the questionnaire was the survey method, social workers of the cooperating agency were present at the time of the survey to clarify and assist in its completion. In the survey, the students reported their real-life experiences, including ritual involvement and pro-social functioning. They experienced no experimental manipulation during the survey.

The average age of the students was 14.0 years, and their average duration of residence in Hong Kong was 12.6 years, indicating that some of them were not born in Hong Kong (see Table 1). These students’ average grade of school was 8.4, and more of the students were boys (52.5%) than were girls (47.5%).


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Whereas 52.7% of the students had religious faith, 47.3% of them were not religious. Most of the students lived with both parents, except for 2.4% of them who were each not living with a parent and 10.4% who were each living with one parent only.

Table 1. Means and standard deviations

Variable Scoring M SD Cooperation 0−10 times 3.4 25.4 Affiliation 0−10 times 3.4 2.2 Adversity 0−31 days 3.2 9.6 Suffering 0−31 days 1.8 7.8 Resilience 0−100 60.3 36.7 Distress 0−100 26.0 21.3 Grade years 8.4 1.3 Age years 14.0 2.3 Female 0, 100 47.5 50.0 Irreligious 0, 100 47.3 49.9 Family size persons 4.2 1.8 Parent persons 1.9 0.5 Father’s education years 7.9 4.4 Mother’s education years 7.1 4.1 Father as an employer 0, 100 17.7 38.2 Mother as an employer 0, 100 6.6 24.9 Residency years 12.6 4.2 Having younger siblings 0, 100 35.5 47.7 Family income log(HK$) 9.1 0.7 Social desirability 0−100 57.1 13.5 Acquiescence 0−100 43.8 8.4 Month 2, 3 2.9 0.3 Collective sport 0, 100 33.6 47.2 Collective volunteer work 0, 100 24.7 43.1 Collective adventure 0, 100 19.2 39.4 Collective religious activity 0, 100 7.5 26.3 Collective carnival 0, 100 7.8 26.8 Collective concert 0, 100 7.2 25.8 Participant in the main collective activity

log(persons) 3.9 1.8

Ritual involvement 0−100 56.1 17.1



The average years of schooling were 7.9 for their fathers and 7.1 for their mothers, and the average monthly family income was US$1,435. Among the students, 52.7% were religious.

To lessen the problem of the skewed income distribution, subsequent analysis used the logged value of the income instead of the raw value.

Measurement The measures of ritual involvement, distress, and social desirability

employed a five-point rating scale. Ratings on the scale generated scores of 0 for the lowest step (very little), 25 for the second step (rather little), 50 for the middle step (average), 75 for the fourth step (rather a lot), and 100 for the highest step (very much) to register a 0-100 range (Preston and Colman 2000; Stewart and Ware 1993). In addition, cooperation, affiliation, adversity, suffering, and resilience involved some other ways of measurement.

Ritual involvement in the most important collective activity during the six months comprised seven items, including items of singing together and enjoying together (Adler and Fagley 2005; see Appendix). The composite or average measure had favorable internal consistency reliability (α = .810). Besides, the collective activities covered were the sport, volunteer work, adventure, religious activity, carnival, and concert. The student also reported the number of participants in the main collective activity.

Social desirability during the recent month comprised eight items including such items as feeling happy most of the time and listening to elders’ teaching calmly (Paulhus 1991). Four of the eight items employed negative phrases, thus requiring reverse scoring. The composite or average measure had satisfactory internal consistency reliability (α = .610).

Distress during the recent month covered distress in eight domains including money, personal health, and others. The composite or average measure had favorable internal consistency reliability (α = .844).

Acquiescence was the mean of all rating items, including those of ritual involvement, social desirability, and distress, to show the tendency to rate anything highly. This was a required control variable used to refine effects due to other factors (Ferrando and Lorenzo-Seva 2010).

Cooperation during the recent month covered cooperation in 12 ways, including cooperation with family and helping neighbors. Each item registered the times of cooperation. The composite or average measure had favorable internal consistency reliability (α = .695).


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Affiliation during the recent month combined eight items including helping other and consoling others profile (Smagorinsky and Taxel 2005).

Each item registered the times of affiliation. The composite or average measure had favorable internal consistency reliability (α = .782).

Adversity during the recent month covered that in eight aspects, including money and personal health. The number of days having each of the adversities represented the measure. The composite or average measure had favorable internal consistency reliability (α = .771).

Suffering from adversity during the recent month covered that in eight aspects, including money and personal health. The number of days suffering from each of the adversities represented the measure. The composite or average measure had favorable internal consistency reliability (α = .813).

Resilience during the recent month was the proportion of time not suffering from adversity. It was 100 minus the percentage of time suffering from adversity present. As such, resilience lay on a 0-100 percentage scale. The composite or average measure had favorable internal consistency reliability (α = .981).

Procedure Linear regression analysis specified cooperation, affiliation, resilience,

adversity, suffering, and distress as outcome variables. The analysis proceeded to handle the survey data in three steps. Step 1 entered background character-istics and response factors as predictors. Response factors included social desirability, acquiescence, and timing of the survey. This step served to show background effects, before any mediation by activity participation and ritual involvement. Step 2 added variables concerning participation in collective activities as predictors. This step illustrated the effects of activity participation. Step 3 added ritual involvement as a predictor to show its effect and mediation of the effect of religious faith.

RESULTS The average times of cooperation and affiliation were both 3.4 out of the

maximum of 10 in the recent month (see Table 1). Adversity in a domain, on average, happened in 3.2 days in a month. Suffering in a domain, on average,



happened in 1.8 day in a month. Hence, resilience had a mean of 60.3 out of the 100 percentage points.

Distress, on average, was low (M = 26.0). Ritual involvement, on average, was modest (M = 56.1). Sport appeared to be the most likely collective activity for the student (33.6%).

Background Effects Being irreligious showed a significant negative effect on affiliation only (β

= -.063, see Table 2), among the six outcome variables. Even the significant effect was very weak. Hence, religious faith did not exhibit appreciable effects on the outcomes.

Among the background characteristics, the more important ones were gender and the mother’s employment status in the prediction of the outcomes. Accordingly, the female student was significantly higher than the male student in affiliation (β = .102), and lower in adversity (β = -.071) and suffering (β = −.067). The student whose mother was an employer was significantly higher in both adversity (β = .062) and suffering (β = .054).

The strongest background effects were those of residency (β = .159) and family size (β = .148) on cooperation. Besides, the next strongest background effect of that of age on adversity (β = .119).

Participation Effects Participation in the collective activities of sport, volunteer work,

adventure activities, religious activities, carnivals, and concerts did not introduce a significant difference in any of the six outcomes (see Table 3). Nevertheless, the number of participants in the collective activity showed a significant positive effect on affiliation (β = .054) and a significant negative effect on distress (β = -.044).

In contrast, ritual involvement demonstrated significant effects on all the six outcomes. Accordingly, it delivered positive effects on cooperation (β = .084), affiliation (β = .061), and resilience (β = .051), and negative effects on adversity (β = -.059), suffering (β = -.083), and distress (β = -.257). The effect of ritual involvement on distress was moderately strong, whereas the other effects were quite weak.


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Besides, religious faith remained to show weak or insignificant effects on the outcomes. Being irreligious persisted to manifest a very weak, albeit significant, effect on affiliation (β = -.061).

Table 2. Standardized effects of background characteristics

Predictor Cooperation Affiliation Adversity Suffering Resilience Distress Age .009 -.045 .119*** .029 -.046 -.024 Female -.022 .102*** -.071** -.067** .043 .013 Irreligious .028 -.063** -.011 -.001 .027 .027 Family size .148*** .055 .020 .058 -.056 .053 Parent .015 -.034 .002 -.010 .021 -.058* Father education

.004 .060* -.013 -.009 .004 -.031

Mother education

.030 -.009 .017 .007 .042 -.005

Father as an employer

.029 .066** .039 .021 -.009 .018

Mother as an employer

-.004 -.006 .062* .054* -.032 -.008

Month -.026 .099*** -.007 .033 -.031 .052* Residency .159*** .044 .005 -.001 .011 .035 Having younger siblings

.037 -.058* .042 .053 -.008 .024

Family income -.039 -.010 -.003 -.007 .026 -.039* Social desirability

.107*** .194*** -.081** -.104*** .121*** -.270***

Acquiescence .101*** .278*** .129*** .100*** -.049* .470*** R2 .100 .150 .062 .047 .035 .330

#p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

All these findings suggested that the effects of ritual involvement and religious faith were independent of each other.

DISCUSSION

Findings reveal the pervasive effects of ritual involvement on all the six outcomes concerning pro-sociality. Accordingly, ritual involvement unfolded a moderate negative effect on distress and some weaker effects on adversity and suffering.



Table 3. Standardized effects of collective and ritual involvements

Predictor Cooperation Affiliation Adversity Suffering Resilience Distress Sport .008 .030 -.084 -.007 -.026 -.006 Volunteer work

-.070 .031 -.054 .010 .014 -.009

Adventure -.045 -.006 -.049 -.017 .003 -.016 Religious activity

-.028 .003 -.010 .032 -.010 .003

Carnival -.038 .034 -.051 .004 .000 .026 Participant .044 .054* .031 .020 .012 -.044* Ritual involvement

.084** .061* -.059* -.083** .051# -.257***

Irreligious .030 -.061* -.004 .005 .027 .023 R2 .113 .158 .068 .054 .038 .374

#p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. Note: Concert was the reference category.

What is more, ritual involvement exhibited weak positive effects on

cooperation, affiliation, and resilience. Although most of the effects were weak, they were consistent with expectation premised on interaction ritual chain theory or social force theory more generally. The effects are also important in that they are independent of those of religion, collective activity, and background characteristics. Essentially, the effects of ritual involvement were more pervasive and intense than those of religious faith and collective activity. Neither religious faith nor religious participation manifested effects that are as pervasive as are those of ritual involvement. Hence, ritual involve-ment is distinctive and superior in its prediction of pro-social conditions. The distinctiveness of the pro-social function of ritual may be partly due to the mostly secular Chinese tradition. Accordingly, religion as a formal and pervasive influential authority is missing in Chinese tradition (Gries 1999). Even Confucianism or Scholarism is more secular than religious in the sense of upholding holiness and supernatural domination. As religion is not constraining, ritual can achieve freedom from religion and wield its influence independently. With the trend of secularization, interaction ritual instead or independent of religious ritual would prevail and assume the influential role (Collins 2004a).


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The pro-social function of ritual thus appears to be affirmative in Hong Kong Chinese society.

This function, according to the structural-functional perspective, would operate and succeed with ritual and its functions meet the requirement of the society for survival and development. It means that the pro-social outcomes of cooperation, affiliation, and resilience, as opposed to adversity, suffering, and distress are favorable to society or its goal of perpetuation. In other words, the pro-social outcomes are in turn contributors to societal well-being through the hiking of production and social integration (Bornschier et al. 2005). Specifically, cooperation is crucial for maintaining social justice, sustainable development, urban development, and development in general (Alexander 2008; Devine-Wright et al. 2001; Farrelly 2007; Nederveen Pieterse 2010; Rydin and Holman 2004). What is more, cooperation is consonant with the ethos of Confucianism (Feng 1996). Similarly, affiliation is conducive to justice and good society (Alexander 2008; Sciulli 2011). Resilience is also laudable in its bases for sustainable and social development (Thin 2002; Wearing 2011).

Conversely, religion, including its faith and participation, showed negligible contributions to pro-sociality, supposedly because of secularization and irreligious Chinese tradition. That is, religious is not consonant with societal ethos, norms, or expectations, and its contribution would be limited.

It is again the logic of structural-functionalist theory, suggesting the minimal function of religion in secular, Chinese society (Dioale and Seda 2001; Gries 1999).

More generally, social force theory can explain the findings. First, the matching effect proposed by structural-functionalist theory is explicable by the principle of gravitational force in social force theory (Fuller 2006; Mansfield and O’Sullivan 2011). Accordingly, the principle states that when two forces are compatible and attractive to each other, they generate an additional gravitational force.

Conversely, if the two forces were contradictory and repulsing to each other, they would neutralize themselves. Thus, when interaction, secular ritual and its functions are consonant with or attractive to society, its gravitational force would heighten its potency. Conversely, when religion deviates from the societal ethos, a counter-gravitation force would jell to dampen the influence of religion. In addition, social force theory explains the contributions of the number of participants in collective activity, family size, and residency, as well as ritual involvement. All the size and length just represent the mass factor espoused in social force theory (Cheung 2013; Oliver and Marwell



2002; Tracy 2002). In the junction, the theory holds that the mass is impactful and amplifies the impact of the force.

This force refers to the social force resting in the family, community, and collective activity that influences pro-sociality. The social influence would be stronger when the size or length factor is greater. In the same way, the negative effect of the number of parents on distress is also explicable by the mass factor in the social influence.

Future Research The present study is limited in its sample of secondary school students in

one place, with a cross-sectional correlational design. Such limitations prevent making certain causal inferences regarding impacts of ritual involvement and others. The findings found in the real-life, nevertheless, require comple-mentary support from experimental research, which can isolate causal effects exposed over time. That is, the experiment needs to assign participants randomly to different conditions of ritual involvement and assess the effect of the involvement later. Apart from ascertaining the causal inference by raising the internal validity of the research, future research can draw samples from multiple places in order to enhance its representativeness and generalizability. Important in such extensive research is the incorporation of contextual factors associated with the places in analysis. This allows for the identification of the scope and conditions for generalizing the findings with reference to the contextual factors. Hence, religion or secularization is a contextual factor that is likely to shape the impact of ritual. The contextual analysis then amounts to a test of structural-functionalist theory or the gravitation principle of social force theory. Similarly, future research can incorporate other contextual factors, such as population size, urbanization, and economic development to scrutinize their alterations in the impact of ritual. At any rate, future research will preferably obtain measures at multiple time points in order to ascertain causal effects, by controlling for prior conditions.

Future research can elucidate theoretical explanations with reference to interaction ritual chain theory, structural-functionalist theory, and social force theory. For the former, factors and mechanisms of rhythmic entrainment, collective effervescence, synchronization, symbolization, emotional energy, common attention and focus, and bodily co-presence are each vital for scrutiny. Particularly, their causal mechanisms and chains postulated by the theory need unraveling and elaboration. With regard to structural-functionalist


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theory, future research needs to gauge the matching effect between ritual and societal norms and functioning.

The match or mismatch would be the focus for research in order recite relevant structural-functional mechanisms. For the testing and elaboration of social force theory, future research needs to identify component forces in ritual that can propel coordination, affiliation, and resilience, as opposed to adversity, suffering, and distress. Furthermore, future research can substantiate the gravitation principle of social force theory by highlighting the gravitation force generated by the matching between ritual and social norms or functioning.

Implications Ritual does not appear to be obsolete or inappropriate for the younger

generation. Rather, ritual demonstrates its pro-social function of fostering the young person’s cooperation, affiliation, and resilience and reducing the person’s adversity, suffering, and distress. Ritual is therefore worth maintenance and promotion, as it appears to be integral to pro-social socialization. Meanwhile, ritual does not necessarily rely on religion in the modern secularized society. The crux is the activation of social interaction in ritual rather than instilling ritual with religious spirit. As such, religious services do not need to get the priority to incubate the pro-social function of ritual.

APPENDIX: MEASUREMENT Cooperation during the recent month ● Family ● Classmates ● Teachers ● Organizations outside school ● Neighbors ● Project study in school ● Organizing extracurricular activities ● House chore ● Helping neighbors



● Serving the community ● Serving the Government of Hong Kong ● Serving the Government of China Affiliation during the recent month ● Consoling others ● Consulting classmates or teachers ● Instructing classmates how to do homework ● Helping others ● Reminding classmates of correcting bad habits ● Greeting classmates voluntarily ● Not picking up anything lost on the road ● Participating in activities beneficial to the body and mind Adversity, Suffering, Resilience, Distress during the recent month ● Personal study ● Getting along with family ● Getting along with friends ● Getting along with teachers ● Affection with the opposite sex ● Money ● Personal health ● Others Social desirability during the recent month ● (not) Telling lies to elders ● (not) Shouting because of anger ● (not) Being unprepared for required work ● (not) Getting angry because not coming across unsatisfactory things ● Treating the disliked person courteously ● Affirming that the way of doing is right ● Feeling happy most of the time ● Listening to elders’ teaching calmly Ritual involvement in the most important collective activity during the six

months


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● Participating in the ritual concerned ● Having bodily contact with other people ● Reaching synchronized rhythm ● Reaching effervescence together ● Singing together ● Reaching the same focus ● Enjoying together

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Chapter 5

THE RELIGIOUS RITUALS OF THE ANASTENARIDES IN GREECE

Evy Johanne Håland* Marie Curie Intra-European Fellow, Department of Archaeology and

History of Art, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece

ABSTRACT

The Anastenaria is celebrated by the Anastenarides. They descend from refugees who fled to Greece from the village of Kōsti in eastern Trace, nowadays Bulgaria, after the Balkan Wars, and had settled in several villages in Greek Macedonia by 1924. The Anastenaria is dedicated to the deceased saints, Kōnstantinos and his mother, Elenē, who are depicted on holy icons that the Anastenarides brought with them from Kōsti. The main ritual during the Anastenaria is the ecstatic dance over red-hot coals by the Anastenarides who are possessed by their saint. The festival presents a ritual, which in many ways is in opposition to the official Orthodox religion, and it has been persecuted by the Church. Therefore, it was performed in secret for many years last century. Officially, the uneasy situation between the Church and the Anastenarides has come to an end. But, still the Church states that the festival presents a combination of paganism and Christianity, and does not subscribe to the holistic view of the Anastenarides. The article is based on fieldwork which the author has carried out in two of the villages populated by Anastenarides and other (“indigenous”) Greeks during annual festivals.

* [email protected].


Evy Johanne Håland 166

The article explores how the religious spaces surrounding the rituals carried out by the Anastenarides in the villages are copies of the original cultic space in Kōsti. Furthermore, their cultic apparatuses belong to “former days”, thus constituting an ancestor-cult located to their place of origin, since the “Thracians”/“Kōstilidians”, celebrates their “Kōstilidian” community and identity through their religious rituals.

INTRODUCTION Today the Anastenaria (i.e. to Anastenari/ta Anastenaria) festival is

celebrated 21-23 May in several villages in Greek Macedonia. I visited the festival and a preliminary ritual in the village of Agia Elenē in 1992.1

The Anastenaria is celebrated by the Anastenarides and the Anastenarissas (i.e. those who celebrate the Anastenaria). They are descen-dants of Orthodox and Greek speaking Thracian refugees who brought the custom with them to Greece during the population exchange in 1923, when they fled to Greece from the village of Kōsti in eastern Trace, nowadays Bulgaria, after the Balkan Wars, and had settled in several villages in Greek Macedonia by 1924.

The Anastenaria festival is dedicated to the deceased saints, Agios (i.e. Saint) Kōnstantinos and his mother, Agia Elenē. The saints are depicted on two particularly holy icons that the Anastenarides brought with them from Kōsti (cf. Figure 1). These icons belong to the families that brought them from Kōsti, and during their festivals they are brought to the konaki, the shrine of the Anastenarides. Even if the participants include several people, they are collectively referred to as the “group of twelve” (dōdekada), constituting twelve women and two men. The group of the Anastenarides is administered by this twelve-member committee, the “dōdekada” and the Archianastenaris, the latter being their leader [cf. Michaēl-Dede 1973].

1 Since 1983, I have had several periods of fieldwork in the Mediterranean, mainly in Greece and

Italy where I have also been conducting research on religious festivals since 1987, cf. Håland 2007. See particularly ch. 4, for further discussion of the Anastenaria festival. See also 2008, and for example, Psychogiou 2008.


The Religious Rituals of the Anastenarides in Greece 167

Figure 1. An icon of Agios Kōnstantinos and Agia Elenē in their icon covers at the icon shelf in the konaki in the village of Melikē (Greek Macedonia). 21 May 1992. (Photograph by Thomas Thomell).

According to the late Greek researcher Maria Michaēl-Dede [1973: 158], the term “Anastenaris” is derived from the word anastenazō, to sigh or groan. It refers to the cries and shouts of the possessed Anastenarides. Dēmētrios Loukatos [1981: 21] on the other hand, claims that Anastenaria is derived from the word asthenaria, i.e. prosōpa ekstasiazomena, i.e. persons being in ecstasies. The Anastenarides themselves, however, use the word tsirizō, i.e. to scream to describe their utterances. According to Loring M. Danforth [1989: 65 f.n.2], it is more likely that the term Anastenaris is derived from asthenēs (astenēs, astenarēs), i.e. a sick person, preceded by the pleonastic privative an. The name Asthenaria is recorded from the thirteenth century as a contemptuous reference to the sickly appearance of a group of Vlachs and Bulgarians who were “possessed by demons”.2

2 See also Loukatos 1981: 21, cf. Euangelou 1994: 58 f. See also infra for older sources.

For another view (although not discussing the relevant sources): Xygalatas 2011: 57–74.



THE ANASTENARIDES AND THE RITUAL CYCLE OF THE ANASTENARIA

Although the festival of Agios Kōnstantinos and Agia Elenē by the end of

May is the most important festival during the ritual year of the Anastenaria, their ritual year is closely tied to the ecclesiastical calendar of the Orthodox Church, and begins on 26 October with the festival of Agios Dēmētrios and the traditional beginning of the agricultural year.3 For the shepherds this is also the approximate date of transmigration to winter pasture. During the festival, they collect money for the purchase of the animal, a lamb or an ox, to be sacrificed the following May. All the ceremonies start at a small chapel situated next to a holy spring and a tree at the edge of the village, close to the konaki and near the site of the fire-dance. Here, the Anastenarides are gathering, and the agiasma (“holy water”), is blessed by the Archianastenaris. The “agiasma” also signifies the spring house, the small chapel-looking building that consists of a door opening on a stairway that leads down to a spring. The leader of the group enters the agiasma and goes down to the spring, because he is going to bless the participants and the fields with holy water. With the procession of Anastenarides arrayed up the steps behind him, the Archianastenaris draws a bucket of water and makes a sign of the cross over it with each of the two icons depicting Agios Kōnstantinos and Agia Elenē. After pouring the bucket of water back into the spring he orders everyone back outside and fills the bucket again.

Emerging from the agiasma, the Archianastenaris hurls the bucketful of water in all directions, towards the east, the west, the north and the south. Then he brings up another bucket of holy water, which he hurls over the hands of the people who crowd around him. He does this several times. He brings up more holy water so people can drink from it, sprinkle their heads, or fill the small bottles they have brought for just this purpose. He is the last one to be blessed. When the blessing of the waters is completed, the procession returns to their shrine, and performs the other central rituals of the festival.

After the blessing on New Year’s Eve, follows the cutting of the traditional Agios Basil’s cake, and the Anastenarides dance in the konaki as during the other festivals. The second most important festival of the ritual cycle of the Anastenaria begins on the eve of 18 January, and is dedicated to Agios Athanasios. After the blessing of the agiasma, they dance barefoot over red-hot coals in the konaki (Figure 2a and b). When I visited the festival in 3 See also Danforth 1989: 66 ff., also for the following.



1992, they celebrated only two days, because a villager died during the festival, but under normal circumstances the festival lasts for three days, and according to the manager of the konaki, they visit all the houses of the village during the last two days. Afterwards they dance in the konaki. The last evening, a meal is served for the celebrants in the konaki, thus concluding the festival. This also happened in 1992 when however the traditional two-days “touring of the village” did not take place. According to Danforth [1989: 67], on the first Sunday after the festival of Agios Athanasios, they make a down payment on the animal, most often a lamb that is to be sacrificed on 21 May. Afterwards it is incensed and blessed with a sēmadi (pl.: sēmadia, i.e. large red kerchiefs which generally are draped over the icons). In this manner the lamb is “selected” or “marked” as being owned by Agios Kōnstantinos. As in most other circumstances where animal sacrifices - and particularly the chthonic ones - are involved, the lamb must be black, fertile, male, and unlike other newborn lambs it is not weaned from its mother until it is taken to be sacrificed by the Anastenarides. During the carnival season, the male Anastenarides organize the Kalogeros ritual, which I did not visit in Agia Elenē, but in the village of Melikē, further west in Greek Macedonia [Håland 2005; Melikē 1984]. On the eve of Clean Monday, the Anastenarides gather at the konaki, where the younger ask the forgiveness of their elders, a traditional custom in the Orthodox Church on this first day of Lent.

Preparations for the main festival begin on 2 May, by cleaning the agiasma, the day the Orthodox Church celebrates the deposition of the relics of Agios Athanasios. The women wash the “sēmadia”. They are often called “the clothes of the grandfather”, i.e. the clothes of Agios Kōnstantinos, probably because the oldest icon is said to wear a piece of Agios Kōnstantinos’ clothing. Sēmadi was also once a standard part of the Thracian formal male dress. Furthermore, the term most commonly used to refer to Agios Kōnstantions is pappous, meaning grandfather, ancestor or old man. The plural, papoudes, is also used to refer to all the icons of the Anastenarides and to all the saints in general. Kōstis was also the name of their eponymous ancestor, who founded the village of Kōsti. Pappous also refers to the Archianastenaris, the leader of the Anastenarides, the human descendants of the icons. After their main festival in May, the Anastenarides gather again on the evening of 27 July, on the festival of Agios Panteleēmōn, the “Healer”, the patron-saint of invalids and cripples. They also gather on 6 August, the festival of the Transfiguration of the Saviour. The final event of the yearly ritual cycle in Agia Elenē, is the festival of the “Dormition” (i.e. Ē Koimēsis) of the Panagia (the Virgin Mary), which takes place on 15 August, while the annual fire-dancing ritual by the



end of May, terminates the year in Langadas, a town where the ritual also is celebrated. During these festivals, the Anastenarides serve ritual meals for each other, a central element of their cult.

Figure 2a. Sēmadi and icon in hand, an Anastenarissa dances over red-hot coals in the konaki on the festival of Agios Athanasios 18 January 1992 in the village of Agia Elenē (Greek Macedonia). An Anastenaris dances, carrying an icon. (Author’s photograph).



Figure 2b. An Anastenaris dances over the red-hot coals in the konaki on the festival of Agios Athanasios 18 January 1992 in the village of Agia Elenē. (Author’s photograph).

ANASTENARIA 1992: SUMMER FESTIVAL FOR AGIOS KŌNSTANTINOS AND AGIA ELENĒ

The main ritual of the Anastenarides, starts on the eve of 21 May, by the

Anastenarides picking up the icons from the houses of the owners. In 1992, a third icon came from Langadas. This is their most important icon, because it is the oldest, and therefore the most powerful. After the blessing of the agiasma, by Tasos Reklos,4 the Archianastenaris, they enter the konaki.

Tasos places the icons on the icon shelf and arranges the sēmadia. Afterwards, the icon covers are ceremonially removed from the icons, by some of the Anastenarissas. Each icon depicts the Saints dressed in blue and purple 4 In general I call Tasos leader, but in this article I have called him Archianastenaris for

convenience. The reason I generally do not call him Archianastenaris is that he does not dance and articulate the utterances that the other Anastenarides do, and also the Archianastenaris does in general. See Håland 2007: ch, 4 for discussion. Generally, I am not attempting to disguise the location of my field researches, since they are quite known, particularly within the Greek environment. Likewise, I have not used pseudonyms for the leading Anastenarides, since they are public figures whose names have appeared in literature on the festival. On the other hand, I am using pseudonyms for the other Anastenarides, to protect their identities. To do otherwise will, I think, be a weak attempt to thwart a dialogue between myself, and by extension the society of which I am a member, and my Greek informants. This dialogue is a condition of fieldwork in religion.



robes standing on either side of a silver or gold crucifix, under its two arms. The halos of the Saints, like the edges and handles of the icons, are plated with silver or gold. The participants light a candle, cross themselves, kiss the icons and sit down on one of the benches that line the walls of the room. Later, Tasos carries the censer around the room in a counterclockwise direction. The music (the Thracian lira and the large drum) starts, people dance, holding icons, sēmadia or icon covers and, the evening ends by the procession of Anastenarides bringing the icons back to their houses.

The next day, 21 May, is the most important day of the festival: when the Anastenarides have collected their icons, the procession of Anastenarides goes to search the sacrificial lamb. The black lamb is decorated with flowers and a bright red ribbon is tied around the lamb’s neck, he is censered and blessed with a sēmadi. Afterwards, he is led in procession back to the konaki and the agiasma (Figure 3). Here, Tasos censes and blesses the lamb again, and several Anastenarides dance around the animal (Figure 4). After the sacrifice (Figure 5), a small piece of meat is given to each family in the village.

In the evening, the konaki is crowded: people dance carrying icons and the other symbols in their hands (Figure 6). The Anastenarides cry and pray in front of their icons, because they have many problems, which they express while dancing.

Figure 3. The opposing lamb is led in procession to the sacrificial place in Agia Elenē. 21 May 1992. (Author’s photograph).



Figure 4. The sacrificial hole is dug, while Anastenarissas dance around the hole. 21 May 1992. (Author’s photograph).

Figure 5. The lamb sacrifice during the Anastenaria in Agia Elenē. The throat of the lamb is cut, so that the blood will flow into the freshly dug hole close to the tree and the agiasma. 21 May 1992. (Author’s photograph).



Figure 6. Sōtērios Liouros dances in the konaki of Agia Elenē, carrying the “Langadas-icon” during the Anastenaria festival in May, while singing the song known as “Mikrokōstandinos” (Young Kōstandinos). 21 May 1992. (Author’s photograph).

Around 8 PM, two Anastenarides light the huge cone-shaped pile of logs on the dancing place, “alōni” (i.e. threshing floor), outside the konaki (Figure 7). When the fire is ready, the Anastenarides, who have been dancing in the konaki, are given notice and leave their shrine, some policemen helping to “clear the way” for them, since the konaki is packed with people. Outside, the procession of Anastenarides revolves around the fire. While dancing barefoot around the fire, some of them hold icons, sēmadia, or icon covers. After crossing herself, an Anastenarissa is the first to run across the fire, while holding an icon over her head. When their “road is open”, other Anastenarides enter the fire. They run and dance back and forth across the bed of coals, stirring up showers of sparks and glowing embers. With the protection of their saints, they cross the fire unharmed (Figure 8). The most important ritual during the Anastenaria festival, is the Anastenarides’ dancing barefoot over red-hot coals to ensure their own health. The Anastenaria presents ecstatic dance by people who are possessed by their saint. These initiated persons are in a state of trance. The Anastenaria has neurological/psychiatric explanations, because the Anastenarides become purified through the dance while fighting their own problems. Thus, the individual participant tries to solve her or his problems through the dance. The dancers, however, also secure the fertility of their land. During today’s agricultural cycle, this healing festival is a festival of renewal celebrated before summer solstice and the grain harvest, and the ceremony ensures the passage from spring to summer with a purifying dance



over the fire.5 Hence, the Anastenaria is also dedicated to the nature. The festival presents much symbolism related to fertility, such as the agiasma, the lamb sacrifice, and the following consummation of the sacrificed lamb during a communal meal.

Figure 7. The fire has been lighted. 21 May 1992. (Author’s photograph).

a

Figure 8. (Continued).

5 See also Håland 2007: ch. 6 for the general purification of the earth with fire.



b

c

Figure 8. With the protection of Agios Kōnstantinos and Agia Elenē, Anastenarides cross the fire unharmed. 21 May 1992. (Author’s photograph).



After the dance and the ceremonial sharing of a bottle of ouzo, Tasos heads the ritual meal of lamb, rice, and wild greens, which is laid out on the floor in the konaki (Figure 9). The evening ends by the Anastenarides dancing traditional Thracian folkdances and singing folksongs.

On the second day of the festival, 22 May, the Anastenarides agree that the festival is very special this year, particularly since three powerful icons are present, i.e. they are old and have been brought from Kōsti, their lost homeland.

Today, they will tour most of the houses of the village bringing with them the icons and the other symbols. The Anastenarides purifies most of the houses in the following way: following Tasos, with his two large sēmadia hanging from around his neck, thus symbolizing his status as Archianastenaris, they enter the room where the family icons are kept. Here, the members of the family greet the procession of Anastenarides. Their offerings of coins, raisins and chickpeas, fruit or other sweets are met with wishes of “Chronia Polla” (i.e. Many Years) - that the Saints help them in whatever way they desire. The “treasurer” for the day collects the money, which will be counted and redistributed along with the raisins and chickpeas to those present in the konaki at the conclusion of the festival.

In some of the “important or heavy houses” (baria spitia), where the members of the group live, the icons and the sēmadia rest on the large icon shelves while the Anastenarides are served meals. In 1992 we had a very unusual situation. The men were served in the kitchen, and the women demanded to be served as well, so we were eating in the living room. After the meal, they dance and rest. In these houses, various episodes might happen: perhaps the members of the group gather to help one who has problems, is sick and bedridden, and thus is visited by the icons and the others who dance in front of her or him. Perhaps an Anastenarissa has seen the Saint in her sleep, demanding her to do various things. When she is visited by the others, she asks for a counsel before making a decision. One may also mention the therapeutic effectiveness of the cult, since the healing-capacity of the Anastenarides, particularly the Archianastenaris, is renowned. Accordingly, many pilgrims arrive during this principal feast, when the power of the Saint is most effective, and the Anastenarides use an icon cover, sēmadi, or the censer to cure the pilgrims.



Figure 9. The ritual meal is laid out on the floor in the konaki. 21 May 1992. (Author’s photograph).

The last day of the festival, they complete the circuit of the village and perform another fire-dance. Afterwards, they count the money in “grandfather’s chest”. After the distribution of raisins and chickpeas (Figure 10), they are served the final meal of this festival. Their “work” is finally done. In 1992, the festival ends in the usual way, a procession of Anastenarides escorts the icons back to their houses. Afterwards, they exchange comments about the men and women who have gone into and defeated the fire for the first time, who have become Anastenarides and Anastenarissas.



Figure 10. The food that has to be consumed during the circuits of the Anastenaria festival is further concretised in the redistribution of raisins and chickpeas to those present in the konaki after the circuits of the village. 23 May 1992. (Author’s photograph).

THE ANASTENARIA AND THE GREEK ORTHODOX

CHURCH: RITUAL DIVERSITIES AND RITUAL SIMILARITIES

The Anastenaria is a specialized form of the more general religious

festivals of the Greek Orthodox Church. This is illustrated by the ecstatic dance over red-hot coals by people who are possessed by their saint. Thus, the festival presents a ritual, which in many ways is in opposition to the official ideology represented by the Orthodox religion, and at times it has been persecuted by the Church.6 Therefore, it was performed in secret for many years last century, paralleling earlier circumstances. After a trial was held in 1971, the later leader of the Anastenarides of Agia Elenē, the medical doctor, Tasos Reklos, founded the Folklore Society of Agia Elenē, when he was a student. The task of the Folklore Society was to protect and promote the Anastenaria, i.e. to support the Anastenarides in their transactions with the government representatives, by helping the Anastenarides in their relations to

6 Religion is the body of beliefs and practices directed at supernatural beings and powers, Goody

1961: 144.



the official Church of Greece that had opposed and persecuted the celebration for many years, stolen and hided their icons, etc., and to aid preserve the treasure of traditional Thracian folklore that related the people of Agia Elenē with their past.7 Officially, the uneasy situation between the Church and the Anastenarides has come to an end, and public performances are permitted. Although the young, local priest in Agia Elenē strongly disapproved the festival in 1992,8 he had to perform the liturgy in the chapel next to the konaki on the first evening, due to the (present) official view of the Church of Greece. Moreover, the Church still states that the festival presents a combination of paganism and Christianity, and does not subscribe to the holistic view of the Anastenarides, the latter maintaining that their participation in the rite demonstrates their devotion to both God and the saints, adding that they use candles, incense, and olive oil. As already demonstrated, their ritual cycle is closely tied to the ecclesiastical calendar of the official Orthodox Church. One may add that the importance of the icons, and the many small silver- or gold-plated ex-votos (i.e. tama/ta) hanging from the icon covers (cf. Figure 1), parallels their importance in general within the Greek Orthodox Church. The blessing of and importance of the agiasma or “holy water” as well as the purifying processions and rituals in and outside of the konaki, further parallel the importance of agiasma and purification rituals within the general Orthodox liturgy.9 Mystical visions by devout persons and findings of buried icons, are also common features within the orthodox Church, for example in connection with the greatest shrine of Greek Orthodoxy, the Aegean island of Tinos [cf. Håland 2012].

The ceremonial animal sacrifice, i.e. kourmpani, however, is a ritual, which several within the official Greek Orthodox Church traditionally have

7 Danforth 1989: 133-149, particularly 137; Chourmouziadēs 1961 illustrates the circumstances

in 1873. Cf. Euangelou 1994: 52-62. 8 He dismissed the whole Anastenaria. This might also be the reason that an old Anastenarissa

during a conversation in the konaki in January 1992 told me that the celebration of the Kalogeros “has nothing to do with konaki”. She said something else in her own home. In 1992, the Kalogeros celebration was performed in silence and even Anastenarides that live in Serres the biggest township in the area, did not know anything about the celebration. This is one of the reasons that I went to Melikē.

9 Cf. supra for the counterclockwise movement, see also Håland 2007: ch. 4-6, particularly for the image of the circle, which is very deep rooted in Greek culture, and the Cyclic Symbolism still pervades Greek rituals and thinking. Thus, to form a ring is a magical ritual. The apotropaic power of the circle derives from the manner in which it creates two distinct spaces, cf. du Boulay 1982, 1984: 543 ff., 2009; Stewart 1991: ch. 6.



considered to be pagan.10 On the other hand, we have similar evidences from antiquity through the Byzantine period until modern times, since animals are still sacrificed to saints and during other religious occasions within the Orthodox Church. The ritual might therefore, rather be one of many instances of popular versus doctrinal religion, for example as illustrated by the relations between the official and popular faith on present-day’s Mytilini/Lesbos.11 It has been argued that since the Church did not manage to forbid the ritual, it ended up by attaching the ritual to Hebrew cult, next the upper clergy turned their back to the whole affair, thus letting people do as they wanted [Papamanoli-Guest 1991: 87]. The ritual, certainly, is influenced by ancient Greek, Christian, Jewish and Islamic culture, and is therefore presented as a legal Christian custom [cf. Aikaterinidēs 1979]. Accordingly, although the Anastenaria is denounced by officials of the Greek Orthodox Church, for example the local priest of Agia Elenē, as a sacrilegious survival of pre-Christian idolatrous rites, the festival is situated within the religious and cosmological context of the Orthodox Church and makes extensive use of Orthodox symbolism, faith and ritual practices.

The information we possess on the Anastenaria does not go beyond the 12th century, when the performers are criticized for being “possessed by demons” [cf. Choniatae 1975: 371 for a description from ca. 1186]. The Anastenaria was also criticized in the 19th century, by the theologian A. Chourmouziadēs [1873, repr. 1961], who found that “these rites, particularly performed by women, were similar to the orgies of Dionysos”. He also cited the criticisms and accusations from the bishop of Macedonia, Theophilos, who in his text published in the “Tameion Orthodoxias” (Treasury of Orthodoxy) in 1780, again cited the critical observations of Kyrillos of Alexandria [cf. Migne, PG, Vol.70: 989-992] from the 5th century, of what he assumed to be the same customs. Theophilos is particularly critical to the ceremonial animal sacrifice, the “kourmpanion”,12 the ecstatic bearing of miracle-working icons, including the customs when lay people carry icons to ward off drought. These customs are nevertheless not limited to the Anastenaria, since “kourmpani” are found in the whole Eastern Mediterranean area, within the Jewish, Christian

10 The animal sacrifice, in fact, is so important that the church signifies the Anastenaria as

“kourmpani”, Mpougatsos 1963: 636, i.e. the classification of the official Church, see Håland 2007: ch. 3 particularly n.48 for discussion.

11 See Conybeare 1901: 109 for for prayer for sacrificing an ox from the 8th century CE, cf. Håland 2007: ch.4 and n.290 for the 1992-version of the same prayer. Cf. also Håland forthcoming.

12 See infra. Romaios 1949: 32-42 cites Theophilos, an anonymous Byzantine source from ca. 1250, etc. Cf. also supra.



and Muslim religions, and people on present-day’s Karpathos also carry icons over the fields to ward off drought [cf. Håland 2005a, 2007].

THE ANCESTOR-CULT OF THE “KŌSTILIDES”, THE “MACEDONIANS” AND GENERATION

During the festival conflicts and problems within the group of

Anastenarides also come to the surface, reflecting the problems of the individual problems, which he - or she - tries to solve through the dance.

In 1992, for example, conflict within the Anastenarides in the town Langadas, provoked that their leader took the family icon with him to Agia Elenē. Many pilgrims also followed him, first and foremost women. The other fraction, leaded by his brother went to Kōsti to find a new icon. However, the people in Agia Elenē also have problems. Similar conflicts were present at the Kalogeros festival in Melikē, both during the celebration in general and during the final meal in their konaki The Anastenaria festival in general presents many antagonisms, between the state and the local society, rich and poor, men and women, those with and those without an (often university) education. Nevertheless, several of the younger members of the group, are in fact university students. Many of, particularly, the male members of the group, are younger high-educated people, often coming from Thessaloniki or Athens. Many of they are often grandchildren of refugees from Kōsti, themselves being refugees from their native village to student housing in Thessaloniki. In other words, categories like class, gender, group and generation within the village are important in relation to the festival.

Since the festival is celebrated by a circle mainly including the descendants of refugees, who arrived from the village of Kōsti in eastern Thrace in the 1920s, we also meet a ritual, which in many ways makes critical the relations between a group of “indigenous” people and the “immigrants”, the “Thracians” (or “Kōstilides”), the latter constituting the richest and also most influential political group in the village. The “Kōstilides”, “refugees” or “Thracians”, as the “native” people often call them, however, do not constitute a different ethnic group [cf. Danforth 1995: 13, see also Danforth 1989: 65], even if they sometimes do, for the “indigenous”, who also regard themselves as “locals” (those who always have lived here) contra the “Thracians”, even if the Greek identity of the latter in fact was the very reason their ancestors



arrived in the village in the 1920s.13 This problem is also present in Melikē, where the indigenous regard themselves as Greeks versus the Thracians. This is not straightforward, however, since the latter also regard themselves first and foremost as “Kōstilides”, celebrating their “Kōstilidian” community and identity through the Anastenaria, regarding other villagers as “outsiders” or strangers (i.e. xenoi) contra “insiders” or our own people (i.e. dikoi mas).14 Ethnic identity is in essence a past-oriented form of identity [Danforth 1989: 171n.1], and the exclusivity of the celebrants is also indicated by the fact that they visit other villages where the festival is celebrated during the three days celebration in May, these villagers are also regarded as “insiders” or our own people, since they are “Kōstilides”. So paradoxically the “Greeks that came home” in the 1920s have not been accepted as Greeks by their Greek neighbours, simultaneously as they regard themselves as “Kōstilides”. In the various villages, the different groups of people each live in a separate neighbourhood, and don’t venture into the areas of the others. During the Kalogeros ritual in Melikē, for instance, the procession that paid visits to all the houses and were treated with wine, ouzo and food, only visited the houses in the Thracian part of the village, officially because there was no time to visit the others. This was also stated by the Greeks, i.e. non-Thracians who participated in the procession, such as the “King” at the carnival. In Agia Elenē a large group of villagers, the “locals” consists of the descendants of the “Macedonians” who lived in the village before the immigrants arrived from eastern Thrace. These “indigenous Macedonians”, according to themselves, are descendants of the people who had worked as serfs on the Turkish estates that had existed in the area before the Turkish left Macedonia early in the twentieth century. Other villagers, the newcomers, refer to them as “blacks” or “gypsies”, since many of them are dark-skinned. They are the poorest and least powerful of the social groups in the village, and usually they meet the procession of Anastenarides with drawn curtains and closed doors during their circuits of the village. Since the Thracians only have lived in the area since the 1920s, those I spoke with, “i.e. second and third generation” Thracians also had to emphasize their Greekness. Officially, the village is Greek, but we learn something else when we talk with people, as in Agia Elenē, where a Macedonian kiosk owner, claimed that the Thracians were lazy, and that they came late. In 1992, the only survivor of those who originally came from Kōsti was very happy when he had the possibility to speak Turkish.

13 Cf. Håland 2007: ch. 4 for this problem, particularly in Melikē. 14 This is further discussed in Håland 2007: ch. 6n.667, 2011: ch. 5.



HOLY SPACES IN OLD AND NEW PLACES As in general with refugees, the Thracians are concerned with keeping

their traditions alive. Many of the refugees who came to Greece from present-day Bulgaria and Turkey during the population exchanges in the 1920s, came from areas that had been very isolated, and had been categorized as “invisible countries”, or been regarded as no-mans-land. People therefore lived very isolated lives, and there was no “hostile power” that wished to send invasion forces into such a “godforsaken” and inaccessible land. The peasants remained tied to the soil they lived on and off. They remained in their immediate surrounding where they had their livelihood, and it is possibly that that makes them conservative. People were alienated from the larger history and reproduced their traditional culture [cf. Hastrup 1992]. Here they had performed their rituals throughout the years without wondering whether they were “survivals” from pre-Christian times, compatible with the “proper Orthodox faith” or not. They did only as their ancestors had done. If they moved, as during the population exchanges in the 1920s, then the place where the rituals were performed had also to be moved, and cult sites multiplied when people were scattered. However, the multiplied cultic sites are as similar to the original as possible, since there are certain natural symbols such as caves, springs, trees, etc. that are essential for the cult site. This regards many refugees coming to Greece in the 1920s, such as the Anastenarides. The holy spaces surrounding konaki where the rituals carried out by the Anastenarides in the two villages I have visited take place, are copies of the original cultic space back in Kōsti [see also Kakouri 1965 for this aspect], the ritual place at the fringe of the village is always situated next to a tree and, the holy spring in Kōsti is reproduced several places in Greece. The importance of their place of origin is also illustrated by the fact that the new Langadas-fraction, went to Kōsti to find a new icon.

Religious festivals are symbols of unity and represent “roots for emigrants”. For the “returned” “Kōstilides” therefore, many of the everyday symbols from Kōsti and the entire dream about the place have been transformed into holy symbols for those who emigrated, and their descendants, the Anastenarides. Furthermore, it is Thrace that is the point of reference when the holiness of the drinking water is described: the meaning of water is encountered in the springhouse in Agia Elenē through the icons that are situated there, because the “drinking water both here and in Thrace is always dedicated to one or another saint. Therefore all have the name Agios,” according to Maria Michaēl-Dede. In this way the Anastenaria cult celebrates



the past. Their cultic apparatuses belong to “former (i.e. Thracian) days”, such as the sēmadia, thus constituting an ancestor-cult located to their place of origin, since the “Kōstilides”, celebrates their “Kōstilidian” community and identity through their religious rituals. Their cult represents ancestor worship in the proper sense of the word, since both a male costume from Kōsti, through sēmadi or the clothes of the ancestors from Kōsti are made holy in extension of the clothes of Agios Kōnstantinos. The same regards terms like Konaki, which means house and has Turkish origin, folksongs and the sacred version of the Thracian folkdance called the “handkerchief dance”. For the “Kōstilides” then, it was not Greece and Greek culture that became holy, but their own Thracian past. Also for the university educated youths in the urban areas who today become members of the brotherhood, the Anastenaria constitutes a romantic return trip to the past, simultaneously as it guarantees a strong religious experience and unity among the members. The young encounter at the same time something exotic and familiar, since the ritual directs them into a transformed state of consciousness, simultaneously as they are surrounded by the same symbols from the Orthodox church with which they have been familiar since childhood: they are possessed by the same spirit that possessed grandmother. Although the Anastenaria represents the past for these youths, this is not the past in Kōsti, as it is for the older members, but the past represented by Agia Elenē, and other traditional Greek villages. The grandchildren of the immigrants from Kōsti, are also immigrants to student housing in Athens or Thessaloniki. For them it is as important to return home to Agia Elenē and Melikē as it was for their forebears to go home to Kōsti, a return trip that however was an unattainable dream. A variant is the photographer John Demos, who told me that he was particularly interested in the Anastenaria because his ancestors came from a place nearby Kōsti.

The traditional Orthodox custom on Clean Monday, when the younger ask the forgiveness of their elders on this first day of Lent, has an interesting parallel in another sort of agreement, the mock wedding between two “contesting” population groups, the newcomers and the “Melikēans” through their symbolic union or marriage that takes place at the end of carnival in Melikē. This is in itself a variant of the common carnival wedding, but here the bride and groom come from each of the groups, the bride is Thracian and the groom is Melikēan. Although they had problems finding someone who was prepared to personify the bride in 1992, which illustrated the conflict on the village level, the point is that this is a common way to settle a conflict all over the Mediterranean from the ancient to the present day. It also parallels the custom that the bride is regarded as a stranger, the one who comes from



outside, whether the wedding is a result of capture by violent means, or a more peaceful transaction. Marriages often take place between enemies [cf. further Håland 2011: ch. 5 for discussion].

SOME NOTES ON GENDER IN THE ANASTENARIA The American anthropologist Loring M. Danforth [1989] has rightly

argued that the festival is a possibility for women to exercise power. Women are aso the main participants in the festival, as well as the main beneficiaries of the therapy it provides. Their role in the festival, is also illustrated by the woman being the first to carry around the censer, a woman is also the first to start dancing, although, on both occasions, she gets the censer from the leader, i.e. a man. Similarly, men always carry the icons in the processions. Men also lead the processions. Perhaps this is also the reason that Danforth in the article, “Power through Submission in the Anastenaria” [1983, cf. also 1989], has argued that this empowering of women mainly relates to the generally subordinate and powerless women within Greek society. One may, however, argue that the festival in many ways first and foremost is related to the female domestic sphere. The festival represents “women’s things” in general, i.e. religion, illness, and family life [cf. Håland 2007, 2009]. Generally, women are the first to light a candle, to dance, they prepare the food, greet the procession, and the buses coming from other villages during the main festival, most often are loaded by female pilgrims.15 Women, in general, have an exceptional place in the thoughts and feelings of the Anastenarides, according to Michaēl-Dede [1973], who also stresses that the respect shown to Agia Elenē appears to be the oldest element of the cult and seems to be related to the cult of the Great Mother, that was particularly strong in the Eastern Mediterranean as many researchers have illustrated [Limberis 1994; Borgeaud 1996]. When Elenē died on 18 August 327 or 328, her son established cult for his holy mother in the garden of the Nymph, Daphne, dedicated to Apollo.16

15 In 1992 many came from the village of Mauroleukē. The same year the pilgrims following

Sōtērios Liouros and the icon from Langadas were also first and foremost women, cf. supra. 16 Schott-Billmann 1987: 82, see also ch. 4, cf. Håland 2006, 2007: ch. 6 for other Mother

Goddesses dying/celebrated in August, cf. ch. 4. Agios Kōnstantinos is identified with Kōnstantinos the Great, the first Roman Emperor to profess Christianity. He converted to Christianity in 323 CE (was baptised before his death in 337) and dedicated Konstantinople (named after him), formerly Byzantium, as the new eastern capital of the Roman Empire. In later Greek Orthodox tradition he is regarded as the founder of the Byzantine Empire and the defender and saviour of the Christian religion. He was the son of Flavius Kōnstantios from a



CONCLUSION Based on fieldwork which I have carried out in two villages populated by

descendants of refugees arriving in Greece in the beginning of the previous century, the article has discussed the main festival within the ritual year of the Anastenarides. Today the Anastenaria festival presents an example of cultural diversity, within the modern Greek context. The ritual year of the Anastenaria relates to the ritual year of the Greek Orthodox Church but also ritual diversity from the very church. Categories like class, gender, group and generation within the villages are important in connection with the Anastenaria. The article has also explored how the religious spaces surrounding the rituals of the Anastenarides in modern Greece are copies of the original cultic space in Kōsti, Thrace from where their forebears emigrated, and how the past has become holy for the descendants.

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Chapter 6

RITUAL OF HEALING PEOPLE IN THE SHAMANIC PRACTICE OF THE NANAI

PEOPLE INHABITING THE LOWER AMUR REGION

Olga V. Maltseva* Institute of Archaeology and Ethnograpy, Sibirian Branch,

Russian Academy of Science, Novosibirsk, Russia

ABSTRACT

Shamanism of the peoples inhabiting the Lower Amur region deserves special attention as a cultural phenomenon that was representing a harmonious fusion of Central Asian and Far Eastern traditions. The practice of shamanic healing of the Amur Nanai - representatives of the Tungus-Manchu group of peoples, equally combined elements of fishing (related to fishing, hunting) and household rituals (ancestor worship). The ideological platform of the ritual based on the relationship between the human soul and the spirit, which personified in various forces of nature. The shaman took the part of mediator into dialogue between the man and the invisible world of the spirits. As a healer, he installed the balance between the free spirits and the soul of man. According to animistic ideas of Nanai people, the human has several souls: omia – it was receiving at the time of birth; pania – vital soul, zulemzi – it was remaining after

* e-mail: [email protected].


Olga V. Maltseva 192

death. The shaman protecting the vital soul (pania) from hostile spirits managed its. The human that pania was away from the body or the negative impact on human beings invisible – perceived it as illness. The Amur Nanai people has formed category of shamans, which has practice of healing human. They returned the soul to the host body or neutralized the negative impact on human hostile spirits. Weak mepi- shaman could heal itself, siurinku shamans treated all people. Siurinku passing through trans-session established the cause of diseases by catching malicious spirits with the conclusion into wooden or made of peat sculpture, which was depicting a bear or a tiger. Thus, the spirit "pacified" became assistant for shaman. According to data by the beginning of 20th century and to results of a survey of elderly Nanai people, the shamans-siurinku could cure part of neuropsychiatric diseases, which modern medicine is not able to handle. Shamans performed not only the medical role, but also a social one. The seon-spirits, gathered and "tamed" them, became defenders of the villages from penetration smallpox epidemics. From the 1920-s the active campaign against shamanism has led to many cases unexplained of mental illness among the indigenous population. Natives explained it by the loss of shaman’s status of the patron saint of settlements. Seons, which they collected, again found themselves at liberty "could to send to people different mental disorders." Since the 1970s, shamanic healing practice has moved into a latent state. Occupation was not advertising. Currently, the ritual shamanic healing is almost lost irreplaceable heritage of Nanai culture.

ABBREVIATIONS FMA -Field materials of the auhor AKT - Archives of the Khabarovsk Territory

INTRODUCTION Shamanism is one of the features of the traditional worldview of the Nanai

people. Its complex structure include early fishing (hunting) cultural layer, which formed in the taiga of Siberia, and bedding that emerged later as a result of the influence of Sino-Lama ideas and techniques (Eliade, 2000, 65-66, 132-136, 231-237). According to some researchers, some of the elements of ritual and ideological complex penetrated the Amur environment through the Uighurs in the era of Bohai State. Since the 17th century correction model of the world and ritual practices took place in accordance with the Manchzhu


Ritual of Healing People in the Shamanic Practice … 193

system of beliefs (Sem, 2007, 11-12; Shavkunov, 1990, 187). Keeping up until the middle of the 20th century the practice of shamanic healing incorporated elements of fishing (related to fishing, hunting), household rituals (the cult of ancestor), curative magic and initiation rite.

Presented in this article, the material mainly includes information previous ethnographers who had a chance to talk with the real shamans and to see their ritual over the sick, and the results of recent surveys of the local population living in the area of the Amur and Gorin Nanai (collection was carried out in the villages Naihin (Daerga), Dada, Condon). It should be noted that in the Lower Amur region shamanism as an institution has ceased to exist in the 1970s with the gradual passing of the strongest shamans, still born in pre-revolutionary period. Currently informants, who possess information on various aspects of shamanism, are descendants and relatives of the dead shamans. Healing practice has moved from the sacred to the domestic sphere and ceased to be a part of the ancient cosmogony and Nanai antropogony (Maltseva, 2008).

THE CONCEPTS OF "DISEASE" AND "HEALTH" IN THE ANIMISTIC REPRESENTATIONS

OF THE NANAI PEOPLE Up until the middle of the 20th century, the Nanai people have retained

the traditional system of philosophy, going back to the animistic worldview. According to it, the disease, the human body were considered as spiritual substance. The man himself could accommodate several projections, each of which was associated with a particular soul, acquired at a certain stage of life. Originally, soul omia was in the form of birds on the family tree of life. Сoming down from the tree branches to the ground and entering a woman’s womb, omia contacted with her internal organs, skeleton and transformed into a mortal soul uksuki, what was responsible for the physiological functions of the body of a child (Lipsky, 1923, 41; Lopatin, 1922, 199-200; Smolyak, 1991, 101-133). Person throughout his or her life was accompanied by the vital soul - pania, it was the astral double. It was only immortal soul zulemzi of man remained on Earth after man’s death (Ivanov, 1976, 161-188; Kozminsky, 1929, 43-44; Lipskaya-Valrond, 1925, 145-160). This list of human souls microcosmic level goes into the category of macrocosmic order which included the incorporeal, "vagrant" earth spirits seveh and lower busu



(Lopatin, 1922, 210-214). Function of the shaman was to mediate in the dialogue between man and host of unseen spirits, representing a threat to the world of people. In most cases, he played the role of protector and healer. Seveh penetrated into the human body, caused him different diseases - therapeutic, neurological, psychiatric manifestations. The shaman as a contactor with the invisible world had to neutralize the effects of substances on the human spirit, "pacifying" and subordinating. The manifestations of diseases corresponded to the effect that a specific spirit influenced on person and explained as a lack of harmony between man and his "spiritual twin» pania. Various disease symptoms depended not only on the variety of spirits, embodying the elements of nature, but also what kind of "invisible way" pokto (mining, water, taiga, and in the morning, night, night time) the spirit and intent can come (Bulgakova, 1999, 116-120; Lopatin, 1922, 215; Shirokogorov, 1919, 66- 68). The vast number of Nanai believed that the loss of pania and its "wandering" is turned to violation of physiological balance in the human body and, as a consequence, to appearance of certain diseases (Lopatin, 1922, 264-265; Smolyak, 1991, 107-112). Based on this concept, human health, came from a balance between the spiritual world and the outer. Terms of healthy life were associated with the ethical side, emotional state and the family life force. A healthy person gelga determined on the grounds – he did not violate the ethics of fishing, household, family rules (relating to women and households); did not attend the taboo territory; retain respect for elders, and members of his family were healthy, lucky, good friends (Istoria i kultura nanaitsev, 2003, 228; Smolyak, 1991, 173). In case of one of the interlocutor in dialogue moved to a loud cry, laugh, cry, that could cause "jitters" pania his mate. He began to feel discomfort as if his "spirit-wraith" was lost. In addition, some spirits, hostile to man, could steal pania. In this case, the shaman entered into "negotiations" with pania and seveh, he was assigned the mission of search and return of the soul to the body of the host. At its core, the shaman performed a social-therapeutic role that created by a community of spiritual, mental and emotional climate, preventing the occurrence of diseases.

EXPERIENCE OF SHAMANIC "HEALING" Institute of Shamanism involves “election”, which is pronounced in the

path of transformation neophyte to shaman. According to some researchers, Nanai environment obtaining shamanic gift took shape in the ecstatic



experience, typical for the peoples of the subarctic zone (Eliade, 2000, 14, 16, 19-24: Lopatin, 1922, 241; Shirokogorov, 1919, 82-83). Emphasis was placed on shaman’s self-healing and demonstrating new skills by healing other people. The evidence of the revival of shamanic gift expressed in prolonged mental, neurological disorders, hallucinations. In the literature of the late 19th - early 20th century there are enough examples, which were described the formation of shamans (Zelenin, 1935, 724-727). Most of these were people who suffered from epileptic fits and was prone to loneliness. Plunging into part-trans, they learned to control his mental state with techniques designed according cultural traditions, which were prevailed in their midst. At present, there are no consensus among researchers views on the nature of shamanism in society Nanai. The divergence of opinion on this subject is especially illustrated by explanations concerning the rite of passage as a shaman. With the current assertion that generic type of shamanism prevailed in the Nanai society (Shavkunov, 1990, 187; Lopatin, 1922, 238-239; Smolyak, 1991, 34-35), we were not able to find evidence of the shamanic "gift’s" inheritance on the ancestral line. Demonstrating ability occurred spontaneously, regardless of family, clannish affiliation. The manifestation of mental illness, recurring dreams qualified as chosen one spirit. Only experienced "dedicated" one could stop the suffering of the neophyte. According to tradition of the Nanai people, the future shaman was "opened" by tudin - seer, soothsayer (FMA, 2011, Nayhin, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory). He was entrusted with the mission of identifying shaman abilities. Not every epileptic seizure, a form of hysteria were signposts of the opening opportunities. Beginner first steps in his ceremonial activities performed, accompanied by the tudin, who was a mentor and appraiser properly perform actions. This constructive dialogue between shaman and tudin was continued by sacramentation, which was aimed at healing of sick people. At its core, the shamanic self-healing can be interpreted as the output of attacks, which inherent in some psychosomatic, neurological diseases, into the mainstream of the game that took by form of the ritual. Acts and attributes of this ritual contained cultural codes the traditional model of the universe Nanai society. Smolyak A.V. gives the example of the one Nanai woman-shaman, who practiced shamanism few years and then she decided to renounce this activity. She was very ill, hunched, something happened with her spine. The woman with a request for help came to the shaman Molo Oninko, he after the session ritual saw the cause of her ailments in a departure from the practice of shamanic (Smolyak, 1991, 172). This episode from the life of the Nanai shamans is one of the reasons to consider their ritual and ceremonial activities from the perspective of medical care. The ways self-



healing of the candidate shamans through immersion in the sacred elements were individual and depended on the level of its forces. Smolyak A.V. in the course of her research has identified several categories of Nanai shamans. They all encountered with a healing practice, but each made his way in search of spiritual pests or pania, that left the body. In the initial stage of sacramentation already the power shamans determined by how far he could go to the spirit world and what "pathways" used (Bulgakova, 1999, 116-120). There were ordinary shamans mepi sama. Of ritual paraphernalia they had tambourines, that received an inheritance. Having weak spirits, they engaged self-healing and was not spend ceremony. Siurinku-sama are treating shamans. They are sometimes called «supporting the flame». Probably, the meaning of this expression goes back to antiquity and related to the term «supportive life». They could cure severe illness, to help women in labor. Shamans-healers had a full set of ritual paraphernalia, which consisted of a drum with a mallet, a belt with a conical metal pendants and costume, which included a jacket, apron and hat. During the session cure, they were able to show a different tricks. The Amur Nanai people living in villages Naihin, Dada, Dzhary, as well as the now-abandoned villages Torgon, Dondon, Muha, had the most number of shamans this category. The following in the classification ningma and kasaty shamans are known as storytellers and conductors of souls of the dead people to the afterlife (Smolyak, 1991, 51-56).

THE PRACTICE OF HEALING IN SHAMANISTIC RITUAL In the literature of the 19th and 20th century about Nanai people quite

well covered topic of healing of the man in shamanic rituals (Gaer, 1978; Lopatin, 1922; Shimkevich, 1896; Shirokogorov, 1919, 1935; Smolyak, 1991). Treating shamans siurinka in sacramentation not only demonstrated their magical abilities and techniques of ecstasy. Rite allowed to build a mythical Space in which the human soul is met with various representatives and passed all levels. Place and time of the ritual, ceremonial phased vestments shaman, actions and «materialization» of the disease fit into the ritual scheme in which prevailed cultural stereotypes. Actions began with the invitation the shaman by sick or his family. Search for the cause of the disease could take several day. Having used his ritual instruments they were tambourine and mallet, siurinka entered into an ecstatic state, allowing him to focus in outer space, which was populated by different entities. An egg shape of tambourine and material for making, it was finely crafted leather deer, pointed to the cosmogony essence of



the ritual of healing and affirmed of his birth in the bosom of the taiga hunting traditions. An image of the Universe in the form eggs we find in the cosmogony of the Eastern Siberian Evenki people whom the main occupations are hunting and reindeer herding. Broadcast the model of the Universe in Lower Amur cultural environment occurred with the Tungus migration from Siberia to the valley of the Amur river. Embrace of shaman was formed also by merger of cultures components that originated in Siberia and East Asia (Shirokogorov, 1935). The semantics of the clothing reflects the unit three-story space with the designation of the beings, who were assistants to the shaman in a particular area. The woven skirt were placed images of snakes, frogs, who were chthonic deities (Figure 1). They were messengers of the shaman. The headdress was an indicator of the sacral status. The shamans of the highest category kasaty could penetrate into the higher spheres and in the passage buni which associated with the world beyond the grave (Kile, 1976, 189-203). The symbolic image of horns on their cap indicated the possibility of penetration of the shaman in the upper world. The owners of medium-strength – siurinka were replaced the hat with horns by the crown of chips with a drop-down on the back of the tail (it represented the bird Kori; here, probably, the relationship with paleo-Asiatic (paleo-Sibiric) traditions) (Figure 2). The sphere geken and dorkin locating under water and land, where shamans were afraid to penetrate, they just dumped evil entities there, existed in shamanic demonology (Smolyak, 1991, 21-22). As the research materials, even the great shamans had limitations in trans-flights in the mythical Universe. They were able to reach the highest sphere where God Enduri lives, but their "earthly power" didn’t allow to stay long in the Heavenly world.

Figure 1. Shamanic skirt, part dress's of the shaman N.S. Tumali. V. Kondon. 1971 (Fhoto by V.A. Timohin from the collection of Museum History and Culture of the peoples Siberia and the Far East, Scientific-Auxiliary Fund No 51).



Figure 2. Shaman N.S. Tumali during sacramentation. V. Kondon. 1971 (Fhoto by V.A. Timohin from the collection of Museum History and Culture of the peoples Siberia and the Far East, Scientific-Auxiliary Fund No 51).

The spirits intermediate (earth) of the world living in water, taiga, sky had a direct impact on the people. They were subject to the shamans of all categories, but for siurinka were the main object with whom he contacted and worked. The shaman ferreted out plans surrounding his seveh beings under the rhythms of the tambourine, plunging into a trance, which was usually done under the cover of night. In the sacred world, he paved the complex road, which means there are many dangers. The back belt with attached conical metal pendants yamha helped him to way through hostile environment spirits. During a ritual dance, the pendants, bumping into each other, uttered a loud metallic sound, «scaring» evil entities, and this cleared the way for him. The pairs of burning rosemary and warming alcohol that used by contractor ritual, as depletion of its forces, were a stimulator, which facilitated the difficult transition. There are many descriptions of the Nanai shaman sacramentation. In a state of ecstasy, he was able to speak different voices, up in the air, performing miracles with the transformation of the things. As a result, he spat out the "spirit of the disease" in the form of some metal pieces, they were a



worm or beetle (Lopatin, 1922, 236-237, 243-244, 258-259, 264-282; Shirokogorov, 1919, 93-105; Smolyak, 1991, 155-220). There are several interpretations of explaining the nature of the phenomenon of shaman sacramentation. Researchers of the Soviet period were of the view about theatrical essence of shamanic action, where the present played not least role. As spectators, they provided emotional support to game shaman as an actor. It is not improbable occurrence of spectators in a hypnotic state (Basilov, 1984, 117-136). A new view of the nature of shamanism comes from the ability shaman to enter the borderline state, differentiating himself and his environment (Bersnev, 2012; Voronina, 2013).

However, according to concept that was outlined the bearers of traditional culture and explaining what is happening, the amorphous seveh, which caused inconvenience the person, must be concluded in a specific image sevehn (FMA, 2001, Kondon, Solnecnyi district, Khabarovsk territory). Capture the being disease and taming it through the inflow of «service» to the shaman was essence of therapeutic sacramentation. The main shamanic spirit seon, which was subordinate to the first, «managed» by all subsequent attached spirit beings. This shows that protective function of a shaman was gathering under its authority of a restless entity that disturbed people. Thus, they were trans-formed in the spirits-assistants and gave force the shaman. In this case, it was making a sculptural image sevehn, which comprised a «restraint» spirit. Figure-container transmitted a stylized image of a man or an animal (Zelenin, 1936, 18-23). According instructions of tudin or surinka a special master cut it of a wood or peat. After establishment of causes of disease, a shaman was obliged to conduct the rite iliochi, to «suck», «put» the being in shape. He tied the rope (thread) at one end to his belt, others to sculpture and, playing the tambourine, ferried being in the image on the simulated road (FMA, 2011, Nayhin, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory).

In 2011 year, the representative of the Amur Nanai people Raisa Alekseevna Beldy told about was doing ritual her aunt, the great woman-shaman Gora Gayker. For curing the patient she had “to make chase” for hiding from her spirit. Own it do it could not, because the evil spirit could shelter deep in the mountains. Gayker G. was sending his “assistant”, able to penetrate through the depths of the earth and the rocks. In the process of capturing "fugitive" she was asking to make sevehn Gorodo, it was anthropomorphic image of the spirit of the mountains with the top in the form of little people (FMA, 2011, Nayhin, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory). Usually before subdue seveh, the shaman worked on it, correcting it, "cutting off" pernicious manifestations that put a straw dolls oksoki (busyaku)



(Smolyak, 1991,76) (“busyaku” according to Beldy R.A. s. Naihin. 28. 08 2011). Shaman's pantheon, which included patrons of the terrestrial elements, conventionally reflected the hierarchy of diseases in relation to the natural landscape that was by projection of the mythical Universe. For example, a group of sevehn Gorodo (patrons of the mountains, close to the Sky) induced in human psychiatric disorders. The sevehns average (terrestrial) zone of group Duenteni, conveying stylized features of the bear, indicated to the people neurological, therapeutic diseases - lung, heart, gastrointestinal tract, joints, rheumatism, radiculitis. Another kind of sevehns associated with personi-fication of the image, which was related to the tiger (leopard, panther) as an expression of different types of therapeutic and oncological diseases. Sculptures, transmitting features of the cat, differed in form. They were images conditionally showing the beast in sitting, standing, or underlining its position of horizontally elongated body. Material for the production of sevehns and their grading expressed the specifics of diseases. Representatives of the highest category was made of larch, this breed of trees had a shaman status. Variations of the sevehns notes a gender dimension also, as shown by an idols with the features of a bear and cat. According to shaman model Universe of the Nanai people, a group of Duente included «taiga» (Na-Duente) and «water» (Mue-Duente) bears, patronizing, not only terrestrial and aquatic area, but the masculine and feminine. Accordingly, their semantics and material of manufacture indicated on the nature of disease, which had a purely specific manifestation depending on the sex of the patient. «Taiga bear» was made of all breeds of trees. “Water bears” was made only from willow or peat, it was emphasized that it belongs to the floodplain landscape and connection with «women's diseases» (post-partum bleeding, menstruation). Spirits subordinate of "Water Bear" also treated diseases of the genitourinary system (FMA, 2011, Naihin, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory). Sevehns, which was enclosed image of a tiger (a panther or leopard), embodied shamanic power of women, men and "women's disease" also.

As you can see in the shaman's complex the images bear and a tiger, they are predators of taiga zone, became canonical in the personification of certain diseases. It should be noted, that in the rite of patients the shaman attending is often resorted to improvisation. The sevehns, in which he struck his spirits, also had individual traits depending on symptoms occurring diseases. Remotely they transferred the image of a tiger or a bear, but complemented by a variety of details, which are mainly comprised the algorithm disease. Amulet that looks like a bear figure with movable joints made at rheumatism and joint diseases. The sevehn Moha (it is horizontal image of a tiger with an elongated



tail end and pineal end of the tail) embodied gastric diseases, abdominal pain and bowel disorder (Kubanva, 1992, 33-34). Sevehn Yarga (it is image of the panter, repeats the tiger, but only with a drawing on the body of spots, rings) brought a cold, fever, typhoid fever and back pain. Recurring image, but with the little man (Adzheha) on the back, is associated with cancer pain in the abdomen (Shimkevich, 1896, 44). They were personal sevehns also whose external features, details were associated with specific symptoms. Sculpture in the form of a hedgehog Funchelka was made to protect an individual from stabbing pain, Mioldoko in the form of a heart - from heart disease. Darma-Enei sedan was a human figure with hunched back, was made when a patient due to diseases could not to straighten his back (Maltseva, 2012, 119-120; Lopatin, 1922, 225-228; Samar, 1998, 292-300; Shimkevich, 1896, 41-60).

According to the modern Nanai informants, both "open" and "undiscovered" shamans could treat people (FMA, 2011, Naihin, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory). The difference was that, the "open" shaman worked in contact with tudin or other shaman that was not him a competitor. In the ritual of curing he absorbed the «evil entity», his partner neutralized the impact them by removing amban. «Unopened» shaman worked alone, accumulating in himself harmful spirits. In such a case he could cure a person from one disease and at the same time send him a new disease. Continuity of knowledge from one to another “devoted” carried out in the «open» shamanism only. This transmission was built on the tradition, which was preserved until the beginning of 20th century.

TRANSFORMATION OF FUNCTIONS ATTENDING SHAMAN

IN THE NANAJ ENVIRONMENT IN THE HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT

The middle part of the Lower Amur region, where the focus Nanai village

- Nayhin (Daerga), Jari, Dada (up to 1970 - Torgon, Muha, Dondon) is the center of the cultural life of the Nanai ethnic group. In the recent past it was considered by hotbed of shamanic traditions. Among Nanai people living on the Gorin River, it is the tributary of the Amur River, preserved memories about arrival shamans with Amur to their area. In case of serious illness or death of someone of the villagers, it was invited a strong shaman kasaty-sama, out of the midst of the Amur Nanai. According to studies, the majority of the shamans were from clans Onenko, Beldy, Kile, Geyker, what composed of



representatives of different small Amur clans, sometimes not related to the genetic relatedness (FMA, 2011, Naihin, Dada, Verhniy Nergen, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory). By the 19th century already Nanai clans have lost the territorial and economic unity. Each settlement (the camp) was by territorial neighboring community in which men coexisted come from various corners of the Lower Amur and South of the Far East. From this we can conclude that the continuity of shamanic traditions are not always carried out along the lines of blood ties. Social, cultural component played a primary role in the formation of the Institute of shamanism in Nanaj environment. For many centuries the Amur aborigines were in the field of influence of their southern neighbours, what had a complex polity - the Bohai (689-926 yers), the Empire Jin (1115 - 1234 yers), the Manchzhu Empire (1644 - 1911 yers). In these far-Eastern powers the Buddhism, Shamanism were by the major religions and philosophies, which penetrated into the Amur environment and nvdetermined the content of local belief systems. Syncretism of shaman model worldview and ritual of the Nanais are viewed in detail stack unit of Heaven, where are the patrons of the constellations and cities; in ritual using paper and tissue «icons» Miao with hieroglyphic inscriptions; sacrificing a pig to the Supreme gods; reading of prayers on the Manchzhu language; emergence of the figure Dragon among the lords of the Universe and the elements (Maltseva, 2009 a; Smolyak, 1991). Nanai shamans to reproductive treatment of women for help addressed deities to seventh and eighth spheres. They had patrons of the goddess Lunga, which has 50 children, and Nyangnya Endurni, who gave birth to 100 children and subjugated the 30 cities (Sem, 2007, 11-12; Smolyak, 1991, 14-15).

In Nanai society a shaman as healer implemented a social function. His responsibility was to protect his village (camp) from the evil spirits that bring human vices, natural disasters, disease. The role of the shaman was particularly increased in the period of rampant epidemics. In 1856, 1863, 1877, 1881’s the Lower Amur was reached by pandemic smallpox, typhoid, measles, which killed half of its indigenous population (lopatin, 1922, 46; Maltseva, 2011, 121-125; Shrenk, 1899, 4). The shamanic force was sent to fight with the element of disease. As preventive measures in the fight against smallpox the village was outlined conditional border around, preventing the penetration of infectious disease. After the execution of the shamanic ritual the figure of "defender" sevehn Buchile (a wooden idol with a stylized image of the tiger and bear, which acting as ancestor and a symbol of shamanic powers) was exposed on this border (Pereverzeva, Borodovskiy, 2004, 116-117). In connection with these sad events in Nanai folklore the cycle legends about the



spirit of smallpox Maldi, which devastated settled territory, appeared. The magical power of the shaman could only resist it (Shimkevich, 1896, 131-133). When the village was in the epicenter of the epidemic, all the inhabitants were obliged to leave it, leaving sick families in the care of the shaman, for whom he cared. In case someone from affected families showed signs of survival, shaman conducted the rite of purification houses and all dwellings. During the ritual the whole household goods were carried out in the sunlight and men recovered together with shaman left village. Place of human deaths from smallpox noted as susu that was damned, forbidden for subsequent settlements (FMA, 2011, Nayhin, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory).

In the second half of the 19th century, when the Lower Amur region was entering in the Russian Empire, the local authorities was trying to establish contact with the shamans. Even there is a legend, when the Governor of the Amur region Muraviev-Amursky N. N. invited one of shaman of the clan Kile, for to check miraculous ability his.

Shaman was put in a huge hall, decorated with stucco molding of gold and silver. Before him it was a crowd of military officers, dressed women. The governor ordered an important guest put in the center of and demonstrate his gift under the threat of death if he will not show. The guest perplexed what they want from his and prepared to death. He gave orders to his "iron" sevehn to fly into the room and to enter the shaman's body. Air vents in the building were closed tightly and the shaman, saying that he was stuffy, asked them to open up. Sevehn with a roar and whistle flew through the open window. Shaman swallowed him and felt the body gets filled by iron. Muraviev-Amursky N.N. ordered his soldiers to attack the queue, and then together on the invitee, to thrust rifles in his. Shaman reflected the attack, one by one, and eventually, to the surprise of those presents, threw of all the soldiers in one fell swoop. Guest, demonstrating his power, persuaded the governor in power and invulnerability Amur shamans (FMA, 2011, Naihin, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory).

Tsarist authority of Russia has recognized shamanism on the Amur. However, at the beginning of the 20th century with the reforms of Soviet power, the prestige of shamans in society began to fall slowly. Unfolded in the Lower Amur region sanitary-epidemiological campaign under the auspices of the Red Cross resulted in increased position among the Nanai of doctor, what resorted to the practice of medical and surgical treatment of the disease. If in the shamanic concept the healing had an ethical and religious basis, then in the new form there were dominated by scientific materialist approaches emanating from the physiological functions of the body and the anatomy of the human.



According to the modern informants, the Amur was not observed in the collision between the doctors and shamans. There were even cases when the shamans led the villagers to doctor to do the smallpox vaccine (FMA, 2011, Naihin, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory). In their eyes, the medical staff had a wider range of «miraculous abilities». If the shaman is mainly used to heal the painful symptoms, the doctor studied the origin of an illness on microbiological, therapeutic, neurological levels. In 1929, the medical-sanitary detachment of Far Eastern Regional Department of Health (Dalkrayzdrav) has compiled a list of the most common diseases among the Nanais, mainly associated with their professional and household characteristics and semi-nomadic way of life: 1st place - chronic rheumatism (27,2 %), diseases of the eyes (20,9 %); digestive system (14 %); infectious diseases (8,9 %); tuberculosis of the lungs and other organs (8 %); skin diseases (8 %) and respiratory diseases (5,5 %). The list of diseases is typical for all the indigenous peoples of Siberia and the Far East (Maltseva, 2009 b); (AKT, F. 683, inv. 1. D.79, fols. 34-35). That time leading ethnographers and teams of doctors recognized that the current status of medicine don’t enable completely to cure all diseases. Shamans lost their control over the lives of tribesmen in those villages, where the clinical medicine dominated by organization of obstetrical stations and a local clinic. At the same time, it was fixed by spread obscure mental illness in the community: some people have lost contact with their relatives, villagers; indulged by solitude, went into the forest (Shirokogorov, 1919, 93-105; Lopatin, 1922, 240-241). Doctors testified to one’s own powerlessness. «Medical expansion» was celebrated along the river, along with the advancement of civilization. Shamans successfully competed with other doctors on the side tributaries of the Amur River, where were weak roads and absent transport (AKT, F. 683, inv. 1. D.79, fols. 35-51). In the 1930s, it was began active eradication of shamanism, which led to the disappearance of the practice of ritual treatment. In order to avoid strict measures of punishment by Soviet law enforcement agencies organizers of shamanic sacramentation moved to the far corners, hidden from the eyes of the observers taiga thickets. In the words of Nanai culture media can be said that the period from the 1930s to the 1970s was a turning point in the existence of shaman, including the Nanai traditions. The transition to the latent form of shamanism was expressed in its transformation into popular treatments at the household level. Has become common practice when ordinary people at home environment were made sevehn from different pains, were used amulets without using shamanic ritual (Maltseva, 2008). There were new forms of syncretism with features of Orthodox traditions. For example, at the treatment



of female diseases, housewives with prayers addressed to the «Russian» and «Chinese» gods, which were drawn on paper shrines Miao (brought from Manchzhuria) and Orthodox icons (FMA, 2011, Lidoga, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory ). Shamanic functions were equated to magical, healer methods of healing that using herbs, parts, organs of animals. In this period a whole layer of shamanic traditions, it was making sevehns according to local canons, have disappeared. Only in the late 1980s, there have been signs of a revival of shamanic culture of healing based on the growing interest of the Nanai people to the customs of their ancestors. Currently, the Nanay people try to return the traditions of «open» shamanism. In settlement Verhniy Nergen was invited strong Buryat shaman, who through the rite saw local “sacred”, which have a lot of work to do to realize this talent in itself and open the next shaman (FMA, 2011, Verhniy Nergen, Nanai district, Khabarovsk territory). For modern Nanai people, a shaman play, not only therapeutic-neurological, psychiatric, and social and psychological role. They consider his figure as the defender and the keeper of the settlement. But the work is already done on a new coil of public consciousness.

CONCLUSION Healing a man in the bosom of shamanic ritual practices is a whole layer

of the traditional Nanai culture. It reflected closely by the animistic ideas about the structure of the world; the cult of ancestors and cosmogony inherent in a society with a complex structure of social management. At its core Nanai shamanism includes models of the Siberian region and the Pacific (East and South Asia). In rites of the election of the shaman (through its self-healing) and healing people's diseases embodied archaic technique of ecstasy, typical for the Siberian Arctic and subarctic zones. It was expressed in a spontaneous manifestation of the shaman "gift" with symptoms of epileptic and hysterical fits. This manifestation of the "shamanic sickness" or ecstatic state took shape in ritual practice, which included elements of the traditional model of the universe of fishing communities in Siberia and the Far East. The influence of the “southern neighbours” (from the North-Eastern China) resulted in introducing to “soil of the Lower Amur” components and schemas that have arisen in the East Asian agricultural environment.

Until the beginning of the 20th century shamanic healing practices Nanai came from the doctrine of the hostile environment of the person by spirit world. The emergence of certain diseases and human health effects was



explained by the character of influence of spiritual beings and the "health" of the soul within the body. Shamanic sacramentations boiled down to neutralize negative energy and introduction of protective, defensive measures not only for individuals, but also for a group of people. Shamans were the defender of the settlements from the deadly infectious diseases, human vices. Proceeding from this, we can recognize that treating shamans siurinku performed not only neuro-therapeutic, psychiatric, but also social and psychological role. Subordinating malicious spiritual beings, he acted as "defender" the village. In the Nanai environment, the work with spirits, bringing people a disease, their «pacification» by the conclusion into sculpture sevehn, which have stylized images of the boreal predators, became the foundation of the institute "open" shamanism. Attending the shaman and tudin (person with psychic abilities) worked together. Duty of tudin was to assess the validity of the acts committed as part of sacramentations and "fix" the beings that "penetrated" into shaman. Formed continuity, when the «open» shaman «opened» to his successor.

In the 20th century in the Lower Amur region the shamanism faced with medical practice emanating from the materialist conception of human physiological devices and using scientific developments in the field of microbiology. New treatments were more effective and have revolutionized the minds of the local population, this led to decrease the importance of the shaman in Nanai environment. Total restructuring of society in the course of Soviet power led to the eradication of the Nanai shamanism and including healing practices, which were in its base. Currently in environment of the Nanai the revival of the institute "open" shamanism with his usual therapeutic function takes place in the context of the appeal to traditional values and is associated first of all with the necessity of normalization of the local spiritual, psychological microclimate.

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Reviewed by Venarii A. Burnakov, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnograpy, Sibirian Branch, Russian Academy of Science.



Chapter 7

MEDICO-RELIGIOUS PLANTS AND CULTURAL RITUALS USED

BY THE MAURITIAN POPULATION AGAINST DIABETES AND RELATED

COMPLICATIONS

Mootoosamy Anushka and Mahomoodally Mohamad Fawzi

Department of Health Sciences, Faculty of Science, University of Mauritius, Réduit, Mauritius

ABSTRACT

The tropical island of Mauritius is renowned for its extraordinary cultural diversity, being inhabited by various ethnic groups. Mauritius possess a rich tradition of culture and religion in the management of panoply of pathologies and traditional medicine continues to be the cornerstone of therapy for various ailments. To the best of our know-ledge, there is no specific study so far on medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used in the management of diabetes and related compli-cations by the local population. According to recent statistics, Mauritius has one of the highest prevalence of diabetes in the world and the

E-mail address: [email protected]; [email protected].


Mootoosamy Anushka and Mahomoodally Mohamad Fawzi 212

economic burden associated with it is enormous. It is in this background that the present study has been undertaken and geared towards the documentation of medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used against diabetes and related complications. Following a cross sectional study, 10 medico-religious plants belonging to 9 families were recorded to be used against diabetes and related complications. The Hindu community was found to be the more common user of plants for religious practices. Some plants used against diabetes (e.g. Ocimum tenuiflorum) were considered as holy plants and venerated by the Hindu community. Interestingly for the first time, cultural rituals, occultism, hydrotherapy, the use of sea water and charcoal were documented to be used against diabetes and related complications. The traditional use of plant amulet necklace reported in the present study can be considered as an important finding which warrants further investigation. Data generated from the current study regarding the use of medico-religious plants and cultural rituals against diabetes and related complications require further investigations in order to validate their efficacy in clinical practice and needs to be conserved in order to prevent erosion of valuable knowledge and cultural rituals.

Keywords: Medico-religious plants, cultural rituals, diabetes and related complications, Mauritius, traditional knowledge.

INTRODUCTION Diabetes is a growing epidemic worldwide. According to recent statistics

from the International Diabetes Federation (IDF), there are over 371 million diabetics globally and this number is expected to rise to 552 million people by 2030 (IDF, 2011; IDF, 2012). Mauritius has unfortunately not been spared by this panacea with a prevalence of diabetes of 15.5% (ROM, 2013). Complications associated with diabetes are the major cause of mortality and morbidity in diabetes (Tarak et al., 2011). Prolonged uncontrolled hyper-glycemic level entails complications of diabetes such as renal failure, amputation, cardiovascular diseases and vision loss (Patel et al., 2012). Diabetes and related complications have become a real problem in many developing countries including Mauritius where its prevalence is exacerbating at an exponential rate and appropriate treatment is often beyond the means of the population or unavailable. Since ancient civilisation, diabetics had recourse to medicinal plants for the treatment and/ or management of diabetes and related complications. Medicinal plants are used based on traditional medicine


Medico-Religious Plants and Cultural Rituals … 213

knowledge which is acquired from our ancestors. During the recent years the world has witnessed the resurgence of traditional remedies against diabetes and related complications since allopathic medicines entail a panoply of side effects. According to Rachid et al. (2012), ethnopharmacological surveys indicate more than 1200 plants are used worldwide in traditional medicine in view of their hypoglycaemic activity. Despite the wealth of medicinal plants documented worldwide which possess antidiabetic activity, there are no studies on medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used against diabetes and related complications.

Since time immemorial plants have played a special role in the religious and social ceremonies in various cultures in the world. Plants are used in many ways including worshipping gods and goddesses in order to provide protection and to enhance human life. Moreover, many tribal communities worship their Gods right from the occasion of birth to mourning death. In every human society worship is performed with traditional rituals for the well-being of the community (Sharma and Pegu, 2011). In India, flowering shrubs and trees are planted in and around the temple premises and similar practice is also observed among the Buddhists who cultivate and conserve certain plant species in their shrines and pagodas (Mohanty et al., 1997). All over the world the indigenous people have protected the biodiversity with which they have symbiotic relationship (Sinha, 1996). Observation of various worship and rites differ from place to place and from caste to caste (Sharma et al., 2012). The use of plants in different religious practices is possibly the earliest and most prevalent form of religion (Airzpe, 1996). According to Hongmao (2002), in southeast China there are over 100 ritual plants which are cultivated in temple gardens. The woods of Artocarpus heterophylla are used for making the statues, Mangiera indica is normally used as offerings in Buddhist ceremonies and ornamental plants for instance Cassia fistula plays a role in beautifying the temple. The objective behind plant worship or plants used in religious festivals has always been their conservation and utilisation in the most sustainable manner (Sharma and Pegu, 2011). This is supported by Gam and Nath (2012) whereby it is believed that using one plant as a part of rituals is not only good for an individual health but also helps in the conservation of biodiversity.

Mauritius is reputed worldwide for its cultural diversity and for the panoply of traditions practiced across the island by the various ethnic groups. Mauritius is one of the rare countries around the globe which houses a multiplicity of religions under the same roof. The Mauritian population consists mainly of Hindu, Muslim, Sino-Mauritians and the Christian community. The ancestors of the Hindu and Muslim community came mostly



from the Indian continent and the ancestral language of most Hindu and Muslim is Hindi or Bhojpuri. Most of the Hindu and Muslim population adhere to the orthodox rituals practiced in their countries of origins. The Sino-Mauritians population adhere to Buddism and some are converted to Roman Catholicism and some of them speak Mandarin. The Christian community consists mainly of the ‘Black creoles’ whose ancestors came from the African continent. Despite the various languages which prevail in the island, Creole is the most widely spoken language by the vast majority of the population irrespective to which religion they belong. The different communities celebrate various religious festivals all year round. The religious practices consist of a number of rites and rituals which involve offerings, prayers and sacrifices. There is no specific work done so far on the medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used against diabetes and related complications by the Mauritian population. It is in this background that the present study has been undertaken which is geared at the documentation of medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used against diabetes and related complications among the Mauritian population. There are many plants used by the Mauritian population in different rituals and this paper is an attempt to unravel the various plants used by the Mauritian population against diabetes and related complications which are also used for religious purposes.

METHODOLOGY

2.1. Survey Area The island of Mauritius lies in the southern hemisphere in the middle of

the Indian Ocean with coordinates 57°30’ east and 20°20’ south. Mauritius has an area of 720 square miles (1,865 km²) and about 43% of the area is allocated to agriculture. Mauritius enjoys a mild tropical climate throughout the year which is characterised by a warm humid summer extending between November and April and a cool dry winter between June and September whereby October and May are the transition months. Mean mid-day temper-ature in summer ranges from 260C to around 300C and from 220C to 270C in winter when moving from the centre to the coastal areas (MOFED, 2011). Mauritius is enriched with a wealth of fauna and flora which contribute to its rich biodiversity. Since Mauritius is a multicultural society, diabetic patients and Traditional Medicine Practitioners (TMPs) belonging to different ethnic



community were selected for the interview which was conducted in twenty-one towns and villages across the island.

2.2. Ethnomedicinal Methodology

A total of 43 key informants which consisted of 37 diabetic patients and 6 TMPs were interviewed through face-to-face interviews, using a semi-structured questionnaire. The interviews were performed in ‘Creole’ the native language of the Mauritian population. The key informants comprised of 17 males and 26 females. The survey was carried out during October 2012 till February 2013 to collect information on the medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used by the Mauritian population against diabetes and related complications. Data on medico-religious plants and cultural rituals were collected from diabetic patients and TMPs over 30 years old based on the assumption that the mature population is better versed in traditional knowledge. The interviews were performed in home visits. The key informants were asked about the cultural rituals, religious importance and the medicinal properties of the plants used against diabetes and related complications. Most of the conversation held during the interviews were recorded and tapped whenever necessary. Collected information concerned both medico-religious plants (local name, indications, preparations, plant part used, place of collection, way of administration and religious virtue) and cultural rituals. Personal and socio-economic data (age, gender and occupation) were also collected from the informants.

The plants were identified based on the information obtained from the informants and the reported ailments were classified into 9 categories based on published scientific literature from Riaz (2009), Yadav et al. (2008), Ginsberg et al. (2005) and Bodansky et al. (1982). The categories were: diabetic angiopathy, diabetic nephropathy, eye diseases, diabetic neuropathy, infections and wounds, musculoskeletal disorders, hypertension, diabetic dyslipidemia and diabetes (Table 1).

2.3. Authentication of Plants

The data obtained during the survey was cross-checked (local names/ scientific names) according to a locally published book (Gurib- Fakim and Brendler, 2004). Moreover, the authors attended different festivals and rituals



of the Mauritian population and some of the festivals and rituals were photographed.

Table 1. Categories of disease

Disease categories Ailments Diabetic angiopathy Atherosclerosis, cardiovascular disease Diabetic nephropathy Renal failure Diabetic neuropathy Pain, erectile dysfunction, hearing loss Eye diseases Cataracts Diabetic dyslipidemia High level of cholesterol Hypertension Hypertension Infections and wounds Ulcers, gangrene, urinary tract infection,

wound healing Diabetes Type 1 diabetes, type 2 diabetes Musculoskeletal disorders

Gout

2.4. Data Analysis In this research paper, the following quantitative indexes were used-(i)

Relative Frequency of Citation (RFC), (ii) Relative importance (RI), (iii) Cultural Importance Index (CII), (iv) Index of Agreement on Remedies (IAR) and (v) Cultural Agreement Index (CAI).

(i) Relative Frequency of Citation (RFC)

Relative frequency of citation (RFC) shows the local importance of each species (Vitalini et al., 2012). RFC is calculated as follows: RFC = FC/N Where, FC: the number of informants mentioning the use of the species, N: number of informants participating in the survey.

This index theoretically varies from 0 to 1. When RFC index is 0, it means that nobody refers to the plant as useful and when RFC=1, it means that all informants in the survey refer to the plant as useful (Sharma et al., 2012).

(ii) Relative Importance (RI)

The relative importance (RI) of plant species cited by the informants is calculated as follows (Kadir et al., 2012): RI = PP + AC Where, PP= The number of pharmacological properties (reported specific ailments) attributed to



a species divided by the maximum number of properties attributed to the most resourceful species (species with the highest number of properties) and AC= The number of ailment categories treated by a given species divided by the maximum number of ailment categories treated by the most resourceful species. A value of 2, is the highest possible value for relative importance (RI) indicating the most versatile species with the greatest number of medicinal properties (Oliveira et al., 2010).

(iii) Cultural Importance Index (CII)

Culturally important species as medicines are identified by the Cultural Importance Index (CII). It is an objective index since it considers diversity of uses along with the consensus of informant (Mutheeswaran et al., 2011). It can be calculated by the following formula:

where, NC: total number of different illness categories (of each i species), UR: total number of use reports for each species, N: total number of informants. The CII index is the sum of the proportion of informants that mention each of the use-categories for a given species. The maximum value of the index equals the total number of different use-categories (NC), which would occur if all informants would mention the use of a species in all use-categories. In this case, the maximum CII value would be 2.00 (Srithi et al., 2012).

(iv) Index of Agreement on Remedies (IAR)

The Index of Agreement on Remedies (IAR) is used to assess the importance of individual species in each group (Mutheeswaran et al., 2011). IAR is calculated as follows: IAR= (nr - na ) / ( nr – 1), Where, nr: total number of citations registered for species na : number of illness categories that are treated with this species. This value ranges between zero (when the number of illness categories equals the number of citations) and one (whereby all the participants agree upon the exclusive use of the species for the particular illness) (Chellappandian et al., 2012).

(v) Cultural Agreement Index (CAI)

Cultural Agreement Index (CAIs) is calculated as follows (Bruschi et al., 2011): CAIs = CII × IAR.



Table 2. List of plant species used in cultural rituals reported for the first time

Species Botanical family Use Elaeocarpus ganitrus

Elaeocarpaceae Worn as an amulet by the Hindu community against hypertension.

Citrus aurantiifolia Rutaceae Used in the practice of occultism against hypertension.

Syzygium aromaticum Myrtaceae Used in the practice of occultism against erectile dysfunction.

Cinnamomum camphora Lauraceae Used in the practice of occultism against erectile dysfunction.

Table 3. Quantitative indexes of the reported plant species

Species Number of

informants mentioning the

species

Number of uses

CII IAR CAI RFC RI

M F Total

Azadirachta indica 9 15 24 1 0.56 1.00 0.56 0.56 0.50

Ocimum tenuiflorum

10 11 21 3 0.63 0.90 0.57 0.49 1.50

Piper betle 4 6 10 2 0.26 0.89 0.23 0.23 1.00

Cocos nucifera 6 9 15 3 0.40 0.86 0.34 0.35 1.50

Citrus aurantiifolia

4 13 17 4 0.51 0.81 0.41 0.40 2.00

Aegle marmelos L. 0 2 2 1 0.05 1.00 0.05 0.05 0.50

Magnifera indica 5 7 12 1 0.28 1.00 0.28 0.28 0.50

Musa acuminate 1 6 7 2 0.19 0.83 0.16 0.16 1.00

Curcuma longa L. 3 6 9 3 0.21 0.75 0.16 0.21 1.50

Vitis vinifera 2 4 6 1 0.14 1.00 0.14 0.14 0.50

M: male, F: female. CI: Cultural importance Index, IAR: Index of Agreement on Remedies, CAI: Cultural Agreement Index, RFC: Relative Frequency of Citation, RI: Relative Importance.

3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Mauritians possess sound knowledge on local plants used against diabetes

and related complications. They have acquired this knowledge from their lifelong experiences and from their forefathers.


Table 4. Some important medico-religious plants used by the Mauritian population against diabetes and related complications

Scientific name of plant

Family Local name of plant

Indication Part of the plant used

Method of preparation and administration

Religious virtue of the plant

Aegle marmelos L.

Rutaceae Bel Type 2 diabetes L Crush 3 leaves to obtain a paste and mixed with a cup of water. Drink twice per week.

The leaves are used during ‘Maha Shivaratree’ a festival dedicated to lord Shiva where the leaves are placed on the ‘Shivling’ because of the belief that bel was the favorite plant of lord Shiva. The leaves signify lord Brahma, lord Vishnu and lord Mahesh and also three eyes of lord Shiva.

Azadirachta indica

Meliaceae Neem, lila perche

Type 2 diabetes Type 2 diabetes

L L

Prepare a decoction of the leaves and drink 1cup twice per week. Crush the leaves and make small balls with it and allow it to dry in the sun. The following day swallow 2 balls with 1 glass of water twice per week.

The leaves are used by the Hindu community in “Durga pooja” a prayer dedicated to lord Durga which is done during nine days. The leaves are also used as garland and placed around the neck of Goddess “Kalima” in “Kalimai” (temple). The plant is used to keep evil spirits away.

Citrus aurantiifolia

Rutaceae Limon

Hypertension Gout

Fr Fr

Peel and press to obtain the juice and drink 1 cup. Peel and press to obtain juice and drink 1 cup twice per week.

The fruit is used to adorn ‘cavadee’ during the ‘Thaipoosam cavadee’a festival celebrated by the Tamil community. The fruit is also attached with the use of a needle to the chest of the person holding the ‘cavadee’ with the belief that the fruit draws away evil spirits.








Type 2 diabetes Renal failure

Fr L

Peel and press to obtain juice and drink 1 cup twice per week. Prepare an infusion with 4 leaves and drink 1 cup thrice per week.

Cocos nucifera

Arecaceae Coco

Cataract Type 2 diabetes Renal failure Renal failure

O Fr Fr R

Instill 2 drops of oil in the eye twice per day. Prepare a decoction with the young fruits and drink 1 cup thrice per week. Drink 1 cup of the fruit water four times per week. Prepare a decoction of the root and drink 1 cup twice per week.

The fruit is used as offering during prayers with the belief that god likes sweet fruits. The fruit water is considered as a precious liquid and is poured over Shivling (God).

Curcuma longa L.

Zingiberaceae Safran

Cataract Pain Cardiovascular disease

R R R

Peel, crush and press to obtain the juice and instill 2 drops in the eye daily for 1 week. Peel and prepare a decoction of the root in milk and drink 1 cup before going to bed. Prepare an infusion of the root and drink 1 cup daily for 1 week.

Turmeric forms an essential component of the Hindu wedding ceremony known as ‘Haldi” where the bride and the groom are applied with paste of turmeric which the belief that turmeric will beautify them.







Magnifera indica

Anacardiaceae Mangue

Type 2 diabetes L Prepare an infusion of the leaves and drink 1 cup twice per week.

The leaves are used in “Durga pooja’, a prayer dedicated to lord Durga. The leaves are also used by the Tamil community during the “cavadee” festival which is dedicated to lord Muruga. The leaves are hung on the doors of the house and temple to keep the place auspicious.

Musa acuminate

Musaceae Banane

Type 2 diabetes Gout

Fr Fr

Ripe fruit eaten half in the morning and half in the evening daily. Consume 8 fruits: 2 fruits in the morning, 2 fruits at noon, 2 fruits in the afternoon and 2 fruits at night. The fruits are eaten as the main dish thrice per week.

The fruit is used as offering during prayers with the belief that god likes sweet fruits.

Piper betle Piperaceae Betel Type 2 diabetes High level of cholesterol

L L

Dry the leaves in bright sunlight during the day and at night prepare an infusion and drink 1 cup thrice per week. Dry the leaves in bright sunlight during the day and at night prepare an infusion and drink 1 cup thrice per week.

The leaves are used in ‘Durga pooja” a prayer dedicated to lord Durga. The leaves are also used in offerings to people who are no more.

Ocimum tenuiflorum

Lamiaceae Tulsi Type 2 diabetes

L

Crush and press to obtain a juice and drink 2 teaspoons twice per week.

The plant is grown in every Hindu community household. It is worshiped every morning with a belief that it will keep the family members healthy.








Type 2 diabetes Hypertension Cataract

L L L

Consume raw 2 leaves twice per week. Crush and press to obtain a juice and drink 2 teaspoons twice per week. Crush 2 leaves and press to obtain a juice and administer 1 drop of the juice in the eye daily.

Moreover, the leaves are placed in the plate containing lord Krishna’s food with the perception they purify the food.

Vitis vinifera

Vitaceae Raisin Type 2 diabetes Se Consume raw seeds daily for 1 week.

The juice is used in the Christian religious ceremony known as ‘Sainte cene’ a ceremony which signifies the death of Christ and the juice of grape is taken which signifies the blood of Christ.

Plant part used: R, Root; L, Leaf; Fr, Fruit; Se, Seeds; O, Oil.


Table 5. Inventory of cultural rituals used against diabetes and related complications by Mauritians

Disease category (specific ailment)

Native remedies used

Method of use

Eye diseases (Cataract)

Cultural ritual Walk bare footed on soil daily.


Cultural ritual The religious man in the Hindu community also known as ‘Pandit’ performs a prayer with his hands on the eyes of the person and at the end of the prayer a ring is given by the ‘Pandit’ to the person. The person is asked to wear the ring on any finger of the right hand.

Hypertension (Hypertension)

Cultural ritual “Rudraksha” is worn as an amulet by the Hindu community. ‘Rudraksha’ is made from the seeds of Elaeocarpus ganitrus.

Diabetes (Type 2 diabetes )

Yoga Different postures such as Sidhasana, Matsyasana, Chakrasana and Sheershasana are believed to be beneficial against diabetes.

Diabetic neuropathy (Pain)

Cultural ritual The Christian community performs a ritual known as “passe” whereby the knowledgeable person does a prayer from the Bible and then looks for the pain with his fingers. He uses paraffin oil mixed with a small amount of salt and then performs a massage on the painful area. The prayer enables the knowledgeable person to identify the pain and to perform the massage properly.

Hypertension (Hypertension)

Occultism A sorcerer commonly known as ‘longanist’ in Mauritius uses prayers and incarnation to treat a person. The ‘longanist’ believes that the cause of the ailment is due to an evil spirit. The ‘longanist’ performs a prayer which consists of sacrifices namely chicken sacrifice and the ‘longanist’ drinks 2 teaspoons of the chicken’s blood. The person is then told to go to the graveyard at exactly noon and to place under the main cross known as ‘la grande croix’ lemons and needles. After a few days the person will be healed and will no longer suffer from hypertension.



Disease category (specific ailment)

Native remedies used

Method of use

Diabetic neuropathy (Erectile dysfunction)

Occultism A sorcerer commonly known as “longanist” in Mauritius uses prayers and incarnation to treat a person. The longanist explains the person that the cause of his illness is due to an evil spirit. The longanist performs a prayer to invoke a dead spirit which will remove the evil spirit from the person. A ritual is performed which involves the use of candles, Syzygium aromaticum, Cinnamomum camphora, needles and a chicken for the sacrifice. The “longanist” cuts a lemon in the middle and adds a nail and tells the person to place 4 similar lemons in the four corners of the house to draw away the evil spirit.

Diabetic angiopathy (Cardiovascular disease)

Hydrotherapy Hydrotherapy is performed using 1 bucket of cold water and 1 bucket of ice cold water. One ice is placed near the heart and another one at the back. Hydrotherapy is started from the right arm.

Diabetes (Type 2 diabetes)

Sea water Mix 1 cup of sea water and 1 cup of tap water and drink 1 cup daily.


Sea water Instill 1 drop of sea water in the eyes daily.

Diabetic neuropathy (Pain)

Massage Perform a massage on the painful area using Eucalyptus globulus Labill oil.

Infections and wounds (Gangrene) For good blood circulation

Charcoal Massage

Prepare charcoal with Eucalyptus globulus Labill wood. Add 2 teaspoons of charcoal in 1 cup of water and drink daily in the morning for 1 week. Perform a massage behind the knee using the grease matter from candle daily for 1 week. It enhances blood circulation.


Medico-religious Plants and Cultural Rituals … 225

Moreover, it was evident from the survey that Mauritians use a panoply of plants in their rituals and festivals which account for their rich tradition of religious practices. Moreover, because of the lack of healthcare facilities in some remote rural areas, people living in rural areas are much more dependent on herbal remedies and hence are knowledgeable about local medicinal plants. Most of the medicinal plants were collected from home gardens and the rest from the wild.

3.1. Use of Cultural Rituals Cultural rituals were reported by the participants for the treatment and/or

management of diabetes and related complications such as cataract, high blood pressure and pain. The survey revealed that the elder community possesses a wealth of knowledge on the different cultural rituals practiced across the island against diabetes and related complications. Cultural ritual involving prayer was also documented against diabetic neuropathy namely pain. Similar observations were obtained from the work of Andel and Westers (2010) which reported the use of religious rituals for the treatment of ailments. For the first time we documented the practice of occultism in Mauritius which involved prayers used in conjunction with botanical and animal products used in the treatment of diabetic complication namely erectile dysfunction. Our result is in line with the work of Afolayan and Yakubu (2009) who reported the use of occultism to treat erectile dysfunction in Nigeria. The sorcerer interviewed during the present study has adopted this form of healing practices professionally. To the best of our knowledge, the use of plant species in different cultural rituals used against diabetes and related complications are recorded for the first time (Table 2). Therefore, the current study provides a significant contribution of novelty to the knowledge of plants used in cultural rituals in Mauritius. Moreover, the findings demonstrate the importance of gathering new information even on well-known medicinal plant species. For example, Citrus aurantiifolia is well recognised to be used against hypertension in Mauritius; however its use in religious practices to ward off evil spirits is a novelty. The traditional use of plant amulet necklace such as ‘Rudraksha’ as a medicinal measure is an important finding of the current study which can be studied further.



3.2. Use of Medico-religious Plants In addition to, the current study revealed that the Hindu community and to

a lesser extend the Christian community make use of plants in their religious practices. 10 plants were found to be used by Mauritian people in different medico-religious practices. Even though the medico-religious plants reported in the present study are cited by only few informants, their therapeutic uses require further experimental investigations in order to determine their efficacy, phytochemical and pharmacological properties, with a special regard to plants used against ailments which are difficult to treat in developing countries. Azadirachta indica, Ocimum tenuiflorum and Piper betle are regarded as holy plants by the Hindu community. These sacred plants are found in almost every household of the Hindu community and are used in religious activities as well as for medical practices. The Hindu community worship different gods for different purposes and they also worship nature with full devotion (Sharma et al., 2012). For instance the holy basil worship is done every morning in every household of the Hindu community in Mauritius in order to keep the family members healthy. The holy basil is also used as a medicinal plant against diabetes and related complications for example the juice is orally administered twice per week when used against diabetes. From the study it was also observed that 3 plants namely Azadirachta indica, Piper betle and Magnifera indica used against diabetes had a fundamental role to play in the ‘Durga pooja’, a prayer dedicated to lord ‘Durga’ among the Hindu community. Scientific literature reveals that Magnifera indica and Azadirachta indica possess significant hypoglycemic activity in vivo (Morsi et al., 2010; Dholi et al., 2011). The Hindu community use different religious plants for different rituals hence they are trying their utmost best to protect these plants from extinction. According to Gam and Nath (2012), people have associated plants with religious rites and beliefs for conservation of plant biodiversity. Irrespective of the motivating force behind conferring the sacred or religious status to a plant, it may be said that this process of religious belief saves the plant from wanton felling (Sharma et al., 2012). However, the present investigators did not find any plants used in the religious practices among the Chinese and Muslim community.



3.3. Analyses of Quantitative Indexes Ocimum tenuiflorum is the most culturally significant plant species with a

Cultural Importance Index (CII) value of 0.63 as show in Table 3. It is followed by Azadirachta indica and Citrus aurantiifolia with CII value of 0.56 and 0.51 respectively. The high CII values of these plants indicate their importance to the Mauritian culture and their presence in the memory of the Mauritian population because of their medicinal properties. These species have been used since the time of our forefathers and the medicinal knowledge of these plants has been transmitted from one generation to the next within the Mauritian population. The highest values of Index of Agreement on Remedies (IAR) are reached by Azadirachta indica (IAR=1.00), Aegle marmelos L. (IAR=1.00), Magnifera indica (IAR=1.00) and Vitis vinifera (IAR=1.00). Plant species with the highest IAR value in the present study indicates that all informants agree upon the exclusive use of the medicinal plant species for a particular ailment condition. The highest Cultural Agreement Index (CAI), calculated by combining CII and IAR were reached by Ocimum tenuiflorum (CAI=0.57) followed by Azadirachta indica (CAI= 0.56). Following calculation of CAI, we can deduce that the culturally important plant species mentioned by the informants in the current study possess high agreement among the informants for the same ailment category. Azadirachta indica (RFC=0.56) is considered as the most important plant species since it is mentioned by a higher number of interviewees. Also Citrus aurantiifolia reached the highest relative importance (RI) value of 2.00 which is an indication of its versatility as it is employed against more than one ailment.

3.4. Use of Non-herbal Remedies Through our above attempts, we have succeeded in deriving information

from the Mauritian people on other non-herbal remedies used against diabetes and related complications such as sea water, hydrotherapy, yoga, use of charcoal and massage. The medicinal benefits of charcoal are fast gaining momentum worldwide and Mauritius is no exception to this new form of therapy. Some TMPs reported that their patients were healed with charcoal where conventional medicines have failed. For the first time the use of sea water as a form of therapy was documented. Sea water is believed to contain important mineral salts which are beneficial to the diabetic patients as reported by the informants. One traditional healer mentioned that; “……seawater



should be collected in the early morning in the deepwater since this is where the concentration of mineral salts is highest…..” Moreover, the number of leaves used in the preparation of herbal remedy also possesses a religious connotation. One traditional healer narrated that; “……when prescribing a herbal remedy one should always use three leave since in the Christian community three represents the trinity that is the son, the father and the holy spirit……..”

CONCLUSION In the present study, 10 medico-religious plants belonging to 9 families

have been identified as medicinal plants used by the Mauritian people against diabetes and related complications. Some plants are regarded as sacred by the Hindu community in Mauritius and should be conserved by all means for instance Ocimum tenuiflorum and Piper betle. The medico-religious plants reported in the current study need a thorough pharmacological and phytochemical investigation in order to elucidate their bioactivity in vivo and in vitro and hence to develop new drugs from them with greater efficacy and safety. The practice of occultism, cultural rituals and massage reported in the present study require validation through clinical trials. As the demand of plant materials for pharmaceutical preparation is increasing so the need to study the traditional knowledge of the indigenous people regarding the use of plants in different medicinal and cultural practices is of great importance (Sharma et al., 2012). Mauritian people make sustainable use of medico- religious plants which leads to their conservation in the island. The current study is a small step forward to document the vast knowledge of the Mauritian people on the different medico-religious plants and cultural rituals used against diabetes and related complications before it disappear with time.

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INDEX

A

Abstraction, 50 access, viii, 2, 38, 40, 42, 48, 105, 118, 119,

130, 131 adolescent boys, 10 adolescents, vii, x, 137, 138 advancement, 204 aesthetic, 104 aetiology, 6, 12, 49, 120, 125 affirming, 23 Africa, 1, 3, 5, 8, 11, 14, 40, 42, 44, 47, 49,

50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57 age, xii, 47, 69, 97, 99, 100, 102, 105, 107,

140, 144, 145, 149, 215 agencies, vii, 2, 6, 17, 18, 22, 44, 56, 204 aggression, 45, 48 agriculture, 15, 47, 65, 214 AIDS, 108 Akan, 7, 40, 49 algorithm, 200 alienation, 24 almonds, 65 altruism, xii, 139 ambivalence, 40 amputation, 212 analytical framework, 2 anatomy, 203

ancestors, vii, 2, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 18, 21, 34, 35, 47, 48, 101, 129, 182, 184, 185, 205, 213

anchoring, 133 anger, 14, 96, 118, 123, 155 anthropologists, 103, 134 anthropology, ix, 60, 63 anxiety, 123, 132 articulation, 4 assessment, 123, 125 asthenia, 123 atmosphere, 22, 88 attachment, xii, 139, 144 attitudes, 3, 130 authority, 14, 18, 31, 41, 46, 47, 151, 199,

203 autonomy, xii, 139 avoidance, 24 awareness, 40, 125

B

back pain, 201 bad habits, 11, 155 Balkan Wars, xii, 165, 166 Bangladesh, 229 barter, 41 base, xii, 134, 139, 206 basic education, 100 bedding, 192


Index 234

beer, 10, 26 Beijing, 159 belief systems, 3, 202 beneficiaries, 186 benefits, xi, 117, 139, 227 benign, 18 Bible, 95, 223 bile, 12 biodiversity, 213, 214, 226 birds, 193 blame, 13, 96 bleeding, 12, 22, 200 blood, 3, 12, 26, 34, 37, 38, 123, 173, 188,

202, 222, 223, 224 blood circulation, 224 bonding, 119 bones, 41 bounds, 34, 35 bowel, 201 Brazil, 230 breakdown, 133 Britain, 52 Buddhism, 202 Bulgaria, xii, 165, 166, 184 burn, 87, 102

C

Cameroon, v, vii, 1, 3, 4, 9, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57

cancer, 201 candidates, 10 capitalism, 3, 4 cardiovascular disease, 212, 216 case study, 56, 229 cash, 3, 36 cash crops, 36 casting, 67 cataract, 225 cattle, 36 causal inference, 153 causality, 11 causation, 11, 12, 14, 15, 36, 107 Central Asia, xiii, 191

Central Europe, 56, 85 chaos, xi, 138 charm, 20 cheese, 65, 85, 95, 96 Chicago, 50, 51, 52, 56, 135, 160 chicken, 27, 66, 223, 224 child mortality, 9 childhood, 185 children, 5, 7, 9, 26, 31, 39, 61, 62, 81, 90,

93, 94, 102, 202 chimneys, 104 China, x, 137, 155, 159, 161, 205, 213, 229 cholesterol, 216, 221 Christianity, xiii, 3, 6, 18, 44, 47, 55, 86, 92,

165, 180, 186 Christians, 18, 41, 60 circulation, 24 circumcision, 22, 43 cities, 36, 202 Civil War, 51 civilization, x, 137, 204 classes, 145 classification, 181, 196 cleaning, 169 climate, 194, 214 clinical trials, 228 close relationships, 143 clothing, 91, 169, 197 cocoa, 36 coffee, 36 coherence, 67 collaboration, 69, 97, 142 collective ritual activity, x, 137 coma, 120 combustion, ix, 60, 93, 94 commerce, 41, 66 commercial, 17 communication, 131, 144 communitarianism, vii communities, 6, 9, 11, 14, 18, 19, 22, 24,

43, 46, 61, 107, 141, 205, 213, 214 compensation, 3 complexity, 78 compliance, 140, 141


Index 235

complications, vii, xiv, 211, 212, 214, 215, 218, 219, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228, 231

comprehension, 132 comprising cooperation, x, 138 conception, 7, 96, 100, 206 conditioning, 124 conductors, 196 conference, 188 confessions, 49 conflict, 55, 182, 185 conformity, 142 confrontation, ix, 116 Confucianism, 140, 151, 152 Congress, 113 consciousness, 85, 117, 119, 124, 130, 132,

185, 205 consensus, 133, 195, 217 conservation, 35, 213, 226, 228, 230 conserving, 34, 229 consolidation, 144 constituents, 63 construction, 25, 65 consulting, xi, 7, 32, 139 consumption, 6, 12, 28 containers, 104 contamination, 34 contextualization, 63 conversations, 67 conviction, 7, 105 cooking, 79, 93, 94 cooperation, x, 137, 138, 139, 141, 142,

143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 154 coordination, 141, 142, 154 corporate life, 17 correlation, 40 cosmos, 134 cost, xii, 117, 139 counsel, 177 covering, 53, 95 crimes, 9 criminality, 47 criminals, 21 crises, 22 crocodile, 25, 31 crop(s), 47, 60, 62, 64, 65, 66

cross sectional study, xiv, 212 crown, 43, 197 cultic apparatuses, xiii, 166, 185 cultivation, 25, 65, 140 cultural heritage, 65, 103, 106 cultural influence, 141 cultural norms, 130 cultural practices, 228 cultural stereotypes, 196 cultural tradition, 195 cultural values, 5 culture, ix, xiv, 11, 13, 17, 24, 35, 41, 43,

56, 57, 60, 97, 103, 104, 109, 133, 180, 181, 184, 185, 190, 192, 199, 204, 205, 206, 211, 227

culture media, 204 cure, vii, viii, xiv, 5, 21, 59, 61, 62, 68, 86,

94, 95, 102, 105, 177, 192, 196, 201, 204 cures, 11, 95 cycles, 28, 91, 119

D

dance(s), xiii, 17, 25, 27, 29, 32, 36, 88, 165, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 177, 178, 179, 182, 185, 186, 198

dancers, 25, 27, 174 danger, 19, 50 deaths, 20, 40, 47, 203 debtors, 17 decomposition, 142 decoration, 31 deduction, 86 defects, 61 deficiency, 12 deficit, 55 Delta, 49 demographic characteristics, viii, 60, 69, 98 demonstrations, 45 deposition, 169 deposits, 66 depression, 125, 144 depth, 17, 44 destiny, 11 destruction, 51


Index 236

detachment, 204 detection, 23 developing countries, 212, 226 diabetes, vii, xiv, 108, 211, 212, 214, 215,

216, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230

diabetic nephropathy, 215 diabetic neuropathy, 215, 225 diabetic patients, 214, 215, 227 diffusion, viii, 2 disclosure, 24 discomfort, 118, 194 diseases, viii, xiii, 2, 5, 36, 192, 194, 200,

204, 205, 215, 216, 223, 224 disequilibrium, 12 disgust, 96 disorder, 8, 120, 123, 201 dissociation, 120 distress, x, 123, 138, 139, 140, 142, 144,

145, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154 distribution, 111, 178 divergence, 62, 195 diversity, xiv, 5, 105, 187, 211, 213, 217,

229, 230 doctors, 25, 40, 45, 61, 204 DOI, 49, 55 donors, 24 drawing, 65, 201 dream, 184 drinking water, 184 drought, 181 drugs, 12, 228 duality, 4 dyslipidemia, 215, 216

E

East Asia, 197, 205 Easter, 93 economic change, 3, 25 economic development, 3, 153 economic growth, xi, 139 economic transformation, 4 ecstasy, 118, 142, 196, 198, 205 education, 58, 100, 144, 146, 150, 182

EEG, 118 egg, 27, 31, 37, 196 Egypt, 87 elaboration, 153, 154 elders, viii, 2, 6, 18, 23, 26, 44, 46, 147,

155, 169, 185, 194 election, 194, 205 elementary school, 64 elephants, 127 e-mail, 59, 127, 128, 191 emergency, 123 emotional state, 11, 14, 194 employment, 149 employment status, 149 empowerment, 142 endangered, 3 endangered species, 3 enemies, 13, 20, 186 energy, 93, 120, 126, 131, 133, 141, 142,

153, 206 England, 60, 157 enlargement, 24 environment, 8, 11, 12, 35, 130, 131, 132,

171, 192, 194, 197, 198, 202, 204, 205, 206, 228

environmental degradation, 35 epidemic, 2, 203, 212 epilepsy, 14, 22, 42, 43, 48 equality, 31 equilibrium, 46 erosion, xiv, 212 ethics, 194 ethnic groups, xiv, 17, 211, 213 ethnocentrism, 23, 107 ethnographers, 193, 204 etiology, 13, 63 Eurasia, 107, 208 Europe, 91, 189 everyday life, xi, 43, 138 evidence, xi, 129, 134, 138, 195 evolution, ix, 116 execution, 38, 202 exercise, 186 expertise, 45 exploitation, 65


Index 237

exposure, 12 expulsion, 66 extinction, 226 extraction, 121, 122, 124, 125, 129

F

faith, 14, 18, 93, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 181, 184

families, xiv, 10, 18, 19, 22, 37, 62, 70, 80, 166, 203, 212, 228

family income, 144, 147 family life, 186, 194 family members, 39, 221, 226 farmers, 36, 79 farms, 42 fauna, 21, 110, 214 fear(s), xi, 22, 34, 38, 60, 81, 97, 132, 138 Feast, 79 feelings, 125, 132, 186 fertility, 9, 19, 96, 174, 188 fever, 201 filters, 129 financial, 45 fires, 65, 88 fishing, xiii, 191, 192, 194, 205 flame, 196 flashbacks, 123 flavour, 22 flight(s), 31, 87, 119, 197 flora, 86, 105, 110, 111, 112, 214 flowers, 72, 84, 94, 96, 172 fluid, 6, 17, 18 folklore, 61, 180, 202 food, 12, 22, 26, 31, 38, 39, 93, 179, 183,

186, 222, 231 football, 3, 44 force, 12, 13, 21, 25, 46, 47, 142, 143, 151,

152, 153, 154, 194, 199, 202, 226 foreign language, 23 formal education, 70, 97, 98, 100 formation, 195, 202 formula, 217 foundations, 46 fragments, 187

France, 60, 115, 134, 189, 190 franchise, 24 free will, 44 freedom, x, 137, 151 friendship, 144 fruits, 43, 65, 75, 77, 220, 221 fusion, xiii, 3, 191

G

gangrene, 216 gastrointestinal tract, 200 gender differences, 100 gender dimension, 200 generalizability, 153 Germany, 229 gestures, xi, 130, 139 gifted, 32 global warming, 35 God, 9, 10, 11, 19, 21, 25, 47, 48, 180, 197,

220 goods and services, 23 governor, 203 grades, 145 grading, 200 grass, 79 gravitation, 152, 153, 154 gravitational force, 152 grazing, 65 Greece, v, vii, xii, 165, 166, 180, 184, 185,

187, 188, 189 greed, 13, 41 Greeks, xiii, 165, 183 group work, 102 growth, xii, 10, 87, 139, 144 guardian, 119 guidance, 27, 129, 140 guilt, 22, 123

H

habitat, 35 hair, 37, 38, 96 hallucinations, 195


Index 238

halos, 172 happiness, 156 harmony, 8, 19, 46, 131, 140, 194 harvesting, 41, 42 health, viii, 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 14, 19,

46, 48, 52, 53, 57, 61, 62, 66, 94, 107, 120, 129, 147, 148, 155, 174, 206, 213

health care, 61 health problems, 61, 120 hearing loss, 216 heart disease, 201 height, 130 hemisphere, 214 high blood pressure, 225 history, 66, 87, 93, 105, 184 HIV, 27, 56, 57 HIV/AIDS, 56, 57 Hmong, 231 homes, ix, 23, 60 homework, 155 Hong Kong, x, 137, 138, 140, 145, 152,

155, 162 hopelessness, 3 host, xiii, 192, 194 housing, 182, 185 human, vii, ix, xi, xiii, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12,

13, 18, 21, 37, 38, 39, 45, 48, 60, 63, 64, 66, 86, 93, 103, 128, 130, 131, 139, 169, 191, 193, 196, 200, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 213

human activity, 48 human body, 193 human health, 194, 205 hunting, vii, xiii, 1, 36, 37, 45, 66, 191, 192,

196 husband, 33 husbandry, 66 hygiene, 12 hypertension, 215, 218, 223, 225 hypnosis, 135 hypnotherapy, 121 hypothesis, 117 hysteria, 195

I

Iceland, 188 icon, 92, 167, 169, 170, 171, 174, 177, 180,

182, 184, 186 identification, 141, 143, 153 identity, xii, xiii, 4, 23, 43, 120, 131, 133,

140, 166, 182, 185 ideology, 179 image(s), 88, 180, 123, 197, 199, 200, 202,

206 imagination, 51, 57, 190 immersion, 195 immigrants, 182, 185 immune system, 129 Impact Assessment, 158 impurities, 93 in vitro, 228 in vivo, 226, 228 income, 3, 144, 146, 147, 150, 161 income distribution, 147 independence, xii, 139 India, 60, 213, 229, 230, 231 indigenous knowledge, 11 indigenous peoples, 61, 204 individualism, 22, 41 individuals, 9, 11, 12, 15, 18, 20, 22, 24, 25,

31, 40, 44, 64, 69, 78, 97, 206 individuation, 141 indoctrination, 18, 141 induction, 130, 140 inequality, xii, 40, 61, 139, 140 infection, 121 infertility, 22, 47 informed consent, 145 ingredients, 94 inheritance, 195 initiation, 10, 25, 27, 32, 35, 43, 135, 193 injury, 34 inner balance, 129 innocence, 23 insects, 6 insecurity, xi, 138 institutions, vii, 2, 17, 19, 43 insulin, 230


Index 239

integrity, 126, 128, 129, 131 intellectual property, 23 intelligence, 31, 118 intentionality, 133 interaction ritual, x, 138, 141, 142, 151, 153 intercourse, 9 interdependence, 47 interference, 17, 43 intermediaries, viii, 2, 9, 17 internal consistency, 147, 148 internal validity, 153 internationalization, 56 intervention, 4, 12, 14, 18, 36, 128 intrusions, 120, 122 invariants, ix, 115, 116 investment, xii, 139 Ireland, 60 iron, 82, 203 Islam, 52 isolation, 142 Israel, 160 issues, ix, 60, 123, 129 Italy, 107, 111, 166, 231

J

Jews, 60 joints, 20, 200 jurisdiction, 9

K

kidneys, 41 kill, 13, 22, 38, 62 kinship, 6, 17, 38, 39, 40, 42, 141, 188

L

landscape(s), 3, 65, 118, 119, 188, 200 languages, 130, 214 Latin America, 61 law enforcement, 204 lead, xii, 119, 120, 131, 140, 186 leadership, 44

learned helplessness, xii, 140 learning, 119, 140, 162 legend, 189, 203 legs, 26, 31 lethargy, 130 Liberia, 10, 51 liberty, xiv, 192 life experiences, 145 life satisfaction, xii, 139 light, xi, 14, 28, 93, 94, 118, 126, 130, 138,

172, 174, 186 linen, 79 livestock, 64, 65, 66, 80, 93 local authorities, 203 local community, 22 loneliness, 195 longevity, xi, 139 loss of appetite, 62 love, 31, 101, 144 lying, 123, 124, 125, 126

M

Macedonia, xii, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 181, 183

machinery, 18 magazines, 133 mainstream society, 17 majority, 17, 201, 214 malaise, xii, 140 malaria, 12, 49 malnutrition, 12 man, xiii, 7, 19, 42, 47, 80, 95, 101, 102,

124, 126, 131, 169, 186, 191, 193, 196, 199, 201, 205, 223

management, xiv, 24, 43, 205, 211, 212, 225

Mandarin, 214 manic, 118 manipulation, 145 mantle, 102 marriage, 9, 10, 33, 34, 185, 187, 188 Mars, 50 masculinity, 34 mass, 45, 86, 89, 124, 152, 153


Index 240

materials, 93, 94, 192, 197, 228 matter, 8, 101, 128, 224 Mauritius, xiv, 211, 212, 213, 214, 223,

224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 230 measles, 202 measurement, 147 meat, 26, 41, 96, 172 mediation, 6, 38, 39, 40, 42, 48, 148 medical, ix, xiv, 5, 11, 12, 14, 52, 53, 60,

63, 106, 111, 117, 179, 192, 195, 203, 206, 226, 229

medical care, 117, 195 medicine, viii, ix, xiv, 2, 8, 11, 12, 14, 15,

19, 21, 23, 26, 31, 33, 35, 36, 41, 42, 44, 47, 48, 57, 58, 107, 111, 113, 115, 116, 117, 192, 204, 211, 212

Mediterranean, 60, 61, 64, 65, 78, 86, 111, 166, 181, 185, 186, 189

Mediterranean countries, 60, 61 medium of exchange, 42, 48 mellitus, 230 membership, 18, 22, 26, 44, 141 memory, 31, 123, 227 menstruation, 33, 200 mental disorder, xiv, 192 mental health, 61 mental illness, xiv, 8, 107, 192, 195, 204 mental state, 195 mentor, 195 messengers, 197 metals, 20 metamorphosis, 61, 131 Mexico, 106 microclimate, 206 migrants, 13, 229 migration, 56, 197 military, 203 mind-body, 135 miscarriage, 9 mission, 194, 195 models, 117, 134, 205 modernisation, 3 modernity, 3, 47, 52, 104 momentum, 227 Mongolia, 118

morality, 9, 140, 141 morbidity, 9, 212 mortality, 212 mosaic, 65 motif, 87 Mozambique, 53, 229 murder, 9, 40 musculoskeletal, 215 music, 37, 131, 140, 143, 172 Muslims, 61, 107

N

naming, 10, 116 narratives, 3, 100, 102, 103 nationalism, 188 natural disaster(s), 202 natural resources, 63 negative effects, 93, 149 negative influences, 92 negative relation, x, 137 negotiating, 121 nephropathy, 216 Netherlands, 162, 229 neurological disease, 195 neuropathy, 216, 223, 224 neutral, 5, 38 Nigeria, vii, 2, 5, 12, 15, 17, 19, 22, 23, 39,

42, 47, 49, 51, 52, 57, 225, 228 nightmares, 123 North Africa, 60 North America, 61

O

Oceania, 52 oil, 12, 93, 95, 220, 223, 224 olive oil, 93, 94, 95, 96, 180 operations, 39 opportunities, 195 organ(s), 18, 144, 193, 204 ornamental plants, 213 overlap, x, 17, 138, 143 ox, 168, 181


Index 241

P

Pacific, 205, 230 pain, 37, 80, 121, 125, 127, 130, 132, 201,

223, 225 pain tolerance, 130 parallel, 103, 180, 185 parasite, 12 parents, 33, 36, 42, 124, 125, 144, 145, 153 participant observation, viii, 60 participants, viii, xi, 2, 4, 106, 138, 140,

141, 142, 143, 147, 149, 152, 153, 166, 168, 172, 186, 217, 225

pasture(s), 65, 168 pathogens, 12 pathology, 13 pathways, 12, 39, 49, 196 peace, 19, 24, 33, 39, 43, 47, 55, 62, 86, 128 peat, xiii, 192, 199, 200 performers, 181 permission, 35 personal development, 116 personal identity, 131 personal problems, 21 personhood, viii, 2, 7, 8 pests, 89, 196 petroleum, 42 pharmaceutical(s), 23, 228 Philadelphia, 49, 54 physical environment, 5, 118, 132 plasticity, 130 platform, xiii, 116, 191 playing, 28, 119, 130, 199 poison, 20, 23, 40 police, 123 policy, 53 policy issues, 53 political power, 44 politics, 3, 44, 49, 53, 54 pollution, 11, 33, 50 population, vii, viii, ix, xiv, 11, 45, 59, 64,

66, 69, 92, 98, 115, 153, 166, 184, 185, 192, 193, 202, 206, 211, 212, 213, 215, 216, 219, 227, 229

population density, 64

population group, 185 population size, 153 Portugal, 60, 64, 101, 112 positive evolution, ix, 116 positive relationship, x, 137 praxis, 130 prayer, 143, 181, 219, 221, 223, 224, 226 predators, 200, 206 pregnancy, 57 preparation, x, 21, 62, 96, 131, 138, 219,

220, 221, 222, 228 preservation, x, 8, 24, 93, 116, 138 preservative, 95 presidential inaugurations, vii prestige, 203 prevention, vii, 6, 8, 36, 62, 96, 105 primary function, 87 primary school, 42 primary sector, 64 principles, ix, 12, 116, 135 prophylactic, 78 prophylaxis, 86 pro-social functions, vii, x, 138 prosperity, 19, 20 protection, 13, 20, 21, 31, 34, 41, 70, 77, 78,

80, 81, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 96, 101, 102, 105, 174, 176, 213, 230

psychiatric disorders, 14, 200 psychobiology, 135 psychology, 117 psychosomatic, 113, 195 psychotherapy, vii puberty, 10 public figures, 171 public interest, 39 punishment, 6, 204 purification, vii, 33, 47, 95, 175, 180, 203 purity, 31, 33, 103

Q

quartz, 127 questioning, 119 questionnaire, 68, 69, 97, 145, 215


Index 242

R

racism, 117 radicalism, xii, 139 rainfall, 36 rainforest, 15, 19 rating scale, 147 reactions, 13 reading, 202 reality, 7, 24, 44, 69, 85, 117, 118, 119, 120,

121, 131, 133, 134 recall, 61 recommendations, iv reconciliation, 86 recovery, 94, 123, 125, 127, 128 recovery process, 127 recreation, viii, 2 redistribution, 179 reference frame, 131 reforms, 203 refugees, xii, 165, 166, 182, 184, 187 regression, 64, 148 regression analysis, 148 relatives, 13, 24, 38, 39, 41, 42, 101, 193,

204 relativity, 117 relaxation, 142 relevance, x, 116 reliability, 147, 148 relief, xii, 15, 139 religion, ix, x, xiii, xiv, 5, 14, 15, 48, 60,

105, 138, 140, 143, 144, 151, 152, 153, 154, 165, 171, 179, 181, 186, 189, 211, 213, 214

religiosity, 105 religious beliefs, 3 religious traditions, 101 renal failure, 212 repellent, 78, 79, 82, 83, 86, 96 representativeness, 153 reprocessing, 135 reproduction, 9, 10, 41, 46 researchers, ix, 60, 63, 186, 192, 194 reserves, 35

resilience, x, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 154

resistance, 12, 56 resolution, 43 resources, 127, 128, 133 response, xii, 4, 139, 145, 148 restoration, xii, 8, 12, 14, 22, 139 restrictions, 40, 41, 46 restructuring, 206 retardation, 123, 125 retinopathy, 229 rewards, 19 rhythm, xi, 138, 140, 156 rights, 23, 56 rings, 201 risk(s), x, 81, 117, 131, 133, 134, 138, 139,

144 root(s), 18, 20, 21, 60, 79, 96, 132, 184, 220 rules, 27, 194 rural areas, viii, 59, 61, 64, 225 Russia, 191, 203

S

sadness, 123, 124, 125, 127 safety, 143, 228 salts, 227 sanctions, 9, 25, 140, 143 Saudi Arabia, 61 Scandinavia, 60 school, 42, 64, 100, 144, 145, 154 schooling, 147 science, 11, 104, 134, 135 scientific knowledge, 14, 117 scope, 88, 153 secondary school students, 153 secondary schools, 145 segregation, 17 seizure, 42, 195 self esteem, 123, 128, 139 self-employed, 64 semantic memory, 123 semantics, 197, 200 semi-structured interviews, viii, 60, 69 senses, xi, 138, 141


Index 243

services, 4, 11, 45, 118, 123, 143, 144, 154 settlements, xiv, 17, 192, 203, 206 sex, 56, 64, 155, 200 sex ratio, 64 shamanism, ix, xiv, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120,

121, 128, 129, 130, 134, 192, 193, 195, 199, 201, 202, 203, 205, 206

shame, 14, 140 shape, xi, 8, 13, 61, 139, 141, 142, 153, 194,

196, 199, 205 shelter, 199 shock, 131 shoot, 31, 38 showing, 40, 124, 129, 200 shrubs, 213 Siberia, 117, 192, 197, 198, 204, 205 siblings, 145, 146, 150 side effects, 213 Sierra Leone, 10, 44, 51, 55 signs, 4, 95, 96, 104, 120, 203, 205 silk, 88 silver, 172, 180, 203 siurinku shamans, xiii, 192 skeleton, 193 skin, 31, 204 skin diseases, 204 slavery, 13, 17 slaves, 17 smallpox, xiv, 192, 202, 204 smoking, 95 snakes, 10, 86, 127, 197 social activities, 42 social behavio(u)r, 22, 141, 143, 144 social control, 20, 22 social desirability, 147, 148 social development, 152 social exclusion, xii, 139, 143 social group, 5, 183 social ills, 47 social influence, 153 social integration, 152 social interactions, 28 social justice, 152 social life, xi, 29, 46, 139 social norms, xi, 139, 143, 144, 154

social obligations, 40 social order, 22 social relations, 7, 8, 45, 144 social relationships, 7, 8 social status, 26 social support, 144 social units, 47 social welfare, xii, 139 social workers, 145 socialization, x, 138, 139, 154 society, x, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19,

20, 25, 26, 31, 32, 33, 35, 38, 43, 44, 46, 47, 63, 103, 117, 137, 139, 140, 152, 154, 171, 182, 186, 195, 202, 203, 205, 206, 213, 214

sociopolitical institutions, vii, 2, 19 solidarity, 8, 27, 45, 86, 141, 142 solitude, 204 solution, 25, 27, 36 South Africa, 1, 4, 10, 49, 50, 52, 53, 57, 58 South America, 60 South Asia, 205 Spain, v, vii, viii, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 67, 71,

73, 75, 77, 85, 86, 87, 88, 92, 98, 105, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113

specialists, ix, 60 species, viii, xi, 59, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75,

76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 94, 95, 100, 105, 139, 213, 216, 217, 218, 225, 227

speech, 132 spiders, 125 spine, 91, 195 stability, xii, 47, 139 standard deviation, 146 standardization, 66, 140 starvation, 12 state(s), xii, xiii, xiv, 3, 8, 9, 11, 43, 45, 47,

48, 61, 118, 119, 124, 130, 139, 140, 141, 152, 165, 174, 180, 182, 185, 192, 196, 198, 205

statistics, xiv, 100, 211, 212 stethoscope, 131 stigma, 107 stillbirth, 9


Index 244

stomach, 33, 123, 124, 126, 127 stress, x, 11, 137, 139, 140, 141, 142 structural changes, 100 structure, 47, 64, 119, 135, 144, 192, 205 structuring, 130 subjective experience, 130 subsistence, 66 succession, 43 Sudan, 13 suicide, 123 sulfur, 96 supernatural, viii, 2, 5, 8, 9, 11, 12, 14, 21,

23, 32, 36, 39, 48, 62, 87, 88, 140, 151, 179, 230

supernatural powers, viii, 2 supervision, 10 support services, 58 surface area, 64 survival, 66, 81, 93, 152, 181, 203 sustainability, 5 sustainable development, 152, 158, 162, 163 Sweden, 1, 156 symbolic systems, 69 symbolism, 93, 175, 181 symptoms, ix, 115, 116, 123, 194, 200, 204,

205 synchronization, 142, 153 syndrome, 118

T

Taiwan, 157, 161 talent, 205 tall trees, 32 Tanzania, 3, 10 target, 63 teachers, xi, 119, 139, 140, 155 teams, 204 techniques, ix, 14, 115, 116, 118, 119, 122,

192, 195, 196 technology, 130 teeth, 94, 124 telephone, 31, 123 temperature, 121, 214 tempo, 119, 140

tension(s), 25, 123, 129 territorial, 24, 202 territory, 35, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 68, 80, 86,

94, 194, 195, 199, 201, 202, 203, 204 terrorism, 160 testing, 154 Thailand, 231 theft, 45 therapeutic practice, 116 therapeutic use, 226 therapeutics, ix, 115, 121, 130 therapist, 133 therapy, vii, xiv, 1, 7, 15, 21, 23, 36, 50, 53,

133, 186, 211, 227 thoughts, 119, 129, 186 threats, 14 tissue, 202 trade, 3, 17, 24, 41, 56 traditional practices, 11 traditions, xiii, 26, 62, 66, 85, 86, 101, 104,

106, 119, 184, 191, 197, 201, 204, 213 training, x, 64, 137 traits, 63, 64, 200 transactions, 23, 179 transcendence, 141 transformation, 40, 106, 130, 131, 194, 198,

204 transgression, 6 transmission, 27, 31, 43, 48, 97, 103, 104,

106, 116, 142, 201 transport, 40, 204 transportation, 41 traumatic experiences, 129 Treasury, 181 treatment, viii, 2, 8, 11, 13, 15, 22, 26, 36,

57, 107, 113, 121, 132, 202, 203, 212, 225, 230

trial, 179 tribesmen, 204 tuberculosis, 107, 204 tumours, 121 Turkey, 184 type 2 diabetes, 216, 231 typhoid, 201, 202


Index 245

U

UK, 61, 156, 159, 160, 161 unhappiness, 125 uniform, 42 United Kingdom, 61 universal access, 61 universality, 23 universe, vii, 2, 21, 47, 48, 131, 132, 195,

205 urban, 41, 152, 185 urban areas, 185 urbanization, 153 urinary tract, 216 urinary tract infection, 216

V

vaccine, 20, 204 vacuum, 66 validation, 24, 228 variables, 69, 99, 100, 148, 149 vector, 12 vein, 39 versatility, 227 victims, 13, 17, 28, 37, 38, 39, 42, 45, 67 violence, 19, 40, 41, 46 vision(s), 7, 8, 117, 121, 129, 130, 133, 180,

212 volunteer work, xi, 138, 144, 146, 147, 149

W

waking, 20 walking, 143 war, 17, 41, 131 warts, 104 water, xiv, 12, 31, 93, 102, 122, 127, 168,

180, 184, 194, 197, 198, 200, 212, 219, 220, 224, 227

wealth, 2, 3, 8, 24, 25, 37, 39, 40, 57, 61, 64, 66, 213, 214, 225

wear, 27, 38, 169, 223 well-being, viii, xi, 2, 21, 139, 152, 157,

213 West Africa, 3, 22, 50, 51 western education, 47 WHO, 14, 58 wild animals, 118 windows, ix, 60, 80, 81, 82, 84, 86, 87, 88,

90, 101, 104 Wisconsin, 106 witchcraft, viii, 2, 3, 4, 11, 12, 13, 17, 18,

20, 22, 23, 24, 28, 37, 38, 39, 40, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 51, 52, 54, 67, 80, 93, 100, 107, 120

wood, 20, 66, 101, 199, 224 workers, 41, 64 working conditions, 7 working population, 64 World Health Organisation, 58 World Health Organization, 8, 58 worldview, 4, 5, 6, 9, 14, 15, 33, 48, 63,

105, 192, 193, 202 worldwide, 61, 212, 213, 227 worms, 41 worry, 142 wound healing, 216 wrongdoing, 20

Y

yang, 14 Yaounde, 50, 56 yin, 14 young people, xi, 100, 138, 139

Z

zinc, 25


with tabi-chama. "communitarianism and the obasinjom mask performance in ritual healing among...

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