vol. xix, no. 1, januari - juni 2022 issn: 1693-9867 (p)

Vol. XIX, NO. 1, Januari - Juni 2022 ISSN: 1693-9867 (p); 2527-5119 (e)


Editorial Team:

Editor in-ChiefIslah Gusmian, UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta

Editorial BoardMahrus eL-Mawa, Kementerian Agama Republik Indonesia Jakarta

Media Zainul Bahri, UIN Syarif Hidayatullah JakartaMuhammad Irfan Helmy, IAIN Salatiga

M. Endy Saputro, UIN Raden Mas Said SurakartaNashruddin Baidan, UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta

Managing EditorNur Kafid, UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta

EditorSubkhani Kusuma Dewi, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta

Yuyun Sunesti, UNS Solo

Editorial AssistantNur Rohman, UIN Raden Mas Said SurakartaSiti Fathonah, UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta

ReviewerM. Faisol Fatawi, UIN Maulana Malik Ibrahim, MalangM. Zakky Mubarak, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Malaysia

Fadhli Lukman, Universität Freiburg, GermanyAhmad Fawaid Sjadzili, IAIN Madura

Ahmad Fuad Fanani, University of Toronto, CanadaJajang A Rohmana, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati

Kamaruzzaman Bustamam Ahmad, UIN Ar-Raniry-Banda AcehMuzayyin Ahyar, UIN Sultan Aji Muhammad Idris Samarinda

M. Zainal Anwar, UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta

Alamat Redaksi:Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Dakwah, UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta.

Jl. Pandawa No. 1, Pucangan, Kartasura, Jawa Tengah, 57168Phone: +62271-781516, Fax: +62271-782774.

e-mail: [email protected]: https://ejournal.uinsaid.ac.id/index.php/al-araf


Tabel of Content

Questioning the Position and Status of Ibn Taimiyyah in the Hanbali School of Thought Badrus Samsul Fata, Imam Malik Riduan ..................................... 1

Internalization of Religion and Culture: Religiosity of the Tebuwung Society in the Tingkepan TraditionUbaidillah ................................................................................................. 27

Islam and Capitalism: The Dynamics of Religion and Contemporary Indonesian Work OrientationHusnul Khitam ....................................................................................... 53

Women Politicians Based on Pesantren Nationalist-Based Voters in IndonesiaM. Zainal Anwar, Khairul Imam, Abdulloh Hadziq, Wahyudi Akmaliah, Yuyun Sunesti .................................................................... 75

Islamic Humanitarian Principles and Migration: Reconstruction of Forced Migrant Rights in IslamAgus Nilmada Azmi .............................................................................. 111

The Cosmology of Time and the Spiritual of Life in the Janavese-Islamic TraditionAli Ja’fari ................................................................................................... 149

Author Guideline .......................................................................................... 169

WOMEN POLITICIANS BASED ON PESANTREN NATIONALIST-BASED VOTERS IN INDONESIA

M. Zainal AnwarUniversitas Islam Negeri Raden Mas Said Surakarta, Indonesia

Khairul Imam Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Mas Said Surakarta, Indonesia

Abdulloh Hadziq Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Mas Said Surakarta, Indonesia

Wahyudi Akmaliah National University of Singapore, Singapore

Yuyun Sunesti Universitas Sebelas Maret, Indonesia

Abstrak

Studi ini mendiskusikan aktivisme politisi perempuan berbasis pesantren, dalam mendayagunakan jaringan pesantren di daerah pemilihan dengan mayoritas konstituen berafiliasi ke partai bercorak nasionalis. Salah satunya adalah di daerah Soloraya. Potret daerah pemilihan pasca reformasi yang afiliasi politiknya cukup kuat ke partai berhaluan nasionalis. Dalam konteks tersebut, tulisan ini hendak mencermati aktivisme politik politisi perempuan berbasis pesantren dalam ajang politik elektoral. Pengumpulan data studi ini dilakukan dengan observasi dan wawancara mendalam. Argumen studi ini adalah soliditas basis konstituen santri dan pesantren, perluasan basis pemilih non santri, dukungan elit pesantren, dan performa kandidat politisi perempuan berbasis pesantren menjadi kunci keberhasilan transformasi modal sosial menjadi modal politik untuk memenangkan politik elektoral di daerah pemilihan yang bukan berbasis pesantren. Kebaruan temuan

Keywords:

Women politician; Pesantren; Nationalist Voters

Corresponding author: © 2022 UIN Raden Mas Said Surakartae-mail: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

http://ejournal.iainsurakarta.ac.id/index.php/al-arafISSN: 1693-9867 (p); 2527-5119 (e)

DOI: https://doi.org/10.22515/ajpif.v19i1.5264

76 | M. Zainal Anwar, Khairul Imam, Abdulloh Hadziq, Wahyudi Akmaliah, Yuyun Sunesti

– Vol. XIX, No. 1, Januari – Juni 2022

Introduction

This study discusses the process of the candidacy of female politicians based on pesantren in electoral areas, which have been known as the basis of nationalist parties, such as Soloraya, an area in Central Java, which includes the cities of Surakarta, Klaten, Boyolali, Sukoharjo, Wonogiri, Karanganyar, and Sragen. In terms of national electoral politics, there are two electoral districts; electoral

Abstract

This study discusses the activism of pesantren-based female politicians in utilizing the pesantren network in electoral districts where most of the constituents’ affiliate with nationalist-style parties. One of which is the Soloraya area. A portrait of post-reform electoral districts with solid political affiliations to nationalist parties. In this context, this study intends to examine the political activism of women politicians based on pesantren in electoral politics. The data collected in this study carries out by observation and in-depth interviews. This study argues that the solidity of the santri and pesantren constituent bases, the expansion of the non-student voter base, the support of the pesantren elite, and the performance of female political candidates based on pesantren are the keys to the success of transforming social capital into political capital to win electoral politics in electoral districts that are not pesantren based. The novelty of the findings of this study is that female politicians can win electoral politics in the 2019 Elections by mobilizing political disillusionment, militancy, and solidity in support of the pesantren network, especially among women and the social capital attached to individual politicians. This study enriches the study of electoral politics and its relationship to the activism of women politicians based on pesantren.

studi ini adalah politisi perempuan berhasil memenangkan politik elektoral dalam Pemilu 2019 dengan memobilisasi kekecewaan politik, militansi dan soliditas dukungan jaringan pesantren. Terutama kalangan perempuan dan modal sosial yang melekat pada individu politisi. Studi ini memperkaya kajian politik elektoral dan hubungannya dengan aktivisme politisi perempuan berbasis pesantren.

Women Politicians Based on Pesantren | 77


district IV, which includes Sragen, Karanganyar, and Wonogiri; and constituency V consists of the cities of Surakarta, Boyolali, Klaten, and Sukoharjo. In post-reform, Soloraya is a political constituent identified as the basis for an electoral district dominated by nationalist parties, particularly the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP).

Using a qualitative approach, this study examines the benefits and effectiveness of the pesantren network in supporting women’s candidacy and competition in the 2019 legislative elections in political areas that are not based on pesantren. Another aspect examined is the activities of pesantren-based female politicians in utilizing the pesantren network to support their candidacy process and competition in the general election. In addition, this study also explores the factors that make the pesantren network as political capital can work well and lead female political candidates based on pesantren to become members of the legislature at the national level.

So far, studies on politics and pesantren are more concerned with the role of the kyai (an honorific title to Muslim clergy) in political activity as conducted by Jatmika,1 Pribadi,2 Patoni,3 and Abdul Ghaffar Karim.4 In addition, the study of the pesantren network also discusses aspects of social and economic networks, such as those conducted by

1 Sidik Jatmika, “Kiai dan Politik Lokal: Studi Kasus Reposisi Politik Kiai NU Kebumen, Jawa Tengah Memanfaatkan Peluang Keterbukaan Partisipasi di Era Reformasi” (Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta, 2005).

2 Yanwar Pribadi, “Religoius Network in Madura : Pesantren, Nahdlatul Ulama and Kiai as the Core of Santri Culture,” Al Jamiah 51, no. 1 (2013): 2–32.

3 A. Patoni, Peran Kiai Pesantren dalam Partai Politik (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2007).

4 Abdul Gaffar Karim, “‘Pesantren’ in Power: Religious Institutions and Political Recruitment in Sumenep, Madura,” Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 42, no. 1 (2008): 157–184https://search.informit.org/doi/10.3316/iel. See also. Abdul Gaffar Karim, “The Pesantren-Based Ruling Elite in Sumenep in the Post-New Order Indonesia,” Journal Of Indonesian Islam 3, no. 1 (2009): 97–121.



Salehuddin5 and Isbah.6 At the regional level, for example, in Yogyakarta, there was pesantren’s involvement in electoral politics in the regions in the 2009 General Election.7 Based on previous studies, a study on the use of pesantren networks by female politicians based on pesantren has not been widely carried out by scholars. The study conducted by Ernas and Siregar8 also shows examples of studies on non-political party instruments in electoral politics at the regional level. In other words, the involvement of non-partymechanismss in electoral politics in Indonesia does not only occur at the national level but also the regional level.

In recent years, scholars have also studied women’s political activism in various regions of Indonesia. There is a study on the role of power in women’s elections in electoral politics in South Sulawesi9 and the involvement of Minangkabau women’s role in politics.10 Another aspect that is no less interesting is the political communication experience of Muslim women politicians in the Sunda region,11 to the opinions of voters in Pati and Demak, Central Java, on gender representation in the political

5 Ahmad Salehuddin, “Konstruksi Jaringan Sosial Pesantren: Strategi Eksis di Tengah Perubahan,” Jurnal Religi 10, no. 2 (2014): 204–216.

6 M. Falikul Isbah, “How Is Social Capital Converted to Be Economic Capital? A Case Study from Pesantren’s Socio-Economic Project,” Al Izzah : Jurnal Hasil-Hasil Penelitian 14, no. 1 (2019): 18–35.

7 Ferry Muhamadsyah Siregar Saidin Ernas, “Dampak Keterlibatan Pesantren dalam Politik: Studi Kasus Pesantren di Yogyakarta,” Kontekstualita 25, no. 2 (2010): 195–224.

8 Ferry Muhamadsyah Siregar Saidin Ernas, “Dampak Keterlibatan Pesantren dalam Politik: Studi Kasus Pesantren di Yogyakarta.

9 Abdul Kadir La Husen Zuada, Rekho Adriadi, “Women’s Power and Electability in Southeast Sulawesi: A Case Study for Provincial and National Legislative Candidate,” Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (2020): 156–171.

10 Sri Zul Chairiyah, “Political Identity and Citizenship Participation (Representatives) in Politics by Minangkabau Women in Post-2019 Election,” Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (2020): 139–155.

11 Alina Shalisa Evie Ariadne, Shinta Dewi, “Political Communication Experiences of Sundanese Muslim Women Politicians,” Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (2020): 121–138.



world.12 There is also a study on the support of Islamic parties to represent women politicians in electoral politics.13

Studies on female politicians and pesantren have also begun. Mahsun, Elizabeth, and Mufrikhah14 examined the success of female legislative candidates from the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in the 2019 Election. In contrast to this study, this paper is different because it emphasizes on the politics of disappointment and the transformation of social capital into political capital.

This study explores how non-party institutions, such as pesantren, contribute to the candidacy process for female pesantren-based politicians who compete in electoral politics. It is interesting to study, at least for three aspects. First, pesantren becomes a political agency supporting candidates’ political activism, especially female politicians. Formerly, the political face of pesantren has been dominated by men. So, the emergence of female political candidates shows that pesantren politics are not always identical to men. Secondly, pesantren become political capital for candidates. As political capital, it is interesting to observe how the pesantren network plays a role in winning candidates in electoral politics with a nationalist electorate landscape. The question is, what factors make this political capital work effectively in winning the female politician candidate. The third is the transformation of social capital into political capital. In the context above, there is a transformation of the function of the pesantren from being social capital to political capital under certain conditions.

12 Thomas R. Seitz George Towar Ikbal Tawakkal, Alifiulahtin Utaminingsih, Fadillah Putra, Andrew D. Garner, Wike Wike, “Similarity Amidst Diversity: Lessons about Women Representation from Pati and Demak,” Jurnal Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (2021): 51–70.

13 Mouliza KD Sweinstani, “Partai Islam, Tafsir Agama, dan Representasi Perempuan dalam Partai Persatuan Pembangunan,” Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 10, no. 2 (2019): 179–198.

14 Muhammad Mahsun, Misbah Zulfa Elizabeth, Solkhah Mufrikhah, “Female Candidates, Islamic Women’s Organisations, and Clientelism in the 2019 Indonesian Elections,” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (2021): 73–92.



To understand the above phenomenon, this article uses the theoretical framework of social capital, resource mobilization, and representative democracy. Referring to Chambers and Conway,15 there are two meanings of assets, namely tangible assets and intangible assets. Tangible assets are resources owned by a person to guarantee his survival, such as natural resource capital, financial capital, and physical capital. In the political context, this capital can be seen from how much money a politician has or physical capital that can support him in electoral politics. Meanwhile, intangible assets are capital whose benefits or access are not within one’s control, such as human capital, social capital, and political capital.

In this study, networks, trust, and mutual trust in human resources are social capital for someone who is in the process of conducting political socialization. This socialization is carried out to participate in and win the electoral political event that a candidate will participate. An important capital to observe is the post-reform pesantren network, which has begun to be studied and taken into account by political scholars in Indonesia.

If we look closely, one of the exciting aspects of post-reformation is the emergence of pesantren, both institutionally and as actors, as institutions or political groups in electoral politics.16 As a social institution, pesantren has substantial social capital; people trust in pesantren caregivers, a network of students and alumni to strong social ties.17 What is seen most

15 Gordon R. Conway Robert Chambers, Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: Practical Con-

cepts for the 21st Century (U.K., 1991),https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/bitstream/handle/20.500.12413/775/Dp296.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y.

16 Saidin Ernas, “Dampak Keterlibatan Pesantren dalam Politik: Studi Kasus Pesantren di Yogyakarta.”

17 Alejandro Portes, “Social Capital: Its Origins and Applications in Modern Sociology,” Annual Review of Sociology 24, no. 1 (1998): 1–24. and Heidi Wittmer Birner, Regina, “Converting Social Capital into Political Capital. How Do Local Communities Gain Political Influence? A Theoretical Approach and Empirical Evidence Frin Thailand and Columbia,” in The 8th Biennal Conference of the International Association for the Study of Common Property (IASCP), 2000.



frequently is the political activity carried out by the kiai as the leader of the pesantren.

The pesantren is unique. There is a strong and attached relationship between the kiai or nyai (female) and the santri. It can be seen from the strong relationship between the two, even after the santri are no longer living in the pesantren. The theory about these assets will be used to see how female legislators take advantage of social capital, such as friendship networks with santri alumni organizations. Another interesting factor to investigate is the use of social capital as political capital, which benefits politicians in electoral politics.

Pesantren in the Reformation Era had different situations and conditions. Especially when compared to that during the New Order Era. During Reformation Era, political freedom was experienced by almost all groups, including pesantren. Pesantren offers at least two important roles. First, It becomes the basis for obtaining votes for political candidates involved in electoral politics at both the executive and legislative levels. Secondly, pesantren become human resources that allow them to fill positions at the executive and legislative levels.18

Politically, the position of the pesantren and the network surrounding it will experience a function change of interest groups, where the pesantren as an entity and part of the community element has certain interests and goals. Pesantren becomes a pressure group that works collectively to encourage the community to follow the political choices of pesantren and their networks.

With the ability to influence people, actors or agents in pesantren, such as caregivers and alumni of pesantren, have become a force for electoral politics. Referring to Isaak in Effendy,19 power is the ability to

18 Masdar Hilmy, “Towards a ‘Wider Mandate’ of Pesantren: In Search for A New Nomenclature of Political Role of Pesantren in an Era of Democracy,” Millah: Jurnal Studi Agama 11, no. 1 (2011): 51–73.

19 Bachtiar Effendy, Teologi Baru Politik Islam : Pertautan Agama, Negara dan



influence the behavior of others, control other people and ask them to make a request. In the domain of electoral politics, the community’s compliance with the demands of pesantren caregivers, for example, in the general election, shows the power owned by the caregivers of the pesantren. This is the basic foundation for the function of the pesantren network as a political force.

As a political force, pesantren has a strong social base, is interconnected, and has strong ties. It has become a strong social capital to transform into a significant political force because the bonds between santri and pesantren are relatively well maintained and sustainable. The continuity of the relationship between santri, pesantren, and their caregivers can be seen during the Eid al-Fitr momentum, a reunion of santri-alumni and the event commemorating the founder’s death of the pesantren. In this way, the network of pesantren, santri, and alumni of pesantren is formed into a calculated political society. This is because pesantren rests on a common identity, obedience, and trust.20 These elements will facilitate the work of the pesantren network in carrying out political activities.

This political context is none other than the political events of the 2019 General Election. This political event is a political opportunity for female politicians to socialize and attract support which in the end appears to be the willingness of constituents in the electoral district to elect these politicians. To investigate and analyze the utilization of the pesantren network, this study uses the framework of the opportunity structure approach in politics.

This study also utilizes a resource mobilization theory approach. This is where resource mobilization is seen as a form of collective action that has reasonable and measurable goals and is organized.21 This theory is

Demokrasi (Yogyakarta: Galangpress, 2001).20 Bachtiar Effendy, Teologi Baru Politik Islam : Pertautan Agama, Negara dan

Demokrasi.21 Noorhaidi Hasan, Islam Politik di Dunia Kontemporer: Konsep, Genealogi, dan Teori



used to see how female political candidates deal with the disappointments of the constituents, santri and pesantren, in the Soloraya, which have been under-represented at the central level (DPR RI, House of Representatives), especially from women’s groups. Uniquely, this disappointment is not expressed negatively but instead becomes a motivation to move legally and constitutionally through the electoral political arena where competition is conducted openly. The presence of female politicians from pesantren who participated in the election competition seemed to give new hope to female representatives from Pesantren in Soloraya. This disappointment was organized in a network platform to win female politician candidates.

The candidacy of female politicians from pesantren backgrounds in electoral politics is the practice of representational democracy, in which the candidate for representatives of the people acts as a candidate for a representative agent who will later represent the constituent base in parliamentary institutions. The discussion of representation has three aspects.22

First is the represented community, i.e., a group of people bound together in a direct and concrete container based on voice, requests, and petitions, and in an indirect and abstract container, for example, based on the area, traditions, or good things (common good). In this study, the main group that is claimed to be represented by female politicians is the constituents who have ties to the pesantren. However, constituents with non-pesantren group backgrounds also become an important part that supports the main constituent groups. Secondly, the representative, namely the person who bridges (the mediator) and safeguards the interests of the person being represented. This representative also plays a role in fighting for the interests of the people represented at various institutional levels.

(Yogyakarta: Suka-Press, 2012).22 Adrian Gurza Lavalle Peter P. Houtzager, “The Paradox of Civil Society

Representation: Constructing New Forms of Democratic Legitimacy in Brazil,” in Rethinking Popular Representation (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 39–58.



In this study, the representatives in question are pesantren-based female politicians participating in the 2019 General Election competition. Thirdly, the locus is the area that is the jurisdiction of the practice of representation. In this study, the selected research area is the Soloraya, which is politically known as the basis of the nationalist party. It is not easy for religion-based parties to compete in the Soloraya area, which has been known to be the voters of nationalist parties.

This study uses a qualitative method, with document review techniques, news, and in-depth interviews. Document and news reviews are used to find information about women politicians’ activities. In-depth interviews were used to confirm the findings of the document review and deepen the informants’ views on the pesantren network. Soloraya, in this study, is divided into two electoral districts (dapil); the 4th Central Java electoral district (Dapil 4) covers Karanganyar, Sragen, and Wonogiri regencies. Another area is Dapil 5, covering the cities of Surakarta, Klaten, Sukoharjo and Boyolali.

The choice of the Soloraya area is to examine the effectiveness of the pesantren network in the political landscape, where the majority of political preferences are for nationalist parties. This claim can be understood by looking at the electoral political map of the legislature, where the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) is the winning party in all areas in Soloraya. The majority of PDI-P’s constituents are in the cities of Surakarta, Boyolali, and Wonogiri. Meanwhile, PDI-P faced stiff competition from fellow nationalist parties in other regions, such as the Golkar Party or the Nasdem Party, and parties with an Islamic background, such as the National Awakening Party (PKB) or the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).



Soloraya as Basis of PDI-P

Geopolitically, Soloraya is an area dominated by voters from nationalist parties, especially the PDI-Perjuangan. PDI-Perjuangan is the dominant party in power in the local parliamentary and executive seats. The latest evidence is the 2019 Election and the 2020 Regional Head Election in December 2020.23

The recent case when Gibran ran for the Mayoral Election shows that it is difficult to match the pair proposed by the PDI-Perjuangan. The party or community of citizens must think if they want to advance to the arena of the executive or legislative elections. In this situation, geopolitically, Soloraya becomes a unique and challenging political area for candidates from parties other than PDI-Perjuangan. It has become a kind of challenge to accumulate voices of a disappointment for constituents outside the PDI-P. The informant of this research conveyed the issue of disappointment as a starting point for consolidating constituents outside the PDI-Perjuangan. Among the constituencies that have the potential to be mobilized are santri groups and pesantren.24 In the Soloraya area, this niche and santri base are not represented in the central parliamentary chamber. The lack of consolidation and the absence of options that are considered to represent “make the basis of the pesantren, especially the NU, become a political minority.”25

In other words, Soloraya has become an area that challenges pesantren-based politicians to carry out electoral political activism, make targeted political investments, and test the solidity of the pesantren’s constituent base. Not to mention fighting the temptation of money politics

23 Abdul Alim Muhamad, “Kandang Banteng Patok Menang di 6 Daerah Soloraya,” gatra.com, last modified 2020, accessed September 17, 2021, https://www.gatra.com/news-489568/politik-kandang-banteng-patok-menang-di-6-daerah-soloraya-diakses pada 17 September 2021.html.

24 Interview with Luluk Nur Hamidah, September 16, 2021.25 Interview with Eva Yuliana, August 23, 2021.



ahead of the General Election, which is often a scourge for all politicians. Even though the General Election was held in 2019, the initial political steps started one or two years earlier. It bases on stories from informants who said that the initial political endeavor was to choose electoral districts (Dapils). The choice of this electoral district involves various aspects and requires analysis of social, cultural, political, and social issues.

According to Eva Yuliana, the constituency in Soloraya is clearly a a fanatical masses of PDI-P. However, he considers this not an obstacle but rather a challenge. Eva is in the V constituency of Central Java which includes Boyolali, Klaten, Sukoharjo, and Surakarta regencies. In addition to dealing with the PDI-Perjuangan candidates, other candidates who used the santri as their constituent bases were Mohammad Thoha from PKB and Gus Nabiel Haroen from PDI-P. The other Greater Solo Dapil, also a bull enclosure, is the Central Java IV Dapil which includes the Regencies of Sragen, Karanganyar, and Wonogiri. According to Luluk Nur Hamidah, the electoral district is a “red” area (an area dominated by PDI-P with a dominant red color).26

The narrative above shows how Soloraya’s claim to be a bull cage was confirmed through secondary data in the media and acknowledged by the candidates running for the Solo Raya electoral district who came from outside the PDI-P. The information above shows that candidates who want to run in the election must be aware from the beginning. It is a challenge, especially related to the courage of a female political candidate with a pesantren background to compete in an area that geopolitically is the basis of a nationalist party constituency.

Finding a Political Mandate

For a candidate of representatives of the people, selecting the electoral district (Dapil) is important because it becomes a kind of political

26 Interview with Luluk Nur Hamidah, September 15, 2021.



party’s mandate to him. When a political party decides that person A will compete in electoral district X, then he must fight in this electoral district. In other words, the electoral district becomes a battle arena for a candidate whose character must be recognized and understood. Suppose a political party asks to compete in a particular electoral district; in that case, the next step is to seek a real mandate from the constituent base or the voters, especially visiting influential figures in that electoral district.

As a candidate from the pesantren milieu, the blessing of the leadership of the pesantren is crucial and strategic to strengthen the candidate’s steps in electoral political competition. Eva Yuliana admitted that the Kyai’s order was her momentum to dare to compete in the 2019 General Election;

“When a Kiai has said that it is time for me to run as a candidate for the people’s representative, then this is what makes me move forward in the political arena in the 2019 Election.”27

The matter of the Kyai’s blessing to Eva Yuliana was acknowledged by several informants, one of whom was Agus Maarif, the head of the Jamaah Muji Rasul (Jamuro) Surakarta.28 Even though, as an institution, Jamuro is not involved in practical politics or supports specific candidates, Eva Yuliana’s nomination process has the blessing and support of Kyai, who are in Jamuro’s circle. Other informants also acknowledged giving this blessing; Nyai Hj. Sechah Wal’afiyah, Chairperson of the Mahabbah Rasul Putri Jamaat (Jamuri) Surakarta. Nyai Hj. Sechah said that Jamuro Surakarta was just giving their blessing to run in the 2019 Election but did not give a mandate, let alone be bound by a political contract.

Not much different from Eva Yuliana, Luluk Nur Hamidah also paid attention to the mandate’s importance. After deciding to compete in the Sragen, Karanganyar, and Wonogiri electoral districts, she who is from

27 Interview with Eva Yuliana, August 23, 2021.28 Interview with Agus Maarif, September 1, 2021.



Jombang, immediately visited the Kyai in those electoral districts;

“Then Mas Habib, the Chairman of RMI Sragen (K.H. Habib Masduqi Alawy) who brought me to visit Kyai, such as Abah Syarif.”29

The narrative above shows how the mandate, in daily politics’ lan-guage, is an important aspect of nominating candidates in recent elections. Giving this blessing involves emotional aspects, the similarity of identity, mutual trust, and networking.

After obtaining the mandate from political parties and socio-cul-tural blessing, the next move is to carry out socialization. This socializa-tion emphasizes to prospective voters that the candidates are in the pro-cess of running for the 2019 General Election. The socialization step is carried out by considering the constituent base and target. According to Eva Yuliana, the socialization activity considers who will be visited;

“I take a different approach in Soloraya. We adapt to the constituents. If I come to the green base (the Nahdlatul Ulama base), socialization is carried out when there is a religious gathering. It is different from the red base’s constituency, so I will have a discussion or sit down together. However, I still introduce myself as a student.”30

Referring to the socialization practice carried out by Eva Yuliana, she has previously mapped the constituent base. Eva’s constituency is the constituency of Central Java V, covering Boyolali, Sukoharjo, Klaten, and Surakarta City. This makes him have to be very careful and thorough in determining activities at the base. One of the informants, Mrs. Anna, a Muslimat NU Sukoharjo activist, said that Eva Yuliana’s strategy in approaching the community was adjusted to the character of the community.

29 Interview with Luluk Nur Hamidah, September 15, 2021.30 Interview with Eva Yuliana, August 23, 2021.



Visiting the constituent base is also a political activity, Luluk Nur Hamidah, after getting a mandate to compete in the electoral district of Central Java IV, namely Sragen, Karanganyar, and Wonogiri, meaning that she must conduct socialization or self-introduction to the three areas. Luluk conducts socialization in the routine religious gathering arena;

“I got help from the Kyai and Gus whom I know. With Mas Kyai Habib, I am very friendly with him, including Abah Syarif. I need to visit because this is a gathering place where I can exchange ideas and discuss local politics. I am also able to do education and political empowerment.”31

In contrast to Eva Yuliana, stating explicitly that the division of the constituent base will differentiate the socialization strategy, Luluk’s narration points more to a focus on religious gathering, although there are other constituent segments being targeted. According to Saiful Bahri, one of the successful teams and Experts, Luluk Nur Hamidah, besides being diligent in doing blusukan (impromptu visit) every day, they also manage meetings with the community to hear their aspirations.

Observing what Luluk did, the strategy for visiting prospective constituents was carried out optimally and optimally. Realizing that Luluk was a newcomer to the constituency of Central Java IV, she continued to visit various locations. Luluk claimed that she had visited hundreds of locations in various villages to meet with the voters in her electoral district.

The models and socialization strategies of these two female political candidates have their own uniqueness. However, they show similarities in emphasizing the urgency of political communication, namely, in the form of sowan or visiting the constituents directly and gathering in interacting closely with them. This activity, which is closely related to the culture of the pesantren, has become a model of activity used to strengthen the nomination steps and gain political legitimacy to facilitate the process of candidacy and competition in the 2019 General Election.




Women Politicians and Pesantren Network

The pesantren community, from the family of the pesantren leader, the santri who have met the requirements to vote, to the pesantren alumni network, are the main targets of the candidates. The friendship and ties with the pesantren and the santri community, long before running as a candidate for representatives of the people, clearly made it easier for them to enter the circle of the pesantren and its networks. Frequent visits to pesantren or religious teaching by Kyai or Nyai before the General Election have also eroded the suspicion that candidates come only to seek political popularity and vote support.

Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah have highlighted the identity of santri in daily political activism and electoral politics. They both claim to be part of the santri, even though they belong to different political parties. Eva Yuliana ran through the Nasdem Party, the nationalist party. Meanwhile, Luluk Nur Hamidah ran through the National Awakening Party (PKB), considered part of a religious party.

Several informants stated that female politicians could mobilize the pesantren community. Khoirul, Eva Yuliana’s Expert, said that Mbak Eva, Eva Yuliana’s nickname, drove the pesantren network from upstream to downstream. Such a strong bond as a santri and part of the pesantren institution paved the way for Eva Yuliana to embrace and solidify the pesantren network. Anna, an activist from NU Sukoharjo Muslimat, explained that Eva Yuliana’s status as a student could not be ruled out. A strong base in majelis taklim (religious teachings) such as Jamuro and Jamuri is also very useful.

Although institutionally, pesantren, majelis taklim, and student alumni organizations do not engage in practical politics, individual political rights cannot be limited. Eva Yuliana’s figure as a santri (student at pesantren) and alumni of the pesantren cannot be denied a strong magnet to attract santri constituents and the pesantren network. Ahmad Alfi, Al-Muayyad



Alumni and Al-Muayyad Middle School Teacher, said that the alumni knew Eva Yuliana’s track record as a politician who helped make the name of Pesantren Al-Muayyad known in the national political arena. In addition, there is a strong bond between the Pesantren Al-Muayyad in Sukoharjo and Surakarta City and the Pesantren Al-Manshur Popongan Klaten, making the network of these two pesantren an important institution that helped catalyze Eva Yuliana in the process of candidacy, socialization, and electoral political competition.

Eva Yuliana admits that as a student, she is equipped to become a student who is able to cross boundaries. Not only able to be useful in the pesantren community but also society at large;

“I remember very well the message conveyed by Kyai Dian Nafi was more or less like this, “...once what will be seen is people who are useful to others, not how big the group is but we do not do anything. It is what you look like in that circle in making a policy.” This is what I hold in navigating the electoral districts that are considered nationalist and red-hot electoral districts. Because once again, the role of santri is khoirunnas anfauhum linnas (give benefit to people).”32

Although santri are a strong identity, the type of santri who are able to move to various segments of society seems to be Eva Yuliana’s keyword to move without barriers, and not only to make pesantren and santri constituents the main target. Eva also developed another support line, “bolone mbak Eva.” This forum is to accommodate support groups outside the pesantren.

Similar to Eva Yuliana, Luluk Nur Hamidah also has a network of affiliated pesantren or has ties to a pesantren in Jombang. However, it is acknowledged that not all of these pesantren have expressed their support for Luluk Nur Hamidah’s candidacy or candidacy process. In addition, according to Saiful Bahri, an expert in Luluk Nur Hamidah, the

32 Interview with Eva Yuliana, August 23, 2021.



socialization and political competition process in the Sragen, Karanganyar, and Wonogiri areas was also assisted by the network of Gus Yusuf, the Chairman of the Central Java PKB DPW through the Tegalrejo pesantren network.

The Luluk pesantren network model is slightly different from Eva Yuliana, a student at a pesantren located in Soloraya. Luluk, affiliated with a pesantren in Jombang, East Java, has established a cross-regional network of pesantren. With the help of a network of pesantren, Gus Yusuf, who incidentally is the Chairman of the Central Java DPW PKB, was intensively involved in assisting the socialization process and Luluk Nur Hamidah’s campaign.

Her success team admits that the support for this pesantren network is more than that of the alumni network because Luluk has never studied in the pesantren in Soloraya. According to Nawir, this alumni network was formed when Luluk declared herself to be a candidate for representative of the people. The formation of this alumni movement network was due to the Luluk movement, which took inventory of figures intensely for almost two years before the 2019 General Election competition:

“This network during the campaign process for Ibu Luluk always coordinated, and even now, the network created by Ibu Luluk still exists.”33

According to Nawir, the performance of the pesantren network formed by Luluk was able to accommodate alumni and immediately go into the community to voice their efforts to win Luluk. The networks in the four electoral districts have never even met and coordinated to win Luluk Nur Hamidah.

“This network works according to their territorial areas, for example, the Wonogiri area, so they gather in Wonogiri, not across districts. These pesantrens, especially in Wonogiri, are open to prospective visitors. But the matter of choosing a candidate is the affair of the pesantren caregiver.”34

33 Interview with Nawir, September 15, 2021.34 Interview with Nawir, September 15, 2021.



The same thing was confirmed by Handoko, the administrator of the Wonogiri PKB DPC, who said that most of those who worked were pesantren alumni. Especially under the command of Gus Yusuf with the Tegalrejo alumni network. In the case of Luluk Nur Hamidah, the role of alumni of pesantren and pesantren with ties to the pesantren in Jombang seems quite strong. In the interview, Luluk herself admitted that on the eve of election day, Luluk brought one of the pesantren leaders from Jombang, who was still Gus Dur’s family, to convince the pesantren community in Sragen, Karanganyar, and Wonogiri:

“To convince the pesantren community, I brought in a pesantren leader from Jombang who is still a Gus Dur’s family. Pesantren, who are already convinced, will be even more convinced that I have a relationship with Gus Dur’s family. While those who were previously undecided have finally become convinced.”35

Pesantren networks, ranging from pesantren caregivers to alumni networks, are social capital that can be transformed into political capital by the two political candidates, Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah. Both can read the potential and utilize it optimally from the candidacy process until the election time in the 2019 General Election.

Pesantren Network-Based Politics

Pesantren are institutions that accommodate various parties. Apart from the founders of the pesantren, whose existence is highly respected, there are also pesantren caregivers who often still have family ties to the founders of the pesantren. Another element that is no less important is the presence of students. These students are people who are actively studying at the pesantren. When students graduate or have left the pesantren, they usually form or join an organization or alumni association.

35 Interview with Luluk Nur Hamidah, September 15, 2021



Discussing the pesantren network, of course, cannot be separated from network formation. The formation of this network also cannot be separated from the bonds that make up the network. Referring to Pribadi,36 various ties that are formed in the pesantren, which ultimately form and bind into a network. This bond is, for example, between fellow kiai or nyai caregivers of pesantren, pesantren and NU, and between NU and kiai or nyai. This bond becomes a substantial capital in forming the pesantren network.

This network has not yet considered the bond between santri, alumni, and pesantren. The older the boarding school is, the stronger the bond can be. For example, the haul event that commemorates the death of the pesantren’s caregiver is often a meeting momentum between santri or alumni and the pesantren. This event is also a meeting place for pesantren with outside parties. Not to mention, for example, events related to the birthday of the pesantren. It shows that the pesantren has become a solid magnet to become a meeting room for various parties. Referring to Hasanuddin,37 Social networks such as pesantren organizations or pesantren alumni organizations have the opportunity to become political capital when members of these network organizations become members of political organizations such as political parties.

In this context, this paper shows that Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, who had been in the pesantren, made them both have strong bonds with the actors in the pesantren. Referring to Giddens,38 Social networks and individuals can thrive with support from common social backgrounds to shared identities. Based on data and information from

36 Yanwar Pribadi, Islam, State and Society in Indonesia: Local Politics in Madura (London: Routladge, 2018), https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/mono/10.4324/9781315473697/islam-state-society-indonesia-yanwar-pribadi.

37 Sansan Hasanudin, “Mekanisme Religio-Politik Pesantren: Mobilisasi Jaringan Hamida Dalam Politik Elektoral Tasikmalaya,” MASYARAKAT: Jurnal Sosiologi 22, no. 1 (2017): 53–80.

38 Anthoni Giddens & Simon Griffiths, Sociology. (Cambridge: Polity press, 2006).



informants, the political activities carried out by Eva and Luluk cannot be separated from the symbols and identities of students. Eva and Luluk’s activities cannot be separated from the attributes of students and alumni. Their involvement in practical political organizations is ultimately closely related to their attributes or identity as santri and have strong ties to the pesantren.

Even though the pesantren institution does not have practical politics, the individual leaders of the pesantren still have political rights that can still use as long as they do not violate the rules. Eva Yuliana’s pesantren network with a background of Al Muayyad Islamic boarding school students helped her to be able to enter the santri community that connects to the Al Muayyad Islamic boarding school network. Likewise with Luluk Nur Hamidah. Although not from a pesantren in Solo Raya, Luluk is supported by a network of elite pesantren led by the National Awakening Party at the district and provincial levels, which also has bases in several pockets of santri voters in Solo. The ability to synergize and mobilize this network is politically beneficial and an added value in making the pesantren network a political base.

Building Trust and Political Channels

The pesantren network and political blessing from the pesantren leadership are important aspects of candidacy for pesantren-based politicians. In the case of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, both have important individual performances to complement existing social capital. For example, the aspect of friendship with the broader community and a sense of trust in the public are factors that cannot be ignored.

According to Eva, when carrying out political campaign activities, she never claimed to be a good and honest person and deserved to be elected. Eva chooses to do good and positive actions so that in the end, people judge her as a good person:



“In the campaign, I never said I was good, as long as my pesantren was good, will make my image and my pesantren good. But the people’s actions will judge me and my pesantren in the future.”39

The narration above describes the figure of Eva Yuliana, who, in the view of religious leaders at the local level, is known as a person who can be trusted. This trust is very important because it is the key to choosing a candidate, especially in the midst of the image of the people’s representatives who are considered unable to represent well. Moreover, bringing local votes to the constituency. Appearance of Eva seems to be a figure who is considered to represent the constituents of the pesantren in the Soloraya area, which is considered PDIP’s basis.

Aspects of trust and integrity are among the factors that pave the way for Eva Yuliana to become a channel for representational political aspirations. In terms of channeling aspirations, a research informant (Ana) added that the figure of Eva, actually a woman, is also an important factor that facilitates the organization of constituents from women’s groups. Representing the female constituency is an important narrative in building and strengthening trust and fostering integrity in the pesantren’s constituents, which is one of the main targets of Eva Yuliana and her winning team.

Luluk Nur Hamidah’s efforts to build trust are clearly more difficult because Soloraya is not her hometown. According to Saiful Bahri, Luluk Nur Hamidah’s Expert, Luluk traveled to the area to meet with voters. This needs to be done so that there is closeness and a feeling of representation in politics;

“Mrs. Luluk is willing to jump in for a full day, sometimes even going to the electoral district 4 times to accompany farmers, plant rice, accompany women in the majelis to socialize. It is that closeness that makes people unite to benefit the surrounding area. The thing to remember is that you do not have money in politics, and there is no political contract. And that is what convinced the pesantren, the community, to vote for her.”40 39 Interview with Eva Yuliana, August 23, 2021.40 Interview with Saiful Bahri, August 11, 2021



Building political affinity with constituents is also a concern for Handoko, the administrator of the Wonogiri PKB DPC. He stated that Luluk Nur Hamidah is a person who can communicate with people from various backgrounds. Therefore, there is a feeling of closeness between the voters and the candidate for representatives of the people.

Luluk’s efforts to build trust in his constituents are important in her efforts to gain constituent sympathy. In addition to relying on the pesantren network, Luluk individually displays the performance of politicians willing to come to locals, listen to complaints, and become a channel for their aspirations. She said she built a perception as a female representative of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in the national political arena and did not hesitate to go down to the people’s base wherever she was. This blusukan strategy is important because Luluk is not a genuine candidate from the constituency. “I am ready to become a political conduit.”41

The narration of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah provides an overview of female politicians based in pesantren who are able to penetrate socio-cultural barriers. So that it has a performance that is not only known in the pesantren world but is also able to communicate and interact with a broader constituency, especially outside the pesantren community.

Transformation of Social Capital into Political Capital

The process of candidacy, competition, and nomination activities until the election of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah as people’s representatives in Soloraya shows the practice of utilizing social capital into political capital. With social capital in the form of a pesantren network, a solid santri network, trust, and constituent militancy, they were able to dominate non-pesantren political areas. Areas that have not been easily penetrated by politicians who rely on the pesantren network, especially female politicians. Moreover, the two political parties are not from the




PDI-Perjuangan, which has been the political affiliation of the majority of the constituents in Soloraya.

The phenomenon of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah is interesting to explore because they are able to manage the disappointment of their constituents, especially the female students’ constituencies from Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) background, who so far feel that their voices have not been represented. In the last few elections, there has been a representation of NU, such as Mohammad Thoha from the National Awakening Party in Dapil 5. But there is no representation from female santri constituents yet.42

The absence of female santri representation has become a political disappointment for the pesantren constituents, especially those affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama. This political disappointment became ammunition that the two female political candidates processed as a way to arouse and organize constituents. This also shows how female political candidates are able to observe the problems of their constituents who have been marginalized so far and can mobilize disappointments in a structured manner and have clear goals—namely, making female political candidates with the pesantren background as representatives at the central level.

Turning disappointment into a source of strength becomes an important point as a support for social capital, which has been present in the female political candidate. The activist bases in these two case studies have become a way of facilitating network organizing activities and building constituent solidity and militancy.

With the pesantren network, both in the form of a network of pesantren caregivers, alumni networks, and networks of community organizations such as Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama and Muslimat Nahdlatul Ulama, the two candidates show how important the selection and sorting of constituents is. In other words, Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah

42 Interview with Ajie Najmuddin, September 22, 2021.



were able to evoke the voices of the political minorities drowning in the PDI-P basis.

In addition to building voter militancy at the level of the santri constituency, these two female politicians have also expanded their voter base. Eva Yuliana, for example, entered the non-pesantren voter base by creating “Bolone Mbak Eva” network (a network of Mbak Eva’s friends) targeting non-pesantren. Meanwhile, Luluk also established closeness with voters through his family ancestry in Karanganyar.

This expansion of the voters is important because many santri or pesantren constituents are also targeting it from internal Nahdlatul Ulama and outside NU. This can be done quite well because Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah are typical inclusive students who can mingle and communicate well in various segments of society.

This study proves that the solidity of the constituency base of santri and pesantren as well as the expansion of the voter base, coupled with the support of religious elites and the performance of female political candidates based on pesantren, are the keys to the success of transforming social capital into political capital to win electoral politics in areas that are not the basis of pesantren.

From the side of the network model developed by Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, both seem to have chosen to consolidate the network between parties. This means that Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah carried out a network combination strategy within the pesantren, strengthened the organizational structure of political parties in the electoral district, and supported the combination of these networks with the social capital inherent in the individuals of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah.

The strong relationship between the pesantren leaders and the students and alumni smooths the way for them to navigate electoral political competition. Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah are typical



pesantren alumni who are able to maintain relationships and cultivate them into forces that support political activism in the local sphere. This further proves what Hilmy said about pesantren as a political locus for voice granaries and a locus that provides resources to fill political spaces at various levels.43

This study clearly shows how female political candidates with pesantren backgrounds can optimize the social and political assets attached to pesantren. Suppose non-pesantren actors usually take advantage of the votes from the pesantren through visits or political safaris ahead of electoral political events. In that case, Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah are descriptions of santri or pesantren alumni who can manage the votes of the pesantren to choose candidates who have ties to the pesantren. Both Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah were able to map social and political assets in the pesantren so that they were able to support their performance in the 2019 Election.

This study also shows a portrait of the strength of pesantren in the area of the nationalist constituency in the local sphere, especially for women candidates. The political activism of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah emphasized that pesantren had legitimacy and a strong social base, even though they were in a political space dominated by nationalist constituent groups. Interestingly, this is done by political forces who have a pesantren background. In other words, this study proves that the political power of pesantren is not only tested in the santri community base but is also able to show its existence in a political area dominated by nationalist groups.

The case studies of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, when referring to Isaak in Effendy,44 show that the pesantren network works well

43 Masdar Hilmy, “Towards a ‘Wider Mandate’ of Pesantren: In Search for A New Nomenclature of Political Role of Pesantren in an Era of Democracy.”

44 Bachtiar Effendy, Teologi Baru Politik Islam : Pertautan Agama, Negara dan Demokrasi.



supported by the strong power and influence of the pesantren caregivers. Although formally pesantren are not involved in practical politics, the political tendencies shown in the 2019 General Election can be read by the political constituents of santri, and there is political compliance in it. This is an important aspect of the operation of the pesantren network as a political force.

If you look at the existing data, as mentioned by Bachtiar Effendy,45 there are three important aspects that become the driving factor: the similarity of identity, obedience, and trust. There is a similarity of identity that emerges when learning from the cases of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, namely the identity of the santri and the identity of the pesantren attached to both. The election of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah shows that aspects of obedience and trust can be found and proven by their election. One of the informants said that dawuh Kyai (Kyai’s order) to choose one candidate was an important consideration and made it easier for successful teams at the grassroots to “sell” candidates Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, supported by the performance of both that can be trusted or have a trustworthy aspect. So the aspects of obedience and trust are strong factors attached to Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah.

Mobilizing Resources and Managing the Politics of Disappointment

What cannot be ignored is the ability of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah to mobilize and manage the politics of the disappointment of the santri constituents in the Soloraya area. The absence of people’s representatives at the DPR RI level from among women with a pesantren background is powerful ammunition to raise the fighting spirit, especially for women voters with a pesantren background. Several informants

45 Bachtiar Effendy, Teologi Baru Politik Islam : Pertautan Agama, Negara dan Demokrasi.



admitted that inviting women’s groups based on santri or pesantren was very easy. Because the candidates also come from elements of women with Islamic boarding schools background. This informant also said that women fighting for and choosing women was easier.

From the reformation era until the 2019 general election, the greater Solo area has never been elected by a female pesantren-based politician at the national level. According to several informants, this has led to disappointment among the pesantren, especially the NU group. Although this disappointment did not lead to violence, every time there was an election, more men were elected from among the santri.

As far as information is concerned, the electoral district where Luluk Nur Hamidah is contesting is the Central Java IV constituency; there has never been a PKB representative who has passed. It is both a challenge and an advantage for Luluk. It was called a challenge because Luluk had to be able to organize from the start and solidify his ranks. The advantage is that Luluk does not have to fight with PKB’s internal politicians because the electoral district is still empty of PKB politicians’ representation or is based on pesantren and santri. An interview with one of the informants also confirmed that there was no representation of female students engaged in politics from the Soloraya constituency.

One way to manage the constituency base of santri and pesantren is to organize and strengthen the regional base. For example, Eva Yuliana is actively involved in recitation forums and women-based organizations. Many women usually attend majlis recitation. In this way, Eva tries to strengthen herself in the santri electorate and the pesantren community, especially those involving female voters.

Luluk Nur Hamidah did the same thing. Even though she does not have a pesantren base in Solo Raya like Eva Yuliana, Luluk’s activities in national organizations with downward structural relationships are used by Lulu to gather support. For example, through organizational networks



within NU to the pesantren network, the head of the PKB region, Gus Yusuf, has influenced the alumni of Tegalrejo, Magelang, Central Java students.

If examined, the transformation of political disappointment into political energy is not only felt by the santri constituent base and the pesantren circles. Eva and Luluk are politicians with a sense of political disappointment because they felt defeat and failure in the 2014 General Election. For the record, in the 2014 Election, Luluk stepped forward to become a legislative candidate from the electoral district in East Java. However, Luluk lacked votes and failed to be elected as a legislature member from the electoral district in East Java. Eva Yuliana experienced the same thing. In the 2014 election, Eva lost to the electoral district V Central Java (Solo, Sukoharjo, Boyolali, Klaten). At that time, she joined the National Democratic Party (Nasdem).

The meeting of these two political disappointments seems to be a substantial enough political capital to encourage Eva and Luluk’s political activities. On the one hand, the santri and pesantren constituents are disappointed because there has been no political representation from female students at the national level so far. On the other hand, the defeat and political disappointment of Eva and Luluk, who failed in the 2014 election, made them both learn more and forge themselves so that they have a better and more targeted political strategy so that they succeeded in leading them to be elected in the 2019 election.

Interestingly, despite experiencing political disappointment, both santri and pesantren constituents and female pesantren-based politicians practice themselves as a ‘silent community’. There was no turmoil or conflict related to defeating, as is sometimes found when there are supporters of certain politicians who, when they lose, carry out destructive activities. However, the pesantren community and female pesantren-based politicians choose the peaceful path and the silent strategy to engage in political activities again in the coming years.



Eva and Luluk’s victory in the 2019 election and their election as members of the national legislature prove how appropriate and valuable the political strategies and activities they are doing are. The ability to mobilize the pesantren network to strengthen the community base of santri and pesantren who have experienced political disappointment has resulted in a political victory which at the same time has become a new milestone, namely the presence of female representatives of pesantren-based politicians at the national level.

If we refer to the resource mobilization theory, Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah can organize marginalized voices who have been voting. Actually, they become floating masses who tend to be silent. So far, female constituencies with pesantren backgrounds have a choice of candidates. However, they are waiting for a candidate to be representatives of the people close to the identity similarity with the female constituents—namely women from pesantren from among the santri.

This study of the political activism of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah shows that the female candidates with a pesantren background show that there is a solid representation among pesantren. Eva and Luluk both pointed out that the constituency base of pesantren in constituencies based on nationalist groups requires representatives in the central parliamentary institutions. Eva and Luluk show how important it is to have a representative of the santri constituents in the non-student constituency. This is to ensure that the interests, needs, and problems faced by the pesantren constituents have a special channel to be heard and fought for nationally.

The description of the relationship between the representative agent and the group represented can be seen from the explanation stated by Houtzager and Lavalle.46 First, the community represented in this study is the santri group and the pesantren as the main group. This main group

46 Peter P. Houtzager, “The Paradox of Civil Society Representation: Constructing New Forms of Democratic Legitimacy in Brazil.”



became the main base of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah. This main group is bound in a common struggle to encourage representatives or representation agents among female santri. However, constituents with non-pesantren group backgrounds also become an important part that supports the main constituent groups.

Theoretically, the pesantren network and social capital attached to pesantren-based political actors have potential and strength when managed and consolidated correctly and carried out appropriately. Moreover, women’s voter groups have extreme loyalty and militancy. In the case of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, the loyalty and militancy of women’s voter groups were very important in sustaining their electoral political activism in the Soloraya constituency.

The phenomenon of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, who combined formal and informal political power and managed existing resources, ultimately became the key that was able to lead them both to be elected and represent political constituencies in Soloraya, especially from the female student voter base.

Conclusion

This study discusses the transformation of social capital into political capital by proposing a case study of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah. Both are female politicians with pesantren background who participated in the electoral political competition in Soloraya. Both are candidates for people’s representatives running in the 2019 General Election from the Soloraya electoral district. Eva ran in the fifth electoral district of Central Java (Klaten, Sukoharjo, Boyolali, and Surakarta City) with the Nasdem party. Meanwhile Luluk Nur Hamidah is from the fourth electoral district of Central Java (Karanganyar, Sragen, and Wonogiri).

His ability to optimize social capital and manage the political disappointments of the santri constituents has made them both elected



to represent their respective electoral districts. Interestingly, even though both are pesantren-based, they won political competitions in a politically considered PDI-P basis or non-pesantren political base areas. They were both able to build solidity and trust in the pesantren network, so they were solid in choosing Eva and Luluk as their representatives in the central parliament. This study proves that a solid minority, as shown by the santri constituency in Soloraya and the expansion of voters, can lead a candidate to become a member of parliament at the central level.

The important contribution of this study is to illustrate how female politicians’ circulation of representative power is carried out based on pesantren. Eva and Luluk are portraits of two politicians elected for the first time, although this is not the first time they have competed in electoral politics. The choice of the two became an important marker of the shift in political representation at the national level. Suppose previously the voters chose male or female politicians who were not based on pesantren, then in the case of Eva and Luluk, this circulation of power is happening.

In the case of Eva Yuliana and Luluk Nur Hamidah, there are signals about pesantren as an instrument of political consolidation of the lower classes. It is undeniable that Luluk and Eva both work by making pesantren as the factor to bind voters to vote for Luluk and Eva during the 2019 Election.

Acknowledgment

This article is from a research report funded by BOPTN IAIN Surakarta in the 2021 Interdisciplinary Basic Research Cluster.



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Interview

Interview with Eva Yuliana, parliament member of Nasdem, via zoom, 23 Agust, 2021

Interview with Luluk Nur Hamidah, parliament member of PKB, via zoom, 15 September, 2021

Interview with Nawir, member of PKB Wonogiri, 8 Agust, 2021Interview with Handoko, member of PKB Sragen, 10 Agust, 2021Interview with Saiful Bahri, an expert staff of parliament member, 11

Agust, 2021Interview with Anna, Muslimat NU Sukoharjo and team of Eva Yuliana,

14 Agust, 2021Interview with Sunarno, volunteer of Mbak Luluk, 16 Agust, 2021Interview with Khoirul, local expert staff of Eva Yuliana, 24 Agust, 2021Interview with Ahmad Alfi, an alumae of Pesantren Al-Muayyad

(AKAMAL) and teacher of Junior High School of Al-Muayyad, 26 Agust, 2021

Interview with Agus Maarif, leader of Jamuro Surakarta, 1 September, 2021

Interview with Nyai Hj Sekhah Wal’afiyah/leader of Jamuri Surakarta, 2 September, 2021



Interview with Ajie Najmuddin/Gusdurian Soloraya and NU Online, 22 September, 2021.

vol. xix, no. 1, januari - juni 2022 issn: 1693-9867 (p)

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