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Traditional Practice and Knowledge of Indigenous and Local Communities in Kailash Sacred Landscape, Nepal

ICIMOD Working Paper 2017/1

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About ICIMOD

The International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development, ICIMOD, is a regional knowledge

development and learning centre serving the eight regional member countries of the Hindu Kush

Himalayas – Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, India, Myanmar, Nepal, and Pakistan –

and based in Kathmandu, Nepal. Globalisation and climate change have an increasing influence

on the stability of fragile mountain ecosystems and the livelihoods of mountain people. ICIMOD

aims to assist mountain people to understand these changes, adapt to them, and make the

most of new opportunities, while addressing upstream-downstream issues. We support regional

transboundary programmes through partnership with regional partner institutions, facilitate the

exchange of experience, and serve as a regional knowledge hub. We strengthen networking

among regional and global centres of excellence. Overall, we are working to develop an

economically and environmentally sound mountain ecosystem to improve the living standards

of mountain populations and to sustain vital ecosystem services for the billions of people living

downstream – now, and for the future.

ICIMOD gratefully acknowledges the support of its core donors: the Governments of Afghanistan,

Australia, Austria, Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Norway, Pakistan,

Switzerland, and the United Kingdom.

Cover photos (clockwise): Hippophae salicifolia bear edible fruits, (i) Ophiocordyceps sinensis, a high-value species collected and stored by local communities, (ii) Sheep husbandry and wool collection

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Traditional Practice and Knowledge of Indigenous and Local Communities in Kailash Sacred Landscape, Nepal

Contributing Authors:

Ram P. Chaudhary, Shesh Hari Bhattarai, Govinda Basnet, Kuber P. Bhatta, Yadav Uprety, Laxmi Dutt Bhatta, Rajan Kotru, Bishwa Nath Oli, Lila N. Sharma, Sushil Khanal, Uday R. Sharma

International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development, Kathmandu, Nepal, February 2017

ICIMOD Working Paper 2017/1

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Copyright © 2017International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD)All rights reserved, published 2017

Published byInternational Centre for Integrated Mountain DevelopmentGPO Box 3226, Kathmandu, Nepal

ISBN 978 92 9115 464 7 (printed) 978 92 9115 465 4 (electronic)

Production TeamShradha Ghale (Consultant editor)Christopher Butler (Editor)Dharma R Maharjan (Layout and design)Asha Kaji Thaku (Editorial assistant)

Photos: All phtos by Ram P. Chaudhary

Printed and bound in Nepal byHill Side Press (P) Ltd., Kathmandu, Nepal

ReproductionThis publication may be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is made. ICIMOD would appreciate receiving a copy of any publication that uses this publication as a source. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from ICIMOD.

The views and interpretations in this publication are those of the author(s). They are not attributable to ICIMOD and do not imply the expression of any opinion concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries, or the endorsement of any product.

NoteThis publication is available in electronic form at www.icimod.org/himaldoc

Citation: Chaudhary, R.P., Bhattarai, S.H., Basnet, G., Bhatta, K.P., Uprety, Y., Bhatta, L.D., Kotru, R., Oli, B.N., Sharma, L.N., Khanal, S., Sharma, U.R., (2017) Traditional practice and knowledge of indigenous and local communities in Kailash Sacred Landscape, Nepal. ICIMOD Working Paper 2017/1. Kathmandu: ICIMOD

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Contents

Acknowledgements ivAcronyms and Abbreviations vExecutive Summary vi

Introduction 1

Methodology 1 Study Area 1 Data Collection Methods 3

Findings 3 Resource Management Systems 3 Traditional Knowledge on Use of Biological Resources 12 Traditional Knoweldge Transfer and Acquisition 15 Issues 16

Conclusion 18

Further Suggestions 19

References 20

Annexes Annex 1: Traditional knowledge on plant resources used by local communities in KSL Nepal 21Annex 2: Traditional knowledge on animal resources used by local communities in KSL Nepal 29

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AcknowledgementsWe are grateful to the institutional partners including the Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation (MoFSC), Government of Nepal, the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), and the Tribhuvan University (TU), Nepal for providing financial and logistical support, intellectual guidance and expert advice throughout the project.

The authors would like to sincerely thank Regional Directors and staff of the Far-western Regional Directorate and Western Regional Directorate offices of the MoFSC; the District Forest Officers and staff of the Kailash Sacred Landscape Conservation and Development Initiative (KSLCDI) districts in Nepal: Baitadi, Bajhang, Darchula and Humla; and the Warden and Staff of the Api-Nampa Conservation Area (ANCA) for their cooperation and support during the field visits. We also acknowledge the inputs received from reviewers.

Our sincere thanks go to the Village Development Committees (VDCs), Forest User Groups (FUGs) and non-government organizations (NGOs), community based organizations (CBOs), civil society members; and farmers and traditional healers, school teachers, herders, herb collectors, and entrepreneurs who provided generous cooperation and shared their experiences for the purpose of the study.

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Acronyms and AbbreviationsCDB Central Department of Botany

CFUGs Community Forest User Groups

IK Indigenous Knowledge

KSL Kailash Sacred Landscape

msl Mean Sea Level

MAPs Medicinal and Aromatic Plants

NTFPs Non-timber Forest Products

NGOs Non-governmental Organizations

TAR Tibet Autonomous Region

TEK Traditional Environmental Knowledge

TK Traditional Knowledge

TU Tribhuvan University

VDC Village Development Committee

WCCB Wildlife Crime Control Bureau

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Executive SummaryThe Kailash Sacred Landscape (KSL) is a transboundary landscape (area: 31,252 sq.km) around Mount Kailash. KSL is exceptionally rich in cultural and ecological diversity and has its own traditional systems of resource use and management. KSL Nepal comprises approximately 42.5% of the total landscape area, and covers Baitadi, Darchula, Bajhang and Humla districts. This study was conducted in different representative villages of four districts of KSL Nepal with the aim of documenting the traditional practice and knowledge of the indigenous and local communities regarding natural resource use and management.

Resources like agriculture, forest, pastureland and non-timber forest products (NTFPs) have been managed by indigenous and local communities since time immemorial. People have been growing various crops depending on the location, climate and culture. Similarly, they decide the breed and number of livestock to be raised based on their access to pastureland, purpose, religious belief and location. Pasturelands are managed in two ways in KSL Nepal, either as open access or controlled access. Social institutions/communities decide the timing, duration, and area of grazing communally. Management structure of highland pasture is better regulated than that of lowland pasture. Forests in KSL Nepal are managed as government-managed forest, religious forest, community forest and leasehold forest. Local people develop rules and regulations to conserve the forest as a community forest and local authorities decide the time for collecting firewood and punish people involved in violating the rules. In some areas of KSL Nepal, forests are conserved as sacred forest where grazing and collection of timber, fodder, NTFPs, etc. are restricted. NTFPs have become major economic products in the region. The production of NTFPs is gradually decreasing due to unsustainable harvesting practices.

Traditional institutions used to play a decisive role in resource conservation and management in KSL Nepal. Traditional authority systems still have a role in resource governance in Darchula and Humla districts. Property rights over resources are claimed when the economic value of the resources increases; property rights are hence defined accordingly. Traditionally, property rights were defined based on the ecological boundaries of the resources and social relations. Change in the political and administrative set-up led to restricted resources use, but ecological boundaries and social relations continue to take precedence over the political and administrative set-up. Disputes over access to resources sometimes lead to violent clashes, which are resolved by the community or adjudicated by the District Administrative Offices.

Traditional knowledge on the use of plants and animals for diverse purposes is abundant in KSL Nepal. Traditional healers use plants as medicines for different ailments like abdominal disorders, cuts, burns, cough, cold, asthma, etc. Plants are used as wild vegetables, sources of oil, dyes and fibres, and the main source of timber and fodder. Furthermore, people in this region use plants for making agricultural equipment, honey, sour syrup and hay. Locals use wide varieties of plants and plant products in their ritual activities and other cultural practices. Animal resources are less extensively used than plant resources. However, traditional healers, amchis, and traders use animal species to obtain items such as fur, wool, bone marrow, meat, gall bladder, feather, etc.

In some places (Bajhang district), temporal and spatial as well as horizontal and vertical transfer of traditional knowledge is constantly taking place through socio-ecological interaction of people of different age groups and areas. In other places (Darchula district), traditional knowledge about the management of resources has not been transferred smoothly to the next generation and faces the risk of loss. Generally, traditional knowledge is transferred through day-to-day activities inside the community or through specialists in particular forms of knowledge. Specialists’ knowledge is usually transferred to the family members orally and through practice.

It is necessary to address different issues related to traditional knowledge system for the management of biological resources. Institutionalization and documentation, access to resources, effective policy and legislation are needed to enhance the traditional knowledge system. To avoid unnecessary conflict over resources, access to traditionally used grazing areas and standard norms and rights for collecting resources should be well defined. Activities such as poaching and illegal extraction of forest products should also be resolved to conserve the resources. Bioprospecting of medicinal plants is necessary to encourage indigenous and local communities to continue conserving and using medicinal plants effectively and sustainably. Addressing all the issues demands strong local institutions, effective rules and regulations, and a transboundary approach for conserving resources sustainably.

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Introduction

Kailash Sacred Landscape (KSL), which covers an area of 31,252 sq.km, comprises high-altitude areas around Mount Kailash, including the north-western part of Nepal, south-western portion of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) of China, and a part of north-west India. KSL Nepal makes up 42.5% of the total KSL area and covers Baitadi, Darchula, Bajhang and Humla districts in the north-western Nepal (Figure 1). The region is among the most culturally and ecologically diverse, and includes some of the most fragile areas in the world. It contains a broad range of bioclimatic zones and ecosystems, rich cultural heritage and natural resources, and a wide variety of globally significant diversity of fauna and flora (Zommer and Oli, 2011). The feasibility study conducted in the landscape revealed the existence of a rich trove of traditional knowledge of the indigenous and local communities (CDB/TU, 2010). The indigenous communities possess immense knowledge of their environment based on centuries of interaction with nature, and such traditional knowledge offers valuable insights about landscape conservation at the local and regional level. However, traditional knowledge is likely to decline in the face of the rapid demographic, cultural and socioeconomic changes taking place in the region and across the globe. Thus, as an initial and crucial step towards promoting traditional management of bio-resources and enhancing the livelihoods of the local communities, ICIMOD conducted a study to document various types of traditional knowledge in KSL Nepal.

Traditional knowledge (TK), indigenous knowledge (IK), traditional environmental knowledge (TEK), and local knowledge generally comprise long-standing traditions and practices of indigenous or local communities (Gadgil et al., 1993; Berkes et al., 2000). TK also encompasses the skills, wisdom, and knowledge of the communities. In many cases, TK has been passed orally for generations from person to person. Some forms of TK are expressed through stories, legends, folklore, rituals, songs, and even customary laws, rules and regulations.

Living amidst the richness and variety of complex ecosystems, indigenous peoples have an understanding of the properties of plants and animals, the functioning of ecosystems and the techniques for using and managing them sustainably. Rural communities, particularly in developing countries, rely on locally occurring species for food, medicine, fuel, building materials, and other products. TK has become a topic of considerable interest within the research and development arena. The contribution of traditional knowledge to conservation and management is increasingly recognized, and implementation efforts based on this recognition are underway in several countries (Uprety et al., 2012). Equally, indigenous people’s knowledge and perceptions of the environment (Ford, 2000), and their relationships with it, are often important elements of cultural identity (Mayor, 1994 cited in Hammersmith, 2007).

This study primarily aims to document traditional knowledge, systems, and practices of the indigenous and local communities of KSL Nepal with particular emphasis on:

� the management of resources (including forests, rangelands, and non-timber forest products (NTFPs), agricultural systems (including cropping, animal husbandry, and apiculture), and property rights

� the use of biological resources (plants, animals and their parts) as various goods and services � the transfer and acquisition of traditional knowledge within and across the communities � issues and challenges associated with long-term systematic preservation and ethical use of traditional knowledge

and practices

Methodology

Study AreaThis study was conducted in four districts of western Nepal within the Kailash Sacred Landscape, namely Baitadi, Bajhang, Darchula, and Humla (Figure 1). These districts vary in geographical, ecological, and socioeconomic features. Different settlements within these districts were selected for primary data collection (Table 1). The altitudinal gradient ranges from 390m to 7,132m. Climate of the area is generally characterized by high rainfall and humidity, though a part of the Humla region is drier. The region includes the most recently declared Api Nampa Conservation Area in Darchula; a part of Khaptad National Park falls in the southern part of Bajhang district. Biogeographic, climatic, geological and altitudinal variations as well as topographic complexity contribute to highly concentrated

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biodiversity in a relatively small area. The landscape thus forms a complex mosaic of ecosystems unique to the mountain system. Land use categories in the study area comprise forest, cultivated land, non-cultivated land, pasture. The existing land use pattern is: forest 24.3%, shrubland 8.6%, grazing land 17.1%, cultivated land 8.6%, and others 41.3%.

The local population comprises various ethnic groups such as Chettri, Brahman Thakuri, Tamang, Bhote, Dalit, and Lama. More than 90% of the population follows Hinduism, and the remainder is primarily Buddhist. Agriculture is the main occupation for over 71% of the population. Population density ranges from 7 persons per km2 in Humla to 154 persons per km2 in Baitadi district. Literacy rates are generally low throughout the four districts.

Figure 1: Study Location – Kailash Sacred Landscape – Nepal

Table 1: Locations of studied settlements

District VDC Settlement Latitude (N) Longitude (E) Elevation (msl)

Darchula Byas Chhyangru 30°7’46” 80°53’ 3,192

Byas Tinkar 30°8’8” 80°59’7” 3,724

Bajhang Kanda Kanda 29°43’50” 81°19’10” 2,254

Kanda Dhalaun 29°41’48” 81°22’2” 2,318

Baitadi Basantapur Adtola 29°26’51” 80°30’8” 1,293

Humla Thehe Thehe 29°57’16” 81°51’47” 2,647

Thehe Dojam 30°4’49” 82°1’52” 3,748

Limi Tila 30°13’18” 81°27’9” 3,945

Limi Halji 30°13’24” 81°30’51” 3,744

Limi Zhang 30°14’25” 81°35’37” 4,002

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Study sites and communities were selected based on the richness of biodiversity, composition of indigenous communities, the prevalence of traditional practices, and evidence of traditional knowledge transfer from generation to generation (Cox and Balick, 1994).

Data Collection MethodsThe data and information presented in this study are mostly based on primary information collected during the field visits conducted in May-June 2010 in Humla, September 2010 in Darchula, and July 2011 and October-November 2011 in Darchula and Baitadi. Direct observation and inspection of the significant ecological features at the field, semi-structured interviews with key informants, life histories of both men and women, and group discussions were used for primary data collection. Various groups of people including local community members, village leaders, school teachers, traditional healers, herders, herb collectors, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), civil societies, entrepreneurs, Village Development Committee (VDC) secretaries, and officials at the district levels were consulted. Literature on various resource bases, management practices and cultural systems in the region was reviewed.

Findings

Resource Management Systems Throughout the KSL Nepal region, the local people follow livelihood strategies that integrate several components, namely crop production, animal husbandry, trade, NTFP collection, and off-farm employment. Contribution of individual component to the household and village economy varies across both space and time. Local knowledge on livelihood strategy that uses different resources has evolved through sustained interaction between people and the environment.

Traditional institutions of resource managementBefore the advent of the Panchayat system in Nepal (pre-1960s), affairs and disputes in the villages were generally resolved by the village heads. These village heads were called Mukhiya, Talukdar, Gabbu, or Bada, and were often appointed by the administrative chief of the region, known as Badahakim. These village heads maintained the social order in the village, collected land revenue and played a decisive role in the management of resources like forest, pastureland, and irrigation systems. Interestingly, in many northern villages of Humla district, village heads who collected land revenue were appointed from outside the village, mostly Thakuris from the southern villages. Any disputes related to the rights over pastureland, water source, or forests that couldn’t be settled at the village level were taken to the higher authorities. In addition to the village heads, all the villages had individuals working as watchmen called Roka or Lora. Usually, these watchmen were responsible for protecting crops from stray animals. Today almost none of the villages have village heads. However, watchmen are still appointed from within or outside the village. In most of the villages, this traditional institutional feature has been replaced by institutions appointed through a larger state mechanism. In some villages like Byas of Darchula, the old system coexists with the new one or has adapted itself to the new arrangements.

Religious institutions have played an important role in the management and conservation of resources in the KSL Nepal region. In many northern communities of Humla district, religious institutions like monasteries, monks, and shamans play a decisive role in how resources are extracted and managed. They have a major role in settling disputes. maintaining social order and conserving resources. However, the scope of their role varies across the region and time periods. Generally it is found that the lesser the market penetration, the greater the role of religious institutions in resource management. Conservation ethos promoted by religious leaders such as monastery abbots is very effective in reducing hunting activities. The role of shamans in resource management, however, has been declining over the years. Religious institutions are key units for addressing the symbolic aspects of resource management, like appeasing various deities of water, rain, good harvest; officiating ceremonies of agricultural activities; and transferring the knowledge and tradition of resource management.

Some institutions like Bada (village head system) in Byas, Darchula are more of a social institution. They are more engaged in social activities like marriage and initiation rites and less in natural resource management. These institutions have been instrumental in strengthening social cohesion while indirectly supporting resource management.

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In Limi of Humla, the traditional authority system has been subsumed under the larger state system of VDC. Although the VDC authorities have not been elected for a long time throughout the country, people here select authorities for the VDC following traditional selection procedures. As a result, this traditional authority system has been working well for resource governance.

Property rights Property rights system defines the way a particular resource is used. This system varies from region to region and across time periods, and is shaped by the availability of resources. Property rights over resources that have been used for a long time, such as forest, pastures, and water, are defined clearly, though such definitions are contested at times. Social institutions that govern these resources have evolved over time.

However, the rights over medicinal and aromatic plants (MAPs) and NTFPs are least clearly defined or understood, and often become the bone of contention. This might be due to the differential values assigned to these resources at different periods of time. In the past, herbs were not considered to be of much economic value and their collection was not a major activity and done mostly by people from the lower socioeconomic strata. Property rights over these resources were not defined; nor were there any clear-cut mechanisms for the management and harvest of these resources. However, over time, the economic value of these resources has increased and some mechanisms for defining property rights over these resources have been developed. For example, Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) were assigned the rights over herbs harvested from the respective community forests. Well-defined and registered users of the community forest could harvest these resources, or the CFUG could lease out such rights to other members of CFUG, especially Dalit and poor to practice agroforestry within the community forests. Similarly, in the government-managed forests, the state would assign user rights to individuals or firms.

The study showed that usufruct rights and managerial rights are most relevant issues with respect to resource management in the region. For resources like community forests, resource area and users are well defined, and both managerial and usufruct rights are clearly understood. With the establishment of community forests, some of the users who have had traditional access (usufruct rights) to the forests have been denied access. For example, traders from the northern areas who could graze their animals in the forest in the mid-hills during trade caravans and winter season have been denied access to these community forests. But in the case of state-owned forests, users are not strictly barred from using the resources. As the resources are not assigned to a particular community, the forests might have been used as open access resources.

Traditionally, property rights have taken into account ecological boundaries of resources and social relations of production and resource use. For example, herders from the northern VDCs of Humla could graze their animals in the Tibetan portion of the pastureland and herders from the Tibetan side graze their animals on the Nepalese side of border. However, with changes in political and administrative set-ups, herders from these VDCs are no longer allowed to graze their animals on the Tibetan pastureland. But still, there are instances of ecological boundary and social relations overruling the political and administrative setup in exercising the rights over resources. In Byas VDC of Darchula district, local people have decided to allow people from other VDCs in the district to collect

Ophiocordyceps sinensis in a number of areas, such as Nampa, Budi, Pola, Bolen, Bayali, but have curtailed outsiders’ access to Api and Kuntisang area. Meanwhile, people from Garbyang, though located in the Indian territory, are allowed to enter these restricted areas in Api and Kuntisang and collect Ophiocordyceps sinensis owing to social ties between Byas and Garbyang villages.

Disputes over access to high-value resources can sometimes lead to violent clashes. For example, restriction on access to Api and Kuntisang area in Byas VDC for collectors from other VDCs initially led to a violent conflict. However, the decision to impose access restrictions was later accepted by all.

Collectors harvesting ‘kira’ (Ophiocordyceps sinensis) from the Kailsah Sacred Landscape, Nepal

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In contrast, in Kanda VDC of Bajhang, the District Administration Office decided that such restrictions could not be imposed, as the given area had not been handed over as a community forest. Although Api and Kuntisang were not under community ownership, the locals of Byas VDC were able to restrict outsiders from accessing resources in that area. These two cases show that there is no standard norm to define access rights to resources.

Claims over the resources also have a temporal dimension. As the number and size of herds and flocks has declined drastically over the years owing to the shift from barter to cash economy, claims and disputes over pasturelands have also declined. On the other hand, the value of other resources such as herbs has increased, and claims and disputes over ownership and use of these resources have also increased.

Agricultural systemCrop production

Types of crops grown vary from region to region within KSL Nepal. In higher elevation villages like Limi and Thehe VDCs of Humla, major crops are grown only during one season. Major crops grown in this region are naked barley, buckwheat, wheat, potato and radish. Local communities have maintained an irrigation management system for growing crops. In other villages like Byas and Kanda of Darchula and Bajhang respectively, only rain-fed crops are grown.

In Byas VDC, farmers grow buckwheat, naked barley and wheat as staple food. Potatoes are also grown extensively. Radish, cabbage, cauliflower, beans, peas, pumpkin, carrot, chilli, tomato, etc. are commonly grown in kitchen gardens. Proso millet (Panicum miliaceum), amaranth (Amaranthus species), and finger millet (Eleusine coracana) used to be extremely grown in the past. But once villagers began to obtain rice at cheaper prices from across the border in India, they became less inclined to grow food crops. Most of the time, they are engaged in off-farm employment and trade with Tibet at Taklakot. There is a clear trend of locals abandoning agricultural lands, possibly due to labour shortage.

In Kanda VDC of Bajhang district, crops are grown in two seasons. The major crops grown in the summer are potato, finger millet, amaranth, and buckwheat; winter crops include wheat, naked barley, and oats. Other minor crops are proso millet, foxtail millet (Setaria italica), and radish. People here follow the rotational fallow system, and the most fertile land is allocated for potato, the most prized crop. In Adtola of Baitadi, some lands are irrigated,

Naked Barley (Hordeum vulgare var. coleste) grown in Limi (Humla) and Byas (Darchula), Nepal

Kidney Beans (Phaseolus species) from Humla District, Nepal Amaranth (Amaranthus species) grown in Darchula District, Nepal

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though for the most part farmers have to depend on rain. Major crops grown are maize, millet, horse gram, soybean, and rice.

Animal husbandry

Animal husbandry has been a major livelihood strategy since time immemorial. Contribution of livestock to the local economy varies spatially and temporally. Similarly, the composition of the livestock population within a settlement and a household also varies across time.

In higher elevation villages like Limi and Thehe VDCs of Humla, and in Dhuli village of Kanda VDC in Bajhang district, yaks are raised. People in Humla and Byas VDC of Darchula used to graze their animals in pastureland across the border in TAR. Herders preferred grazing yaks in winter on the Tibetan side as the chilling wind there would blow away snow from grasses and form a thin coat of ice on the outer furs of yaks, thus protecting the skin underneath. In the summer, after the snow melted, herders moved to the Nepalese pasturelands.

People (especially from the Lama ethnic community) have for generations been practicing cross breeding of yaks with local cattle called Lulu. The crossbreeds called Jhuma (female) and Zhopa (male) are highly valued for their milk and draft animal power respectively. Jhuma is also crossed with Lulu bulls and the offspring are called Tolba and Tolbini.

The number and size of goat and sheep flocks have been decreasing in the study areas of Humla and Darchula districts. The main reason for this trend is the lack of grazing area in winter season. The grazing lands that people traditionally used in winter season in the southern parts of the district have been closed to them since they were handed over as community forests. However, the herders from the other southern VDCs in the district can still use the grazing land of Byas in the summer months after paying a nominal fee of Rs. 5 per animal head.

It is reported that the number of goats and sheep in Humla district has been decreasing, especially after the drastic cut in the salt-grain trade. As these animals were primarily used as pack animals, the reduction in the volume of trade concomitantly led to the reduction in the number of sheep and goats. However, in the case of Kanda VDC, the number and size of flocks have increased. Earlier, only the people of Dhuli village, mostly the Lamas who have come there from Humla, used to raise these animals; they employed people from the neighbouring villages in the south for this purpose. As these animals provided good income, people from other villages like Kanda and Dhalaun also started to raise them. These animals are used for different purposes such as carrying goods and wool and meat production. But over the last few years, as the collection of Ophiocordyceps sinensis has become a major economic activity, the number of sheep and goats in the village has started declining again.

In Byas, four different types of sheep are raised. Kathe bakhra is used mainly for hide; Khunuwa bakhra for meat; Dhakaria as pack animals; and Biun is used for wool production and for meat as well. Different breeds of sheep are raised in Humla based on the physiography of the area. People in lower elevations usually rear Rong-lu (low country sheep), a breed that provides coarse wool. In upper elevations (Limi valley), people rear Chiang-lu (northern sheep), which provides finer wool. Sheep wool is mainly used to make ‘Chutka’ – blanket, sleeping mats, and carpets – in Byas and Kanda VDC. Many herders weave Radi-Pakhi for their own use or to sell in the market. Tents and carpets are prepared from the fur of sheep called ‘Ga’ in Byas. Fresh hides are washed with detergent/soap water and then

Rice field in Baitadi District, Nepal

Animal husbandry in Limi, Humla District, Nepal

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stretched out and nailed to the ground, the inner side facing up, and left to dry in the sun for 1–2 days. To make the hide soft for producing blankets, it is first soaked in lukewarm water and then hand massaged with oil. Similarly, in higher elevations, people rear Chyangra (a type of goat). In Byas and Kanda VDC, goats of the Lakha breed, also called Badhya, are kept for hauling load and for meat.

In the higher elevation villages, horses, mules, and cattle form a significant component of the herds. In some villages, the composition of animals is also influenced by religious beliefs. For example, buffaloes are not kept in Kanda village, whereas they are kept in Dhalaun village. In the lower elevation villages, like in Baitadi district, horses and mules are not kept. People closely follow the grazing behaviour of animals. In Byas, sheep are generally grazed first on the new grassland, followed by horses and mules. Although the diets of these animals do not overlap significantly, sheep do not like to graze on grasses already grazed and trampled by other livestock. They do not like grazing on very short grasses either. However, horses and mule graze on lands where sheep have already grazed, including on very tiny grasses. The practice of grazing different animals at different times on the new grassland shows the local people’s knowledge about their livestock’s grazing preferences and behaviour, and rangeland management.

Pastureland management

As livestock production has played a major role in sustaining cross-border trade, traditional systems of managing pastures have evolved in different regions. Pastureland is managed in two ways: open access and controlled access. In open access, grasslands are open all year round while in controlled access, the grasslands are conserved so that they can be

harvested as winter fodder. Rotational grazing is practised in most of the pasturelands. Similarly, pasturelands at different elevations are accessed in different seasons.

In Byas VDC of Darchula district, the communities decide a date in the last week of September (full moon time) for harvesting grasses and herbs. Harvesting restrictions are imposed to ensure that people obtain adequate fodder in times of scarcity (especially in winter season) in a fair and equitable way (Smith and Wishnie, 2000; Negi, 2010). The villagers allot 2–4 days in a particular season for cutting grass in privately owned grasslands and also in the community forests. All family members except children and elderly people participate in grass cutting. Grasses and forbs cut by villagers are left to dry for about 15 minutes, then made into bundles of 4–6 kg each and tied with a rope. These bundles are left hanging from a tree for two weeks to dry. The air-dried grasses and forbs are stored in

Horses grazing in the high pastureland, Nepal

Sheep wool collection in Byas, Darchula, Nepal

Sheep carrying food materials in Bajhang, Humla and Darchula Districts, Nepal

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a dry place and used for stall-feeding, mostly during winter. Like in many other parts of the country, local people of this region do not use fire to manage the grassland. This is probably linked with the maintaining of forests in good health. The conifer forest, which is the main forest in the area, is very prone to fire and can be devastated easily.

Pastoral migration is one of the important livelihood strategies of local people. Often four to five herders move together in a group; they fix the date for the movement based on information on precipitation, temperature, and the quality and quantity of grasses available in the pasturelands. Sheep generally

prefer to graze in the pastures rich in the species of Kobresia, Potentilla, Cotoneaster, etc. During their upward and downward movements, herders avoid the flowering season for the poisonous aconites, which cause illness to their livestock. In order to escape the scarcity of grasses during winter season and the likelihood of miscarriage in sheep, they are moved to a warmer location (lower altitude) by the end of the Ashwin month (September-October).

Herders take their livestock to Dongdang (pastureland in Byas VDC of Darchula district near Taklakot) during summer season. During winter season (on the way back from Taklakot), herders take their livestock up to Chhyangru village using the route that passes through India or through Nepal. Usually, the Bhotiyas (ethno-linguistically Tibetan people) migrate downwards with their sheep, mules and horses through the Indian route. Sheep are moved all the way down to Dipayal (Doti district), kept there for a month and again moved to higher altitudes, up to Tinkar, by the beginning of Baishakh (April-May). However, due to the dilapidated condition of the trail on the Nepalese side, herders are facing difficulty in moving their livestock from the pastures at Byas to the southern villages of the district. Although Bhotiyas get movement permission from India, it is difficult for other herders to get a permit.

In Humla, especially in the northern parts, people practise transhumance (seasonal migration of livestock to different elevations). In the summer and rainy seasons, animals are taken to the high pastures, and in winter season, they are grazed around the main settlements. In some villages, pack animals are not moved and kept at villages while in other villages they are brought back from the high pastures to carry loads if needed. After planting crops in April/May, animals are taken to the summer pasture (higher elevation) called Soika. Pasturelands higher up are used during the rainy season and are called Yarka. Usually, around August with the onset of Tonka season (autumn), pastoralists start bringing down their animals to the lower pasture. Crops are harvested and animals are moved close to the village by the time Tonka season ends and Ghunka (winter) season begins. These rotational grazing systems are closely monitored and regulated by the community. If anyone is found grazing animals in Ghunka pasture in other seasons, he/she is penalized. To ensure the sustainability of pastureland, the community allots a grazing area within the seasonal pasture. For example, in Limi VDC, people take their animals to Ning Khola, Talung, Artang in Soika; to Shakya Khola, Gyau Khola in Yarka (summer); Talung, Ning in Tonka, and Rak, Ning Khola in Ghunka season (Figure 2).

In Bajhang district, herders at Kanda VDC take their animals to Kathan, Gaincha and Godhalne on the Tibetan side from May to July. In July, animals are moved down to Saipal region and then to their villages. Mostly, sheep and goat flocks are moved down to Chainpur in October and finally to Joghbudha area of Dadeldura district or Dipayal of Doti district. After winter, flocks are moved back to the villages. Cattle and yaks are not moved southwards from the village.

Pasturelands in the northern VDCs of Humla district, Byas VDC in Darchula and Kanda VDC of Bajhang are managed and used collectively by local people. Specific areas for grazing are assigned to specific communities at the village level meeting. For example, three villages Tila, Halji, and Zhang of Limi VDC collectively own pasturelands in different areas like Shakya Khola, Ghyau Khola, Ningh Khola, Tolung, etc. and specific areas within each of these pasturelands are assigned each year to a particular village in a village level meeting. In other villages, the grazing area of a particular community is already specified and only the animals of those communities are allowed to graze. In Humla district, there is a provision of allowing the migrating animals to graze for a period of three days during the movement.

Grass harvesting festival in Byas, Darchula, Nepal

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Figure 2: Movement of livestock in different pastures for rotational grazing in Changlakhola valley in Dozam, Thehe VDC, Humla

Village(2,550 m)

November

November

November

October

Oct

ober

September

September

Sept

embe

r

Mid-April

Mid-April

Mid-June

Mid-July

Goat/ sheep

Lower-temperate forest pastures (2,700-3,100 m)

Upper-temperate forest pastures (>3,100-3,500 m)

Sub-alpine meadows (>3,500-3,900 m)

Alpine meadows (>3,900-4,500 m)

April/May

Sanfe-bagar

Gyaldorje

Jabkung

Jabak

Manal

Nyaltang

Seding

Lade-khola

Lade-gompa

>Tugling

>TuglingPolkyon

Lajarma

RakarbuKurugwa

Thade-sangu

Mid-April to

mid-June

Mid-June to mid-July

Mid-April to mid-June

Mid-July to August

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Not all households migrate with their animals to the higher pastureland. Households with a few animals hire a herder or request their neighbours/relative to look after their animals. In case of collective herding of milking animals, the dairy products (ghee, dried cheese) are divided among the animal owners in proportion to the number of milking animals and the amount of milk produced by the animals.

Villages in lower elevations have community owned grazing areas where people of the respective communities graze their animals. Generally, the management structure of these grazing lands is not as elaborate as that of highland pastures where the timing, duration and areas of grazing are well regulated.

Forest management

Forests are managed as government-managed forest, community forest, religious forest, and leasehold forest in the KSL Nepal region. Mostly, local people conserve community forests and have developed their own rules and regulations towards that end. In Limi VDC, the local village officials fix the date for firewood collection (only dry twigs and dead trees) and the village official checks if the decision has been violated. A person found violating the rule is fined up to Rs. 5,000, and any individual possessing a gun is fined up to Rs. 50,000. People also take an oath at the local monastery not to engage in illegal harvest of any green trees. Collection of herbs for trade is prohibited from the forest of this area.

In Chhyangru village of Byas VDC, about 200 years ago, two avalanches occurred one after another. Local communities believed the event signified the wrath of local deities. They decided to establish a temple in the area, prevent further deforestation and degradation, and conserve the forest as a sacred forest. They put prohibition on grazing cattle and collecting grasses, fodder, timber, fuelwood, and medicinal herbs from the area. This forest is called ‘Shyanchho’, which means rich in biodiversity. Following the conservation of Shyanchho sacred forest, they designated an adjacent area called ‘Shyangwayer’ for conservation. Although local residents are allowed to graze cattle in Shyangwayer, collection of fuelwood, fodder, grasses, and MAPs is not allowed in this forest. Making fires in the forests is strictly prohibited. Villagers have hired a forest guard to monitor the area and prevent accidental fires.

Apiculture

Honey production is one of the major auxiliary economic activities in the region. People of all the districts collect/produce honey using both traditional and modern methods. Many farmers keep a large number of hives and a farmer in Thehe VDC of

Pastureland around the settlement in Limi VDC, Humla, Nepal

West Himalaya temperate forest, Humla, Nepal

Beehive ‘thour’ used in traditional apiculture, Nepal

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Humla district was found keeping as many as 90 hives, locally called thour.

Hives are hung against a big rock or cliff side with a rope made from the bark of Desmodium elegans. Hives are generally hung around May and honey is harvested in October. The rocks against which the hives are hung belong to a particular family, which has owned the spot for generations, and the rights to fix the hives are transferred along the family hierarchy. If a particular household cannot fix the hives in a given season, it may lease the spot out to other families.

NTFP managementNon-timber forest products (NTFPs) have become major economic products in the region. For instance, Ophiocordyceps sinensis has become a major economic driver in some of the villages in recent years. Other species of herbs, such as Fritillaria cirrhosa (Ban Lasun), Paris polyphylla (Satuwa), Morchella species (Guchhi chyau) have also gained economic value. Previously, herbs collected from these areas used to be taken to a trading town like Nepalgunj, but in the last few years many traders take the herbs to Taklakot, TAR. The demand for these herbs in Taklakot has rapidly increased its price. In addition to these high-value herbs, people from faraway places (Dailekh, Jajarkot, Nepalgunj, etc.) also come to collect herbs like Neopicrorhiza scrophulariiflora (Kutki) in Kanda VDC of Bajhang district.

The high economic value of the herbs has raised the issue of collection rights. In some places only the local communities were allowed to collect herbs whereas in other places such restrictions is not strictly imposed. Almost all the people of this region go to collect Ophiocordyceps sinensis for 5–7 weeks in May-June. Contractors get permits from the District Forest Office to collect these herbs and employ/sub-contract other people (especially local community) for collection.

Local people have noticed a gradual decrease in the amount of Ophiocordyceps sinensis as more and more people come to collect it and trample the pasture, thus increasing pressure on the resource. Lack of proper supervision and indiscriminate collection threaten the sustainability of this species. The issues of unsustainable harvesting of NTFPs including high value MAPs are common throughout the Himalayan region (Lama et al., 2001; Larsen and Olsen, 2007).

‘Guchhi chyau’ (Morchella species) in Humla, Nepal

‘Kutki’ (Neopicrorhiza scrophulariiflora), an important non-timber forest product of KSL-Nepal ‘Ban Lasun’ (Fritillaria cirrhosa), Medicinal plant species

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Traditional Knowledge on Use of Biological ResourcesLocal people of the region have long been interacting with nature and using plant and animal resources for diverse purposes, mostly in a sustainable manner. They use plants or their products mainly as medicines, vegetables, edible oil, dye, timber, fibre, and fodder. Animals or their products (parts) have mainly been used as medicines, furs, skins, source of wool, etc. The major traditional practices that involve the use of various biological resources in the KSL Nepal region are briefly summarized below, and the details of traditional ecological knowledge are given in Annexes I and II.

Plant resources The diverse use of plant resources throughout KSL Nepal reflects the rich culture and practices in the region (Annex 1). Some of the categories of traditional use of plant resources are briefly discussed below.

Medicine

Using plants or their products as herbal medicine is a common practice among the people of KSL Nepal (also see Kunwar et al., 2006, 2009; Rokaya et al., 2010). Traditional use of medicinal plants is a dominant form of resource use among the rural communities of Nepal (Manandhar, 2002; Shrestha et al., 2004). Mainly traditional healers are involved in the collection and use of such plants for treatment of diseases/ailments. The diseases/ailments that are treated with herbal medicines include abdominal disorders, cuts, burns, cough, cold, asthma, etc. The major medicinal species used in the region are Aconitum heterophyllum (Atish), Aconitum spicatum (Bish), Angelica archangelica (Gananu), Ophiocordyceps sinensis (Yarsagunbu), Dactylorhiza hatagirea (Hattajadi), Lomatogonium carinthiacum (Tikta), Neopicrorhiza scrophulariiflora (Kutki), Paris polyphylla (Satuwa), Phyllanthus emblica (Amla), Diplazium stoliczkae (Kalo liundo), etc. Generally, only a particular part of a species is used as medicine, for example, Aconites, Dactylorhiza hatagirea, Neopicrorhiza scrophulariiflora, Paris polyphylla, and Diplazium stoliczkae are used for their rhizomes. However, in the case of a few popular medicinal species like Ophiocordyceps sinensis and Lomatogonium carinthiacum, the whole plant is used. The mode of application depends on the parts to be used and the type of disease to be treated. In most cases, the healer prescribe the paste or powder of a particular part (e.g., Ophiocordyceps sinensis, Dactylorhiza hatagirea, Paris polyphylla, Diplazium stoliczkae, Phyllanthus emblica, etc.). However, some plants/parts are prescribed in their raw form (rhizomes of aconites, Bergenia ciliata, Paris polyphylla, etc.) or as a decoction (Dactylorhiza hatagirea, Neopicrorhiza scrophulariiflora, Lomatogonium carinthiacum, etc.). These herbs are either used alone or combined with other plant or animal parts and administered in doses to treat particular diseases (for example, saffron and tiger bone marrow are pounded together with 10–15 pieces of Ophiocordyceps sinensis and soaked in brandy (alcohol) for 10–15 days to enhance the aphrodisiac properties of these components).

Wild vegetables

Plants of the Arisaema species (Banko), Dioscorea species (Tarul, Bhyakur), Dryopteris species (Liundo), Megacarpaea polyandra (Rugo), Paris polyphylla (Satuwa), Phytolacca acinosa (Jarko), Polygonatum verticillatum (Kinaudo), etc. are commonly used as vegetables in KSL Nepal. In most of the species (A. flavum, M. polyandra, P. polyphylla, P. acinosa, P. verticillatum, and Dryopteris species), leaves and/or young stems of the plant are consumed, whereas in some species like Arisaema griffithii and Dioscorea,

‘Panchaule’ or ‘Hattajadi’ (Dactylorhiza hatagirea), an important medicinal plant species

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the corms or tubers are consumed. Corms of A. griffithii are eaten mainly in Humla and Darchula districts after boiling them in water with ash and salt. Leaves of Polygonatum species and Arisaema species are dried so that they can be stored for a longer period. To address the scarcity of fresh vegetables during winter season, villagers either dry or ferment green vegetables.

In Bajhang, and Humla districts, Tama made from young shoots of bamboo (Drepanostachyum falcatum) is used as a fermented and preserved flavouring vegetable. Gundruk made from the fresh leaves of Brassica species (cultivated) or leaves of Arisaema species, Megacarpaea polyandra, Phytolacca species, Polygonatum species, etc. (wild) are fermented and preserved. Fresh leaves of the above-mentioned species are allowed to wilt in the sun and then beaten to make them into smaller pieces and remove excess water. These beaten leaves are stuffed in an airtight container and placed in the sun for a week. The fermented leaves are then taken out and dried in the sun for several days. The fermented and dried leaves are stored in a dry place for the long term use (Manandhar, 2002).

Oil extraction

People of KSL Nepal have been using several wild species for oil/fat extraction. Such species include: Aesandra butyracea (Chiuri), Juglans regia (Okhar), Prinsepia utilis (Dhatelo), Cannabis sativa (Ganja), and Prunus persica (Aaru). Fat extraction from ‘Chiuri’ is a common practice only in Baitadi district, whereas the rest of the species have been used by the people of Darchula, Humla, and Bajhang districts. The cotyledons of these species are roasted and powdered and thoroughly mixed with boiling water and then compacted into a cotton cloth to extract oil.

Dye extraction

Dye yielding plant species commonly used in the KSL Nepal region are Arnebia benthamii, Maharanga emodi, Rheum australe, R. moorcroftianum, and ‘Angau’ (local name). Roots of ‘Angau’ are used to extract black dye in Bajhang district, whereas the roots/rhizomes of the Maharanga species and Arnebia species are used to extract the purple; the rhizomes of Rheum sp. are used to extract yellow dye in Bajhang, Humla and Darchula districts. For dye extraction, crushed roots of these species are boiled in water and then the colourful water obtained is used as dye to colour the wool and fibre.

Fibre extraction

In the KSL Nepal region, species like Cannabis sativa (Ganja), Grewia optiva (Bheul), Girardinia diversifolia (Allo) and Agave americana (Ketuki) are now commonly used for fibre extraction. In Bajhang district, the fibre of Cannabis sativa was widely used to knit clothes in the past. For fibre extraction, the main stem and branches of Cannabis sativa are allowed to dry and then the dried branches are submerged in stagnant water for 5 to 7

‘Dhatelo’(Prinsepia utilis) use to extract oil for household consumption

‘Banko’ (Arisaema species) leaves dried and used as vegetable

‘Chiuri’ (Aesandra butyracea) ghee extracted in Baitadi District is used for household consumption

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days. The epidermal portion of the branches, which is brownish in colour, is then peeled out carefully, making sure the inner fibre portion remains undamaged. The material just beneath the epidermis is the fibre, which is taken out unscathed. The fibre is dried in the sun and finally piled up and stored.

In Darchula district, local communities have been using the fibre of Allo to make various articles such as ropes, fishing nets, bags, sacks, carpets, jackets, etc. for daily use. The collectors, mostly women, harvest Allo from government forests and community-managed forests. The harvested stem and branch are submerged in water for a day before extracting the bark. Extracted barks are dried, bundled and cooked in wood ash for about 2–3 hours in an iron drum. A wooden hammer is used to soften the cooked bark. The clean bundles of fibre are sun dried and soaked in water with locally available white clay. The traditional hand spindle (Kauwa) is still used for spinning fibre.

Timber

Pinus roxburghii (Sallo), Pinus wallichiana (Rani sallo), Shorea robusta (Sal), Abies spectabilis (Gobre), Abies pindrow (Gobre), Taxus wallichiana (Lauth), etc. are the tree species that are widely used as timber in the KSL Nepal region. ‘Sallo’ and ‘Sal’ are the species mostly used in Baitadi district, whereas the other species are used in the rest of the districts.

Fodder

A wide variety of plants are used as fodder in KSL Nepal: Bauhinia variegata (Koiral), Grewia optiva (Bheul), Celtis australis (Khadik), Terminalia alata (Saaj), Ficus species, Quercus species, Litsea monopetala (Kutmiro). Species of Grewia, Celtis, Ficus, Quercus, are used as winter fodder. Some species are considered to be of high economic value; e.g., Grewia optiva trees grown in agricultural fields in good conditions are exchanged with ghee/butter seasonally.

Agricultural equipment

Several plant species (mostly the trees) are used for making various types of agricultural equipment. These species are mostly used for the peculiar characteristics of their wood. Plough is generally made from the wood of Betula utilis (Bhojpatra), Hippophae salicifolia (dale/tare chuk), and Desmodium oojeinense (Sanan), whereas ‘Juwa’ used during ploughing is made from the wood of Morus serrata (Kimbu) or Juglans regia (Okhar). Similarly, pots for storing dairy products are generally made from the wood of ‘Sanan’ and Juniperus indica. Species of Quercus are preferred for making the blade (Phalo) of the plough.

Culturally important species

Locals use a wide variety of plants and plant products in their rituals and other cultural practices. About 22 species and their cultural uses are listed in Annex I. Mostly a specific plant is used for a specific event. However, sometimes two or more plants/products are collectively used for a common purpose; for example, in Humla, Bajhang, and Darchula, rhizomes of Nardostachys grandiflora, the whole plant of Cassiope fastigiata, the whole plant of

‘Allo’ (Girardinia diversifolia) fibre used for making clothes Women in Khar VDC (Darchula District) spinning fibre using traditional hand spindle ‘Katuwa’, Nepal

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Tanacetum species and the leaves of Rhododendron anthopogon are collectively used to make incense, which are believed to chase away bad spirits.

Bamboo

In all districts of KSL Nepal, people make artifacts (locally called ‘doko-dalo’) from the bark of the culms of Drepanostachyum falcatum (Nigalo), Thamnocalamus spathiflorus subsp. spathiflorus (Deulo Nigalo). This is a very common practice in the region. People collect culms of desired length, peel the unbroken outer barks, locally called ‘Choya’, and use them for weaving different artifacts. The baskets are an important product in cross-border trade, mainly in the Chinese and Indian markets, and are also sold in the domestic market.

Other traditional practices

There are several other traditional practices that involve the use of plant resources. Notable among them are: honey production, nectar collection, and sweet (gud) preparation from the Aesandra butyracea (Chiuri); use of Sapindus mukorossi fruits, Silene species roots, and Achyranthes aspera roots as a substitute of soap; hay collection and storage for winter season, sour syrup preparation from the fruits of Hippophae species, Citrus species, Rhus species, Punica species, etc. (Annex 1).

Animal resourcesAnimal resources are not used as extensively as plant resources, because most of the animal species are not easily available in the region and most local people do not have knowledge (except knowledge of animal husbandry) about the use of animals/parts. Only traditional healers, Amchis, and traders possess adequate knowledge about the use of various animal species for diverse purposes (Annex 2).

Traditional healers of Byas (Darchula), Kanda (Bajhang), and Dojam (Humla) have been using several animal species or their products to cure diseases. Generally, particular parts of the animal are used as medicine, such as the fat of Marmota bobak (Himalayan Marmot), bone marrow of Panthera species (Tiger), gall of Ursus thibetanus (Himalayan black bear), alimentary canal of Hystrix indica (Porcupine), gall of Lophophorus impejanus (Danphe), etc. These parts are often used in combination with parts of other animals or plant products. Animal products are used to treat major ailments such as asthma, epilepsy, fever, etc. Generally, animal part is prescribed in the form of powder or paste rather than as a decoction or in raw form. In the past, the musk of Moschus chrysogaster (Kasturi) was a valuable item for trade and its fur was used to make cushions and beds.

Domestic animals are also used for several purposes. The multipurpose cattle used for farming are sheep (for wool, meat, and transportation), and Chauris/Jhopas/cows (for dairy products and agriculture).

Traditional Knowledge Transfer and AcquisitionGenerally, knowledge on the medicinal properties of plant and animal species and their parts falls under two domains: knowledge shared within the community and specialists’ knowledge. In the first domain, people in a given village know the medicinal properties of specific plants and animal parts and apply it when needed. Individuals acquire such knowledge through daily interaction with the local socio-ecological systems. This type of knowledge is commonly shared by community members.

Baskets prepared from ‘Nigalo’ bamboo are sold in the local market across the border

A woman in Humla extracting oil from ‘Dhatelo’ (Prinsepia utilis) seeds

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On the other hand, specialists who practice traditional medicine and have acquired knowledge about ecology, collection, medicinal properties of plants and animals, and processing and preparation through their parents or family members guard such knowledge as a trade secret. They do not even share such knowledge with fellow practitioners. Such knowledge is passed only to family members orally and through practice. For this reason, specialists’ knowledge –such as the knowledge about the preparation of a very specific medicinal compound or identification of rare plant species – faces the risk of loss.

In villages like Chhyangru and Tinkar of Darchula district, most of the children and young people migrate out of the village for education and career opportunities. They hardly get to interact with the local ecosystem and acquire knowledge of the local environment. In the absence of young people in the village, traditional knowledge on the management of biological resources cannot be transferred smoothly and might get lost within the lifetime of a generation. In addition to specific knowledge about the ecology of medicinally valuable species and the preparation of medicines, general knowledge on the traditional production system has also been lost over time. For example, some varieties of potatoes (local Seto Aalu, white-tuber potato), millets (Pahelo Kodo, yellow-grain variety), and barley (Junge Jau, blackish-grain barley with long glumes) have disappeared from the villages.

However, in the villages of Kanda VDC in Bajhang district, no such imminent threat exists as youths live in the villages. Thus, intergenerational transfer of knowledge largely depends on continued interaction between people of different age groups within the local environment. In addition to intergenerational transfer, spatial transfer of knowledge is also taking place through different means. For example, people in Dhuli settlement of Kanda VDC, who emigrated from Humla district, have introduced the knowledge and practice of yak and sheep herding and cross breeding of yak with cattle of local breed in this region. Other communities of Kanda VDC have adopted these practices.

Socio-ecological knowledge on the ecology of species is transferred or gained when the species gain a high economic value within a short period of time. In Kanda VDC, Yarsagunbu (Ophiocordyceps sinensis) was not considered highly important until the people of Byas VDC of Darchula shared the ecological and economic importance of the species. Within a few years, the soaring economic value and demand for the species motivated the local people to learn about its availability and collection method from other communities. People learned that availability of moisture at the critical growth stage would ensure the abundance of this species in the following season.

Gender dimension also plays an important role in traditional knowledge acquisition. It was found that women were better versed in the extraction of oil from walnut and peaches in Kanda VDC of Bajhang and from Prinsepia utilis in Thehe VDC of Humla. However, men were mostly involved in collecting herbs like Kutki.

Issues Some of the major issues related to traditional knowledge system in the management of biological resources in the region are listed below:

Issues related to healers and traditional medicinal practice The Himalayas and the Tibetan mountain ranges are among the few remaining areas where traditional medicinal practices are still going on. The majority of the people in these remote areas depend on traditional remedies not only due to poverty, but also because traditional systems are more culturally acceptable (Brown, 1994; Lama et al., 2001; Bhattarai et al., 2006; Uprety et al., 2010). The knowledge of the local healers who use traditional methods and local plant and animal resources has helped cater to the health needs of the local populace.

Despite their contribution in providing health services in rural areas, traditional healers in Nepal have not gained the recognition they deserve. They have received little or no material support for their professional growth. In China, by contrast, healers have been given national recognition and their profession has been institutionalized.

Issues related to transhumanceOver the years, the number and size of flocks has declined in most parts of the region except in Kanda VDC. This has affected the livelihoods of many herders. One of the main reasons for the declining population of sheep and

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goats is the restriction on access to traditionally used grazing areas. As most of these grazing areas have now been designated as community forests, herders have no access to such forests. With the establishment of Api Nampa Conservation Area, herders from Byas fear that the government will impose further grazing restrictions. Moreover, in Darchula district, the road used for sheep movement is so dilapidated that herders are obliged to get permission from the Indian authorities and pay a higher fee to use the Indian road.

Issues related to illegal huntingHunters from different parts of India and Nepal often come to Byas VDC to hunt musk deer and blue sheep. Skins and bones of tiger/leopard, skins and pods of musk deer, biles of bear are illegally traded and smuggled to Tibet. Sometimes, even rhino horns are smuggled through Darchula. Although the government has adopted some control measures to enforce laws in the remote areas of Darchula, illegal trafficking of wildlife products seems to be a flourishing business. Institutional mechanisms such as the Wildlife Crime Control Bureau (WCCB) and Management Council have not been very effective. Lack of proper supervision in border areas like Hilsa of Humla and Urai Bhanjyang in Bajhang contributes to illegal hunting and wildlife trade.

Issues related to timber exportDespite the conservation activities in the community forests, illegal felling and smuggling of trees are common in border areas like Byas VDC of Darchula district and Muchu of Humla district. Such illegal activities are driven by the increasing demand for timber in the bordering towns. Illegal felling of trees is particularly rampant in Darchula. Owing to higher prices of timber in India and China, smugglers are motivated to export timber from Nepal (Chaudhary et al., 2015).

Issues related to loss of knowledge The healers generally pass on their skills and knowledge to their offspring or apprentices. However, only few people are interested in traditional medicinal

practice. Aware that their knowledge and profession is on the wane, healers want to document the existing knowledge so that future generations can use it. The loss of knowledge can be attributed to the following root causes:

Lack of access to resources: Lack of adequate resources among healers hinders the practice of traditional medicine. The Government of Nepal has provided legal protection to 19 plant species and 2 forest products under the Forest Regulations, 1995 (amended 2001). These include medicinal plants that have great significance for traditional medicinal practice, such as Dactylorhiza hatagirea, Nardostachys grandiflora, Neopicrorhiza scrophulariiflora, and Ophiocordyceps sinensis. These legal restrictions have created confusion as to whether the healers’ practice of collecting these plants to make medicines is legal or illegal. Such restrictions on the collection of culturally and socially valuable

Timber supplied to Taklakot through Hilsa from Humla District (© Yogi Shakya)

‘Vaidya’ Ratan Singh Bohra, a local healer from Darchula District, Nepal

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species protected by the Government of Nepal are in contrast to the rights provided by the Biological Diversity Act of India, 2002, to local people and communities, including vaids [healers] and hakims [village leaders] who have been practicing traditional medicinal practices.

Lack of infrastructure: Access to resources alone cannot ensure a smooth practice of traditional medicinal practice. The local healers need basic infrastructure like instruments for extraction, storing equipment, electricity, etc. for long-term and efficient use of medicinal plants.

Monetary problems: The economic value of medicinal plants is rising by the day, so the local people prefer to export those resources rather than selling them to local healers. Local healers can hardly afford to buy these expensive resources. The fee they receive from their patients is not enough for preserving their traditional knowledge for the long term.

Inadequate policy and legislation: There are no ethical guidelines on collaborative bioprospecting. One of the weakest aspects of Nepal’s legislation relating to biodiversity is the lack of clarity about access to genetic resources. Rules to regulate the activities of local and foreign companies engaged in bioprospecting are urgently required and conditions for local communities to access to genetic resources should be addressed seriously. At present, people face no restrictions while taking genetic resources out of the country (Chaudhary, 2000).

Difficulty in knowledge transfer: It is difficult to document and store knowledge of traditional medicinal practice due to the lack of institutional support for this form of knowledge and practice. Transferring traditional knowledge to the younger generation and motivating them to learn traditional medicinal practice has become a big challenge.

Issues related to governance of NTFPs/MAPsGovernance of resources like NTFPs/MAPs and other natural resources is not systematized. Disputes over the collection rights for high-value resources like Ophiocordycpes sinensis have led to violent conflicts, though in Darchula a few staff members from the District Forest Office visit the collection sites for monitoring. No standard norms have been developed to define who has access to these resources. As discussed before, the District Administration Office in Bajhang intervened in Kanda and allowed collectors from outside the VDC to collect Ophiocordyceps sinensis on condition that the area does not fall within the community forests. However, in Darchula district, local residents could deny outsiders access to some of the collection sites although they did not fall within the community forests. Similarly, collection of other herbs is also not well monitored and regulated.

Issues related to bio-prospecting Biodiversity prospecting, or bioprospecting, is the exploration, extraction and screening of biodiversity and indigenous knowledge of commercially and socially valuable genetic and biochemical resources. Bioprospecting provides economic value to ensure the long-term conservation of natural biodiversity in countries rich in biological and cultural diversity (Chaudhary, 1998).

In Nepal, the medicinal plants that are being used to treat common ailments and diseases such as dysentery and diarrhea, diabetes, malaria and respiratory problems all need to be authenticated and their efficacy and dosage standardized with the help of pharmacognostic analyses in the laboratory. Such information is aimed at encouraging the local community to continue using the effective medicinal plants.

Conclusion

This study documented the rich traditional practice and knowledge of indigenous and local communities of KSL Nepal on the use of biological resources. The traditional system of resources governance is an ancient art that has evolved over the generations. The available knowledge on the use and management of plant and animal resources is an asset of the communities. The tables, though not exhaustive, list the various uses and local practices to manage and/or utilize these resources. The specialists’ knowledge on the preparation and use of these resources has been acquired and passed through generations.

19

Indigenous and local communities have developed systems that would help in managing and conserving the resources. The rotational grazing system, transhumance, and locally developed resource governance system (in Limi valley) are some of the examples of how people have developed a resources management system that would help sustain the resource base while also meeting the demand of the local communities. Traditional resources governance systems have been found to be well developed and effective, and have for centuries played an important role in resource conservation. However, such social arrangements have not evolved rapidly enough to address emerging issues related to the resources that have gained economic importance in recent years. The institutional vacuum in the management of resources that have recently gained a high value makes resources management all the more challenging.

People in the bordering region have for generations utilized and conserved the resources from different ecosystems and regions. In the process the resource base gradually acquired its own social and ecological boundaries. However, with the political and administrative issues overruling such socio-ecological boundaries of the resources, people’s livelihoods and the sustainability of the resource base itself will become a challenge. To address such issues, it is important to understand and promote traditional socio-ecological systems across the transboundary landscapes.

Over the years, with the change in the overall economic system of the whole region, the subsystems and social relations of production have also changed, seriously affecting the food security and livelihoods of people. The deep-rooted culture of trading across the transboundary landscapes has survived though the trading items have changed. Grains, which were a major commodity during the period of salt-grain barter trade, have now been replaced by herbs. The dynamics of herb trade, especially high-value herbs like Ophiocordyceps sinensis, have deep ramifications for the overall socioeconomic situation of rural communities.

Further Suggestions

The study shows that regulatory institutions for natural resource management should have effective presence in KSL Nepal, especially in the remote areas like Byas, Limi, Hilsa, and Kanda VDCs. Lack of government authorities in these areas would lead to rapid deterioration of the resource base. An in-depth study of traditional management practice is needed.

It would also be essential to strengthen local institutions like Bada of Byas VDC and traditional institutions of Limi VDC and make them knowledgeable about, capable of, and responsible for conservation of natural resources at the landscape level. The NTFPs/MAPs and animal resources are at risk due to overexploitation and illegal collection. A transboundary approach by Nepal, China and India would help to conserve the resources sustainably.

The practice of traditional medicine has been declining. Lack of knowledge transfer is an important issue. Giving national recognition to traditional healers may encourage the younger generation to gain traditional knowledge.

Establishment of a nursery of important NTFPs/MAPs would help raise conservation awareness and promote the species and their products for sustaining the livelihoods of the local people. Local healers wish to cultivate important NTFPs/MAPs and are seeking support from the government and development partners.

20

References

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21

Ann

es 1

: Tra

ditio

nal k

now

ledg

e on

pla

nt r

esou

rces

use

d by

loca

l com

mun

ities

in K

SL N

epal

Scie

ntifi

c na

me

(Fam

ily)

Loca

l ver

nacu

lar

nam

e(s)

, Par

t(s)

used

Rem

arks

Med

icin

e an

d ve

geta

ble

Aco

nitu

m h

eter

ophy

llum

Wal

l. ex

Roy

le

(Ran

uncu

lace

ae)

Atis

h,

Rhiz

ome

In D

arch

ula

distr

ict,

loca

l peo

ple

can

disti

ngui

sh ‘a

tish’

(an

antid

ote)

from

‘bik

h’ (p

oiso

n) b

ased

on

the

colo

ur o

f the

rhiz

ome.

Rhi

zom

e of

‘atis

h’ is

whi

te, w

here

as th

e rh

izom

e of

‘bik

h’ is

redd

ish

in c

olou

r. A

tish

poss

esse

s an

ti-to

xic

prop

erty

, and

is w

idel

y us

ed a

gain

st sn

akeb

ites

and

toxi

c ef

fect

s of

oth

er a

coni

tes

and

pois

on. I

t is

also

use

d to

cur

e hi

gh fe

ver a

nd a

bdom

inal

pai

n. A

pie

ce (a

bout

5–1

0 g)

of

rhiz

ome

is c

hew

ed to

cur

e th

ese

dise

ases

. A

coni

tum

spi

catu

m (B

ruhl

) Sta

pf(R

anun

cula

ceae

)Bi

kh,

Rhiz

ome

Aeg

le m

arm

elos

(L.)

Cor

rea

(Rut

acea

e)Be

l, M

atur

e fru

itIn

Bai

tadi

and

Baj

hang

dis

trict

s, p

ulp

of th

e m

atur

e fru

its o

f the

spe

cies

is u

sed

to c

ure

chro

nic

head

ache

and

dia

rrho

ea. L

eave

s ar

e us

ed d

urin

g re

ligio

us a

ctiv

ities

, mai

nly

durin

g th

e w

orsh

ip o

f lor

d Sh

iva.

Ang

elic

a ar

chan

gelic

a L

(Api

acea

e)G

anan

u, R

hizo

me

Vaid

hya

Kris

hna

Boho

ra (B

ajha

ng) r

ecog

nize

s tw

o ty

pes

of th

is s

peci

es; ‘

Patn

u’, w

hich

is fo

und

at h

ighe

r ele

vatio

ns a

nd p

osse

sses

fe

wer

med

icin

al p

rope

rties

, and

‘Aul

ya’,

whi

ch is

foun

d at

low

er e

leva

tions

but

pos

sess

mor

e m

edic

inal

pro

perti

es. R

hizo

me

of th

is

spec

ies

is fr

agra

nt, a

nd a

pie

ce o

f drie

d rh

izom

e is

che

wed

dire

ctly

or a

pas

te/d

ecoc

tion

is g

iven

to c

ure

stom

acha

che,

ulc

er, e

tc. A

sm

all q

uant

ity o

f ver

y fin

e pa

ste o

f the

rhiz

ome

is m

ixed

with

fres

h bu

tter a

nd is

app

lied

to th

e ey

es b

efor

e go

ing

to s

leep

at n

ight

. Thi

s w

ill re

mov

e an

y ki

nd o

f ext

rane

ous

mat

eria

l tra

pped

in th

e ey

e.

Aris

aem

a fla

vum

(For

ssk.

) Sch

ott

(Ara

ceae

)Ba

nko

or D

hoka

, Le

aves

The

plan

t pos

sess

es ir

ritat

ing

(kok

ayun

e) a

nd a

llerg

ic p

rope

rties

and

is p

oiso

nous

if e

aten

with

out p

rope

r pro

cess

ing.

Lea

ves

of

A. fl

avum

are

eat

en b

oth

as fr

esh

vege

tabl

es a

nd in

drie

d fo

rm. T

he d

ried

leav

es a

re w

ashe

d in

hot

wat

er a

nd fr

ied

prop

erly.

Cor

ms

of A

. grif

fithi

i are

eat

en a

s ve

geta

bles

. The

cor

ms

are

boile

d pr

oper

ly b

y m

ixin

g as

h an

d sa

lt, m

ade

into

pas

te, m

ixed

with

buc

kwhe

at

flour

, and

eat

en n

orm

ally

with

sou

p pr

epar

ed fr

om c

hilly

, sal

t, H

imal

ayan

pep

per (

timur

).A

risae

ma

griffi

thii

Scho

tt (A

race

ae)

Bank

o or

Dho

ka,

Cor

ms

Berg

enia

cili

ata

(Haw

.) St

ernb

. (S

axifr

agac

eae)

Pakh

anve

d or

Shr

ibad

or

Silp

hode

, Roo

t sto

ck

The

plan

t has

a th

ick

root

stock

and

gro

ws

in m

oist

rock

y pl

aces

at e

leva

tions

bet

wee

n 1,

300

and

3,00

0 m

. In

Dar

chul

a an

d Ba

jhan

g, p

owde

r or p

aste

of r

ootst

ock

is u

sed

to c

ure

kidn

ey s

tone

s an

d ur

inar

y pr

oble

ms.

The

root

stock

can

also

be

chew

ed to

cur

e sto

mac

hach

e an

d ga

ll sto

ne.

Dac

tylo

rhiz

a ha

tagi

rea

(D. D

on) S

oo

(Orc

hida

ceae

)H

atta

jadi

or

Panc

haul

e,

Rhiz

ome

Rhiz

ome

of D

. hat

agire

a po

sses

ses

stron

g an

tisep

tic p

rope

rty. I

n D

arch

ula

and

Bajh

ang

distr

icts,

pas

te o

f rhi

zom

e is

app

lied

exte

rnal

ly

on th

e cu

ts fo

r qui

ck h

ealin

g. A

dec

octio

n of

rhiz

ome

is a

lso u

sed

to c

ure

gono

rrho

ea a

nd s

yphi

lis. T

he rh

izom

es, w

hen

eate

n ra

w, a

re

know

n to

act

as

an e

nerg

izer

toni

c.

Dio

scor

ea b

ulbi

fera

L. (

Dio

scor

eace

ae)

Gith

a, T

uber

A b

itter

var

iety

of D

. bul

bife

ra is

foun

d in

the

regi

on, c

alle

d ‘T

ito G

itha’

. Tub

ers

of b

oth

the

spec

ies

are

dug

out o

f the

gro

und

durin

g w

inte

r sea

son

and

eate

n di

rect

ly o

r as

curr

y, a

fter b

oilin

g. H

owev

er, t

he rh

izom

e tu

bers

of D

. bul

bife

ra a

re b

oile

d fo

r 2 to

3 ti

mes

in

wat

er w

ith a

sh to

rem

ove

its b

itter

taste

, and

then

con

sum

ed. P

owde

r of t

he tu

bers

of D

. bul

bife

ra is

also

use

d to

cur

e m

alar

ial f

ever

and

to

rem

ove

exce

ss h

eat f

rom

the

body

.

Dio

scor

ea h

amilt

onii

Hoo

k. f.

(Dio

scor

eace

ae)

Ban

Taud

, Tub

er

Dip

lazi

um s

tolic

zkae

Bed

d. (W

oods

iace

ae)

Kalo

liun

do,

Rhiz

ome

In B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct, t

he s

piny

rhiz

omes

of t

his

plan

t are

drie

d an

d po

unde

d. T

he p

owde

r is

mix

ed w

ith ra

pese

ed o

il to

mak

e a

paste

, an

d th

e pa

ste is

app

lied

on b

urns

for q

uick

hea

ling.

Dry

opte

ris s

p. (D

ryop

terid

acea

e)Liu

ndo,

You

ng

leav

esIn

Baj

hang

, Hum

la a

nd D

arch

ula

distr

icts,

fres

h yo

ung

leav

es a

re u

sed

as v

eget

able

.

22

Fago

pyru

m e

scul

entu

m M

oenc

h (P

olyg

onac

eae)

Phap

ar, Y

oung

le

aves

and

see

dsTh

ree

diffe

rent

loca

l var

ietie

s of

buc

kwhe

at a

re c

ultiv

ated

in th

e C

hhya

ngru

are

a of

Dar

chul

a. L

ocal

peo

ple

disti

ngui

sh th

ese

varie

ties

on th

e ba

sis

of s

eed

char

acte

ristic

s. T

hese

var

ietie

s ar

e ‘K

habe

’ (el

onga

ted

seed

) mos

tly fo

und

arou

nd T

inka

r are

a (h

ighe

r ele

vatio

ns);

‘Sya

ngw

e’ (s

pher

ical

see

d); a

nd ‘T

iche

y’ (o

blon

g se

ed) m

ostly

foun

d ar

ound

Chh

yang

ru. T

he S

yang

we

varie

ty h

as th

e hi

ghes

t pr

oduc

tivity

and

is b

itter

buc

kwhe

at. I

n Ba

jhan

g di

stric

t, tw

o va

rietie

s, ‘T

ite p

hapa

r’ w

ith a

bitt

er ta

ste o

f flou

r, an

d ‘M

ithe

phap

ar’

with

out t

he b

itter

taste

of fl

our,

are

unde

r cul

tivat

ion.

You

ng le

aves

of t

he s

peci

es a

re u

sed

as v

eget

able

whe

reas

the

flour

of t

he s

eeds

is

used

to m

ake

brea

ds.

Friti

llaria

cirr

hosa

D. D

on (L

iliac

eae)

Pody

a or

Ban

la

sun,

Tub

erIn

Hum

la a

nd D

arch

ula

distr

icts,

loca

l hea

lers

use

the

paste

of r

hizo

me

of F

ritill

aria

cirr

hosa

(ban

lasu

n) m

ixed

with

eith

er ra

pese

ed

oil (

sars

oo o

il) o

r fat

of H

imal

ayan

mar

mot

(phy

au m

usa,

Mar

mot

a bo

bak)

to tr

eat s

wel

ling

and

pain

in th

e le

gs a

nd a

rms.

The

pas

te

prep

ared

is a

pplie

d ex

tern

ally

ove

r the

affe

cted

sur

face

twic

e a

day

for o

ne m

onth

.

Hip

poph

ae s

alic

ifolia

D. D

on (E

laea

gnac

eae)

Dal

e ch

uk, R

ipe

fruits

Loca

l peo

ple

of D

arch

ula

use

the

fruits

of ‘

Dal

e ch

uk’ i

n va

rious

way

s. F

ruits

of t

he s

peci

es ri

pen

durin

g Se

ptem

ber-O

ctob

er. D

urin

g co

llect

ion,

the

colle

ctor

s w

ear p

lasti

c gl

oves

and

mac

erat

e th

e rip

e fru

its o

n in

tact

bra

nche

s so

that

the

juic

e ca

n be

dire

ctly

col

lect

ed in

th

e po

t of p

reci

se s

ize

kept

ben

eath

the

bran

ches

. Thi

s en

sure

s th

at th

e br

anch

es a

re u

ndam

aged

and

can

bea

r fru

its in

the

next

sea

son.

Th

en th

e co

llect

ed ju

ice

is fi

ltere

d w

ith th

e he

lp o

f a c

otto

n cl

oth

and

proc

esse

d to

mak

e so

ur s

yrup

that

can

be

store

d fo

r a lo

ng ti

me.

D

urin

g so

ur p

repa

ratio

n, th

e ju

ice

is b

oile

d til

l its

volu

me

is re

duce

d by

five

to s

even

tim

es. I

t tur

ns b

lack

and

vis

cous

. A s

mal

l am

ount

of

sal

t and

frie

d re

d ch

illi a

re a

lso o

ften

adde

d to

the

fluid

. The

flui

d is

then

allo

wed

to c

ool a

nd s

tore

d pr

oper

ly in

a ja

r. Th

e m

ater

ial

prep

ared

in th

is w

ay c

an b

e sto

red

for s

ever

al y

ears

and

use

d fo

r sev

eral

pur

pose

s. R

ipe

fruits

are

eat

en ra

w, a

lso c

onsu

med

to c

ure

stom

acha

che,

cou

gh a

nd c

hole

ra, a

nd a

s an

thel

min

tic, a

s w

ell a

s us

ed to

mak

e fre

sh p

ickl

e.

Hip

poph

ae ti

beta

na S

chle

cht.

(Ela

eagn

acea

e)D

ale

chuk

, Rip

e fru

its

Lom

atog

oniu

m c

arin

thia

cum

(Wul

fen)

Rch

b.

(Gen

tiana

ceae

)C

hira

ito o

r Tik

ta,

Who

le p

lant

Th

is h

erb

is m

ore

effe

ctiv

e th

an th

e Sw

ertia

spe

cies

for c

urin

g fe

ver,

acco

rdin

g to

the

tradi

tiona

l hea

ler o

f Dar

chul

a. P

lant

mas

s is

boi

led

in w

ater

and

the

deco

ctio

n is

adm

inis

tere

d to

trea

t fev

er, c

ough

and

col

d. T

he s

peci

es h

as a

nthe

lmin

tic p

rope

rties

and

is a

lso u

sed

agai

nst u

lcer

.

Meg

acar

paea

pol

yand

ra B

enth

. (Br

assi

cace

ae)

Rugo

, Lea

ves

In H

umla

, Baj

hang

, and

Dar

chul

a di

stric

ts, fr

esh

leav

es a

re u

sed

as v

eget

able

.

Nar

dosta

chys

gra

ndifl

ora

DC

. (Va

leria

nace

ae)

Bhut

kesh

or

Jata

man

si,

Rhiz

omes

The

heal

er fr

om D

arch

ula

distr

ict u

ses

the

deco

ctio

n of

its

rhiz

ome

to c

ure

coug

h. T

he rh

izom

es a

re a

lso u

sed

as in

cens

e; th

ey a

re b

urnt

to

geth

er w

ith th

e dr

ied

leav

es o

f Jun

iper

s, T

anac

etum

spe

cies

, and

Arte

mis

ia s

peci

es. I

t is

belie

ved

that

the

ince

nse

smok

e w

ards

off

ghos

ts an

d ev

il sp

irits.

Neo

picr

orhi

za s

crop

hula

riiflo

ra (P

enne

ll) D

.Y.

Hon

g (S

crop

hula

riace

ae)

Kutk

i, Rh

izom

esIn

Baj

hang

and

Dar

chul

a di

stric

ts, it

is u

sed

to c

ure

feve

r, co

ugh,

asth

ma

and

high

-alti

tude

sic

knes

s. T

he p

lant

is c

rush

ed a

nd b

oile

d in

w

ater

. The

hot

wat

er c

onta

inin

g th

e pl

ant d

ecoc

tion

is s

erve

d as

med

icin

e. It

is c

olle

cted

dur

ing

Aug

ust-S

epte

mbe

r.

Nic

andr

a ph

ysal

odes

(L.)

Gae

rtn. (

Sola

nace

ae))

Ishw

orgo

la, S

eeds

The

seed

s ar

e us

ed b

y lo

cal p

eopl

e in

Baj

hang

dis

trict

. The

y m

ix th

e se

eds

in w

ater

or m

ilk, a

dd s

ugar

, and

offe

r it t

o th

e pa

tient

to tr

eat

urin

ary

prob

lem

s, ty

phoi

d, m

alar

ia, e

tc.

Oph

ioco

rdyc

eps

sine

nsis

(Ber

k.) G

.H.

Sung

, J.M

. Sun

g, H

ywel

-Jone

s &

Spa

tafo

ra

(Oph

ioco

rdyc

ipita

ceae

)

Yars

agum

ba o

r Ya

rcha

or K

iro,

Who

le fu

ngus

with

ca

terp

illar

It is

the

mos

t pop

ular

‘hig

h-va

lue,

low

-vol

ume’

pro

duct

of t

he H

imal

ayas

. Bes

ides

its

popu

lar a

phro

disi

ac p

rope

rties

, it i

s us

ed to

cur

e as

thm

a an

d ot

her r

espi

rato

ry p

robl

ems.

Diff

eren

t con

stitu

ents

are

mix

ed fo

r diff

eren

t dis

ease

s, a

ccor

ding

to th

e lo

cal h

eale

r of D

arch

ula

distr

ict.

Saffr

on a

nd b

one

mar

row

of t

iger

and

10–

15 p

iece

s of

Oph

ioco

rdyc

eps

sine

nsis

spe

cies

are

pou

nded

toge

ther

and

soa

ked

in b

rand

y (a

lcoh

ol) f

or 1

0–15

day

s fo

r a b

ette

r effe

ct. O

phio

cord

ycep

s si

nens

is h

arve

sted

durin

g A

pril-

June

is o

f bes

t qua

lity

and

is

gold

en-y

ello

wis

h in

col

our.

The

colle

cted

cat

erpi

llar i

s cl

eane

d w

ith a

bru

sh to

rem

ove

soil

and

myc

elia

and

sto

red

in a

wel

l-aer

ated

co

tton

bag

to m

ake

it dr

y. O

phio

cord

ycep

s si

nens

is s

houl

d be

use

d w

ithin

1–1

.5 y

ears

of h

arve

st.

Paris

pol

yphy

lla S

m. (

Trill

iace

ae)

Satu

wa,

Roo

t and

yo

ung

leav

esIt

has

a cr

eepi

ng rh

izom

atou

s ro

ot, w

hich

is u

sed

as m

edic

ine.

Acc

ordi

ng to

loca

l hea

lers

of B

ajha

ng a

nd D

arch

ula

distr

icts,

it is

“a

plan

t with

sev

en le

aflet

s, a

nd th

e se

ven

node

s on

the

rhiz

ome

poss

ess

the

best

med

icin

al p

rope

rties

, and

are

use

d to

cur

e se

ven

diffe

rent

di

seas

es”.

Vai

dhya

Kris

hna

Boho

ra (B

ajha

ng) r

ecog

nize

s tw

o va

rietie

s of

sat

uwa:

‘Aul

i’, w

hich

is fo

und

at lo

wer

alti

tude

s an

d po

sses

ses

bette

r med

icin

al p

rope

rties

; and

‘Lek

ali’,

that

is fo

und

at h

ighe

r ele

vatio

ns b

ut p

osse

sses

few

er m

edic

inal

pro

perti

es. I

n Ba

jhan

g an

d D

arch

ula

distr

icts,

it is

use

d to

cur

e di

zzin

ess,

boi

l, tu

mor

, gal

l sto

nes,

cut

s, p

aral

ysis

and

gas

tritis

. It c

an b

e ch

ewed

dire

ctly

or

cons

umed

as

a de

coct

ion.

In B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct, y

oung

leav

es o

f ‘Sa

tuw

a’ a

re u

sed

as v

eget

able

.

Phas

eolu

s sp

. (Fa

bace

ae)

Gur

aush

/Sim

i Se

eds

It is

one

of t

he v

ery

com

mon

pul

ses

of th

e Ba

jhan

g an

d Ba

itadi

regi

on, a

nd a

lso p

osse

sses

med

icin

al p

rope

rties

. Sou

p of

the

grai

ns o

f th

is s

peci

es is

giv

en tw

ice

or th

rice

a da

y to

the

patie

nt o

f ‘ch

icke

npox

’ (Th

eula

).

23

Phyl

lant

hus

embl

ica

L. (E

upho

rbia

ceae

)W

alo,

Fru

its a

nd

bark

of t

he s

tem

Frui

ts of

the

spec

ies

are

edib

le a

nd p

osse

ss m

edic

inal

pro

perti

es. I

n Ba

itadi

dis

trict

, peo

ple

chew

mat

ure

fruits

to q

uenc

h th

eir t

hirs

t du

ring

thei

r wal

ks in

the

hilly

are

as. B

esid

es, p

ulp

of th

e fru

its is

use

d to

mak

e pi

ckle

, or i

s be

aten

and

use

d du

ring

hair

was

h to

rem

ove

dand

ruff

and

cont

rol h

air f

all.

The

fruits

are

drie

d, p

owde

red,

and

mix

ed w

ith th

e po

wde

r of t

he fr

uits

of T

erm

inal

ia c

hebu

la R

etz.

(C

ombr

etac

eae)

(‘ha

rro’

), an

d Te

rmin

alia

bel

leric

a (G

aertn

.) Ro

xb. (

Com

bret

acea

e) (‘

barr

o’) i

n eq

ual p

ropo

rtion

s to

mak

e ‘T

rifal

a’

pow

der.

The

pow

der i

s us

ed to

cur

e ga

striti

s, u

lcer

, sto

mac

hach

e, e

tc. D

ecoc

tion

of th

e ba

rks

is a

pplie

d ex

tern

ally

on

the

body

par

ts af

fect

ed b

y pa

raly

sis.

Lea

ves

and

fruits

of t

he s

peci

es a

re u

sed

durin

g re

ligio

us a

ctiv

ities

.

Phyt

olac

ca a

cino

sa R

oxb.

(Phy

tola

ccac

eae)

Jark

o or

Jarin

go,

Leav

esIn

Hum

la a

nd B

ajha

ng d

istri

cts,

you

ng fr

esh

leav

es a

re u

sed

as v

eget

able

.

Poly

gona

tum

ver

ticill

atum

(L.)

All.

(C

onva

llaria

ceae

)N

igal

i saa

g or

Kh

inau

do, y

oung

Le

aves

and

ste

ms

In H

umla

, Baj

hang

, and

Dar

chul

a di

stric

ts, fr

esh

as w

ell a

s dr

ied

youn

g le

aves

and

ste

m a

re u

sed

as v

eget

able

.

Rhus

java

nica

Mill

er (A

naca

rdia

ceae

)Bh

ake

Am

ilo, F

ruits

In B

ajha

ng, r

ipe

fruits

are

drie

d, b

eate

n in

‘okh

al’ a

nd fi

ltere

d to

rem

ove

the

resi

due.

The

n th

e po

wde

r is

store

d an

d us

ed a

s so

ur in

pi

ckle

and

lent

il (d

aal)

soup

. The

pow

der i

s al

so m

ixed

with

hon

ey a

nd c

onsu

med

to c

ure

feve

r and

cou

gh.

Selin

um w

allic

hian

um (D

C.)

Raiz

ada

& S

axen

a (A

pice

ae)

Sogr

e ka

yar,

Rhiz

ome

Acc

ordi

ng to

the

heal

ers

of th

e Ba

jhan

g di

stric

t, rh

izom

es o

f thi

s sp

ecie

s ar

e po

unde

d an

d th

e sa

p is

mix

ed w

ith h

oney

or s

ugar

. The

se

rhiz

omes

can

be

harv

este

d in

any

sea

son.

One

full

spoo

n of

suc

h m

ixtu

re is

giv

en to

the

patie

nt tw

ice

or th

rice

a da

y to

trea

t asth

ma.

Kata

re (L

ocal

nam

e)Ro

ots

The

heal

ers

of B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct id

entif

y th

e pl

ant f

rom

its

thre

e ro

otsto

cks

that

are

yel

low

ish

in c

olou

r. Th

ese

root

s ar

e po

unde

d in

to

paste

. Abo

ut 1

0 gr

am o

f the

pas

te is

mix

ed w

ith a

spo

onfu

l of w

ater

and

giv

en to

chi

ldre

n su

fferin

g fro

m d

iarr

hea.

Dia

rrhe

a w

ill b

e co

ntro

lled

with

in 2

-3 d

ays.

Thak

ale

(Loc

al n

ame)

Root

sA

ccor

ding

to th

e he

aler

s of

Baj

hang

dis

trict

, roo

ts of

the

spec

ies

are

drie

d an

d po

unde

d to

mak

e po

wde

r. A

t the

tim

e of

adm

inis

tratio

n,

a lit

tle w

ater

is a

dded

to th

e po

wde

r to

mak

e a

paste

. The

pas

te is

app

lied

on c

uts;

it h

eals

wou

nds

quic

kly.

Ulto

jado

(Loc

al n

ame)

Root

sA

ccor

ding

to th

e he

aler

s of

Baj

hang

dis

trict

, fre

sh ro

ots

of th

is p

lant

are

pou

nded

and

the

sap

is e

xtra

cted

from

it. T

he s

ap is

mix

ed w

ith

an e

qual

am

ount

of w

ater

and

then

two

spoo

ns o

f suc

h pr

oduc

t are

giv

en to

the

chol

era

patie

nt, o

nce

in th

e m

orni

ng a

nd o

nce

at n

ight

. Th

e tre

atm

ent w

ill c

ure

the

dise

ase

with

in tw

o to

thre

e da

ys

Bish

maa

r (Lo

cal n

ame)

Root

sVa

idhy

a Ra

tan

Sing

h Bo

hra

of D

arch

ula

distr

ict u

ses

the

root

s of

this

pla

nt. T

he ro

ots

are

pow

dere

d an

d so

aked

in w

ater

and

then

fil

tere

d w

ith a

cot

ton

mes

h. T

he li

quid

thus

obt

aine

d is

app

lied

in th

e ey

es (t

wo

drop

s in

eac

h ey

e) to

cur

e bl

indn

ess.

Shir

(Loc

al n

ame)

Rhiz

ome

Vaid

hya

Rata

n Si

ngh

Bohr

a of

Dar

chul

a us

es th

e rh

izom

es o

f thi

s pl

ant t

o cu

re m

uscl

e pa

in a

nd s

wel

ling.

Sind

ani (

Loca

l nam

e)W

hole

pla

ntVa

idhy

a Ra

tan

Sing

h of

Dar

chul

a us

es th

e pl

ant a

s a

very

effe

ctiv

e co

olin

g ag

ent;

whe

n ad

ded

to w

ater

, it c

onve

rts w

ater

to ic

e w

ithin

a

few

min

utes

.

Oil

Aes

andr

a bu

tyra

cea

(Rox

b.) B

aehn

i (S

apot

acea

e)C

hiur

o, C

otyl

edon

sIn

Bai

tadi

dis

trict

, see

ds o

f mat

ure

fruits

, cal

led

‘Khu

lla’,

are

used

for t

his

purp

ose.

The

se s

eeds

are

roas

ted

and

thei

r see

d co

ats

are

peel

ed o

ff. T

hen

the

coty

ledo

ns a

re g

roun

d an

d ro

aste

d. T

he g

roun

d co

tyle

dons

are

mix

ed in

wat

er a

nd th

e m

ixtu

re is

then

tran

sfer

red

to th

e tra

ditio

nal g

rinde

r (m

ill),

calle

d ‘K

olu’

, in

whi

ch th

e m

ixtu

re is

com

pact

ed to

ext

ract

the

fat.

The

fat i

s ed

ible

as

wel

l as

med

icin

al,

used

ext

erna

lly fo

r cur

ing

mus

cle

and

join

t pai

n, h

eada

che,

ski

n er

uptio

ns, e

tc.

Jugl

ans

regi

a L.

(Jug

land

acea

e)O

khar

, C

otyl

edon

sIn

Baj

hang

and

Hum

la d

istri

cts,

nut

col

lect

ed fr

om th

e tre

es g

row

ing

in th

e w

ild is

sub

mer

ged

in w

ater

for 3

–4 d

ays

or b

oile

d fo

r 2–3

tim

es to

sof

ten

the

kern

el (l

ocal

ly c

alle

d ‘g

hanj

a’).

The

‘gha

nja’

is p

ound

ed in

a tr

aditi

onal

sto

ne m

orta

r cal

led

‘okh

al’.

The

pow

der i

s ro

aste

d, m

ixed

with

wat

er to

mak

e slu

rry,

wra

pped

with

a th

in c

otto

n cl

oth,

and

pre

ssed

har

d to

ext

ract

oil.

The

oil

extra

cted

thro

ugh

this

met

hod

is fr

agra

nt, c

onsi

dere

d to

be

of h

igh

qual

ity, a

nd u

sed

in c

ooki

ng. A

bout

5 k

g ke

rnel

yie

lds

1 lit

re o

f oil.

Use

of t

his

oil w

as

com

mon

in th

e pa

st.

24

Prin

sepi

a ut

ilis

Royl

e (R

osac

eae)

Dha

telo

, See

dIn

Baj

hang

and

Hum

la d

istri

cts,

mat

ure

fruits

of P

. util

is a

re c

olle

cted

, drie

d in

the

sun

and

the

oute

r pul

p is

pee

led

out.

Then

the

coty

ledo

ns a

re p

ound

ed in

‘okh

al’.

The

pow

der t

hus

obta

ined

is ro

aste

d an

d a

little

hot

wat

er is

add

ed to

it to

mak

e it

slurr

y. T

he

mix

ture

is th

en s

tirre

d th

orou

ghly

and

pou

red

into

a th

in c

otto

n cl

oth.

It is

com

pact

ed a

nd p

ress

ed to

ext

ract

oil.

Oil

extra

cted

in th

is w

ay

is e

dibl

e; 1

litre

of o

il ca

n be

ext

ract

ed fr

om 4

–5 k

g of

cot

yled

ons.

Can

nabi

s sa

tiva

subs

p. in

dica

L. (

Can

naba

ceae

)G

anja

, See

dIn

Baj

hang

dis

trict

, see

ds o

f Can

nabi

s sa

tiva

are

colle

cted

, gro

und

in a

trad

ition

al s

tone

grin

der c

alle

d ‘Ja

to’ a

nd th

e ou

ter s

eeds

coa

t is

rem

oved

. The

gro

und

coty

ledo

ns a

re ro

aste

d, p

ound

ed, t

horo

ughl

y m

ixed

with

hot

wat

er, p

lace

d on

a th

in c

otto

n cl

oth

and

pres

sed

hard

. Oil

thus

ext

ract

ed is

edi

ble

as w

ell a

s m

edic

inal

; how

ever

, onl

y a

smal

l am

ount

of o

il ca

n be

ext

ract

ed fr

om a

larg

e qu

antit

y of

se

eds.

Suc

h oi

l is

appl

ied

exte

rnal

ly to

cur

e sw

ellin

gs a

nd p

ain

in m

uscl

es a

nd jo

ints.

Prun

us p

ersi

ca (L

.) Ba

tsch.

(Ros

acea

e)A

aru,

Cot

yled

ons

In H

umla

and

Baj

hang

dis

trict

s, c

otyl

edon

s of

P. p

ersi

ca a

re b

eate

n to

mak

e po

wde

r. Th

e po

wde

r is

roas

ted,

mix

ed in

hot

wat

er a

nd

stirr

ed w

ell.

The

mix

ture

is th

en p

lace

d on

a th

in p

iece

of c

otto

n an

d pr

esse

d ha

rd s

o th

at d

rops

of o

il ca

n be

col

lect

ed in

a p

ot. O

il ex

tract

ed fr

om th

e se

eds

of P

. per

sica

is e

dibl

e an

d al

so p

osse

sses

med

icin

al p

rope

rties

. It i

s ap

plie

d ex

tern

ally

to c

ure

pain

in m

uscl

es,

join

ts, e

tc. a

nd a

lso u

sed

to c

ure

stom

acha

che,

gas

tritis

, aci

dity

, etc

.

Dye Rheu

m a

ustra

le D

. Don

(Pol

ygon

acea

e)Pa

dam

chal

nu,

Rhiz

omes

In H

umla

and

Baj

hang

dis

trict

s, rh

izom

es o

f ‘Pa

dam

chal

nu’ a

re c

rush

ed a

nd b

oile

d in

wat

er to

ext

ract

yel

low

dye

, whi

ch is

mos

tly u

sed

to c

olou

r woo

l.

Rheu

m m

oorc

rofti

anum

Roy

le (P

olyg

onac

eae)

Pada

mch

alnu

, Rh

izom

es

Mah

aran

ga e

mod

i (W

all.)

A. D

C.

(Bor

agin

acea

e)M

aran

gi, R

oots

In H

umla

and

Baj

hang

dis

trict

s, ro

ots

of ‘M

aran

gi’ a

re c

rush

ed a

nd b

oile

d in

wat

er to

ext

ract

red-

purp

le d

ye. T

his

dye

is u

sed

to c

olou

r w

ool a

nd fi

bres

.

Arn

ebia

ben

tham

ii (W

all.

ex G

. Don

) I. M

. Jo

hnst.

(Bor

agin

acea

e)

Ang

au (L

ocal

nam

e)Ro

ots

In B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct, c

rush

ed ro

ots

of ‘A

ngau

’ are

boi

led

in w

ater

to e

xtra

ct b

lack

dye

, whi

ch is

use

d to

col

our w

ool a

nd fi

bres

.

Fibr

e

Gira

rdin

ia d

iver

sifo

lia (L

ink)

Frii

s (U

rtica

ceae

)A

llo, F

ibre

In D

arch

ula

distr

ict,

loca

l com

mun

ities

hav

e be

en u

sing

the

fibre

of ‘

allo

’ for

mak

ing

vario

us a

rticl

es s

uch

as ro

pes,

fish

ing

nets,

bag

s,

sack

s, c

arpe

ts, ja

cket

s, e

tc. f

or d

aily

use

. The

col

lect

ors

are

mos

tly w

omen

who

har

vest

‘allo

’ fro

m fo

rests

. Fib

re is

obt

aine

d fro

m th

e ba

rk. T

he c

lean

bun

dles

of fi

bre

are

sun

drie

d an

d so

aked

in w

ater

, mix

ing

with

loca

lly a

vaila

ble

whi

te c

lay.

Tra

ditio

nal h

and

spin

dle

(kau

wa)

is u

sed

for s

pinn

ing

of fi

bre.

Can

nabi

s sa

tiva

subs

p. in

dica

L. (

Can

naba

ceae

)Bh

ango

, Ste

m b

ark

Fibr

e ex

tract

ion

from

hem

p is

ver

y po

pula

r thr

ough

out B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct. T

he fi

bre

was

use

d to

kni

t clo

thes

in th

e pa

st; h

owev

er, t

hese

da

ys a

larg

e qu

antit

y of

hem

p fib

re is

exp

orte

d to

Dha

ngad

hi, M

ahen

dran

agar

, and

Kat

hman

du. F

or fi

bre

extra

ctio

n, m

ain

stem

and

br

anch

es o

f the

pla

nt a

re a

llow

ed to

dry

and

then

the

drie

d br

anch

es a

re s

ubm

erge

d in

sta

gnan

t wat

er fo

r 5 to

7 d

ays.

The

n th

e ep

ider

mal

por

tion,

whi

ch is

bro

wni

sh in

col

our,

is c

aref

ully

pee

led

from

the

bran

ches

so

that

inne

r fibr

e po

rtion

rem

ains

und

amag

ed.

The

mat

eria

l jus

t ben

eath

the

epid

erm

is is

the

fibre

, whi

ch is

take

n ou

t uns

cath

ed fr

om th

e re

mai

ning

cor

tical

por

tion

of th

e ste

m. T

he

fibre

is d

ried

in th

e su

n an

d fin

ally

pile

d up

for s

tora

ge.

Gre

wia

opt

iva

J. R.

Dru

mm

. ex

Burr

et (T

iliac

eae)

Bheu

l, Ba

rk o

f br

anch

lets

The

bran

chle

ts le

ft af

ter f

eedi

ng th

e le

aves

to c

attle

are

col

lect

ed a

nd d

ried

for s

ever

al d

ays.

The

se b

ranc

hlet

s ar

e su

bmer

ged

in

stagn

ant w

ater

for 5

to 7

day

s. A

fter 7

day

s, th

ese

are

take

n ou

t and

at fi

rst t

he b

row

nish

epi

derm

al p

ortio

n is

car

eful

ly p

eele

d of

f. Th

e re

mai

ning

por

tion

of b

ark,

whi

ch is

yel

low

ish-

whi

te in

col

our,

is th

e fib

re a

nd it

is ta

ken

out s

ingl

y fro

m th

e co

rtica

l por

tion

of th

e br

anch

lets.

The

fibr

e is

pile

d up

, was

hed

with

soa

pnut

(Sap

indu

s m

ukor

ossi

), dr

ied,

and

use

d to

mak

e di

ffere

nt a

rtifa

cts.

The

rem

aini

ng

woo

dy p

ortio

n ca

lled

‘Bhe

ulya

t’ is

drie

d an

d us

ed a

s an

exc

elle

nt s

ourc

e of

ligh

ting

as w

ell a

s fir

ewoo

d.

25

Tim

ber

Pinu

s ro

xbur

ghii

Sarg

. (Pi

nace

ae)

Sallo

, Woo

d,

need

les,

see

d,

resi

n

In B

aita

di d

istri

ct, p

ine

need

les

calle

d ‘p

irol’

are

used

as

bedd

ing

mat

eria

l for

cat

tle a

nd c

ompo

st m

anur

e is

pre

pare

d fro

m th

em. T

he

spec

ies

is a

lso a

chi

ef s

ourc

e of

tim

ber a

nd fu

elw

ood.

Peo

ple

have

bee

n in

volv

ed in

the

colle

ctio

n of

resi

n, w

hich

is s

old

to T

urpe

ntin

e C

ompa

ny a

t the

rate

of N

PR 1

20 p

er c

onta

iner

, and

of w

hich

NPR

3 p

er c

onta

iner

is p

aid

to th

e co

mm

unity

fore

sts. O

ne c

onta

iner

of

resi

n ca

n be

col

lect

ed fr

om a

bout

30

trees

and

eac

h co

ntai

ner w

eigh

s ab

out 1

6 kg

. The

har

d w

ood

of p

ine,

cal

led

‘Jhur

o’, i

s us

ed a

s an

exc

elle

nt s

ourc

e of

ligh

ting

as w

ell a

s bu

rnin

g m

ater

ial.

Har

d w

ood

at th

e no

des

and

the

resi

n ar

e al

so u

sed

med

icin

ally

(app

lied

exte

rnal

ly o

n th

e w

ound

) aga

inst

scor

pion

bite

.

Shor

ea ro

busta

Gae

rtn. (

Dip

tero

carp

acea

e)Sa

l, W

ood,

leav

es,

resi

nTh

is s

peci

es is

use

d by

the

loca

l peo

ple

of B

ajha

ng a

nd B

aita

di d

istri

cts

for m

ultip

le p

urpo

ses.

Lea

ves

are

used

dur

ing

relig

ious

act

iviti

es

(to m

ake

dinn

er p

late

s ‘d

una-

tapa

ri’, a

nd d

urin

g w

orsh

ip) a

nd a

s fo

dder

. Tim

ber o

f the

spe

cies

is v

ery

dura

ble

and

used

to m

ake

fram

es o

f doo

rs a

nd w

indo

ws.

Res

in (s

ap) e

xtra

cted

from

the

spec

ies,

cal

led

‘saa

l ko

raal

’, po

sses

ses

med

icin

al p

rope

rties

. Res

in m

ixed

w

ith h

ot w

ater

and

hon

ey is

giv

en to

wom

en d

urin

g ch

ildbi

rth fo

r qui

ck e

xpul

sion

of t

he re

mna

nts

of p

lace

nta.

It is

also

use

d to

trea

t sto

mac

hach

e. In

Baj

hang

dis

trict

, lea

ves

of S

hore

a ro

busta

, or C

ucur

bita

pep

o L.

are

coo

ked

and

the

deco

ctio

n is

giv

en to

wom

en

imm

edia

tely

afte

r chi

ldbi

rth fo

r qui

ck e

xpul

sion

of t

he re

mna

nts

of p

lace

nta.

Alte

rnat

ivel

y, lo

cally

man

ufac

ture

d ja

gger

y, ‘g

ud, w

rapp

ed

in th

e le

aves

of S

hore

a ro

busta

is g

iven

to w

omen

afte

r chi

ld d

eliv

ery.

Fodd

er

Bauh

inia

var

iega

ta L

. (Fa

bace

ae)

Koira

lo, L

eave

sTh

e pl

ant i

s w

idel

y us

ed a

s fo

dder

in B

aita

di d

istri

ct.

Gre

wia

opt

iva

J. R.

Dru

mm

. ex

Burr

et (T

iliac

eae)

Bheu

l, Le

aves

In B

aita

di a

nd B

ajha

ng d

istri

cts,

the

spec

ies

is u

sed

as c

ow a

nd b

uffa

lo fe

ed to

impr

ove

the

qual

ity o

f milk

. It i

s sa

id to

incr

ease

the

fat

cont

ent o

f milk

.

Cel

tis a

ustra

lis L

. (U

lmac

eae)

Khad

ik, L

eave

sIn

Bai

tadi

, the

pla

nt is

lopp

ed fo

r fod

der.

Oth

er fo

dder

spe

cies

of l

ower

alti

tude

s in

clud

e: T

erm

inal

ia a

lata

Hey

ne e

x Ro

th (C

ombr

etac

eae)

, Fic

us s

emic

orda

ta B

uch.

-Ham

. ex

Sm. (

Mor

acea

e), Q

uerc

us la

nata

Sm

. (Fa

gace

ae),

Que

rcus

gla

uca

Thun

b.

(Fag

acea

e), Q

uerc

us s

emec

arpi

folia

Sm

. (Fa

gace

ae),

Litse

a m

onop

etal

a (R

oxb.

) Per

s. (L

aura

ceae

), Fi

cus

nerii

folia

Sm

. (M

orac

eae)

, etc

. Sim

ilarly

, the

com

mon

fodd

er s

peci

es o

f hig

h el

evat

ion

area

s ar

e Ro

sa

seric

ea L

indl

. (Ro

sace

ae),

Car

agan

a sp

ecie

s (R

osac

eae)

, Hip

poph

ae ti

beta

na S

chle

cht.

(Ela

eagn

acea

e), e

tc.

Plan

t spe

cies

use

d to

mak

e ag

ricul

tura

l too

ls

Ace

r cap

pado

cicu

m G

led.

(Ace

race

ae)

Tila

ilo, W

ood

In B

ajha

ng, H

umla

, and

Dar

chul

a di

stric

ts, th

e ste

m o

f thi

s sp

ecie

s is

use

d to

mak

e th

e ha

ndle

s of

agr

icul

tura

l too

ls, w

alki

ng s

ticks

, etc

., be

caus

e th

e w

ood

of th

is s

peci

es is

har

d an

d po

sses

ses

tens

ile s

treng

th.

Ang

au (L

ocal

nam

e)W

ood

Woo

d of

‘Ang

au’ i

s al

so u

sed

for m

akin

g pl

ough

and

han

dles

of a

gric

ultu

ral t

ools

in B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct; i

t is

used

bec

ause

of i

ts du

rabi

lity,

te

nsile

stre

ngth

and

resi

stanc

e to

ste

m b

orer

and

woo

d ro

t fun

gi.

Betu

la u

tilis

D. D

on (B

etul

acea

e)Bh

uj, W

ood

In H

umla

and

Dar

chul

a, p

loug

h an

d ha

ndle

s of

agr

icul

tura

l too

ls ar

e al

so p

repa

red

from

the

woo

d of

Bet

ula

utili

s; it

is c

hose

n fo

r its

toug

hnes

s an

d du

rabi

lity.

Cot

onea

ster a

ffini

s Lin

dl. (

Rosa

ceae

)Ru

ish,

Woo

dIn

Hum

la a

nd B

ajha

ng d

istri

cts,

han

dles

of a

gric

ultu

ral t

ools

are

prep

ared

from

the

bran

ches

of ‘

ruis

h’, b

ecau

se th

e w

ood

of s

uch

spec

ies

is h

ard

and

poss

esse

s te

nsile

stre

ngth

.C

oton

easte

r frig

idus

Wal

l. ex

Lin

dl. (

Rosa

ceae

)Ra

ins,

Woo

d

Des

mod

ium

ooj

eine

nse

(Rox

b.) H

. Oha

shi

(Fab

acea

e)Sa

nan,

Tim

ber

In B

aita

di, p

loug

h an

d po

t for

sto

ring

dairy

pro

duct

s ar

e m

ade

of ‘S

anan

’ bec

ause

the

woo

d is

har

d, d

urab

le a

nd c

anno

t eas

ily b

e in

fect

ed b

y ste

m b

orer

s an

d fu

ngi.

Hip

poph

ae s

alic

ifolia

D. D

on (E

laea

gnac

eae)

Tare

chu

k, W

ood

In B

ajha

ng, p

loug

h is

also

pre

pare

d fro

m th

e w

ood

of ‘T

are

Chu

k’ b

ecau

se it

is d

urab

le.

Jugl

ans

regi

a L.

(Jug

land

acea

e)O

khar

, Woo

dIn

Baj

hang

, Dar

chul

a an

d H

umla

dis

trict

s, ti

mbe

r of J

ugla

ns re

gia

(okh

ar) i

s us

ed to

mak

e ‘ju

wa’

bec

ause

the

woo

d is

ligh

t and

dur

able

.

Juni

peru

s in

dica

Ber

tol.

(Cup

ress

acea

e)Su

kpa,

Woo

dIn

Hum

la, w

ood

of ‘S

ukpa

’ is

used

to m

ake

two

type

s of

ves

sels:

(i) a

big

ves

sel o

r chu

rn (l

ocal

ly k

now

n as

‘tw

adam

’ ) fo

r kee

ping

cur

d,

in w

hich

cur

d is

stir

red

vigo

rous

ly to

pro

duce

but

ter;

and

(b) a

sm

all v

esse

l loc

ally

kno

wn

as ‘p

ari’

for m

ilkin

g.

Mor

us s

erra

ta R

oxb.

(Mor

acea

e)Ki

mu,

Woo

dIn

Bai

tadi

, ‘Ju

wa’

use

d du

ring

plou

ghin

g is

gen

eral

ly p

repa

red

from

Mor

us s

erra

ta (K

imbu

) bec

ause

the

woo

d is

ligh

t and

has

tens

ile

stren

gth.

26

Pyra

cant

ha c

renu

lata

(D. D

on) M

. Roe

m.

(Ros

acea

e)G

hang

aru,

Woo

dIn

Bai

tadi

, Baj

hang

, and

Dar

chul

a di

stric

ts, w

alki

ng s

ticks

and

the

hand

les

of a

gric

ultu

ral t

ools

are

prep

ared

from

‘Gha

ngar

u’ a

s th

e w

ood

of th

is p

lant

is h

ard,

hea

vy, a

nd re

sista

nt to

bor

ers

and

woo

d ro

t fun

gi.

Que

rcus

gla

uca

Thun

b. (F

agac

eae)

Phal

at, W

ood

In B

aita

di a

nd B

ajha

ng d

istri

cts,

agr

icul

tura

l too

ls ar

e m

ade

from

the

woo

d of

this

spe

cies

. The

woo

d is

har

d, d

urab

le, a

nd re

sista

nt to

te

rmite

s.

Que

rcus

lana

ta S

m. (

Faga

ceae

)Ba

njh,

Woo

dIn

Bai

tadi

, han

dles

of a

gric

ultu

ral t

ools,

and

dig

ger o

f the

plo

ugh,

‘hal

ano’

, are

pre

pare

d fro

m th

e w

ood

of ‘B

anjh

’ bec

ause

it is

har

d an

d he

avy,

has

gre

at te

nsile

stre

ngth

and

is n

ot e

asily

affe

cted

by

wat

er a

nd b

orer

s.In

Baj

hang

, plo

ugh

is p

repa

red

from

the

woo

d of

‘Pha

lat’

and

‘Kha

rsoo

’ bec

ause

it is

har

d, h

eavy

, and

dur

able

.Q

uerc

us s

emec

arpi

folia

Sm

. (Fa

gace

ae)

Khar

soo,

Woo

d

Taxu

s w

allic

hian

a Zu

cc. (

Taxa

ceae

)La

uth,

Woo

dIn

Hum

la, D

arch

ula,

and

Baj

hang

dis

trict

s, b

eatin

g ro

d (p

estle

of t

he tr

aditi

onal

mor

tar)

for c

erea

ls, ‘o

khal

’, is

gen

eral

ly p

repa

red

from

Ta

xus

wal

lichi

ana

(Lau

th s

allo

) bec

ause

its

timbe

r is

light

, tou

gh, a

nd d

urab

le.

Ulm

us w

allic

hian

a Pl

anch

. (U

lmac

eae)

Tyak

sing

, Woo

d an

d ba

rkIn

Hum

la, b

ark

is u

sed

to m

ake

the

cord

(‘ha

lludo

’ or ‘

jhut

ak’)

that

is a

ttach

ed to

the

yoke

of a

plo

ugh

pole

. Woo

d is

hig

hly

dura

ble

and

used

to m

ake

the

hand

les

of a

gric

ultu

ral t

ools.

Zant

hoxy

lum

arm

atum

DC

. (Ru

tace

ae)

Tim

ur, W

ood

In B

aita

di, t

he s

tirre

r use

d du

ring

whe

y pr

epar

atio

n (m

adan

i) is

gen

eral

ly m

ade

from

the

woo

d of

Zan

thox

ylum

arm

atum

, bec

ause

of i

ts du

rabi

lity

and

pecu

liar s

cent

that

pre

vent

s da

iry p

rodu

cts

(whe

y an

d bu

tter)

from

reta

inin

g th

e un

plea

sant

sm

ell.

The

unpl

easa

nt s

mel

l in

dairy

pro

duct

s is

cau

sed

by in

fect

ion

of m

icro

orga

nism

s. If

a ‘m

adan

i’ of

Zan

thox

ylum

sp.

is u

sed

durin

g w

hey

prep

arat

ion,

the

fung

us

cann

ot im

med

iate

ly in

fect

the

prod

uct,

beca

use

the

spec

ies

poss

esse

s an

timic

robi

al p

rope

rties

.

Cultu

rally

impo

rtan

t spe

cies

Abi

es p

indr

ow R

oyle

(Pin

acea

e)G

obry

a, W

ood

In H

umla

and

Dar

chul

a di

stric

ts, tr

ee tr

unks

are

use

d as

flag

pol

es (D

obur

chhe

).

Abi

es s

pect

abili

s (D

. Don

) Mirb

. (Pi

nace

ae)

Gob

rya,

Woo

d

Ace

r cae

sium

Wal

l. ex

Bra

ndis

(Ace

race

ae)

Dal

aba

or T

ilailo

, W

ood

In H

umla

, kno

tty b

urs

of tr

unk

are

used

for m

akin

g dr

inki

ng c

ups

(Phu

ru).

Ace

r cap

pado

cicu

m G

led.

(Ace

race

ae)

Cah

jat o

r Tila

ilo,

Woo

d

Arte

mis

ia d

ubia

Wal

l. ex

Bes

ser (

Aste

race

ae)

Kurjo

or p

ati,

Leav

esIn

Bai

tadi

, and

Baj

hang

, lea

ves

of th

is s

peci

es a

re u

sed

to m

ake

ince

nse

for r

elig

ious

pur

pose

s.

Aeg

le m

arm

elos

(L.)

Cor

rea

(Rut

acea

e)Be

l, Le

aves

In B

aita

di d

istri

ct, l

eave

s of

‘Bel

’ are

use

d du

ring

relig

ious

cer

emon

ies,

par

ticul

arly

for w

orsh

ippi

ng lo

rd S

hiva

.

Bras

sica

rapa

L. (

Bras

sica

ceae

)To

ri, S

eeds

In B

aita

di a

nd B

ajha

ng, s

eeds

of ‘

Tori’

and

‘Mas

’ are

use

d du

ring

relig

ious

cer

emon

ies,

as

they

are

bel

ieve

d to

get

rid

of g

hosts

.

Vign

a m

ungo

(L.)

Hep

per (

Faba

ceae

)M

as, S

eeds

Ced

rus

deod

ara

(Rox

b. e

x D

. Don

) G. D

on

(Pin

acea

e)D

yar,

Who

le p

lant

In H

umla

, Dar

chul

a, a

nd B

aita

di d

istri

cts,

the

plan

t is

cons

ider

ed s

acre

d an

d pl

ante

d on

tem

ple

prem

ises

.

Ficu

s be

ngha

lens

is L

. (M

orac

eae)

Peep

al, L

eaf/

w

hole

pla

ntIn

Bai

tadi

and

Baj

hang

, lea

ves

of ‘P

eepa

l’ ar

e re

gard

ed a

s sa

cred

and

use

d du

ring

relig

ious

cer

emon

ies.

Hor

deum

vul

gare

L. (

Poac

eae)

Jau,

see

dsIn

Baj

hang

, Bai

tadi

, and

Dar

chul

a, s

eeds

of ‘

Jau’

are

use

d as

a s

acre

d of

ferin

g to

god

.

Inul

a ca

ppa

(Buc

h.-H

am. e

x D

. Don

) DC

. (A

stera

ceae

)N

aksu

pa, w

hole

pl

ant

Plan

t is

used

by

sham

ans

to tr

eat s

pirit

ual/

men

tal i

llnes

ses.

Jugl

ans

regi

a L.

(Jug

land

acea

e)O

khar

, Woo

d an

d ba

rkIn

Baj

hang

dis

trict

, woo

d an

d ba

rk o

f the

pla

nt a

re u

sed

durin

g de

ath

rites

.

Pice

a sm

ithia

na (W

all.)

Boi

ss. (

Pina

ceae

)Ja

m, W

ood

In H

umla

, tru

nk o

f the

tree

is u

sed

to m

ake

flag

pole

s.

27

Pinu

s w

allic

hian

a A

. B. J

acks

. (Pi

nace

ae)

Thes

ing

or s

allo

, W

ood

In H

umla

, tru

nk o

f the

tree

is u

sed

to m

ake

flag

pole

s.

Prun

us c

eras

oide

s D

. Don

(Ros

acea

e)Pa

iyun

, Woo

dIn

Baj

hang

and

Bai

tadi

dis

trict

s, w

ood

of th

e pl

ant i

s us

ed d

urin

g de

ath

rites

, as

it is

bel

ieve

d to

get

rid

of g

hosts

.

Nar

dosta

chys

gra

ndifl

ora

DC

. (Va

leria

nace

ae)

Bhul

te o

r Bhu

tkes

h,

Rhiz

ome

In H

umla

, Baj

hang

and

Dar

chul

a, rh

izom

e of

‘Bhu

lte’ i

s m

ixed

with

the

leav

es o

f Jun

iper

, ‘Ba

lu’ a

nd C

assi

ope

fasti

giat

a fo

r mak

ing

ince

nse

that

is b

elie

ved

to g

et ri

d of

gho

sts.

Cas

siop

e fa

stigi

ata

(Wal

l.) D

. Don

(Eric

acea

e)Pa

suk,

who

le p

lant

Rhod

oden

dron

ant

hopo

gon

D. D

on (E

ricac

eae)

Balu

, Lea

f

Juni

peru

s in

dica

Ber

tol.

(Cup

ress

acea

e)Su

kpa

or D

hupi

, le

aves

Tsug

a du

mos

a (D

. Don

) Eic

hler

(Pin

acea

e)A

ggar

, Woo

dIn

Hum

la, t

he p

lant

is re

gard

ed a

s hi

ghly

sac

red;

a s

mal

l pie

ce o

f woo

d is

nee

ded

durin

g di

ffere

nt o

ccas

ions

, suc

h as

mar

riage

, fun

eral

rit

es, o

bseq

uies

rite

s, fi

re o

fferin

g et

c.; t

he w

ood

is e

spec

ially

val

ued

for m

akin

g ‘d

oli’,

a k

ind

of p

alan

quin

con

sisti

ng o

f a c

over

ed s

eat

for t

he b

ride.

Peo

ple

belie

ve th

at b

urni

ng th

e de

ad o

n a

pyre

mad

e of

this

woo

d is

aus

pici

ous.

Woo

d pa

ste is

app

lied

on th

e fo

rehe

ad

as ‘c

hand

an’.

Zant

hoxy

lum

arm

atum

DC

. (Ru

tace

ae)

Tim

ur, W

ood

In B

aita

di, w

ood

of ‘T

imur

’ is

kept

in h

ouse

s to

get

rid

of g

hosts

.

Bam

boo

(Nig

alo)

Dre

pano

stach

yum

falc

atum

(Nee

s) K

eng

f. (P

oace

ae)

Nig

alo,

Cul

mPr

epar

atio

n of

diff

eren

t arti

fact

s (lo

cally

cal

led

‘dok

o-da

lo’)

is a

ver

y co

mm

on p

ract

ice

thro

ugho

ut B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct, p

artic

ular

ly in

Kan

da

VDC

. Rat

tan

has

long

bee

n a

maj

or tr

ade

item

in th

e di

stric

t. Ra

ttan

item

s (b

aske

ts, m

ats,

cag

es, s

mok

ing

pipe

s, e

tc.)

are

mad

e fro

m th

e ba

rk o

f the

cul

ms

of D

repa

nosta

chyu

m fa

lcat

um (N

igal

o). F

or th

is p

urpo

se, t

he c

ulm

s of

des

ired

leng

th a

re c

olle

cted

, all

the

bran

chle

ts an

d le

aves

are

rem

oved

, and

the

unbr

oken

out

er b

ark,

loca

lly c

alle

d ‘C

hoya

’, ar

e pe

eled

out

. The

rem

aini

ng in

ner (

hypo

derm

al) p

ortio

n is

cal

led

‘Gud

o’. B

oth

‘Cho

ya’ a

nd ‘G

udo’

are

use

d fo

r mak

ing

bask

etry

arti

cles

; how

ever

, tho

se p

repa

red

from

‘Cho

ya’ h

ave

mor

e te

nsile

stre

ngth

and

mor

e du

rabl

e th

an th

ose

prep

ared

from

‘Gud

o’. A

fter t

he e

pide

rmal

and

hyp

oder

mal

por

tion

is p

eele

d of

f, th

ese

peel

s ar

e pi

led

up a

nd s

ubm

erge

d in

wat

er fo

r 6 to

7 d

ays,

afte

r whi

ch th

ey b

ecom

e m

ore

flexi

ble

and

can

be b

ent i

n an

y di

rect

ion

durin

g w

eavi

ng. T

hese

pee

ls ar

e th

en u

sed

for w

eavi

ng d

iffer

ent a

rtifa

cts.

Oth

er tr

aditi

onal

pra

ctic

es

Aes

andr

a bu

tyra

cea

(Rox

b.) B

aehn

i (S

apot

acea

e)C

hiur

o, N

ecta

rA

esan

dra

buty

race

a, lo

cally

cal

led

‘Chi

uro’

is a

mul

tipur

pose

pla

nt. R

ipe

fruits

are

con

sum

ed fo

r its

swee

t jui

ce, a

nd th

e re

mai

ning

se

eds,

afte

r the

con

sum

ptio

n of

juic

e, a

re u

sed

for f

at e

xtra

ctio

n. F

low

erin

g se

ason

of t

he p

lant

is O

ctob

er-N

ovem

ber.

Hon

ey p

rodu

ced

from

suc

h re

gion

s du

ring

this

per

iod

is c

onsi

dere

d to

be

of h

igh

qual

ity a

nd p

opul

arly

kno

wn

as ‘K

artik

e M

aha’

. Nec

tar f

rom

the

flow

ers

of th

is p

lant

is u

sed

by h

oney

bee

s to

pro

duce

hig

h-qu

ality

hon

ey. T

he h

oney

is b

elie

ved

to h

ave

med

icin

al p

rope

rties

and

use

d to

trea

t cu

ts, b

urns

, boi

ls, s

tom

acha

che,

par

alys

is, p

ain

in m

uscl

es a

nd jo

ints,

etc

. The

nec

tar i

s al

so c

olle

cted

by

farm

ers

to m

ake

high

gra

de

‘gud

’, w

hich

is v

ery

expe

nsiv

e ev

en in

loca

l mar

kets.

Jagg

ery

‘sw

eet (

gud)

’ pre

para

tion:

Dur

ing

the

flow

erin

g se

ason

, nec

tar i

s co

llect

ed fr

om th

e pl

ant,

whi

ch is

a te

diou

s jo

b. F

or th

is

purp

ose,

a b

owl t

ied

on to

p of

a lo

ng s

tick

is p

lace

d un

der t

he c

luste

rs o

f flow

ers

and

the

nect

ar fa

llen

from

the

clus

ters

get

s co

llect

ed in

th

e bo

wl.

At o

ne ti

me,

nec

tar i

s co

llect

ed fr

om 5

to 1

0 cl

uste

rs. T

hen

the

nect

ar is

tran

sfer

red

to a

larg

er p

ot ti

ed to

the

wai

st of

a p

erso

n or

a n

earb

y br

anch

. The

pro

cess

is re

peat

ed fo

r oth

er b

unch

es o

f flow

ers

and

the

activ

ity is

con

tinue

d fo

r sev

eral

day

s til

l the

flow

ers

give

sm

all f

ruits

. In

this

way

, abo

ut 6

kg

of n

ecta

r is

colle

cted

from

5 to

6 m

atur

e tre

es a

nd 3

kg

of ja

gger

y ‘g

ud’ c

an b

e pr

epar

ed fr

om

it. D

urin

g gu

d pr

epar

atio

n, th

e ne

ctar

is b

oile

d th

ree

times

so

that

its

volu

me

is re

duce

d to

hal

f and

it tu

rns

visc

ous.

The

flui

d is

allo

wed

to

coo

l and

sol

idify

. Thi

s gu

d co

sts N

PR 5

00 to

700

per

kg

in th

e lo

cal m

arke

t, an

d is

use

d to

trea

t the

abo

ve-m

entio

ned

dise

ases

.

Ach

yran

thes

asp

era

L. (A

mar

anth

acea

e)Ku

rro,

Roo

tIn

Baj

hang

dis

trict

, fre

sh ro

ots

of ‘K

urro

’ are

bea

ten

and

the

paste

is u

sed

as a

sub

stitu

te o

f soa

p.

28

Sapi

ndus

muk

oros

si G

aertn

. (Sa

pind

acea

e)Ri

tha,

Fru

itIn

Bai

tadi

dis

trict

, ‘rit

ha’ i

s a

com

mon

tree

. ‘Ri

tha’

cul

tivat

ion

is a

com

mon

pra

ctic

e in

the

regi

on. L

ocal

peo

ple

have

bee

n us

ing

the

fruit

of th

is s

peci

es a

s a

subs

titut

e of

soa

p. F

or th

is p

urpo

se, t

hey

beat

the

pulp

of t

he m

atur

e fru

it to

mak

e it

pow

dery

. The

n th

e po

wde

r is

soak

ed in

wat

er fo

r hou

rs a

nd th

en th

e m

ixtu

re is

use

d to

was

h cl

othe

s an

d ha

ir. H

owev

er, ‘

Rith

a’ is

not

freq

uent

ly u

sed

thes

e da

ys fo

r w

ashi

ng p

urpo

ses.

It is

a c

omm

only

trad

ed it

em.

Sile

ne s

p. (C

aryo

phyl

lace

ae)

Nar

o, ro

otIn

Hum

la a

nd D

arch

ula

distr

icts,

the

root

s of

‘nar

o’ a

re p

owde

red

and

used

as

a su

bstit

ute

of s

oap.

Hay

(for

age)

col

lect

ion

and

stor

age

Peop

le o

f Baj

hang

and

Bai

tadi

sto

re fo

rage

for w

inte

r sea

son

whe

n th

ere

is a

sca

rcity

of f

orag

e an

d fo

dder

. For

this

pur

pose

, eac

h ho

useh

old

has

a se

para

te p

iece

of l

and,

loca

lly k

now

n as

‘Gaj

al’ o

r ‘M

elo’

. Th

ese

are

gene

rally

dry

pat

ches

of l

and

on s

teep

slo

pes

whe

re it

’s no

t pos

sibl

e to

gro

w c

rops

. The

land

is u

sed

for g

row

ing

gras

ses,

whi

ch a

re lo

cally

kno

wn

as ‘G

ajjo

’ or ‘

Khar

’. Th

ose

who

do

not h

ave

a se

para

te ‘G

ajal

’ go

to th

e go

vern

men

t for

est f

or ‘G

ajjo

’ col

lect

ion.

‘Gaj

jo’ i

s co

llect

ed in

Oct

ober

-Nov

embe

r; pe

ople

cut

the

gras

s an

d le

ave

it fo

r 4 to

5 d

ays

to le

t it d

ry. T

hen

they

pile

d up

the

gras

s an

d sto

re

it on

the

trees

of ‘

Gaj

al’ o

r brin

g it

hom

e an

d sto

re it

on

the

pole

s of

pin

e or

som

e ot

her t

rees

. The

sto

red

‘Gaj

jo’ i

s ca

lled

‘luto

’. Th

is m

etho

d of

sto

rage

has

two

adva

ntag

es: F

irst,

biom

ass

of th

e gr

asse

s in

the

‘Gaj

al’ i

s m

axim

um d

urin

g O

ctob

er-N

ovem

ber.

Ther

efor

e, if

the

gras

s is

har

veste

d du

ring

this

sea

son,

it w

ill a

ddre

ss th

e ne

ed fo

r for

age

durin

g w

inte

r. Se

cond

ly, ‘G

ajjo

’ mai

nly

incl

udes

the

spec

ies

of P

oa,

Brac

hiar

ia, S

tipa,

Aro

gros

tis, P

aspa

lum

, Cyp

erus

, etc

. Spe

cies

of P

oa, S

tipa,

Cyp

erus

, etc

. con

tain

som

e m

etab

olite

s (a

lkal

oide

s), a

nd th

eref

ore,

if th

ey a

re g

iven

to c

attle

as

fresh

feed

, may

har

m th

e ca

ttle.

But

dr

ied

and

store

d gr

asse

s pr

obab

ly d

o no

t con

tain

suc

h al

kalo

ides

.In

Dar

chul

a, g

rass

es a

re a

vaila

ble

in th

e gr

assla

nds

as w

ell a

s ag

ricul

tura

l fiel

ds th

at h

ave

been

aba

ndon

ed fo

r a d

ecad

e. A

band

oned

fiel

ds a

re n

ot c

ultiv

ated

now

due

to la

bour

sho

rtage

. Peo

ple

are

allo

wed

to

col

lect

fora

ge fr

om c

omm

on g

rass

land

and

priv

ate-

owne

d gr

assla

nds.

For

fora

ge c

olle

ctio

n, th

e vi

llage

rs fi

x a

day

afte

r a fe

w d

ays

afte

r the

full

moo

n. G

rass

es a

re c

ut, p

iled

in th

e lo

ng b

unch

es, a

nd th

en

store

d on

the

near

by tr

ees

for f

urth

er d

ryin

g up

and

then

use

d to

feed

the

cattl

e du

ring

win

ter s

easo

n. M

ain

fora

ge s

peci

es c

olle

cted

from

the

gras

sland

s ar

e Pe

dicu

laris

sp.

, Pot

entil

la s

p., N

epet

a sp

., Im

patie

ns

sp.,

Poa

sp.,

Stip

a sp

., Ko

bres

ia s

p., S

wer

tia s

p. e

tc.

Sour

pre

para

tion

Citr

us a

uran

tifol

ia (C

hris

t.) S

win

gle

(Rut

acea

e)Jy

amir,

Fru

itSo

ur is

pre

pare

d fro

m th

e fru

its o

f sev

eral

spe

cies

and

sto

red.

How

ever

, mai

n sp

ecie

s us

ed a

re th

e sp

ecie

s of

Citr

us (C

. med

ica,

C.

auric

ulat

a, e

tc.),

and

Pun

ica

gran

atum

, and

Rhu

s ja

vani

ca. R

ipe

fruits

of t

he s

peci

es a

re m

acer

ated

and

raw

juic

e is

ext

ract

ed. T

hen

the

juic

e is

thor

ough

ly b

oile

d in

a m

etal

lic (i

ron)

pot

unt

il it

is re

duce

d by

10

to 1

5 tim

es; s

our p

repa

red

in a

n iro

n po

t is

cons

ider

ed to

be

good

for h

ealth

. The

n th

e so

ur b

ecom

es b

lack

and

vis

cous

. A fe

w p

ods

of fr

ied

red

chili

and

som

etim

es s

alt c

rysta

ls ar

e al

so m

ixed

with

it

befo

re it

is s

tore

d fo

r the

long

term

.

Citr

us li

mon

(L.)

Burm

. f. (

Ruta

ceae

)Ka

gti,

Frui

t

Citr

us m

edic

a L.

(Rut

acea

e)C

huk

or A

milo

, Fr

uit

Puni

ca g

rana

tum

L. (

Puni

cace

ae)

Dad

im, S

eeds

Rhus

java

nica

Mill

er (A

naca

rdia

ceae

)Bh

akam

ilo, F

ruits

Trad

ition

al m

etho

d of

food

sto

rage

dur

ing

win

ter

Peop

le o

f Bya

s m

igra

te to

low

er a

ltitu

des,

mos

tly to

Kha

lang

a, th

e di

stric

t hea

dqua

rters

of D

arch

ula,

dur

ing

win

ter s

easo

n. T

hey

have

to

sto

re fo

od g

rain

s an

d ve

geta

bles

at h

ome

durin

g th

is p

erio

d. F

or th

is p

urpo

se th

ey d

ig a

big

pit

of a

bout

6ft

dept

h an

d co

ver t

he p

it w

all w

ith p

aper

y ba

rk o

f Bet

ula

utili

s (B

irch)

, whi

ch is

sup

porte

d by

the

fram

e of

Sal

ix s

peci

es b

ranc

hes,

loca

lly k

now

n as

Kun

dli.

They

pu

t gra

ins

and

vege

tabl

es in

the

pit a

nd c

over

it w

ith la

yers

of b

irch

bark

, sla

te-li

ke s

tone

s an

d so

il. L

ocal

peo

ple

clai

m th

at th

e ta

ste o

f ve

geta

bles

sto

red

in th

is m

anne

r doe

s no

t det

erio

rate

eve

n af

ter a

bout

hal

f a y

ear.

29

Ann

ex 2

: Tra

ditio

nal k

now

ledg

e on

ani

mal

res

ourc

es u

sed

by lo

cal c

omm

uniti

es in

KSL

Nep

al

Scie

ntifi

c na

me

(fam

ily)

Loca

l ver

nacu

lar

nam

e(s)

, and

par

t(s)

used

Rem

arks

Mos

chus

chr

ysog

aste

r L.

(Mos

chid

ae)

Kastu

ri, F

urLo

cal p

eopl

es o

f Dar

chul

a us

e th

e fu

r of m

usk

deer

to m

ake

cush

ions

and

bed

ding

. Acc

ordi

ng to

them

, to

mak

e a

bed

of 6

-feet

leng

th, 3

-feet

bre

adth

, an

d 2-

inch

thic

knes

s, th

ey re

quire

fur o

f abo

ut s

even

dee

r. C

ushi

ons

mad

e th

us a

re to

ughe

r and

less

com

forta

ble

to s

leep

on

com

pare

d to

cot

ton

and

woo

l cus

hion

s, b

ut p

osse

ss h

igh

med

icin

al v

alue

and

kno

wn

to c

ure

pain

in th

e m

uscl

es, j

oint

s an

d he

ad. S

uch

cush

ions

are

ver

y ex

pens

ive,

wor

th

abou

t 5,0

00–7

,000

(Ind

ian

Cur

renc

y) in

the

inte

rnat

iona

l mar

ket.

Peop

le a

lso c

onsu

me

the

mea

t of m

usk

deer

.

Mar

mot

a bo

bak

Mul

ler

(Sci

urid

ae)

Phya

u M

usa,

Fat

Loca

l hea

lers

use

the

paste

of r

hizo

me

of F

ritill

aria

cirr

hosa

(ban

lasu

n) m

ixed

with

eith

er ra

pese

ed o

il (s

arso

o oi

l) or

fat o

f Him

alay

an m

arm

ot (p

hyau

m

usa,

Mar

mot

a bo

bak)

. The

pas

te is

app

lied

exte

rnal

ly o

ver t

he a

ffect

ed s

urfa

ce tw

ice

a da

y fo

r the

per

iod

of o

ne m

onth

.

Pant

hera

spe

cies

(Fel

idae

)Ba

agh,

Bon

e m

arro

wVa

idhy

a Ra

tan

Sing

h of

Dar

chul

a pr

epar

es d

osag

es o

f aph

rodi

siac

med

icin

e by

mix

ing

tiger

bon

e ba

rrow

with

equ

al p

ropo

rtion

s of

Oph

ioco

rdyc

eps

sine

nsis

and

saf

fron.

Acc

ordi

ng to

him

, reg

ular

ly u

sing

this

med

icin

e fo

r at l

east

15 d

oses

giv

es th

e be

st ef

fect

.

Urs

us th

ibet

anus

G. C

uvie

r (U

rsid

ae)

Bhal

u, G

all

Acc

ordi

ng to

vai

dhya

Kris

hna

Boha

ra o

f Baj

hang

, abo

ut 5

gra

ms

of d

ried

gall

is m

ixed

with

the

pow

der o

f Pip

er lo

ngum

(pip

la),

Zant

hoxy

lum

ar

mat

um (t

imur

), C

oria

ndru

m s

ativ

um (d

hani

ya),

Gin

gibe

r offi

cina

le (a

duw

a), n

utm

eg (j

aiph

al &

jaip

atri)

(20

gram

s). A

bout

5 g

ram

s of

suc

h m

ixtu

re

is g

iven

to th

e pa

tient

of a

sthm

a, m

alar

ia, o

r epi

leps

y at

the

time

of s

ever

e at

tack

by

the

dise

ase.

App

licat

ion

of 5

to 6

dos

es o

f suc

h m

ixtu

re w

ill h

elp

cure

the

dise

ase.

Falc

o tin

nunc

ulus

L.

(Fal

coni

dae)

‘Bag

chad

i’ or

‘B

aund

ai’,

Mea

tA

ccor

ding

to V

aidh

ya K

rishn

a Bo

hara

of B

ajha

ng, m

eat o

f the

com

mon

falc

on, l

ocal

ly c

alle

d ‘B

agch

adi’

or ‘B

aund

ai’,

poss

esse

s m

edic

inal

pro

perti

es

that

cur

e ep

ileps

y. F

or th

is p

urpo

se, v

aidh

yas

gene

rally

pre

scrib

e th

e dr

ied

mea

t of t

he fa

lcon

bec

ause

they

bel

ieve

d it

poss

esse

s be

tter m

edic

inal

pr

oper

ties

than

the

fresh

one

.

Hys

trix

indi

ca L

. (H

ystri

cida

e)Sw

ado

or D

umsi

, A

limen

tary

can

alA

ccor

ding

to V

aidh

ya K

rishn

a Bo

hara

of B

ajha

ng, t

he w

hole

alim

enta

ry c

anal

of t

he p

orcu

pine

, alo

ng w

ith it

s in

side

con

tent

, is

drie

d an

d ab

out 1

5 gr

ams

of s

uch

mat

eria

l is

give

n to

the

patie

nt o

f asth

ma

(twic

e a

day)

.

Nae

mor

hedu

s go

ral H

ardw

icke

(B

ovid

ae)

Jhar

al, A

limen

tary

ca

nal

Acc

ordi

ng to

Vai

dhya

Kris

hna

Boha

ra o

f Baj

hang

, ‘Jh

aral

’ pos

sess

es m

edic

inal

pro

perti

es fo

r cur

ing

mal

aria

l fev

er. F

or th

is p

urpo

se, g

all o

r alim

enta

ry

cana

l of t

he d

eer i

s dr

ied

and

abou

t 5 g

ram

s of

it is

giv

en to

the

patie

nt o

nce

or tw

ice

a da

y.

Drie

d ga

ll of

‘Dan

phe’

and

gal

l of fi

sh fr

om th

e w

arm

er re

gion

s (a

ulo

mac

hha)

are

also

use

d to

cur

e th

e sa

me

dise

ase

in a

sim

ilar w

ay.

Loph

opho

rus

impe

janu

s La

tham

(P

hasi

anid

ae)

Dan

phe,

Drie

d ga

ll

Uro

ciss

a er

ythr

orhy

ncha

Bo

ddae

rt (C

orvi

dae)

Lam

puch

hre

Cha

do,

Feat

her

Loca

l hea

lers

of B

ajha

ng u

se th

e bi

rd to

cur

e ch

roni

c he

adac

he. F

or th

is p

urpo

se, t

he fe

athe

r of t

he b

ird is

rubb

ed o

n sto

ne a

nd th

e pa

ste o

btai

ned

thus

is ru

bbed

on

the

head

; abo

ut 5

gra

m o

f it i

s pl

aced

on

the

tong

ue.

Mal

e ch

ado

(Loc

al n

ame)

Drie

d m

eat

Acc

ordi

ng to

the

loca

l hea

lers

of B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct, d

ried

mea

t of t

his

bird

is g

iven

to a

sthm

a pa

tient

s.

Woo

l ext

ract

ion

and

proc

essi

ngIn

Dar

chul

a, H

umla

, and

Baj

hang

dis

trict

s, s

heep

are

she

ared

for w

ool t

wic

e a

year

– o

nce

durin

g A

pril-

May

whe

n th

e sh

eep

are

read

y to

mov

e up

war

ds to

Tib

et a

nd o

nce

durin

g Se

ptem

ber-O

ctob

er w

hen

the

shee

p re

turn

ing

from

Tib

et re

ach

thei

r vill

ages

. Tem

pera

ture

, rai

nfal

l, an

d w

ind

are

thus

the

mai

n de

term

inin

g fa

ctor

s fo

r woo

l har

vesti

ng. O

ne s

heep

giv

es a

bout

1.5

kg

of w

ool i

n a

year

and

1 k

g of

loca

l woo

l is

wor

th N

PR 6

0–70

in

the

loca

l mar

ket.

In B

ajha

ng d

istri

ct, w

ool i

s ha

rves

ted

form

‘Kha

lwa’

as

wel

l as

‘Bhe

da/

Path

a’ (b

reed

ers)

. The

woo

l obt

aine

d fro

m lo

cal v

arie

ties

is u

sed

to m

ake

blan

kets,

pum

ilo, e

tc. I

n D

arch

ula

distr

ict,

ther

e ar

e tw

o lo

cal v

arie

ties

of s

heep

that

pro

duce

diff

eren

t qua

litie

s of

woo

l – ‘K

hasr

o’, a

nd ‘U

niya

’. H

owev

er, t

hey

are

calle

d ‘p

alti

path

a’ if

they

are

onl

y us

ed a

s br

eeds

and

not

to c

arry

goo

ds, a

nd ‘d

haka

riya

path

a’ if

they

are

use

d to

car

ry g

oods

. W

ool f

rom

the

‘Uni

ya’ v

arie

ty is

sof

ter,

dura

ble

and

heav

ier,

and

is th

eref

ore

cons

ider

ed to

be

of b

ette

r qua

lity

than

woo

l obt

aine

d fro

m th

e ‘K

hasr

o’

varie

ty. H

owev

er, w

ool o

btai

ned

from

bot

h th

ese

varie

ties

of s

heep

are

of l

ower

qua

lity

com

pare

d to

woo

l obt

aine

d fro

m th

e Ti

beta

n va

riety

she

ep

‘Rab

oo’ a

nd ‘B

hank

er’.

Ther

efor

e, w

ool o

btai

ned

from

loca

l var

ietie

s is

use

d to

mak

e bl

anke

ts, p

umilo

, etc

. for

loca

l use

onl

y, w

here

as h

igh

qual

ity

pash

min

a is

onl

y pr

epar

ed fr

om th

e w

ool o

f the

Tib

etan

she

ep.

Afte

r woo

l har

vesti

ng, t

he w

ool i

s fir

st be

aten

thor

ough

ly w

ith a

woo

den

bat a

nd w

ashe

d w

ith ‘S

apin

dus’

, ‘A

chyr

anth

es’ o

r ‘Si

lene

’ roo

t. Th

e w

ool i

s th

en d

yed

usin

g a

dye

obta

ined

from

‘Mah

aran

ga’,

‘Rhe

um’ o

r ‘A

ngau

’ (lo

cal n

ames

) spe

cies

or c

omm

erci

al d

ye a

vaila

ble

in th

e In

dian

mar

ket.

30

Her

dsm

en’s

know

ledg

e ab

out

the

graz

ing

beha

viou

r of

di

ffere

nt a

nim

als

In D

arch

ula,

and

Baj

hang

, loc

al h

erds

men

pra

ctis

e liv

esto

ck h

usba

ndry

, whi

ch c

ompr

ise

shee

p, c

hyan

gra,

hor

ses

and

mul

es. T

hey

have

iden

tified

th

e gr

azin

g pr

efer

ence

s of

thes

e an

imal

s. T

hey

gene

rally

do

not b

ring

hors

es/m

ules

and

she

ep to

the

gras

sland

at t

he s

ame

time.

The

y fir

st m

ove

the

shee

p to

the

new

gra

ssla

nd, a

nd th

e ho

rses

and

mul

es fo

llow

afte

r a fe

w d

ays.

Alth

ough

the

diet

s of

thes

e an

imal

s do

not

ove

rlap

sign

ifica

ntly,

she

ep

pref

er n

ot to

gra

ze o

n gr

asse

s al

read

y gr

azed

on

and

tram

pled

by

othe

r liv

esto

ck. B

esid

es, t

hey

do n

ot li

ke to

gra

ze o

n ve

ry s

hort

gras

ses.

How

ever

, ho

rses

and

mul

es g

raze

on

land

s al

read

y gr

azed

on

by s

heep

and

can

also

gra

ze o

n ve

ry ti

ny g

rass

es. T

he p

ract

ice

of g

razi

ng d

iffer

ent a

nim

als

at

diffe

rent

tim

es o

n th

e ne

w g

rass

land

sho

ws

the

loca

l peo

ple’

s kn

owle

dge

abou

t the

live

stock

’s gr

azin

g pr

efer

ence

s an

d be

havi

our,

and

rang

elan

d m

anag

emen

t.

Mus

k co

llect

ion

Prof

essi

onal

hun

ters

sea

rch

for t

he h

abita

t of t

he m

usk

deer

dur

ing

dayt

ime.

The

n th

ey s

urro

und

the

habi

tat a

t nig

ht w

hen

the

deer

retu

rn to

thei

r ha

bita

t. Th

e hu

nter

s do

not

aim

to k

ill th

e de

er b

ut tr

y ju

st to

inju

re a

nd c

aptu

re it

and

take

out

the

mus

k be

fore

its

deat

h. M

usk

take

n ou

t bef

ore

the

deat

h of

the

deer

is o

f the

bes

t qua

lity

and

fetc

hes

the

high

est p

rice

in in

tern

atio

nal m

arke

ts. S

uch

mus

k is

yel

low

ish

in c

olou

r. Th

e m

usk

take

n fro

m th

e de

er a

fter i

ts de

ath

is o

f sec

ond

grad

e qu

ality

and

slig

htly

bro

wni

sh o

r bla

ckis

h in

col

our.

Afte

r tak

ing

the

mus

k fro

m th

e po

uch,

hun

ters

fill

the

pouc

h w

ith th

e bl

ood

of th

e de

er a

nd a

llow

it to

dry

. The

blo

od a

lso p

osse

sses

the

sam

e sm

ell a

s th

e m

usk

and

the

trade

rs s

ell i

t as

dupl

icat

e m

usk.

Falc

on c

olle

ctio

n A

ccor

ding

to th

e lo

cal p

eopl

e of

Chh

yang

ru v

illag

e an

d th

e ra

nge

post

staff,

falc

on c

olle

ctio

n w

as c

omm

on in

the

past

but n

ow th

e po

pula

tion

has

decr

ease

d dr

astic

ally.

To

capt

ure

falc

ons,

the

colle

ctor

s ke

ep c

hick

ens

or o

ther

bird

s at

diff

eren

t spo

ts in

the

mou

ntai

ns. W

hen

the

falc

on p

ounc

es o

n th

e bi

rd, i

t get

s tra

pped

in a

net

cal

led

‘pas

ho’.

The

colle

cted

falc

ons

wer

e tra

ded

illeg

ally

to T

ibet

. Acc

ordi

ng to

the

info

rman

ts, tr

ader

s fro

m T

ibet

and

el

sew

here

use

d th

e fa

lcon

s to

pre

y on

oth

er e

cono

mic

ally

impo

rtant

bird

s su

ch a

s ‘R

ajha

ns’,

whi

ch is

bel

ieve

d to

kee

p pe

arls

in it

s sto

mac

h.

Met

hod

of s

torin

g w

oolle

n cl

othe

sW

oolle

n ite

ms

like

blan

kets,

pas

hmin

as, e

tc. a

re s

tore

d af

ter t

heir

use

durin

g sp

ecia

l occ

asio

ns. T

hey

also

hav

e to

be

store

d be

fore

they

are

put

on

sale

or

afte

r the

sal

e is

ove

r. Lo

cal p

eopl

e ha

ve th

eir o

wn

tradi

tiona

l sto

rage

met

hod

that

allo

ws

them

to s

afel

y sto

re v

alua

ble

woo

llen

item

s fo

r yea

rs. T

hey

take

thei

r woo

llen

clot

hes

to b

e sto

red

in th

eir v

illag

es a

t hig

her e

leva

tions

(coo

ler p

lace

s), i

.e.,

Chh

yang

ru a

nd T

inka

r. Th

ey d

ig a

pit

seve

ral f

eet d

eep

and

as lo

ng a

nd w

ide

as th

e ite

ms

to b

e sto

red.

The

pit

is la

yere

d w

ith w

oode

n fra

mes

, and

the

fram

es a

re c

over

ed w

ith th

e pa

pery

bar

k of

birc

h. T

he

woo

llen

item

s ar

e stu

ffed

in th

e pi

t and

the

pit i

s co

vere

d w

ith th

e ba

rk o

f birc

h, th

en w

ith a

woo

den

fram

e, a

nd fi

nally

with

soi

l.

Yak

rais

ing

in B

yas

villa

geA

ccor

ding

to M

r. D

an S

ingh

Tin

kari

(form

er p

resi

dent

of W

ard

7 of

Bya

s VD

C) o

f Chh

yang

ru v

illag

e, th

ere

wer

e tw

o ya

ks in

the

villa

ge, w

hich

wer

e on

ly u

sed

as b

reed

. How

ever

, one

yak

die

d re

cent

ly, le

avin

g be

hind

onl

y a

sing

le y

ak n

ear t

he T

inka

r vill

age.

The

y on

ly u

sed

to k

eep

thei

r yak

s in

the

‘Got

h’ n

ear T

inka

r vill

age

beca

use

the

clim

ate

and

topo

grap

hy b

elow

Tin

kar a

re n

ot fa

vour

able

for y

aks.

It is

inte

resti

ng to

hav

e ve

ry li

ttle

num

ber o

f ya

ks in

the

Byas

VD

C. A

ccor

ding

to lo

cal p

eopl

e, th

e re

ason

s w

hy th

ere

are

such

few

yak

s ar

e: y

aks

are

only

use

d as

bre

eds

with

no

any

alte

rnat

ive

uses

; hig

her t

empe

ratu

re a

nd p

reci

pita

tion

but l

ower

win

d cu

rren

t in

the

villa

ge in

com

paris

on to

Tib

et; l

ack

of c

aret

aker

s fo

r the

yak

s in

the

villa

ges,

be

caus

e m

ost o

f the

vill

ager

s m

ove

to lo

wer

alti

tude

s (a

t or n

ear D

arch

ula

distr

ict h

eadq

uarte

rs) d

urin

g w

inte

r mon

ths,

leav

ing

thei

r yak

s in

Tin

kar;

Byas

his

don’

t use

the

leat

her,

mea

t or b

ones

of y

aks

and

Jhop

as.

31

32

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