1

Through The Lens of Folk Media: Conceptualising Gender and Identity

in Vulli Dhanaraju & Kh. Narendra Singh (eds). Contesting Gender History, Politics and

Identity; pp 33-43; 2016, New Delhi: Dominant publishers.

ABSTRACT

Communication as a process is centred on the cultural dialectics in a society. Since culture

outlines the environment within which a message is deciphered, folk media has been an

effective channel for propagating messages in societies since times immemorial. The folk

media is inclusive of oral tradition, customs and rituals, which are complex communicative

resources. This folk media in tribal societies is a reservoir of ethnic knowledge and it is

embedded in the cultural ideology of the tribespeople. Though contemporary forms of

communication have predominantly entered the public domain, yet the dependence on

indigenous media still persists. On this set, this paper seeks to delve into the role of folk

media in conceptualising gender and identity equations, among the Khasis of Meghalaya. The

Khasi tribe reside in the quaint hills of the state of Meghalaya in North-east India, and are

unique as a tribe for they follow matriliny. An analysis of the folk forms of the Khasis like

oral narratives, rituals and performances can give an insight into the constructions of

masculinity and femininity within the society and also of the larger Khasi identity. In-depth

study of the folk media can give insight about constitution of gender and tribal identity, that

has come under the influence of globalization, modernization and new media hegemony.

KEYWORDS:- Folk Media, Tribe, Matriliny, Gender and identity.

2

“Of all relations the most universal is that of identity, being common to every being, whose

existence has any duration”- David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature, 1738

INTRODUCTION

This paper explores the intersection of folk media, gender and identity in the context of the

Khasi society. In the present times gender has become an important concern in the academia

owing to ascend in the feminist movement, in India particularly after the post independence

era. The perception of gender is closely knit with the prudence of finding ones identity and

the subsequent assertion of that identity. Folk media emerge as a rich cultural reservoir that

collects ethnic knowledge, and this is used as base to understand the symphony of gender and

identity.

The term “identity” has been derived from the Latin word “idem” which means the same, but

as simple as the literal meaning may be the concept of identity is as complex. The vast

scholarship associated with the study of identity has reinstated over the years that the

understating of identity relies both upon its similarities and differences. “So identity need not

mean an absolute or perfect identity” (Dundes 1989, 4). There has always been a conflict in

conceptualising identity and the dichotomy revolves around personal identity and group

identity. That is to say for an individual or a group it is not enough to simply assert an

identity. “It also needed to be validated (or not) by those with whom one had dealings”

(Jodhka 2001, 19). Merely conveying a message about the uniqueness of one’s identity is not

all, it is imperative that the message is acknowledged by considerable others, ahead of it

being established. “Identities were therefore to be found and negotiated at the boundaries of

the internal and external” (ibid, 20). Furthermore, the cognisant of having a personal identity

has its foundation on two coinciding realms 1) the perception of selfsameness and

continuance of one’s existence in time and space 2) the perception that there are others who

acknowledge this sameness and continuance of existence. “No one has an identity on an

uninhabited island, one has it only in so far as one is ‘with others’” (Dundes 1989, 5).

Classical theorists of sociology, Mead and Cooley, in their work spoke of the importance of

meaningful communications as an element of the social process, which helps in the formation

of an “individual self” and the role of the “other” in the construction of a person’s self-

3

identity. It is in particular the connection of self with others in correlation to identity that is of

significance. “The term identity points to an individual’s links with the unique values,

fostered by a unique history, of his people”. Herein it is pertinent to mention that the concept

of sameness arises out of the continuous sharing of some form of fundamental character with

others.

To understand, what the fundamental character is and how it helps in the formation of

identity the role of the ‘folk’ comes in. “The essential feature of any identity system is an

individual’s belief in his personal affiliation with certain symbols, or, more accurately, with

what certain symbols stand for ” (ibid,7-8). The question arises as to how these symbols are

communicated. Folk becomes the channel of communication that is used for the expression

and perpetuation of the symbols.

What is Folk Media?

Traditional cultural forms are considered as folk media which is embedded in indigenous

culture, evolving in diverse societies and growing over time, they have been incessantly used

for moral, religious and socio-political edification. Media implies the medium/ channel of

communication. Communication as a method is centred on the cultural dialectics in a society.

Because culture outlines the environment in which a message is deciphered,

folk media forms continue to stand out as valuable channels for broadcasting messages. From

times immemorial, human beings and animals alike have developed their system of

communicating. Even before the advent of modern modes of communication like print and

electronic media, unique technique like beating of drums to signal danger, cave paintings, etc.

were effectively used for communication. These primordial methods of communication are

known to many as folk media. Herein, folk media is of significance because it is an

expression of a clan’s ethnic and religious identity, and it is inclusive of oral tradition,

customs and rituals.

What constitutes the folk is of significance. It is inclusive of dances, music, tales, lores,

myths, legends, proverbs, food, medicine, games, customs and rituals. While discussing

about ethnic groups, Max Weber in his work Economy and Society, looks upon customs as

being a vital element in describing ethnicity. Customs are but the standard genus of the folk.

Notably, folk also refers to “to any group of people whatsoever who share at least one

common factor”. (Dundes 1989, 11). Member of a group may not be acquainted with other

members, but there is a likelihood that he will be aware of the common core traditions

4

binding the group and which help in the formation of the group identity. Folk is not merely a

means of procuring data, it is in fact one of the key methods by which a person or group

ascertains his or their identity. The contemporary discourse on globalization has many

comprehensive implications and raises the vital issue of how people communicate in a global

village and what helps in identity formation. It is increasingly being recognized that

indigenous media is the source of understanding the life and culture, and also discover a

common means of communication for dissemination of information, that is 'person-centred'.

Folk media or indigenous media is one of the most influential modes of communication

operating in a society for it comes directly from the people (Folk) and evolves in the society

itself. It can be said that it is an indissoluble constituent of the society at large since it is

through folk media people learn and share believes, rituals and customs. A society cannot be

understood without a study of its communication pattern and systems, in this folk media

being the core.

The Gender Question

Gender is one of the forces that aids in the patterning of social life. By examining gender, one

can understand more about the social world. Gender is an essential systematizing principle of

modern life: “In virtually every culture, gender difference is a pivotal way in which humans

identify themselves as persons, organize social relations, and symbolize meaningful natural

and social events and processes” (Wharton 2005, 6). Gender is seen as a system of social

practices which produces and preserves gender differences. Herein, it implies that gender is

being repeatedly created and recreated. Also, is not merely a trait of individuals, but

transpires at all levels of the social structure, thus, it is a multilevel occurrence. In this

backdrop it can be seen how social processes, like interaction and social institutions

reproduce gender. While modern life allows people to have several identities, gender identity

is potentially among the most powerful in determining the standard people set for themselves.

On the above set the study looks analyzes the Nongkrem dance to decipher how cultural

symbols reiterate the concept of gender as an identity and also re-establish the group identity,

which in the long run helps to sustain the unique identity of the tribe in question.

The Context

5

Khasis are the native residents of the state of Meghalaya [meaning the abode of clouds,

derives its name from Sankrit words Megh (cloud) and Alaya (home)], which is situated in

the north-eastern part of India. Khasi is a common term used to refer to various sub-

groups viz. Khynriam, Pnar or Synteng, Bhoi, War and Lyngngam. The Khasi language is

categorized as part of the Austro-Asiatic language family; and it is believed that the Khasi

people are associated to the Mon-Khmer group. As per Khasi legends, the tribe traces its

origin to Hynniewtrep (seven families). According to the mythology, U Blei (the Creator

God) had initially scattered the human beings to sixteen heavenly families (Khad Hynriew

Trep). The inhabitants of seven of these houses were permitted to come down on the earth

with the help of a ladder that was placed on the Sohpetbneng peak (situated in the present-day

Ri-Bhoi district), and this is how they settled in the hills of Meghalaya. Intriguingly, the

Khasi community traces its origin from a legend, which implies that, many such folklore

defines the culture, beliefs and lifestyle of the Khasi tribe. To add on to the legends, the

Khasis regard Ka Iawbei Tynrai (root ancestress), U Thawlang (her-husband) and U Suidnia

(her-brother), as their special ancestress and ancestors. It is noteworthy that the Khasis are a

matrilineal society which is casteless and classless. The lineage is traced through the ‘mother’

and not the ‘woman’. “It is a society not with an all powerful woman or women to dominate

the mental and material life of the society”, the Khasis believe in the common saying “from

the woman springs the kind, from the father comes the stature” (Giri 2012, 8). There is no

written history for the Khasis but their history is carved in their traditions, religion and

culture. The Kur (maternal clan) is the nucleus around which all cultural, social and political

organisations revolve. Conventionally the Khasis were a believer of the traditional faith Niam

Khasi and hence have no specific sight for worship like a pagoda, temple etc. The religious

rites are performed within the Kur and they believe in having a personal connection with the

creator. Only with the advent of Christianity churches were established and those who

converted followed the doctrine of the new faith. Khasi tribe by and large is an oral society,

and to this day the importance of the oral word has sustained its foothold. The Khasis believe

in three core tenets, which they have been adhering to ardently for centuries now-

Tip Brew Tip Blei- Know man (Brew) know god (Blei)

Tip Kur Tip Kha- Know your maternal (Kur) and paternal (Kha) kins

Kamai Ya Ka Hok- Earn (Kamai) righteously (Hok)

6

These ideologies have been handed down through generations, by word of mouth in the form

of stories, fables, etc. These are the foundation stones around which social norms, values and

the Khasi world-view have been formed. The Khasis are known to be great story tellers and

they have been successful in discovering the essence of the oral narratives. The art of story-

telling has had deeper social function, stories were meant “to elucidate the Khasi

philosophical thought on every aspect of Khasi culture and make sure that it reaches and

holds captive even the simplest of men” (Nongkynrih 2007, ix).

It is a known that the Khasis have been following Matriliny despite living amidst a very

strong patrilineal set-up all round it. Fascinatingly, the core philosophies which guide the

matrilineal system are also instilled in the life of a Khasi by oration. Some of these ideologies

being-

Long Jait Na Ka Kynthei- From the women sprang the clan.

U Kpa Uba Ai Ka Long Rynieng- Stature and form to the child is provided by the

father.

Ka Kmie Kaba Ai Ia Ka Doh Ka Snam- Flesh and blood to the child is provided by

the mother.

Methodology

Both primary and secondary data has been used to build the arguments and explanations -

For primary data personal interview has been conducted with key respondents using

both structured and unstructured questions. Respondents have been randomly selected

from the proposed universe but stratified comprising of representative categories

inclusive of old people, members of the Seng Khasi and participants of the dance.

Some respondents have also been interviewd from Kongthong village in East Khasi

Hills district and Nongbah Myrdon village in Ri Bhoi Districts of Meghalaya. Also,

observation was made of the Pomblang festival held annually in Smit, Shillong.

Reviews of pertinent literatures, books, journals and magazines, newspapers, research

and surveys carried out by various organisations, published articles, e-journals,

government records and other records available have been taken into consideration for

secondary data.

The Point of Study

7

It is known to all that tribal life and culture is effervescent and the tribes of Meghalaya are no

different. An important part of the festivities of the Khasi tribe is the Pomblang Festival

(Pom- cutting, Blang- goat), held every year in the month of November, at Smit, the capital

of the Khyrim Syiemship (Syiem-King). It is a harvest thanksgiving celebration, where the

entire community takes part with great zeal. It is a weeklong festival during which many

rituals are conducted in the Iing Sad (Kings house), no one is allowed inside the Iing Sad

except the members of the Syiems family (King) and the Bakhraw, prayers are offered in

front of the oak pillar called Rishot Blei. Only certain rituals of the last two days takes place

is the public domain.

As the name of the festival suggests, sacrifices are made as offering to the Goddess Ka Blei

Synshar for a good harvest and opulence of the people. Hence, on the second last day, a

procession is taken out from the Iing Sad which moves towards a nearby hill top. A cock and

goat are sacrificed along with other associated rituals. On this day the procession is led by the

Dhulias (musicians) and male dancers. The whole environment is electrifying with the sound

of the traditional drum beats and pipes (Tangmuri).

The last day of the celebration is very popular, and draws a large number of visitors both

Indian and foreign, along with official guests. It is considered a day of celebration wherein

the women along with the men dance, which is the special highlight of the festival. The dance

is vital element of the fiesta and hence it is also popularly known as The Nongkrem Dance. It

is the commoners who perform till dusk and in the interim the maidens of the Kings family

join the dance shaded by an umbrella. Also, it is of significance that all of the participants in

the dance and associated rituals are followers of Niam Khasi i.e the traditional faith, Christian

Khasis however do no part take in any of these activities, but they can be part of the audience.

Position of the dancers

The women dance in the centre and the men in the periphery. The dance movement of the

men is vibrant, while that of the women are somber and elegant. The women only use the

feet, moving elliptically by digging the ground. Their motion is unhurried and premeditated

their eyes downcast, and their face is an embodiment of composure and serenity. Female

dancers signify purity and the tilling of the ground as they dance is an indicator of the

hardships that a woman goes through at child birth, also the pain that mother earth is put

through during cultivation. Also, the women epithet of all good in the house, she is the

8

Lukhimai, the guardian spirit of the house. The woman, as the foundation of a clan is held in

high respect, where virtue and purity are her indispensable attributes. Conversely, the men

dance around the women gaily waving yak tail whisks and swords. It is a depiction the Khasi

popular belief, that it is the duty of the men to protect the women, to ward off evils and shield

the purity of the entire race. As the saying goes Ka jing im ka bakhuid ka ba suba, i.e.,

attaining a life that is pristine and untarnished is the chief aim of every Khasi.

The Virgin Dance

Interestingly, the Nongkrem dance is also known as the virgin dance wherein, the woman

only if virgins are expected to dance no such criteria is set for the men folk. This dance of the

virgins Shad Kynthei, a thanks giving dance is paralleled by a dance by the men, Shad

Mastieh. The Khasi elders say that it is a matter of conscience for the girls who participate in

the dance to meet the criteria. For they believe that if someone breaks this norm, ill omens are

sighted and there have been evidences of such omens in the past.

The Attire

The young women and men are dressed in the exquisite traditional dress and beautified with

gold and silver jewellery. The attire and the jewellery worn by the dancers are a key element

of the history of the people. To design the ornaments gold, silver along with coral are used.

Coral is the only stone used possibly for its robustness and its apparent qualities to guard a

person from negative powers and to treat infertility. The girls are dressed in long sleeve high

necked velvet blouses, silk wraps and the dhara. The important pieces of jewellery include

pansngait, the crown traditionally decorated with the aromatic cactus flower, tiewlasubon

(this flower blooms with an uncommonness which is an indicator its refinement). On their

necks they wear a choker and khonopad, while on the arms and wrists the taad and mohu is

worn. The long multi-stringed silver sash adorns the body from shoulder to the waist. The

hair is fashioned into a chignon bun; the saikhyllong hangs right down to the lower back.

Female dancers are draped from head to foot, and the complete ensemble is a vibrant.

The attire of the men in comparison to the women is less intricate. Men wear an embroidered

sleeveless jacket, jainphong-a dhoti, jainboh, jainspong and a turban. The turban is

ornamented with the thuia i.e. feathers of birds. It is a common believe that the feather on the

turban symbolises maleness, strength and freedom, denoted by the bird that flies high in the

sky. The quiver, has three arrows placed in it namely the Nam Blei - God, Nam Thawlang-

9

first paternal ancestor, and Nam Iawbei- first maternal ancestress. It is a representation of the

trinity of the three most persuasive powers in a Khasi man’s life which helps to defend

himself, his family, his clan and community at large, his hima and country.

Commentary

Upfront the dance may seem to be a conventional tribal festival celebrating life in general.

But these folk practices cannot be left at that, there are a signifier of the Khasi believe

system. It is imperative to take note that the Khasi tribe by and large is an oral society, and to

this day the importance of the oral word has sustained its foothold. All its traditions, rituals

and believes have been handed down to them through generations through word of mouth.

The alphabet is nothing to judge the Khasi people by. Theirs was a society of great wisdom

and civilized conduct at a time when brute force held sway.

Festivals like Pomblang help in the representation and reinstatement of the long-standing

values. In one through the nuances of the dance itself the Khasi fore fathers embedded the

rules that govern the role of man and woman in the society. And this is recreated and

reproduced over and over again during the annual performance. More so, despite the impact

of modernization and westernization on the Khasi life and culture, these time-honoured

values pass the test of time.

Yet another example of how folk symbols and traditions become the means of establishing

societal norms for the individuals and the group at large is the instruments. The traditional

drums of the Khasis are classified as male drums and female drums, and fascinatingly the

drums have their chosen roles as well. The male drums are played during ceremonial rituals

whereas the female drums are played during festivities like dance. It is co-related to the

popular practice among the Khasis wherein the men conduct all rituals and in some cases

women are not allowed to witness the ceremonies either. Also the two male drums Ksing

Shynrang, connote two clans that a man is part of, one drum stands for the man as maternal

uncle from the side of his maternal clan and the other for the man as a father to his children

from the wife’s clan. It correlates to the popular saying of the Khasis U Rang Khatar Bor - a

man has twelve powers and Ka Thei Shibor – woman has one power, along with helping in

the segregation of roles assigned to man and woman in the Khasi society.

10

Throughout the festivals all the ceremonies are led and conducted the men, be it the priests,

the musicians and even the active participation of the male dancers. Women only make the

necessary arrangements for the various ceremonies and are onlookers. The differentiation in

the gender roles among the Khasis is distinct just like all other societies and the folk practices

are a clear representation of it along with being the disseminator of such messages.

Many argue that defined roles of the women and men in the society help maintain

synchronization and each does their designated duty. But a closer look is indicative of

disparity in gender roles which is deeply entrenched in cultural beliefs and customs

throughout the society that it continues to dodge the vast majority of women. Prejudiced

stance are so intensely embedded in religion, family and social relations, language, culture,

media and the arts that a lot of people have either become anaesthetized to the ubiquity of

inequity, or have internalized the concept that a women’s role is assigned in relation to men.

Gender structures have a array of diverse characteristics, though there are commonalities but

there are differences as well. As mentioned in Manusmriti, a woman's conducts was

envisaged in the structure of ‘Three Obedience’s’ - first to her father, then to her husband,

and finally to her son, remain subordinate to men, in spite of the constitutional assurance of

equal rights for women. “Infected by the protectionist approach to gender difference, in

which women were understood to be weak and in need of protection” (Chandran 2009, 294)

gender roles are constructed and is subtly endorsed. Similarly, through an analysis of the

Khasi folk media parallels can be drawn with the conceptualising to gender identity in among

them. A woman is the caretaker of the house and family, while the man is responsible for

protecting the family and the clan. Like women are not allowed to conduct any religious

rituals likewise in the local administration Dorbar Shnong, too women are not allowed to

participate. And in all forms of folk media this traditional gender roles are formed and

represented. On the flip side the age-old institution of the Khasi tribespeople and their folk

practices as is evident provides the women with some defence and also defines the ethnic

identity of the community at large.

___________________________________________________________________________

11

SELECT BIBILIOGRAPHY

Chandran, Usha. “A Woman's World.” India International Centre Quarterly 36 (2010): 288-301.

Dundes, Alan. Essays In Folkloristics. New Delhi: Ved Prakash Vatuk Folklore Institute, 1978.

—. Foklore Matters. The University of Tennessee Press, 1989.

Giri, Helen. The Khasis Under The British Rule (1824-1947). Shillong: La Riti Publictions, 2012.

Gupta, Pranab Kumar Das. “Life and Culture of Matrilineal Tribe of Meghalaya.” New Delhi: Inter

India Publications, 1989. 1-11,78-138,159-172.

H.O.Mawrie. “The Khasi Milieu.” New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1981. 1-23,33-29,49-113.

Handoo, Jawaharlal. “Theoretical Essays in Indian Folklore.” Mysore: Zooni Publications, 2000. 1-

139,211-221.

Jodhka, Surinder S. Community and Identities. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2001.

Kr.Kalita, Dilip. “Gender and Family in the Context of Matrilineal Societies.” Birichi K. Medhi,

R.P.Athparia,K.Jose SVD. Tribes of North-east India. New Delhi: Omsons Publications, 2009. 339-343.

Mushengyezi, Aaron. “Rethinking Indigenous Media: Rituals, 'Talking' Drums and Orality as Forms of

Public.” Journal of African Cultural Studies 16.1 (2003): 107-117.

Nongbri, Tiplut. “Gender and The Khasi Family Structure:Some Implications of the Meghlaya

Succession To Self-acquired Property Act, 1984.” Sociological Bulletin 37.1 and 2 (1988): 71-91.

Nongkynrih, Kympham Sing. Around The Hearth Khasi Lengends. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2007.

Wharton, Amy S. The Sociology of Gender: An Introduction to Theory and Research. Blackwell

Publishing, 2005.

________________________

Ms. Piyashi Dutta Research Scholar, Department of Sociology, Tezpur University, Assam,

India, Phone No- 08471961583, (dpiyashi@gmail.com, piyashi.dutta@gmail.com).