the qijurittuq site (ibgk-3), eastern hudson bay: an ipy interdisciplinary study

Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography 110(2) 227

DANISH JO

URNA

L OF GEOGRAPH

Y 2010

The Qijurittuq site (IbGk-3), Eastern Hudson Bay: An IPY Interdisciplinary Study

AbstractAn interdisciplinary study was conducted at Qijurittuq (IbGk-3), an archaeological site located on Drayton Island along the eastern shore of Hudson Bay, Nunavik. Local Inuit made important contribu-tions to the research. High school students participated in the field school, and elders shared their traditional knowledge. The elders expressed an interest in the source of the wood used to construct Qijurittuq’s semi-subterranean dwellings, and this inspired us to expand our research in that direction. This interdisciplinary study in-cluded a reconstruction of the geomorphological and environmental history of Drayton Island, wood provenance and dendrochronology studies, research on house architecture and settlement patterns, and a zooarchaeological analysis. This paper synthesizes the preliminary results of this interdisciplinary investigation within the context of climate change. We discuss the persistence of semi-subterranean dwellings in eastern Hudson Bay long after they had been abandoned elsewhere. At Qijurittuq, their abandonment corresponds with the end of Little Ice Age. However, at the same time, the development of more permanent contact with Euro-Canadians was having a strong impact upon Inuit culture.

KeywordsInuit, semi-subterranean dwelling, Hudson Bay, sod-house, palaeo-environment, dendrochronology, driftwood, faunal analysis, Nuna-vik.

Pierre M. Desrosiers (Corresponding author)Susan LofthouseHervé MonchotDaniel GendronAvataq Cultural Institute, Montréal, CanadaE-mail: [email protected]

Najat BhiryAnne-Marie LemieuxCentre d’études nordiques and Département de géographie, Uni-versité Laval, Québec, Canada

Dominique MarguerieCentre de Recherche en Archéologie, Archéosciences, Histoire (UMR 6566 CReAAH), Université Rennes 1, France

Geografisk TidsskriftDanish Journal of Geography 110(2):227-243, 2010

Pierre M. Desrosiers, Susan Lofthouse, Najat Bhiry, Anne-Marie Lemieux, Hervé Monchot, Daniel Gendron &

Dominique Marguerie

Introduction

The Arctic is one of the ultimate frontiers of human oc-cupation. In a region where the harsh climate poses many obstacles to settlement, any changes in the environment can have an important impact upon human behaviour. The human responses to environmental change are cause for speculation in the form of many explanatory hypotheses related to cultural history. Regardless of theoretical ap-proach, establishing a clear link between data related to environmental evolution and archaeological data remains a complex task involving the identification of numerous factors and a clear understanding of their interactions. For

this reason, we chose an interdisciplinary approach that required the integration of a number of research questions with a variety of sources of data. The global IPY project – Dynamic Inuit Social Strate-gies in Changing Environments: a Long-Term Perspective – allowed a collaborative study to be undertaken in Nun-avik between people of the northern village of Inukjuak and an interdisciplinary team of researchers from universities and Inuit community institutions. The Nunavik compo-nent of this global project, entitled ‘The Study of Thule Settlement Patterns and Seasonal Procurement Strategies in Coastal Nunavik’, was initially oriented towards the investigation of Thule/Inuit archaeology in Hudson Bay

mailto:[email protected]

Geografisk Tidsskrift-Danish Journal of Geography 110(2)228

and Hudson Strait, within a context of climatic change. Following the first season of excavations at the Qijurittuq site (IbGk-3) in eastern Hudson Bay, we became aware of the complexity of this key Thule/Inuit site and decided to tighten the focus of the project in order to concentrate our efforts at the same site the following year. During the 2007 and 2008 field seasons, we also surveyed the area surrounding IbGk-3 – recording many Thule/Inuit sites – in order to better understand the local settlement pattern. We observed that there were a limited number of fall/winter sites on the mainland, as indicated through the presence of semi-subterranean dwellings; spring/summer/early fall sites, on the other hand, were numerous on both the main-land and the coastal islands. Thule is the name for the ancestral and pre-contact era Inuit, known through their archaeological remains and accounts from the earliest explorers of the arctic region. The Thule culture originated in the Bering Strait region; the dating and circumstances that were associated with this migration are still subject to debate and investigation (e.g., Park, 1993, 2000; Fitzhugh, 1994; Appelt & Gulløv, 1999; Friesen, 2000; McGhee, 2000) but from the perspec-tive of Nunavik they are believed to have reached this area around 700-800 years ago at the earliest. Our study concerns the latest period of this archaeological culture, which is characterized by the beginning of Inuit contact with newcomers (most significantly whalers and trad-ers). Ethnohistoric records (e.g., Hall, 1865; Boas, 1888: 547; Jenness, 1922: 56-64; Mathiassen, 1928: 118, 136) indicate that the semi-subterranean houses were no longer in use by at least 150 years ago in favour of the snow house and possibly the sod-house (qarmaq). Whether or not this shift was connected to environmental triggers is unknown, but invites speculation. Climatic and environ-mental change, subsistence and procurement strategies, and technology and traditional knowledge are intercon-nected bodies of information that could only be articulated by a interdisciplinary team that included the input of local people. This paper is focused mainly upon data recovered during the 2007 field season, while the analysis of 2008 samples is still underway. We will discuss the use of semi-subterranean dwellings in relation to climate change and the influence of contact with non-Inuit. This discussion involves four types of interconnected bodies of data: 1) palaeoenvironmental data related to recent evolution, in particular the Little Ice Age, 2) archaeological information related to Qijurittuq and adjacent sites, 3) the traditional knowledge of local people, and 4) ethnohistorical infor-

mation concerning the abandonment of semi-subterranean dwellings in the Eastern Arctic. We will introduce the Qijurittuq site within its local environmental context, de-scribe the excavation methodology, outline the involve-ment of the local population, and present the field work results. The results of the preliminary analyses are or-ganized according to their different research questions: reconstruction of the recent past environment, provenance and dates of the wood, house architecture, settlement pat-terns and subsistence.

Physical setting

The Qijurittuq site (IbGk-3) is located on Drayton Is-land, along the eastern shore of Hudson Bay in Nunavik (northern Quebec). The region is part of the Churchill tectonic province from the Aphebian age, a stage of the lowermost Proterozoic in the Canadian Shield (Donald-son, 1979). Drayton Island, a 9 km long stretch of land separated from the continent by a 2 km wide channel, is located 30 km south of Inukjuak (Figure 1). It is part of the Hopewell archipelago, a series of islands closely bordering the coastline. This archipelago is composed of a cuesta relief with cliffs facing the continent, contrasted by a gentle slope on the seaward side. The formation is part of the Manitounuk group composed of calcare-ous rocks, sandstone, quartzite and dolomite (Donaldson, 1979, 1986; Avramtchev, 1982). Siltstone, present on many of these islands (Donaldson, 1979), is a slate-like raw material that was first used by Early Palaeoeskimos to produce stone tools. The investigation of habitation sites and ancient quarries has shown that it became the main raw material used by the Late Palaeo eskimos in the region (e.g., Pinard, 1976, 2000; Avataq Cultural Institute, 1996, 2008, 2009; Desrosiers & Rahmani, 2007). Presumably, it would also have been suitable for the production of Thule culture tools; however its use by the Thule has never been clearly documented. After the thawing of the Laurentian Ice Sheet, around 8000-7500 B.P., the area was submerged by the Tyrell Sea transgression at 7000-6500 B.P. which reached up to 150 m in the Inukjuak region (Vincent, 1989). The subsequent glacioisostatic rebound caused a sea level retreat that in turn raised the ancient beaches. Boulder fields are typical features of this landscape, supporting numerous archaeo-logical sites that span from Early Palaeoeskimo through to the Thule/Inuit occupation (Gendron, 2001). Drayton Island is located in the continuous permafrost


zone (Allard & Séguin, 1987); the permafrost lies at a depth of 1.5 m (Lee, 1965) and is 50 m thick (Côté & Dufour, 1983). The air temperature has a mean of 9.4°C in July and -24.8°C in January, with an annual mean of -7.0°C. Snow represents 45% of the precipitation for a total mean of 460 mm per year (Environment Canada last update, 2009). Dominant strong winds (30 km/h), usually blow-ing toward the northeast from Hudson Bay, occur around 35 days a year; these are experienced mainly during fall and the beginning of winter. The local vegetation is char-acterized by shrub tundra, which includes willow, birch, herbaceous plants, mosses and lichens.

Description of the site and immediate surrounding area

On Drayton Island, the Qijurittuq Site (IbGk-3) faces the continent in a valley oriented towards the east and is thus protected from the dominant winds during fall/early win-ter (Environment Canada, last update 2009). A small lake surrounded by peatland is located in the western part of the valley, which is drained by a small stream. In the area of the site, the soil is well-drained and the stream retreats underground. The valley is flanked by boulder fields to the north and south. IbGk-3 is a multi-component site that includes differ-ent types of structures associated with Palaeoeskimo and Thule/Inuit periods. It consists of 19 archaeological struc-tures: 13 semi-subterranean houses (Structures 1-7, 9-13,

and 15), one cache (Cache 1), one tent ring (Structure 18), and one rectangular shallow depression typical of the Late Palaeoeskimo period (Structure 17). The three remaining structures were less clearly identified: two are rectangular shallow depressions (Structures 8 and 16) and one is a pos-sible tent ring (Structure 14). They are located between 9 and 14 m above sea level and approximately 200 to 400 m from the sea shore (Figure 2). Palaeoeskimo artefacts were observed on the surface in the southwestern part of the site, in the area of Structure 17, and in the northeastern area – where they were not associated with any structures. The thirteen semi-subterranean dwellings at Qijurittuq indicated a cold season occupation period (fall/winter). Excavations focused largely upon Structures 1 and 15: two overlapping semi-subterranean dwellings with entrance tunnels. Adjacent to Qijurittuq are three more sites: IbGk-7, IbGk-8 and IbGk-38 sites. They consist of dwelling types usually indicative of a spring/summer season occupation, such as tent rings (some of which included bed platforms) and heavy tent rings, but also structures such as qajaq and umiaq stands, caches, fox traps and graves. IbGk-7 site is located down the valley on the south side, near the water; IbGk-8 and IbGk-38 are found on top of the hills that border the valley to the south and north, and significantly they are both exposed to wind from every side and located roughly 10 to 15 minutes walk from the shore (Figure 2). All three sites are located within boulder fields.

Figure 1: Map of Nunavik showing locations cited in the text.


Method of research

The Qijurittuq site was subdivided into square metres and mapped. We opened two intersecting trenches across Struc-tures 1 and 15 (Figure 2). Structure 4 was also tested, with the goal of documenting the composition of the house wall. In addition, units were opened behind Structure 1 in order to test for a previous occupation, and to the front of the structure with the goal of finding an associated midden. Further test pits helped to document the archaeologic al levels present across the site. All sediments from the ar-chaeological layers were water-sieved on a 1.3 mm mesh (collected by 50 cm quadrant, archaeological layer and arbitrary level) and residues were processed in the field laboratory. The drawing of all in situ artefacts was done on a 1:10 scale, with the exception of very small ones found in the screen. We investigated the extra-site and intra-site geoarchae-ology (geomorphology and stratigraphy) in detail, mapping the distribution of surficial deposits on the island as well as in the site. A geomorphological survey of the uplift terraces on Drayton Island was conducted and several shells were sampled in order to date each level, allowing us to generate a postglacial emergence curve. Emphasis was also placed

on field characterizations of stratigraphic and sedimento-logical processes. Sampling for paleoecological (macro-fossil) analyses was performed using a 37 cm-thick peat monolith extracted from the lake edge (200 metres west of the Qijurittuq site). Wood samples were systematically collected from each piece of structural wood uncovered during the excavations. Driftwood samples were also col-lected from the beaches of Drayton Island and neighbouring islands, in order to understand the history of its movement within the region and to compare with the archaeological wood.

Involvement of the local population

The local population was involved at various levels of the research. The excavation was set up as a field school for high school students from Inukjuak. The 2007 field school involved nine students, while in 2008 fourteen students par-ticipated. Training began on the first day at the local school and continued in the field for the duration of the excavation (six weeks). This training included exposure to all aspects of the research, including basic excavation techniques, the use of a theodolite, the recording of artefacts and data,

Figure 2: Map of the Qijurittuq site (IbGk-3) and neighbouring sites (IbGk-7, -8, -38) on Dray-ton Island.


initiation to geomorphology (Najat Bhiry), an introduction to dendrochronology (Dominique Marguerie) and tradi-tional storytelling (Simeonie Nalukturuk). The students also participated in the field laboratory, where they sorted archaeological material from the water-sieved deposits. Eleven elders from Inukjuak, ranging in age from 66 to 85 years-old, were interviewed. They all lived a traditional life when they were younger, along the eastern coast of Hudson Bay. They were asked to comment upon topics such as climate change, settlement patterns and house ar-chitecture. Two elders, who were particularly familiar with the Drayton Island area, were invited to spend an afternoon with us on the island where they received an extensive tour of the Qijurittuq site. Informal meetings and discussions were also held with local people who regularly visited the site. In 2007, we received 85 people who were participating in a nearby summer camp (Figure 3). The visitors were im-pressed to discover that such a large quantity of wood was used by their ancestors in the construction of their homes. Their interest encouraged us to undertake an investigation into the origin of the wood used in the house architecture. Ultimately, this idea has inspired the development of a long-term project aimed at documenting the movement of driftwood around Nunavik. The project involves determin-ing the species, provenience, and age of driftwood found on different terraces along eastern Hudson Bay. Thus, we must acknowledge the dynamic participation of local people not only in the initial research but also in the development of this long-term research project.

Field work results

Excavations revealed the presence of an admixture of Palaeoeskimo and Thule/Inuit archaeological remains in most areas of the site associated with the semi-subterranean dwellings. However, we successfully identified a level (Level I) in the area behind Structure 1 that had apparently not been affected by the Thule/Inuit presence. Palaeoes-kimo lithic stone tools and debris predominate in every part of the site, including the semi-subterranean houses. The Palaeoeskimo level I is characterized by poor organic preservation, featuring only small, badly-preserved bone fragments. This contrasts with the well-preserved bones collected inside Structures 1 and 4 and in the midden in front of Structure 1. Moreover, the only diagnostic organic tools are attributable to the Thule/Inuit occupation. As a result, we consider it reasonable to associate the zooar-chaeological assemblage with the Thule/Inuit occupation despite the admixture. In total, we collected 29,085 lithic tools and debris, 2,577 animal bones and teeth, 14 worked bones and ivory (tools and debris of tool making), 215 charcoal samples, 100 wood samples, 38 mineral/organic sediment samples and six metal pieces (including a barbed point and two nails or rivets). Most lithic remains seem to be associated with different Palaeoeskimo occupations. However, for the use of siltstone, which represents 86% of the lithic assemblage (n=25,056), it is impossible to know whether the flakes are related to the preparation of Palaeoeskimo or Thule/Inuit tools. Nonetheless, the only siltstone tool which may be attributed to Thule/Inuit is a broken ulu preform, while most of the other tools are securely attributed to the Palaeoeskimo occupation. Among the metal pieces are a poorly-preserved iron nail or rivet and an iron barbed point, indicating direct or indirect contact with foreigners (European and/or Euro-Canadian) present in the region (Figure 4). While the excavations were ongoing at the Qijurittuq site, we also surveyed the surrounding area and recorded 71 new archaeological sites; of these, 58 indicate a Thule/Inuit presence. A total of 514 structures are associated with those sites. The biggest site, IbGj-10 site on Leonard Island, is oriented towards Hudson Bay, where it is exposed to the dominant wind. The site consists of 114 structures in a boulder field characterized by flat stones. These structures include tent rings, heavy tent rings, graves, horizontal and vertical fox traps, food caches, and qajaq and umiaq caches. Based on the distribution of structure types, this site was probably occupied during the spring/summer season. We

Figure 3: Discussion with elders and youths on the origin of the structural wood, while sitting around Structure 1 at the Qijurittuq site (IbGk-3), summer 2007 (picture Stephan Mina, Avataq archive number: 2-2007-1-D-1368).


also sampled 17 lithic raw material sources and 3 quarry sites. In contrast to many Palaeoeskimo sites, which are often only identified through the presence of artefacts on the surface, at most of the identified Thule/Inuit sites no artefacts were visible above the surface.

Results from on-going analysis

Past environmentOn Drayton Island, 63 terraces located at 13 different al-titudes (T1 to T13) were recorded. T1 is the highest and oldest terrace, at 58 m.a.s.l., while T13 is the lowest and youngest beach ridge (2 m.a.s.l.). All shells collected from terraces have been identified as Mytilus edulis, a species that occupies shallow water in intertidal zones (Dyke & Peltier, 2000). A postglacial emergence curve (glacioiso-static rebound rates) was constructed based upon the dates retrieved from shell samples and altitudes of their asso-ciated beach ridges. These findings, based on eight cali-brated radiocarbon dates (adjusted in consideration of the reservoir effect), indicate an uplift rate for Drayton Island of 1.1 m/100 yr over the last 3,500 cal. yr (Figure 5). The Qijurittuq site semi-subterranean houses were built on T9, a sandy marine terrace located at an altitude of 15 m. T9 emerged at about 1,600 cal. yr B.P., and is characterized by flat topography and well-drained sediments suitable for campsite construction. Palaeoecological data from the peat monolith that had

been collected from the peaty margin lake permitted us to document the vegetation and climate history of the island. A radiocarbon date of 860 cal. yr B.P. coincides with the initial formation of peat above the underlying sand deposit. Three macrofossil zones were identified as M-1, M-2 and M-3. Peat was formed after the establishment of herbaceous plants such as Carex sp. and Potentilla palustris and shrubs like Empetrum nigrum and Vaccinium vitis-idea. These taxa were gradually replaced by brown mosses. All species identified within the monolith indicate that local conditions were generally humid. However, there is a visible decline in the presence of some species between 22 and 10 cm: Aula-comnium palustre disappeared, Vaccinium ulliginosum and V. vitis-idaea decreased significantly, and Tomenthypnum nitens macrofossils also show an obvious decline. These changes took place during the peat accumulation in M-2 between ca. 510 to 110 cal. yr B.P. and are indicative of a shift to dryer local conditions. This change may be a result of the onset of the Little Ice Age, when conditions were colder and dryer in the Arctic and Subarctic (Lemieux et al., in review). Additional information was found in the accounts of elders regarding their perception of the past (Lemieux, 2009). Many described modern summers as warmer and beginning earlier than in the past, and shared the belief

Figure 5: Postglacial emergence curve of Drayton Island (Lemieux et al., in review).

Figure 4: Iron artefacts from IbGk-3: A) barbed point, and B) nail or rivet.


that vegetation starts to grow sooner in the year. Most con-sider the weather far less predictable now, as it is liable to change much more quickly than they recalled being the case when they were younger. They observed the pres-ence of new types of animals and insects that had never been seen before. According to them, their ancestors also witnessed climate change. Oral tradition describes much colder weather experienced by their ancestors in the distant past. This may coincide with the end of the Little Ice Age around 1850 A.D. (Lemieux et al., in review).

Provenance and date of the woodAs the Inukjuak region is in the treeless tundra region, the elders wondered how the inhabitants of the Qijurittuq site had gained access to so much wood. There was dis-agreement over the most likely source of the wood: some thought that the wood had been collected from the beach (driftwood), while others favoured the suggestion that it was collected at the source – from the tree line roughly 100 km inland (Boniface River) and more than 200 km away if following the coast (Richmond Gulf). Analysis of the wood samples collected from Structure 1, as well as the driftwood collected from modern beaches, is still in the early stages. The preliminary results from four of the better-preserved archaeological wood samples have identified two species as Larix sp. and the other two as ei-ther Larix sp. or Picea sp. (Delwaide, 2008). The samples did not contain enough tree rings to allow dating through dendrochronology. However, cross-dating with radiocar-bon dates was attempted with one sample suggesting a possible correlation with a reference series from inland along the Boniface River (Louise Filion, unpublished data). This correlation falls between 1773 -1811 A.D. (Pearson’s r: 0.472, p<0.001). If we accept this correlation, this sug-gests that 1811 A.D. is the maximum age for the building of Structure 1. Table 1 shows the radiocarbon dates obtained from the four samples. If we ignore the dendrochronologi-cal correlation, we may accept that the dated maximum age is located between 1723 and 1816 Cal A.D. (one sigma, wood, UL-3253: 170 ±80 B.P.). It is important to mention that these logs clearly formed a single roof layer, as part of a well-defined stratigraphy. Much of the wood was badly-preserved after its initial deposition at least 200 years ago. There was no evidence to suggest that the house could have been reoccupied after 200 years or more, so the pos-sibility that logs were reused in combination with newer ones is highly unlikely, and there was no archaeological evidence of this. Radiocarbon dates suggest that each log is associated with a different age, thus indicating that the

wood was not cut simultaneously from the area of the tree line. A more likely explanation is that it was driftwood that had accumulated over a 400-year time period.

House architectureThirteen semi-subterranean houses were recorded at the site, varying in size from a diameter of 4.5 to 9.0 m, with an average diameter of approximately 6.0 m. Structure 4 is largest, 9.0 m in diameter, followed by Structure 9 (8.0 m in diameter). The research focused on documenting the ar-chitecture of Structure 1 (6.0 m diameter). After removing all vegetation that obscured the surface topography, 800 elevation points of Structure 1 and the underlying Structure 15 were recorded, in order to reconstruct the ori ginal topo-graphy of the immediate area prior to excavation (Figure 6). We observed that the region from the centre of Structure 1 through to the uppermost edges had a stepped appearance. This may be attributable to the collapse of sod blocks when the roof caved in. Figure 7A shows the final top plan of the excavated area after the two field seasons. However, this rendering does not reveal all the multiple layers of wood that were uncovered. If we extend the lines of the exposed logs, we obtain a hypothesized extension of the wood in the unex-cavated adjacent areas (Figure 7B). Two observations are gathered from this reconstruction. First, most of the logs appear oriented towards the centre of the structure, where they were possibly attached together. Secondly, the tun-nel entrance seems to have been completely covered with wood. At the entrance to the tunnel a step was identified confirming the presence of a cold trap. The rear of the house’s interior, opposite the tunnel entrance, features a line of stones that delimits a sleeping platform. The careful excavation of this surface revealed a layer of small branches (made of local arctic shrubs) that served as a mattress (Figure 8). Thus, Structure 1 was a

Table 1: Radiocarbon dates retrieved on wood samples taken from Structure 1 (Lemieux et al., in review).

Lab. Number 14C Age (B.P.)

Cal Interval (A.D.)

1 sigma

Cal Interval (A.D.)

2 sigma

UL-3253 170±80 1723-1816 1631-1955

UL-3251 210±80 1725-1814 1616-1953

UL-3257 330±80 1483-1642 1427-1681

UL-3252 510±80 1386-1455 1286-1521


typical semi-subterranean house, showing architectural consistency with similar houses found across the Arctic (e.g., Mathiassen, 1928; Schledermann, 1976; Benmouyal, 1978; McCartney, 1979; Le Mouël & Le Mouël, 2002). Elders shared similar knowledge about the interior lay-out of a winter house, in which the tunnel entrance and el-evated bed surfaces are distinguishing features. A cooking area, which included a soapstone lamp, was often placed to the side of the tunnel entrance, while the opposite side of the entrance was used for other activities such as drying clothes. Mattresses, sometime referred to as alliaq or qilat-tait1, were placed on the bed platform. According to Nellie Nastapoka (interview 2008-07-21): “On [the] mattress side in winter time, we put all branches first [over] the snow, the second layer was branches that were fixed together well-made, the third one was the grass, the fourth layer is the cloth, and the fifth layer the caribou skin.” (Lemieux, 2009: 80).

Settlement patternAll semi-subterranean dwellings located in the eastern Hudson Bay region are found on islands, on the side facing the continent. The only exception, HaGd-8, is located on the mainland more than 200 km to the south, at the mouth of Richmond Gulf. However, this site – initially identified

by Harp (1972) and partially excavated by Salaün and Gos-selin (1974) – is not facing the sea; rather, it is located in a valley parallel to Hudson Bay (Avataq Cultural Institute, 2005, 2007). Whether the fall/winter site is located in a valley on an island or the mainland, finding protection from the dominant wind originating from Hudson Bay seems to have been a key determining factor for campsite location. In the Belcher Islands, the presence of a large polynya (an area of open water that remains unfrozen year-round) and smaller recurring polynyas between the islands (Gil-christ & Robertson, 2000) may explain the relatively small number of Thule/Inuit cold season sites in southeastern Hudson Bay. Because of the abundance of game available around the polynya during the winter, the Belcher Islands may have been the best place to camp over that period of the year. According to Flaherty (1922), Nanook territory (referring to the lead character in his film, ‘Nanook of the North’) included the Belcher Islands. In contrast, spring/summer sites are numerous in south-eastern Hudson Bay and often are exposed to the dominant winds. This may be explained by a need for relief from mosquitoes; in addition, valleys may have been inappropri-ate for camping during spring and early summer because of the accumulation of snow melt. In this region, a location suitable for observing game is also often one with a great

Figure 6: 3-D reconstruction of the topography of Structure 1 prior to excavation.


deal of wind exposure. The presence of boulder fields has played an important role in the selection of campsite loca-tions during the spring/summer/fall season. A large number

of sites are situated in boulder fields. They are located either on the mainland or on the islands without apparent preference. When Inukjuak Elders were asked why they thought the Qijurittuq site was chosen to establish dwellings, the two main responses were that this valley is well-protected from the wind and also that the area is a good place for seal-hunting. It was often mentioned that the terrain in the valley was ideal for building such a house since the sandy ground (marine terrace) is well-drained thus preventing flooding in the house. Some also described the area as a good place of surveillance (while hunting), that there were many bird and that the valley is amenable to dog sledding (the larger accumulation of snow reduces damage to the sled runners) (Lemieux, 2009).

ZooarchaeologyThe majority (84%) of IbGk-3’s faunal assemblage was collected from the interior and midden of Structure 1, with additional material from the wall and midden of Structure 4. Three other test-pits at the site yielded animal remains, however, the uncertain cultural affiliation of these areas has led us to exclude these small collections from the final analysis. The faunal assemblage under discussion con-sists of 2,197 bones and bone fragments, of which 1,310 are identified at least to family, and more often to species (Table 2). The 887 unidentified bones are either mammal or unidentifiable to class. Only 4 bird bone fragments were

Figure 7: Map of Structure 1 and 15. A) top-plan showing the posi-tion of logs revealed through the excavation; B) reconstruction of log dispositions in the unexcavated areas (hypothesized extension of the logs uncovered in the excavated area).

Figure 8: Small branches recovered from the surface of the sleeping platform, immediately below the logs from the collapsed roof. Photo: Pierre M. Desrosiers (Avataq archive number: 2-2007-1-D-1596).


found, but these cannot be identified beyond class. The near absence of bird bone may be connected to seasonal as well as taphonomic factors. Fish is completely absent. Since the deposit was wet-screened, this is not considered to be related to recovery practices favouring only larger mammal fragments. Number of identified specimens (NISP) and minimum number of individuals (MNI) calculations were applied to the assemblage, revealing a typical Thule/Inuit emphasis upon small seal and caribou. Bearded seal also made an im-portant contribution, which was particularly visible when considering MNIs. Given the difficulty in distinguishing between ringed seal and harbour seal from the post-cranial skeleton, we use ‘small seal’ to refer to the possibility of either species – but recognize that ringed seal is by far the most common and the likeliest candidate; all cranial bones that were identifiable to species were ringed seal, and harbour seal is uncommon along this stretch of Hudson Bay (Mansfield, 1968: 382; Tommy Weetaluktuk, 2009, pers. comm). Using calculations of species distribution based upon MNI, small seal makes up almost half of the assemblage. Bearded seal follows with a 19% contribution to the assemblage when considering MNIs. Caribou pro-

vides 13% based upon MNIs, but when calculating relative species contribution based upon the number of identified specimens (NISP), the differences in butchering and bone fragmentation between large terrestrial and marine mam-mals becomes apparent, and the increased fragmentation of caribou long bones (likely for marrow extraction) results in a higher frequency of caribou in the assemblage – bringing its contribution to the species distribution up to 20%. Nei-ther technique provides an adequate picture of the dietary contribution of each species, since larger animals clearly are contributing more meat to the assemblage than smaller animals, even if represented by fewer individuals. For this reason, it is worth applying an admittedly generalized con-sideration of the percentage of available edible tissue (meat, fat, etc.) represented by each species. This brings bearded seal and walrus to the forefront, with bearded seal making up 42% of the assemblage, and walrus contributing 26% of the assemblage. Small seal and caribou are reduced to 10% and 8% respectively. In addition, an important aspect to consider is the value of non-edible products provided by these species. Bearded seal skins were favored for umiaq covers and ropes; walrus also provided large, thick skins (which today are often fed to the dogs and possibly in the

Table 2: Species distribution based upon NISP, MNI, and proportion of available meat.

Taxon NISP MNI WGT per in-dividual (kg)

edible tissue by %WGT

available meat (kg)

%available meat

Dog/Wolf (Canis sp.) 19 3 20 70 42 1.2

Fox (Alopex lagopus/Vulpes vulpes) 3 1 4 50 2 0.05

Polar Bear (Ursus maritimus) 2 1 460 70 322 9

Bearded Seal (Erignathus barbatus) 116 7 305 70 1494 42

Harp Seal (Phoca groenlandica) 8 1 140 70 98 2.8

Small Seal (Phoca hispida/vitulina) 548 17 30 70 357 10

Seal (Phocidae) 112

Walrus (Odobenus rosmarus) 55 2 675 70 945 26.5

Caribou (Rangifer tarandus) 447 5 120 50 300 8.4

unidentified land mammal 11

unidentified marine mammal 63

unidentified mammal 495

unidentified bird 4

unidentified 314

TOTAL 2,197


past were an important source of dog food), large quantities of blubber for lamp fuel (e.g., Low, 1906), and of course tusks, which provided a very important source of ivory for tool making. Smith (1991) undertook an invaluable study of Inuit hunting practices in the Inukjuak area during the 1970s. This study provided excellent information on local seasonal availability and behaviour of the prey species exploited by Inujjuamiut. Smith (1991: 83) described the behav-iour of bearded seal in the Inukjuak area, stating that they are easier to hunt in the fall when they move closer to the shore – remaining there until the ice freezes. They are also known to use breathing holes during the winter in the study area, which is thought to be quite unusual behaviour compared to bearded seal in other areas (Mansfield, 1964). An informant told Smith (1991: 84) that during some years bearded seals can concentrate in certain areas but appear absent elsewhere, so that the possibility of encountering them can vary significantly from year to year. Walrus are rarely hunted in the Inukjuak area today, but according to Smith were an important prey species in the past. They tend to be more abundant further north along Hudson Strait, but some migrate down into the Bay each summer. In the fall, they are known to haul out on the Ottawa Islands about 200 km offshore from Inukjuak. The presence of various post-cranial elements in the assemblage suggests that these walrus may have been captured closer to home. Caribou tend to retreat inland during the earlier part of the winter, but move progressively closer to the Hudson Bay coast as winter progresses, so that by February they are frequently encountered along the shore. By early spring they tend to retreat inland again. The migratory harp seal, while a useful seasonal indicator in other parts of Nunavik, is rare in the study area – as seen in the presence of only eight bone fragments. The species distribution suggests a traditional Thule/Inuit subsistence economy. If this were a later historic Inuit occupation we would expect to find more evidence of foxes being trapped for trade, however fox is present only through two lower limb bones in IbGk-3’s faunal assemblage.

Discussion

The three Thule/Inuit semi-subterranean dwellings and their associated middens that were tested and excavated at Qijurittuq revealed, with a few exceptions, almost exclu-sively tools associated with a Palaeoeskimo occupation. This is not a new finding in Arctic archaeology. In the

early years of Arctic archaeological research, the focus was oriented towards the most prominent archaeological structure visible in Canadian Arctic: the semi-subterra-nean dwelling. At that time, some of the most distinctive Palaeo eskimo artefacts were included in the definition of Thule culture (Mathiassen, 1927: 30). Jenness (1925) was the first to distinguish between the two cultures within a mixed assemblage recovered from Thule houses, and he clearly identified a separate Palaeoeskimo assemblage from the admixture. He based his distinction upon the characteristics of the objects rather than their shared ar-chaeological context. Jenness’s (1925) interpretations were reinforced through later analyses (Rowley, 1940; Holtved, 1944; Col-lins, 1950) that reached a similar conclusion. However, the problem of admixture had led some archaeologists to sug-gest that the semi-subterranean house with entrance tunnel was either invented by Late Palaeoeskimo and then adopted by the Thule, or was invented by the Thule and borrowed by contemporaneous Late Palaeoeskimo (Meldgaard, 1960: 590; Plumet, 1977: 191; Wenzel, 1979; Fitzhugh, 1980: 25; Jordan, 1980: 609). The Qijurittuq semi-subterranean dwellings could not be assigned to the Palaeoeskimo period as they were built approximately 200 years ago, as seen in the dates associated with the wood. The assemblages also include a few artefacts clearly attributed to a Thule/Inuit occupation, but the excavation of extra-structural areas confirmed that the remains of an Inuit occupation overlay a previous Palaeoeskimo occupation. An understanding of the stratigraphy and palaeoecological context of the site made it clear that Thule/Inuit people had settled at the site at least a few hundred years after it had been abandoned by the Palaeoeskimo inhabitants (Lemieux et al., in review). Thule winter houses are often found at the same locations as Dorset sites, as the prime locations for winter camps would have held the same appeal to both culture groups (Pinard & Gendron, 2009). Often, archaeologists focus only on the house interiors and associated middens; however the investigation of other areas of the site can provide more detailed information on the site as a whole (e.g., Farid, 2001). Also confusing the issue is the fact that Thule/Inuit tools are often composed of organic material, and when organic preservation is a problem then the Thule/Inuit pres-ence in the mixed assemblage is under-represented (c.f. Park, 1993). This seems to be the problem confounding an understanding of the Qijurittuq site, in which the artifact assemblage consists of a mixture of both cultures with an over-representation (in comparison to the architectural information) of Palaeoeskimo lithic artefacts.


This introduces the problem of how we handle the subsistence analyses – can we safely make interpretations about Thule/Inuit behaviour from the faunal remains? Often, when Palaeoeskimo material is mixed in with Thule/Inuit assemblages in Nunavik it is confined to lithic mate-rial – rarely are organic tools found. Generally, Palaeoes-kimo material appears close to the walls and is usually interpreted to have been a secondary deposition resulting from the use of sod that had been excavated from an un-derlying or nearby Palaeoeskimo level for the construc-tion of the Thule/Inuit semi-subterranean dwelling. Prior to this secondary deposition, the Palaeoeskimo organic remains would have been deposited closer to the surface and been subjected to a range of taphonomic processes that challenged the ability of organic material to preserve (see Lofthouse, 2003). The rare organic tools preserved at the Qijurittuq site are all affiliated with the Thule/Inuit occupation, and are mainly from Structure 4. Bones were badly preserved in Palaeoeskimo Level I, and this contrasts with the bones recovered from the sampled houses and middens. A short-term occupation of Structure 1 would explain the small assemblage of organic, lithic and metal tools associated with the Thule/Inuit occupation. The faunal assemblage was mainly collected from the shallow midden associated with Structure 1, and this shallow depth also supports the likelihood of a short-term occupation. However, if we consider the great amount of energy invested in the construction of Structure 1, it is likely that it was built with the intention of remaining there for many months. The discovery of a large quantity of wood used in the construction of the semi-subterranean dwelling was unexpected, and surprised the researchers as well as the local people2. The Classic Thule version of the semi-sub-terranean house is generally discussed in association with bowhead whale bones, and is commonly composed of these in the Central and High Arctic (e.g., McCartney, 1979; McGhee, 1984; Park, 1988; Savelle, 1997; Dawson, 2001). However, during the early period of their migration from the west, it has been suggested for the region of western Victoria Island that the typical semi-subterranean dwell-ing was constructed with wood (Le Mouël & Le Mouël, 2002). Initially, it was postulated that the Thule culture originated in an area characterized by an abundance of wood and whales (Mathiassen, 1927: 182). Thus, the use of wood for structural components of semi-subterranean houses is not unexpected; it has been observed elsewhere in the eastern Arctic on the Belcher Islands (e.g., Benmouyal, 1978: 41-45) and was probably an important element of the early Thule culture. The surprise in this case is related

to the fact that the wood was preserved in an area where this level of preservation is uncommon; preserved wood structural elements are more often seen in the Mackenzie Delta area (Arnold & Hart, 1992; Friesen & Arnold, 1995). In Nunavik, radiocarbon dates have only been recovered from three Thule/Inuit winter sites at present including IbGk-3. Of these sites, two are placed at the earlier end of the range for the Thule presence in Nunavik: JfEl-10 in Diana Bay yielded 1257-1317 Cal. A.D. (one sigma, charcoal, BGS 2449: 698±70 B.P.) to 1540-1634 Cal. A.D. (one sigma, charcoal, BGS 2448: 352±90 B.P.) (Lofthouse, 2007; Pinard & Gendron, 2007, 2009), and JhEv-3 in Bur-goyne Bay near Kangiqsujuaq yielded 1287-1453 Cal. A.D. (one sigma, charcoal, BGS-2026, 545±120 B.P.) and 1420-1522 Cal. A.D. (one sigma, charcoal, BGS-2027: 423±80 B.P.). As the wood species for these samples were not identified, it is uncertain whether some of those dates may have been derived from driftwood; if so, they may pre-date the actual occupation. The date retrieved from wood used in the construction of Structure 1 at IbGk-3 falls at the latter end of the Thule/Inuit date range, with an earliest date of 1811 A.D. Based upon historical information (Hall, 1865; Boas, 1888; Flaherty, 1922; Mathiassen, 1928), we suggest that the Qijurittuq semi-subterranean houses were among the last built in Nunavik. A model that suggested the pro-gressive abandonment of semi-subterranean dwellings at the beginning of the Little Ice Age and before the end of the 16th century (Schledermann, 1976) is inapplicable to the situation seen in the Eastern Low Arctic. In Labrador, the use of semi-subterranean dwellings is believed to have persisted at least until the end of the 17th century; at the beginning of the 18th century larger communal sod houses were used (Woollett, 2003: 57). In the Belcher Islands, semi-subterranean dwellings have been associated with a later occupation based upon harpoon head styles, however without evidence for contact with Europeans (Benmouyal, 1978: 202-203). On Southampton Island, the Sadlermiut were already using qarmait (plural of qarmaq) during the last phase of occupation at the end of 19th century. The tim-ing for the abandonment of the semi-subterranean dwell-ing among Sadlermiut is unknown, but those that were observed were more likely attributed to the earlier Thule culture (Taylor, 1960: 80). On the eastern coast of Hudson Bay, our research shows that semi-subterranean dwellings were still being constructed at least until the beginning of the 19th century. The snow house in winter and the qarmaq in the fall had probably replaced semi-subterranean struc-tures many years before the well-known movie Nanook of the North was filmed at Inukjuak (Flaherty, 1922). Qarmait


were sod houses of variable size and shape that, unlike the semi-subterranean dwellings, were not excavated into the ground and were still remembered by elders in Ungava from their childhood (e.g., Pageau, 1971). In this region they were still in use at least until the 1940’s (Rousseau, 1953: 68; Archives from the Montréal Botanical Gardens, photographs c-3961-b-I-6319 and c-3962-a-I-6320). At Inukjuak, some Elders remember the use of sod in situ-ations when no snow was available for house construction (Lemieux, 2009: 81-82). Based upon this timeline for the abandonment of the semi-subterranean dwelling, it is tempting to attribute this shift in house architecture not to the beginning, but to the end of the Little Ice Age. Warmer conditions may have permitted the use of less elaborate and less perma-nent snow houses and qarmait dwellings. It is important to acknowledge, however, the fact that snow houses and qarmait could also involve significant time and energy investment, and larger, multi-family versions have been ob-served – although none have been recorded for this region of eastern Hudson Bay. An additional factor to consider is the suggestion that the Little Ice Age had no significant impact on the Arctic in terms of global air temperature, with an average varying only between 0.3 and 0.8°C colder (Mann, 2001). Nonetheless, the palaeoecological data pre-sented here shows a clear impact upon the Drayton Island environment (Lemieux et al., in review). This cold and dry climate was also noted at the tree line near Boniface River, triggering the establishment of permfrost in peatland (Bhiry et al., 2007). In the Salluit region, located on the southern coast of Hudson Strait, there was an increase in aeolian activity (Ouzilleau Samson et al., 2010), a growth of ice wedges (Kasper & Allard, 2001), as well by a cessation of solifluction processes (Todisco & Bhiry, 2008). Significantly, the end of the Little Ice Age corresponds with the beginning of more permanent contact with Euro-Canadian fur traders. This affected the way of life, and brought Inuit into commercial trapping relationships so that hunting was no longer largely concerned with subsistence. In eastern Hudson Bay, a trading post at Great Whale River, far to the south of Drayton Island, was established in 1813 – soon after the latest date associated with the Qijurittuq site. While the earliest trading post in the eastern Canadian Arctic was set up in 1751 to the north of Great Whale River in Richmond Gulf, this post did not persevere for long. Other posts were opened far to the south along eastern James Bay prior to 1813. Thus, a knowledge of trade goods was likely before this time, but the presence of these ear-lier posts probably did not have a significant impact upon

the lifestyle of Inuit. Following the establishment of an annually-accessible permanent trading post at Great Whale River, a pattern of long-distance trading and dispersed trap-ping arose that required increased mobility, particularly during the winter (Smith, 1991: 116). At the beginning of the 20th century, Low (1906) observed approximately 80 families along eastern Hudson Bay who traded regularly at Great Whale River. He described an annual cycle in which families would begin the long journey to the trading post in early January, establishing camp around good sealing locations along the coast, where they would also set up fox traps. This pattern pre-dated the use of trap-lines. As the nearest post at the time had been established in the early 19th century, it is possible that this pattern of movement had started long before Low visited the area in 1903-1904. Since the lengthy journey towards the post was embarked upon in mid-winter, it would not have made economic sense to invest in the elaborate architecture of a semi-sub-terranean dwelling. Thus, the introduction of trapping for trade into the annual cycle would have necessitated a move to less permanent and labour-intensive forms of housing. Establishing a clear link between changes in settlement patterns and house architecture with climate change is thus problematic, and impossible without further research into the late Thule/early historic period in Nunavik.

Conclusion

This paper has presented the preliminary results of IPY-funded research undertaken at the Qijurittuq site on Dray-ton Island along eastern Hudson Bay. Further research is presently underway; however, the current state of analysis permits us to present preliminary observations concerning the patterns apparent in site location for Thule/Inuit winter settlements. The Qijurittuq site’s semi-subterranean dwell-ings were built upon a sandy, well-drained marine terrace in a protective valley affording favourable conditions for settlement. The construction of the Qijurittuk houses was facilitated by the abundance of driftwood on the island and the presence of nearby peatland. Moreover, in southeastern Hudson Bay semi-subterranean dwellings are consistently located in areas protected from the dominant wind. How-ever, we still need to better document the time periods as-sociated with the different types of Thule/Inuit dwellings and consider potential influences such as the presence of polynias near the Belcher Islands, in order to develop our understanding of Thule/Inuit settlement patterns during the pre-contact period. So far we can postulate that the


topography and the ground properties played an important role in campsite selection. However, we still need to ad-dress the question as to why Thule/Inuit established their semi-subterranean dwellings near the rectangular shallow depression structures of Palaeoeskimo people at Qijutit-tuk? Was it considered a good location because people had camped there before the Inuit? Is it coincidental? Or is it the most suitable winter campsite locale in the area? This remains to be better documented. In contrast to other regions, the construction of semi-subterranean dwellings probably persisted until the be-ginning of the 19th century in Eastern Hudson Bay. The Qijurittuq site most likely represents the final stage of their use in Nunavik. In this region, the abandonment of this type of architecture in favour of the snow house and/or qarmaq coincides with the end of the Little Ice Age. The same time period is characterized by more sustained contact with Euro-Canadians. We need to carefully consider the relationship between this contact and cultural change in the early 19th century before we can evaluate the potential influence of climatic factors associated with the end of Little Ice Age.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the Government of Canada for financing this project through the International Polar Year 2007-2008 program as well as the summer employment program of the Kativik Regional Government for financing our Inuit student participants. This research has also ben-efited from the financial support of the Makivik Corpora-tion, the Government of Quebec (Ministère de la Culture, des Communications et de la Condition feminine), and the Government of Canada (Department of Indian and Northern Affairs). Additional thanks are extended to the Pukik local cultural committee as well as the municipality, Landholding Corporation, and people of Inukjuak, espe-cially the elders, for their support and sharing their enthu-siasm and interest during our fieldwork. Special thanks are also extended to the Inuit students who excavated at IbGk-3 and to the hunter-guides and cooks who ensured our safety and comfort in the field. Finally we would like to thank the organizers of the IPY workshop held by the National Museum of Denmark in May 2009. The conven-tional radiocarbon dates used in this paper were obtained at Centre d’études nordiques at Université Laval.

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Schledermann, P. (1976): The effect of climatic/ecological changes on the style of Thule Culture winter dwellings. Arctic and Alpine Research 8(1): 37-47.

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Pers. comm.: Tommy Weetaluktuk (2009), Avataq Cultural Institute.

Notes

1 Alliaq: “anything that will serve as a mattress, specially woven twig matting” (Schneider, 1985: 19) or qilattait: “mattress of interwoven birch twigs bound together” (Schneider, 1985: 298).

2 It was mentioned in the pan-Canadian arctic newspaper, Nunatsiaq News, as an unusual finding (George, 2007).

the qijurittuq site (ibgk-3), eastern hudson bay: an ipy interdisciplinary study

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