The palisade enclosure at Hyllie, SW Scania

Kristian Brink

Malmö Kulturmiljö/Malmö Heritage, Box 406, SE-201 24 Malmö, Sweden (kristian.brink@malmo.se)

Malmö Heritage carried out an archaeological excavation of the Middle Neo-lithic palisade enclosure at Hyllie in Malmö in 2001–2002, including the re-maining parts of the enclosure that had not been investigated previously andsome areas outside the palisades. This made it the most extensively excavatedpalisade enclosure in Scandinavia so far. The radiocarbon results and finds inpost-holes and a few other related features place the enclosure within the Bat-tle Axe Culture. Flakes from the production of square-sectioned axes/chiselswere found in post-holes and pits, together with flake scrapers, bones of bothdomestic and wild animals and pottery. The finds will make an important con-tribution to our understanding of activities linked to the palisade enclosure.General questions concerning the chronology, economy, social structure andritual tradition of the Battle Axe Culture can also be discussed in the light ofthe palisade enclosure and its finds, and also the classical archaeological prob-lem of the Middle Neolithic A – Middle Neolithic B transition.

Keywords: palisade enclosure, flint axe manufacturing, Battle Axe Culture,MN A–MN B transition

Journal of Nordic Archaeological Science 14, pp. 35–44 (2004)

IntroductionThe palisade enclosure at Hyllie was excavated in2001–2002 (Fig. 1), in the course of the large-scalearchaeological investigations preceding the construc-tion of the City Tunnel in Malmö, south-west Scania,an infrastructural project intended to expand the rail-way network between Malmö and Copenhagen. Thearchaeological investigations were carried out byMalmö Heritage within a project called the City Tun-nel Project, the general goals and methods of which arepresented in the publication “Citytunneln och spåren ilandskapet” (Lindhé et al. 2001). The archaeologicalremains investigated within the project ranged fromthe Mesolithic to the Middle Ages.

This article will present a brief general descriptionof the Middle Neolithic B (MN B) palisade enclosureand the related features and finds. The final sectionwill also briefly touch upon the cultural implicationsand significance of the archaeological material. Theresults presented here are to be considered preliminary,and the remarks made in the last section should be seenas starting points for further discussion on problems

Figure 1. Map of south Scandinavia with sites mentioned inthe text: A. Hyllie, B. Bunkeflo, C. Dösjebro, D. Helgeshøj,E. Vasagård and F. Rispebjerg.

Figure 2. General plan of part of the excavated area with all features included. Broken lines indicate the area excavated in1989. The locations of the features described in the article are also indicated (black symbols).

concerning such matters as the function and social con-text of the palisade enclosure. A site report on the exca-vation will be published, with descriptions and basicinterpretations of the archaeological remains (Brink &Hydén, in press). Further analyses of the palisade enclo-sure, along with an assessment of the remains from thisperiod in the Malmö area, will be made in order to dis-cuss the enclosure in a local context (Brink, in prep.).

The excavated area was about 7.9 hectares. Apartfrom the palisade enclosure, settlement remains fromthe Early and Middle Neolithic (EN–MN A) FunnelBeaker Culture, the Late Neolithic (LN) and the EarlyIron Age were also investigated at the site. The FunnelBeaker Culture was represented by a number of pitsand a few occupation deposits, the LN by house re-mains and the Early Iron Age by long-houses, pits andwells.

The palisade enclosure was discovered and partlyinvestigated by Malmö Heritage in 1989 (Fig. 2). Thisinvestigation has not yet been reported on in full, butthe palisade enclosure has been described and dis-cussed in a number of articles (Almqvist & Svensson1990; Svensson 1991, 2002). It was the first palisadeenclosure from the MN B to be discovered in Scandin-avia. A radiocarbon date and finds from the post-holesplaced it within the Battle Axe Culture (see below). Asite report has been published on the test excavationpreceding the main excavation of 2001–2002 (Brink2002), the findings of which generally supported earl-ier conclusions on the dating and basic character of thesite.

The palisade enclosureThe palisade enclosure was built in a rather undra-matic hummocky landscape about 4 km from thepresent coastline. It was situated on the western slopeof a low hill, with wetlands close to its western andsouthern parts, while the eastern and northern partswere facing higher ground. The height differencewithin the enclosure did not exceed 3 m. The palisadesenclosed an area of about 4 hectares and consisted ofthree to five rows of posts. The enclosure was oval inshape and measured approximately 250 × 160 m (Fig.2). The large inner area measured about 220 × 140 m.Modern activities have had their impact on the enclo-sure (as can be seen in Fig. 2), mostly in the northernand eastern parts, where it had been interrupted bymodern roads and large trenches. Large Iron Age pitsand smaller drainage ditches have also had an effect onits preservation, making it harder to assess the numberof entrances and their character and various other de-

tails of the construction. A total of 3229 post-holeshave been attributed to the enclosure, 862 of whichwere documented in 1989 (Svensson 1991:97). Of the2367 post-holes documented in the recent investiga-tion, 1362 (58%) were excavated. In complex parts ofthe enclosure, i.e. at entrances and where deposits offlint were found, all the post-holes were excavated,while in the less complicated parts with low numbersof finds only every second post-hole was examined.This has given a detailed picture of the constructionand of the general distribution of finds in the post-holes, although some individual finds may have beenmissed. There were quite large differences in size be-tween the post-holes, which were c. 0.20–0.60 m inwidth and c. 0.02–0.60 m in depth (measured after re-moval of the topsoil). The palisade was built usinground posts c. 0.10–0.40 m in diameter, as judgedfrom the post-marks, the distance between them gen-erally varying between c. 0.20 m and 0.40 m, althoughwith larger distances in some parts of the enclosure (seeFig. 3, for example). It seems as if the posts were placedin individual holes, although remains of a few ditcheswere documented in the inner row in the north-west-ern part of the enclosure (Fig. 3). This may indicatethat the digging of the individual post-holes was pre-ceded by the digging of ditches, at least in some partsof the enclosure. If this is the case, the ditches have notbeen deep enough to survive modern cultivation andremoval of the topsoil. The posts generally seem not tohave been sharpened before placement in the post-holes. The heavy clayey till that predominates on thehill would have made it hard to drive the posts into theground, but examples of sharpened posts that hadbeen partly driven in were found in the lower-lying,more sandy south-western parts of the enclosure. Sup-porting stones were found in some post-holes, al-though not regularly, nor in large quantities.

The post-holes of the inner row were generallysmaller, with an increase in size in the outer rows. Thisindicates a lower inner palisade, and a higher, moresturdy outer one. The palisades were probably at least1.5–2 m high (see Svensson 2002:46 for a discussionon this). The inner row of posts was basically the onlyrow that was in a constant position in relation to theother rows all the way around the enclosure (Fig. 2),whereas the other rows showed a more complicatedpattern in places, with branching and a shift of posi-tion within the structure (Figs. 2 & 3). The inner rowcan be interpreted as the “foundation” row in this re-spect, outlining the general plan of the structure andforming the basis for the construction of its more com-plex parts. This interpretation is merely hypothetical,

of course, and cannot be proved archaeologically. Itdoes lead, however, to the general question of the rela-tive chronology of the individual rows of posts. Asnoted by Svensson (1991:102), there is no strati-graphic evidence such as overlapping rows to suggestthe presence of different phases. The rows also gave ageneral impression of “fluidity” in the relationship be-tween them, in details such as shifts in their relativepositions and in the lay-out of the entrances (see be-low). All of these features, in combination with thelack of overlapping, indicate one homogeneous struc-ture.

A total of four large entrances have been found, oneof which was discovered in 1989 (Svensson 1991:97–98; 2002:37). Two of them were situated only about35 m apart in the western part of the enclosure, and theother two in the south-western and south-eastern parts(Figs. 2 & 4). This means that they were all directedtowards the wetlands to the west and south of the en-closure. The entrances seem to differ in one respect.One of the western entrances and the entrance in thesouth-west clearly led through all of the post rows,straight into the enclosure, whereas the other two en-trances led through the outer and middle rows but di-rect access seems to have been blocked by the innerrow, forcing the user to turn either to the right or to theleft to find a way through the inner row. There were

Figure 3. The north-western part of the palisade enclosure (filled features), illustrating the complexity of the rows of posts.The entrance to the north-east part of the enclosure is indicated (black arrow).

Figure 4. The south-east entrance to the palisade enclo-sure (filled features). Note the small gap in the inner row,possibly indicating a narrow entrance.

similar details in the inner row of posts in front of bothentrances, however, indicating small gaps, 0.5–0.6 mwide. These may have functioned as narrow openings,thus complicating the interpretation of the entrancesas not leading straight through the palisades (Fig. 4).As mentioned above, it was possible to turn either tothe right or to the left (at all four entrances) in order togain access to the areas between the inner and middlerows of posts, but access to the areas between the outerand middle rows seems to have been blocked, at least atthree of the entrances. In addition to the large en-trances, there were a few smaller ones leading throughthe inner row and also from the inside leading throughthe inner and middle rows into separate “rooms” in thenorth-eastern and eastern parts of the enclosure (Figs.3 & 5). Apart from this, there were a number of gaps inthe rows of posts in different parts of the enclosure,which may have functioned as openings, making itpossible to gain access to parts of the enclosure via amore complicated route.

Species analyses of charcoal from the post-holes has

shown that the wood originated to a large extent fromyoung stems of oak (Quercus sp.) and ash (Fraxinusexcelsior). Other species are also represented, but theevidence suggests that the enclosure was built mainlyof these two. This confirms the results of the test exca-vation (Brink 2002:63). When discernible, charcoaland soot was generally present in both the post-markand the surrounding filling, although often with aconcentration in the post-mark itself. Small fragmentsof burnt clay could also be seen in some post-holes,possibly indicating that the palisades were at least inpart burnt down. This was the case with the palisadeenclosure of the early Battle Axe Culture at Dösjebro,also in south-west Scania (Svensson 2002:34), andsuch an interpretation is also supported by the fact thata large number of the post-holes contained more thanone species of wood, probably as a result of a mixtureof charcoal from different posts finding its way intothe post-holes after burning of the palisades.

So far two radiocarbon dates obtained from char-coal from post-holes are available: 4050±90 (Lu-

Figure 5. The small “room” in the eastern part of thepalisade enclosure. All the post-holes attributed tothe palisade enclosure are indicated (filled features).Post-holes partly filled with flakes from the manufac-turing of square-sectioned flint axes/chisels are alsoindicated (in grey). Several post-holes containedhundreds of flints, and in one case the numberexceeded 3,000, partly a consequence of the flintsbeing burnt before deposition, resulting in a largenumber of splinters. Note the entrance (black arrow).

3189, 2860–2460 cal , 1σ) , and 4230±65 (Ua-17346, 2920–2680 cal , 1σ) (Svensson 1991:102;Brink 2002:59). These place the palisade enclosurewithin the MN A –MN B transition, corresponding tothe late Funnel Beaker Culture and the early Battle AxeCulture of south Scandinavia. The latter date, togetherwith the find material described below, suggests thatthe enclosure should be attributed to the early BattleAxe Culture.

Finds in the post-holes were scarce, generally con-sisting only of small amounts of burnt and unburntflint, small potsherds and some fragments of bone.Most of them cannot be interpreted as the result of de-liberate deposition. There are some exceptions, how-ever. During the investigation in 1989 a secondarilyworked, thick-bladed, hollow-ground, polished flintaxe of Malmer’s type 1 (Malmer 1962:400–403) wasfound in one of the post-holes of the entrance (Fig. 6).This type of axe is a common artefact of the Battle AxeCulture. This specimen had been deposited with theedge facing downwards and shows signs of usage in theform of coarse flake scars extending from the edge to-wards the neck and crush marks on the secondarilyworked edge (Högberg, pers. comm.). Two flake scrap-ers and a retouched blade were found in other post-holes, possibly the result of deliberate deposition, and afew potsherds attributed to the later part of the BattleAxe Culture were also found (Svensson 1991:99–102;2002:37). Another flake scraper, which can also be in-

terpreted as a deliberate deposition, was found in apost-hole at the south-western entrance. Apart fromthese few finds, large amounts of flint had been deliber-ately deposited in the fillings of the post-holes sur-rounding the entrance to a small “room” in the easternpart of the enclosure when erecting the posts (Fig. 5).The material consists of both burnt and unburnt flints,including flakes originating from the production ofsquare-sectioned axes or chisels. Polished fragmentsfrom the edges of hollow-ground axes could indicatethat this was the type of axe manufactured. The concen-tration of flakes from axe/chisel production in this partof the enclosure could indicate that this was the mainplace where such work was done, although flints of thiskind were also found in large pits situated in other partsof the enclosure (see below). No flakes from the initialstages of axe/chisel production were to be found in thepost-holes, however, indicating that the initial shapingwas done elsewhere, possibly at the sources of the rawmaterial on the coast a few kilometres away (seeHögberg 2002:139–142).

As mentioned above, there were large amounts ofburnt flint in the post-holes containing flakes from axeproduction, and investigation of the topsoil over partsof the palisade enclosure revealed large amounts ofburnt flint as compared with other sites investigatedwithin the City Tunnel Project (Högberg, pers. comm.).There are of course source-critical problems concern-ing the dating of the topsoil finds to be evaluated be-fore interpreting the burnt flint as a result of activitieswithin the enclosure, but comparable finds, in somecases including tools such as axes and chisels, havebeen found at a number of enclosed sites representingboth the late Funnel Beaker Culture and the Battle AxeCulture (Nielsen 2001:80–82; Kaul et al. 2002:126–135; Svensson 2002:36; Giersing 2000; Giersing, inpress). Burnt flint has also been found in large quanti-ties at other types of Neolithic site (see, for example,Larsson 2000), showing that the burning of flint wasan important part of Neolithic ritual activities.

Individual featuresApart from the post-holes, only four additional fea-tures can be chronologically connected with the enclo-sure (Fig. 2), but further analyses may alter this situ-ation. Three pits, each c. 3 m wide and c. 1 m deep,were found between the inner and middle rows ofpost-holes, two adjacent to each other at the southern-most end of the enclosure and the third in the westernpart. A fourth pit, basically an irregular oval c. 6 × 4 mwide and c. 0.15–0.80 m deep, was found on the in-

Figure 6. Flint axes found in an entrance post-hole (left)and in one of the pits. Photo: Andreas Nilsson /MalmöMuseer. Scale c. 1:5.

side of the enclosure. The lack of layers indicative oferosion indicates that the pits were filled shortly afterbeing dug. Three of them contained relatively largequantities of deposited finds, whilst one only con-tained small amounts. The finds were spread throughthe entire filling, although with a clear concentrationin the bottom layers. The deposited material consistsof flint flakes and waste, flint scrapers and a thick-bladed, hollow-ground, polished flint axe of Malmer’stype 1 (Malmer 1962:400–403) (Fig. 6), animal bonesand potsherds. Stone artefacts (other than flint), suchas hammer stones and parts of grinding stones, werealso found, indicating that the polishing of axes and/orchisels occurred within the enclosure. Several of theflint flakes are waste material from the manufacturingof square-sectioned axes. The hollow-ground axe hasbeen secondarily worked, as was the case with the onefound in a post-hole at one of the entrances. This axeshows no signs of usage after being re-worked, how-ever, but instead this secondary working can be inter-preted as an act of deliberate destruction before depos-

iting it at the bottom of the pit. This probably tookplace close to the pit immediately before the axe wasdeposited there, as indicated by a find of a polishedflake that can still be refitted onto the edge of the axe.

The animal bones have not yet been fully analysed,but a preliminary analysis shows the presence of bothdomestic and wild species, such as dog (Canis famil-iaris), cattle (Bos taurus), sheep (Ovis aries), pig (Susscrofa domesticus), red deer (Cervus elaphus), roe deer(Capreolus capreolus), wolf (Canis lupus), fox (Vulpesvulpes), seal (Phocidae) and different types of salt waterfish, mainly cod (Gadus morhua) (Jonsson, pers.comm.). Parts of an antler pickaxe were found in oneof the pits, as was an antler punch used for flintknapping (Fig. 7).

An interesting and unusual object found in one ofthe pits was a small staff-shaped bone pendant or nee-dle 4.3 cm long and 0.4 cm thick (Fig. 8). To the au-thor’s knowledge only six pendants of this kind havebeen found before, all in a single grave in the parish ofKöpinge in Scania, dated to period 3–4 of the Battle

Figure 8. The bone pendant/needle from one of thepits. Scale c. 2.5:1. Photo: Andreas Nilsson /MalmöMuseer.

Figure 7. The antler pickaxe and antler punch found in pitsrelated to the palisade enclosure. Photo: Andreas Nilsson /Malmö Museer. Scale c. 2:1.

Axe Culture (Malmer 1962:299, 301 Fig. 73:1). Noneof these was complete. Malmer interprets them as or-naments, although he does not rule out the possibilitythat they were in fact needles. Since all of the six pen-dants from the grave are broken off at the ends, it is notpossible to support an interpretation as needles. Thespecimen described here is complete, however, and hasa pointed end. This suggests that it might indeed havebeen a needle, although this cannot be taken as conclu-sive.

The pottery, which was mainly concentrated in thepit on the inside of the enclosure (Fig. 2), is in a veryfragmented state and is therefore hard to assess in de-tail according to Malmer’s typological classification ofBattle Axe Culture pottery (Malmer 1962). Differenttypes of vessels are represented among the sherds,which are from both decorated and undecorated ves-sels. Decoration appears on different types of vessels,even though the finer sherds show more variation inboth decoration technique and composition. Thedecoration consists of simple stamp impressions inhorizontal and vertical rows below the rim and on thebelly, cord impressions in horizontal lines below therim and horizontal lines and angular bands made witha very fine whipped cord below the rim and on thebelly. It thus seems to correspond to Malmer’s maingroups A–C and to groups F–J, indicating a widechronological span. The pottery will need further ana-lyses before any definite conclusions on its typologicalattribution and dating can be reached. There is evi-dently a need for some discussion regarding the chro-nological relevance of Malmer’s typology, however.

Concluding remarksThe function of the chronologically and geographi-cally widespread enclosed monuments of the Euro-pean Neolithic has been discussed for a long time. InScandinavia the discussion has focused mainly on thecausewayed enclosures of the middle and late FunnelBeaker Culture, since they were the first Neolithicmonuments of this kind to be discovered. Various sug-gested functions, e.g. as settlements, market places,central assembly places and cemeteries, have been dis-cussed and evaluated by Andersen (1997). The discov-ery of the palisade enclosure at Hyllie in 1989 widenedour knowledge of the enclosure tradition to includethe Battle Axe Culture as well. This gives a more com-plex picture of the cultural framework within whichthis phenomenon occurred in the Neolithic of south-ern Scandinavia. Research into these palisade enclo-sures has focused on their multifunctional character,

although especially stressing the economic, social andritual importance of the production, distribution anduse of flint axes (Svensson 2002:46–50; see alsoAndersson 2003).

The investigations into the palisade enclosure atHyllie have contributed to the general discussion andinterpretation of the enclosure phenomenon in southScandinavia. The radiocarbon dates, combined withfinds, place it within the early Battle Axe Culture, as isalso the case with two other palisade enclosures insouth-west Scania, Bunkeflo and Dösjebro (Jonsson1995; Andersson et al. 1999; Svensson 2002). Thereare three sites with palisade enclosures, Helgeshøj onZealand, Vasagård and Rispebjerg on Bornholm, allattributed to the late Funnel Beaker Culture by virtueof their radiocarbon dates and characteristic MN AVmaterial (Giersing, in press; Nielsen 2001:78–82;Kaul et al. 2002:124–126, 129–131) (Fig. 1), andthere are also a number of sites on Zealand and inScania with probable palisade enclosures, althoughtheir character and dating are not as well-known as inthe former cases (see Svensson 2002 for a discussionand evaluation of all the palisade enclosures of the lateFunnel Beaker Culture and the Battle Axe Culturefound to date). Radiocarbon dates place the palisadeenclosures mentioned above at the MN A – MN Btransition, indicating a close chronological connec-tion between these sites (Jonsson 1995:16; Anderssonet al. 1999:11; Heinemeier et al. 1996:324–325;Giersing, in press). The palisade enclosures thus giveus valuable information on the classical problem ofthis transitional phase, that is the cultural transitionfrom the Funnel Beaker Culture to the Battle Axe Cul-ture in southern Scandinavia. They also represent bothcontinuity and change in relation to the enclosed sitesof the late EN and early MN Funnel Beaker Culture.Although palisade enclosures were part of a long Neo-lithic tradition of enclosing larger areas with ditchesand/or palisades, those of the late Funnel Beaker Cul-ture and early Battle Axe Culture differ from the earliercausewayed enclosures of the Sarup type in some re-spects. This can be seen in the presence of human bonesat causewayed enclosures, for example (Andersen1997:87, 307–309), something which has not beenfound in post-holes or features directly related to thepalisade enclosures of the late MN A and early MN B.

As mentioned above, general discussions on thefunction(s) of the palisade enclosures have focused onthe production, distribution and ritual use of flintaxes. This can generally be seen as a common trait unit-ing these sites. There is a need for a local perspective,however, in view of the rather large architectural differ-

ences between the structures. A close connection interms of basic construction can be seen between theenclosures at Hyllie and Bunkeflo, the latter beingsituated c. 4 km west of the former and close to thepresent coastline. Although only minor parts of theBunkeflo enclosure have been investigated, it seemsthat it similarly consisted of three to five rows of postsforming an oval (Jonsson 1995). These sites seem torepresent a local tradition of enclosure building, al-though it cannot be established whether they are con-temporary, or if one succeeded the other. They never-theless present some clear architectural differencesrelative to other, basically contemporary sites such asDösjebro (see Andersson et al. 1999, Figs. 4 & 5).

The finds from the palisade enclosure at Hyllie haveessentially increased the volume of material attribut-able to the Battle Axe Culture in southern Scandinavia,both quantitatively and qualitatively. The new evidenceclearly shows the wide range of resources used duringthis period, and will contribute to discussions concern-ing the chronology, economy and ritual traditions ofthe culture, amongst other things. The Scanian BattleAxe Culture can be characterised archaeologically asprimarily a “grave culture”, since it is most clearly rep-resented by graves. There are few known settlements,and they often contain only a few finds. Structuressuch as pits, occupation deposits and building remainsare scarce, something which has led several scholars tosuggest that the Battle Axe Culture was a mobile cul-ture with an economy primarily based on animal hus-bandry (see, for example, Larsson 1989:73, 1992:153;Andersson 2003:260, 320). The specific problem ofthe economic and social structure of the Battle AxeCulture will not be evaluated here, but the variety ofanimal species from features connected with the pali-sade enclosure suggests that it could be discussed fur-ther. Archaeological investigations in the Malmö areaduring the last decade have yielded a number of re-mains that have been radiocarbon dated to the MN B.These dates can in some respects be considered ran-dom, however, as in most cases they are not the resultof an active search for Battle Axe Culture remains. Thestructures and features that were dated will need fur-ther assessment before any conclusions can be drawnon their character, or their possible relationship to thepalisade enclosures at Hyllie and Bunkeflo.

PostscriptSome additional radiocarbon dates have been receivedsince this paper was written in the spring of 2003, in-cluding two new dates from post-holes in the palisade

enclosure: 4210±50 (Ua-21305, 2890–2690 cal, 1σ) and 4410±55 (Ua-21283, 3260–2910 cal, 1σ). The first corresponds to those presented inthis paper, while the second places the enclosure in theMN A. The pit on the inside of the palisade enclosurewhere most of the pottery was found (as well as the ant-ler punch and the grinding stone parts mentioned inthe paper), was dated to 3605±45 (Ua-21280,2030–1880 cal , 1σ). This places it in the LN, whichcontradicts the MN B date based on the find material.Further analyses will therefore be needed before anyconclusions can be drawn on the dating of the pit andits relation to the palisade enclosure.

AcknowledgementsI would like to thank my colleagues Susan Hydén,Elisabeth Rudebeck and Anders Högberg for valuablecomments on the text and Chris Brown and ElisabethRudebeck for improving my English. I would also liketo thank Tom Giersing at Københavns Amtsmuseums-råd, Antikvarisk Enhed, for letting me read his manu-script on the palisade enclosure at Helgeshøj.

English language revision by Malcolm Hicks.

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Personal communicationsA. Högberg, Malmö Heritage.L. Jonsson, Arkeologiskt Naturvetenskapligt Laboratorium, Uni-

versity of Gothenburg.