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Quaternary International 272-273 (2012) 55e74

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Quaternary International

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The Magdalenian in Catalonia (northeast Iberia)

Josep-Maria Fullola a,*, Xavier Mangado a, José-Miguel Tejero a,b, Maria-Àngels Petit a,Maria-Mercè Bergadà a, Jordi Nadal a, Pilar García-Argüelles a, Raül Bartrolí a, Oriol Mercadal c

a SERP (Seminari d’Estudis i Recerques Prehistòriques), Universitat de Barcelona, Montalegre 6-8, E-08001 Barcelona, SpainbUMR 7041, ArScAn Equipe Ethnologie préhistorique, 21, Allée de l’Université, 92023 Nanterre, FrancecMuseu Cerdà, Higini de Rivera 4, E-17520 Puigcerdà, Spain

a r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:Available online 3 March 2012

* Corresponding author.E-mail address: fullola@ub.edu (J.-M. Fullola).

1040-6182/$ e see front matter � 2012 Elsevier Ltd adoi:10.1016/j.quaint.2012.02.051

a b s t r a c t

The Magdalenian is the first Upper Palaeolithic period to show a widespread human occupationthroughout the northeastern territories of Iberia. Several sites have been located in both the plains andmountains extending from the Pyrenean valleys of the Segre River to the mouth of the Ebro River. Theoldest dates (in the XIXth millennium cal BP) were obtained at the open-air site of Montlleó, in thePyrenean valley of Cerdanya. Most of the Magdalenian sites have yielded information about short orseasonal occupations related with the exploitation of natural resources. Parco cave preserves a goodstratigraphic sequence ranging from Middle to Upper and Late Upper Magdalenian (from XVIIth to XIVthmillennium cal BP). In this site, various human activities were organized around a significant number ofhearths. They were related with animal and mineral processing. The data obtained at Parco and Montlleósites have enabled the reconstruction of the Late Upper Pleistocene palaeoenvironment for the south-eastern Pyrenees area. However, other sites from the southern part of the country are also providing veryinteresting information about climate, as well as faunal and floral elements, with more recent radio-carbon dates (XVth to XIVth millennium cal BP). Some malacological remains found in Montlleó comefrom the Mediterranean coast, but others come from the Cantabrian area, thus indicating a route ofconnection between the two seas during the Magdalenian. There is also limited artistic evidence inTaverna cave, Molí del Salt, l’Hort de la Boquera, Sant Gregori, and Parellada IV sites. One of the mostsignificant findings of the research is the archaeological confirmation of the existence of humanmovements across the Pyrenees during the Magdalenian. Some raw materials found in Montlleó are ofFrench origin, others come from the southern slopes of the Pyrenees, and still others could come fromeither side. The site is near the westernmost route opened during the last glaciation for crossing thePyrenees. Thus, people and materials may well have circulated across the Pyrenees through this corridor.

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1. Introduction

The final phase of the Upper Palaeolithic in the northeast IberianPeninsula is the best-documented period for this area. New infor-mation on the Magdalenian that has come to light in recent yearshas made it possible to qualify and sometimes even changemany ofthe assumptions that were being made about this techno-complexbarely a decade ago. Due to the dynamic way in which the researchinto this period has been carried out by various teams focusing onvery different aspects (paleoenvironment, supply of biotic andabiotic resources and the implications for the economy and terri-torial mobility, etc.), today much is known about the Magdalenian

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in the northeast (Langlais and Mangado, 2007; Soler et al., 2009;Mangado et al., 2010a, 2010b, and many others), despite recentlypublished claims to the contrary (Mora et al., 2011:643). Some ofthe most noteworthy aspects are: the identification of a stablepopulation of a certain density, especially in the more advancedphases of the Magdalenian in the most northerly areas; thedetection of a communication route via Coll de la Perxa betweenboth sides of the Pyrenees, connecting with the Ebro Valley sincethe Middle Magdalenian; and evidence that some of the portableart record from the southern side of the Pyrenees has a number ofclear links with the French side. This paper gives an overview of theMagdalenian in northeast Iberia. Data obtained from known sitesexcavated long ago and more recent archaeological records areused to describe the typological, technological, economic andterritorial aspects of this techno-complex. All dates are given in calBP 2sigma (95%), CalPal2007- Hulu (Weninger and Jöris, 2004).

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2. The Magdalenian in northeast Iberia

2.1. Main sites

Until the end of the twentieth century, the final stages of theUpper Palaeolithic in Catalonia had been identified at only a fewsites, among them Bora Gran d’en Carreras (Serinyà, Girona), ParcoCave (Alòs de Balaguer, Lleida) and others of smaller dimensions.However, in the last decade much novel and relevant informationhas been obtained (Fig. 1).

First, new areas were discovered, such as the open-air site ofMontlleó (Prats i Sansor, Lleida) and Cova Gran (Santa Linya, Lleida).Second, excavations and archaeological research continued at sitesincluding the Parco cave and l’Hort de la Boquera rock shelter(Margalef deMontsant, Tarragona). The discovery of new symbolic-type artifacts in other sites such as Molí del Salt (Vimbodí, Tarra-gona), l’Hort de la Boquera itself and Parellada IV (Capçanes,Tarragona) also deserves mention. These finds make it clear justhow dynamic research into the Late Upper Palaeolithic carried outin Catalonia has been over the last ten years or so.

The tradition of studying the Palaeolithic in Catalonia startedvery early. From the mid-19th century, shortly after the disciplinewas created in neighbouring France, news began to appear offindings of Palaeolithic sites, among which a number of Magda-lenian deposits stand out. Bora Gran d’en Carreras was discov-ered in 1866. The first excavations at the site, carried out by PereAlsius, would show the richness of the levels of an advancedphase of the Magdalenian (Alsius, 1871/1872). The site wouldremain in the public eye because of the collections made byenthusiasts acting as commendably as Alsius or Bosoms, for

Fig. 1. Distribution map of the Magdalenian sites in Catalonia: 1- Bora Gran d’en Carreras,Boquera, 8- Bauma de la Peixera d’Alfès, 9- Cova de la Granadella, 10- Can Garriga, 11- BalmaGregori, 17- La Mallada.

instance (Pericot and Maluquer de Motes, 1951), or underprofessional guidance after the 1940s, such as that of Corominas(1949), supervised by Lluís Pericot. Added to the enormouscollection of backed bladelets, end scrapers and burins would bean exceptional series of bone instruments, including the onlyharpoons found until now in the northeast of Iberia. The mostimportant contribution from the site over the last few years hasbeen to obtain two dates on reindeer phalanges, which placethem between 16,530e15,330 and 15,590e15,190 cal BP (Fullola,2001) (Figs. 2e3).

Resulting from excavations using modern methods, the mostoutstanding findings come from the Parco cave, where excavationwork carried out by a SERP team (Seminari d’Estudis i RecerquesPrehistòriques/Seminar of Studies and Research into Prehistory) atthe University of Barcelona began in 1987 and continues today. Thesite is located in the Segre valley at 420 m asl, in a steep but shel-tered area. The excavation has uncovered levels corresponding tothe Late Upper Magdalenian, dated respectively to15,080e14,600 cal BP, 15,450e14,530 cal BP and 16,600e15,480 calBP, although this final level looks to be rather older (Mangado et al.,2007). Excavations of the Upper Magdalenian are currentlyunderway, which has three radiometric dates: 15,690e15,450 calBP, 15,840e15,440 cal BP and 16,390e15,390 cal BP. This is attrib-uted this the Upper Magdalenian based on the appearance ofelongated scalene triangles (Langlais, 2009), although no othersignificant change has been observed in the organization of thespace, in the technology of lithic production or in the strategies forsupplying the resources, which remain identical. From the exca-vation’s initial stratigraphic sequence it was possible to determinethe existence of up to eleven sedimentary levels with cultural

2- Montlleó, 3- Parco cave, 4- Cova Gran, 5- Molí del Salt, 6- Els Colls, 7- L’Hort de lade la Vall, 12- Cova de la Taverna, 13- Parellada IV, 14- Auferí, 15- Cova del Boix, 16- Sant

Fig. 2. Table of calibrated dates of the Magdalenian in Catalonia.

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remains (Bergadà et al., 1999), the deepest being dated to17,870e17,070 cal BP.

The numerous Magdalenian occupations of Parco cave arecharacterized by the great complexity of the anthropic elementsstructuring the space in each of them. Below, the importance ofthese elements in structuring the interior space of the site, inthe form of either hearths or debris deposits is analyzed. Avariety of activities is documented thanks to the functional andtypological diversity of the lithic implements and hard animalmaterials. There are also signs of hideworking (Calvo, 2004) andpossibly even the smoking of these skins (Bergadà, 1998). Alsofound were several symbolic-type artifacts. All these aspectssuggest as a working hypothesis that the Magdalenian hunter-gatherers who occupied the site did so for temporary(although not too short) periods, probably seasonally (Mangadoet al., 2007).

As regards new discoveries made on the southern side of theEastern Pyrenees over the last decade, two sites should bementioned: Montlleó and Cova Gran. The open-air Magdaleniansite of Montlleó is situated in the high Pyrenees, 1,130 m asl, in thevalley of La Cerdanya. Since 2000, the site has been under

excavation by a SERP team from the University of Barcelona, and atpresent it has an open surface area of 53 m2. The excavation ismaking it possible to document a set of open-air Magdalenianoccupations dated to between 18,750e18,550 cal BP and20,560e20,080 cal BP, passing through 18,870e18,550 cal BP.

The site includes a wide range of lithic tools, not exclusivelyweapons, which attest to a wide variety of jobs carried out on site.There are also indications of hideworking and animal-carcassprocesses, end scrapers, burins, becs, hammers, polishers, whichat the same time show a wide lithological variety reflectinga varied supply of mineral resources within the Cerdanya valleyitself: rhyolite, lydite, quartz, and quartzite, as well as fromoutside the valley, such as different documented types of siliceoussedimentary rock, in some cases clearly of north Pyrenean origin(jasper from Canigou) and in other cases of southern origin(flint from the Coronas Formation in the Sierra del Cadí). Thelithic chaîne opératoire for bladelet production shows that thesebladelets were obtained on the site itself in two different ways,one based on pyramidal nuclei and the other using carinatedflakes, while the blades would be supplied already worked(Langlais, 2009).

Fig. 3. Graph of calibrated dates of the Magdalenian in Catalonia.

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Traces of bone industry and malacological remains suggest theexistence of social networks for the purposes of contact andexchange, or long-distance journeys away from the Magdalenianhunter-gatherer settlements. All these marine traces may in anycase come from the Mediterranean, although one specimen ofprobable Atlantic origin would open up another perspective asregards the circulation of materials (Fullola et al., 2008). Thepresence of theMontlleó sitemarks out the route over the Pyreneesbetween the coast of the Gulf of Lion and the Ebro basin via la PerxaPass and the River Segre basin (Baills and Fullola, 2003) (Fig. 4).

Cova Gran, excavated by a team of the Autonomous Universityof Barcelona, has provided evidence of occupations from the LateUpper Palaeolithic, specifically in Sector P and Unit S4. A lithicindustry has been documented, dominated by a microlaminarcomponent (backed bladelets and truncated blades) along withend scrapers and burins. Three antler points, one broken boneneedle and a number of elements used for adornment, such asa carved red deer canine and some marine shells, have also beenfound. They have been dated to four time bands between16,990e16,830 cal BP and 20,420e20,020 cal BP (Mora et al.,2011).

In southern Catalonia there is another important concentrationof Magdalenian sites with a number of typical features of their own,which give them a different character to those in the Pyrenees andPre-Pyrenees. The site at Molí del Salt was studied by a team fromthe University Rovira i Virgili in Tarragona. This is a rock shelterwith a stratigraphic sequence just over 2 m deep, formedmainly bya 1.5 m deposit of sandy loamwhich includes layers correspondingto the Late Upper Palaeolithic (Vaquero, 2004). The Upper Palae-olithic sequence is made up of two main sets: from bottom to top,a lower set (Set B), which comprises two levels (B1 and B2) andhas two radiocarbon dates of 14,070e13,590 cal BP and15,300e14,540 cal BP, and an upper set (Set A), which comprises

three levels (from bottom to top: A1, A and A-sup) and has a seriesof six slightly more recent dates. From this latter set come most ofthe pieces of portable art.

The knapping strategies indicate a tendency towards theproduction of long blanks, although strictly laminar nuclei arerelatively scarce. Typologically speaking, there is a predomi-nance of end scrapers, truncated blades and backed elements,with a number of notched objects, burins and becs also present.In Set A, the most recent, a decrease in the number of trun-cated blades can be observed along with a very noticeableincrease in the number of end scrapers and burins; the highproportion of backed elements is maintained throughout thewhole sequence. The typological structure of the Late UpperPalaeolithic sets is the usual one for this phase in the Medi-terranean area. Butchering and hideworking activities, carriedout through the use of end scrapers and truncated blades, havebeen documented.

More new data on Upper Palaeolithic settlements have beenfound in the nearby River Montsant valley. These are the rockshelter sites of l’Hort de la Boquera, Els Colls, Auferí, and Boix cave(all in Margalef de Montsant, Tarragona), excavated by a SERP teamfrom the University of Barcelona in the course of various campaignssince the early 1980s.

The most important of these sites is l’Hort de la Boquera. This isa small rock shelter whose overhang had collapsed due to fire,which also affected the archaeological level. Of the four sedimen-tological levels identified (Bergadà, 1998), Level II is the one thatcontains the best-dated human occupation: 14,810e13,890 cal BP,13,850e13,570 cal BP and 13,790e13,550 cal BP.

It has been possible to reconstruct a number of specializedareas: one for knapping and two hearths. The lithic industry ischaracterized by a great abundance of end scrapers and backedelements but very few burins. The technological study reveals

Fig. 4. Lithic and osseous industries of the Magdalenian in northern Catalonia: Montlleó site, from 1 to 16. 1e7: backed bladelets, 8: raclette, 9e10: burins, 11, 13 and 14, endscrapers, 12: bec, 15: fragment of retouched blade, 16: bladelet core Parco cave, from 17 to 41, 17: end scraper, 18: bec, 19: backed bladelets, 20e25: triangles, 26, 30 and 31: burins, 27and 33: end scrapers/burins, 28 and 32: bladelet cores, 29: fragment of retouched blade, 34: Dentalium, 35: Nasarius sp., 36: Homalopoma sanguineum, 37: Theodoxus fluviatilis, 38:carved atrophied red deer canine, 39 and 41: spear points, 40: needle.

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a type of knapping completely different from that used duringthe Magdalenian in the most classical sense (Langlais, 2009).The appearance of a figurative carving on a block of stone, whichwill be analysed in a later section, makes this site even moreexceptional.

The rock shelter at Els Colls, very close to Boquera, provided twolevels (2 and 4) with a significant human presence in the form oflithic remains (Fullola et al., 1993). Both sets of finds were separatedby a fall of roof blocks deposited directly onto the archaeologicalmaterials of Level 4a. The main characteristic of this lithic industry

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is its size, much larger than would have been expected from theundeniable Magdalenian age determined from the paleoenvir-onmental analyses and the dates obtained, 14,790e13,710 and15,350e14,350 cal BP. Outstanding artefact types here are therectilinear backed points with truncated base and the end scrapers,along with various core forms, many of them on thick flakes. It waspossible to discern a knapping area and a hearth with charcoalremains in its interior (Fullola et al., 1993). The industry is currentlybeing analyzed from a technological point of view (Rodríguez,unpublished practicum) (Fig. 5).

2.2. Other sites

Discussion includes all those sites in northeast Iberia that areproposed to be Magdalenian in different publications, but whichhave no radiocarbon dates: the chronological attributions comefrom techno-typological studies. The lithic and bone collections insome cases are very large, and there are also some that havestructures. In the Montsant valley area, there is the Auferí rockshelter. This site was the subject of a rescue excavation between1992 and 1994 under the direction of SERP members (Adseriaset al., 1996). The lithic materials from the Magdalenian, mainlybacked elements and end scrapers plus a number of burins,appeared in Level IIIb of Sector II (Bartrolí et al., unpublishedexcavation memory: 47e48). The typological similarities withl’Hort de la Boquera and Els Colls paint a picture of great homo-geneity in this final moment of the Magdalenian in southernCatalonia.

The Magdalenian levels in Boix cave were found to becompletely disturbed by recent structures in the cave. However, thesite taken as a whole was clearly distinguishable, with large backedblades in the same style as that already mentioned for previoussites, along with some burins and end scrapers (García-Argüellesand Fullola, 2002). One remarkable point at least can be observedin this area: at the same time that the Magdalenian was ending,Boix shows an industry appearing in L’Hort de la Boquera and ElsColls characterized by rectilinear backed points with truncated baseand end scrapers obtained through the application of a knappingtechnique that has no direct technological parallels with that usedin sites belonging to the Magdalenian (Langlais, 2009).

In the Ebro valley itself, near the city of Lleida, on a small trib-utary of the River Segre, lies La Bauma de la Peixera d’Alfés (Alfés,Lleida). Originally this was a rock shelter settlement over 15 m longand about 5 m wide on the banks of the River Set. The shelteringcanopy of the rock shelter collapsed and, because there wasa substratum of marls, the sediment en bloc slid a few metresforward.

An area of 20 m2 was excavated by the SERP between 1984 and1986. Of the three sedimentological levels, only Level 1a containsthe archaeological settlement. Levels 1b and 1c are layers ofNeogene marl.

The material is characterized by a high presence of abruptretouch elements, points and backed bladelets. There are alsonumerous end scrapers and a high percentage of burins, mainlydihedral.

Unfortunately it has not been possible to obtain chronometricdating, but because of the industrial characteristics it can beattributed to the Magdalenian. It is considered to be a huntingsettlement (García-Argüelles and Fullola, 2002).

The open-air settlement of Can Garriga (Bigues, Barcelona) is anextensive concentration of various loci, two of which have beenexcavated. Can Garriga I was dug between 1974 and 1976. CanGarriga IV was excavated methodically by a team from the Barce-lona Museum of Archaeology between 1980 and 1984 (Lorencio,1987). The clearly Magdalenian appearance of the lithic industry

is confirmed by almost 60% of backed elements, with LD (backedbladelets) and LDT (truncated backed bladelets) elements pre-dominating, and an abundance of burins, greatly exceeding the lowproportion of end scrapers. The very acidic sediment did not allowfor the dating of the few bone remains identified. A recent revisionof the materials from locus I corroborates the attribution toadvanced phases of the Magdalenian (Medina, 2007).

The cave of La Mallada (Perelló, Tarragona) was excavated in the1950s by Salvador Vilaseca (Vilaseca and Cantarell, 1956). Its lithicand osseous materials have been reviewed on a number of occa-sions and attribution is always to the final phases of the Magdale-nian. The most recent publication on La Mallada includes a detailedgeoarchaeological, archaeozoological and archaeological study(García-Argüelles and Nadal, 1996) which concludes that the wholesite should be included in the Mediterranean Upper Magdalenian.A feature that stands out is the predominance of end scrapers overburins, along with a notable presence of backed bladelets andpoints.

To the south, La Balma de la Vall (Montblanc, Tarragona) is a rockshelter from which lithic and osseous materials have been recov-ered. The industries are clearly attributable to the Magdalenian,while the fauna is mainly deer (Nadal, 1994).

Also worth mentioning is the cave of La Granadella (Granadella,Lleida), represented by materials which, both typologically andtechnologically, are clearly Late Magdalenian. No excavation hastaken place here and the only study that it has been possible tocarry out is of the lithic elements collected by amateurs, witha predominance of end scrapers, backed bladelets and points(García-Argüelles and Fullola, 1990).

In the northeasternmost part of the territory, in the province ofGirona, there are various settlements that provide no stratigraphybut which are the product of short sporadic stays. They are gener-ally rock shelters or very shallow caves and even a few open-airsites which have provided lithic elements that are well-situatedin Magdalenian times, even though radiocarbon dating has notbeen possible due to the age of the excavations or the scarcity ofdatable materials. These sites include Cau de les Guilles (Roses,Girona), Cau de les Goges (Sant Julià de Ramis, Girona), Comad’Infern (Les Planes, Girona), Castell s’Espasa (Sadernes, Girona)and Sant Benet (Sant Feliu de Guíxols, Girona). In the last three thepredominant elements are completely Magdalenian, bladelets anda great many dihedral burins, more than end scrapers, but there arealso some very unusual retouched pieces such as backed scalenebladelets with abrupt retouch on the two short sides, made by themicroburin technique.

3. Palaeoenvironmental sequence

As far as the palaeoenvironment of the Magdalenian commu-nities in the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula is concerned,a number of considerations are provided. Not many studies havebeen carried out of either the natural or the archaeological depositsof this period. The archaeological sequences chosen have sedi-mentary, palynological and anthracological (wood charcoal) datawith a definite time resolution (Fig. 6) such as Montlleó (Bergadàand Serrat, 2009), Parco cave (Bergadà, 1998; Bergadà et al., 1999;Bergadà and Serrat, 2009; Burjachs, 2009; Allué et al., in press), ElsColls (Bergadà, 1998), l’Hort de la Boquera (Bergadà, 1998) and Molídel Salt (Vaquero, 2004). It is important to reference the glaciermodelling scenario in the Pyrenees, especially in the Central andEastern Sectors, during the Last Glacial Maximum (Pallàs et al.,2006, 2010; García-Ruiz et al., 2010) because of the palae-oenvironmental implications for the area being studied here.

The chronological framework would be between 20,000 and13,500 cal BP. From the chronostratigraphic point of view, the focus

Fig. 5. Lithic industries from l’Hort de la Boquera: end scrapers, backed points and bladelets.

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Site Level Episode Sample Laboratory BP Dating CalBP p(95%)Montlleó IV Montlleó C Charcoal Ox A-14034 15.550±140 18870-18550

Parco XI Parco J Charcoal GifA 95552 14.300±150 17870-17070Parco VII Parco G Charcoal GifA 95542 14.040±140 17630-16910Parco VI Parco F Bone AA-8644,T459 13.950±150 17490-16850Parco V Parco F Charcoal GifA 95565 13.890±130 17270-16870Parco IV Parco E Bone AA-8643,T458 12.900±130 16000-15080Parco III Parco E Charcoal GifA 95564 13.070±140 16680-15240Parco II Parco E Charcoal OxA-10798 13.175±60 16600-15480Parco II Parco E Charcoal OxA-13596 13.025±50 15840-15440Parco II Parco E Charcoal OxA-13597 12.995±50 15690-15450Parco II Parco E Charcoal OxA-10835 12.560±130 15450-14530Parco II Parco E Charcoal Ox A-10797 12.460±60 15080-14600Colls IV Colls D Charcoal GifA 95571 12.490±120 15350-14350Colls IV Colls D Charcoal GifA 95544 12.150±120 14790-13710

H.Boquera II Boquera B Charcoal OxA-13595 12.250±60 14810-13890H.Boquera II Boquera B Charcoal OxA-23646 11.850±45 13850-13570H.Boquera II Boquera B Charcoal OxA-23645 11.775±45 13790-13550

Molí del Salt B2 Charcoal GifA-101038 12.510±100 15300-14540Molí del Salt B1 Charcoal GifA-101037 11.940±100 14070-13590

Fig. 6. Relationship between radiocarbon dates and sedimentary episodes.

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is on the Late Upper Pleistocene (almost completely within MIS-2).Chronostratigraphic nomenclature is based on high-resolutionproxies obtained from studies of the ice core from drillings inGreenland, especially from the GRIP and NGRIP (Lowe et al., 2008).From these results it has been possible to distinguish variousperiods within MIS-2 (Björck et al., 1998; Walker et al., 1999) withspecial attention being paid to GICC05 chronostratigraphy (Loweet al., 2008); the glacial or stadial phase (Greenland Stadial) GS-2with the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM); and the interstadialcomplex (Greenland Interstadial) GI-1 with smaller sub-divisionscorresponding to shorter cold and warm events.

To relate the documented episodes to this scale, the accumu-lated probability curves of the calibrated dateswere comparedwiththose of GIC005 (Lowe et al., 2008) (Fig. 7). Analysis took intoaccount the curve of sea surface temperature variation obtainedfrom an analysis of alkenones from the MD95-2043 core from theSea of Alboran, south of Malaga (Cacho et al., 2001, 2006) and alsopalaeoclimatic contributions from the MD99-2343 core from northof the island of Menorca (Frigola et al., 2008).

The problem with studying the last glacial cycle on the southside of the Pyrenees basically revolves around the fact that thedates suggest different scenarios (García-Ruiz et al., 2010). Mostresearchers at least accept that there was an advance of the glaciersaround the LGM (Lewis et al., 2009), although not to the sameextent (Sancho et al., 2008) as in the cases of the Scandinavian icesheet and the Alpine glaciers. For Pallàs et al. (2010) this was c.23.9 � 2.5 ka (10Be). According to these researchers, the advancebrought about the end of a more humid and relatively more benignphase, in line with the expansion of the glaciers in the widerMediterranean region which chronologically would be situated c.30e25 ka, based on pollen analyses and sea surface temperaturedata (Hughes and Woodward, 2008). During the LGM, dated to c.21 � 2 ka (Pallàs et al., 2006), there was a phase of stabilization ina very arid atmosphere, also in line with data obtained from othermountain massifs of southern Europe (Hughes and Woodward,2008). Later, there began phases of retreat, (deglaciation), whichin the Eastern Pyreneese specifically Querol andMalniu (Girona)eare dated to c. 18.2� 0.5 (10Be) and 15.4� 0.2 ka (10Be) respectively,with short periods of readvance giving rise to cirque-type glaciersof limited extent that caused no modifications to the landscape.

Focusing on the palaeoenvironmental data provided byarchaeological records, the sequence begins in the Montlleó site,with archaeological Level IV Sector C dated to between 18,870 and18,550 cal BP and attributed to the Early Magdalenian. This Mon-tlleó C phase (Bergadà and Serrat, 2009) is characterized by thesedimentation of block falls and solifluction in a cold medium andwould fall within sub-section GS-2b of cold but not rigorously coldcharacteristics.

The sequence continues with the Parco site, which hasa lengthier diachronic record. The sedimentary episode that hasbeen dated is the so-called Parco J (Bergadà and Serrat, 2009),which would cover Levels XI and X, the first dated to17,870e17,070 cal BP and attributed to the Middle Magdalenian(Mangado et al., 2009a, 2009b). Its origin is related to a process ofdiffuse runoff along with anthropic activity which is evident due tothe presence of hearths. The sedimentary and edaphic featuresindicate conditions of fluctuating humidity. The following episodee Parco I, Level IX e is characterized by the reactivation of weakintensity runoff in certain sectors of the cave in a cold environmentin which freezing and thawing processes are very noticeablyintensified. The palynology reflects an open and steppe-like land-scape of plants in which arboreal taxa appear to be representedonly by the conifers cf. Juniperus (juniper) and Pinus (pine) (Bergadàet al., 1999). The sedimentation continues with the Parco H LevelVIII episode, also characterized by weak intensity runoff with anincrease in anthropic activity. The pollen data also indicatea predominance of a steppe-type environment of herbaceousplants with a low presence of cf. Juniperus, Pinus and Quercus ilex-coccifera (holm oak). Finally, there is the Parco G Level VII episode,dated to 17,630e16,910cal BP. Detrital sedimentation diminishesconsiderably and the remains of anthropic activity predominates.Widespread flooding occurred after occupation and disturbed thecomponents of human activity. The climate was humid and tendingto mild, which is confirmed by the data from palynological analysesshowing that, in addition to the taxa mentioned above, there isa presence of oak (deciduous Quercus), hazel (Corylus cf. avellana),willow (Salix spp) and wild olive (Olea- Phillyrea), taxa whichsuggest an open park-like landscape (Bergadà et al., 1999; Bergadàand Serrat, 2009). The anthracological analyses of this phase showPinus sylvestris as the only taxon identified (Allué et al., in press).

Fig. 7. Cumulated probability curves obtained from the CalPal2007- Hulu calibration of the dates coming from the sites that have palaeoenvironmental studies; we compare themwith the d18O variation curves obtained in the NGRIP y GRIP cores, following the GICC05 Age Model (Lowe et al., 2008).

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The archaeological attribution of these episodes is uncertain atpresent due to the fact that the sequence obtained corresponds todrilling from the Maluquer excavations, and so far no archaeolog-ical intervention has taken place. This phase is located at thebeginning of the transition from sub-section GS-2a to GS-2b,a colder phase than the previous one.

The sequence continues with the Parco F episode, formedmainly by Level VI, dated to 17,490e16,850 cal BP, and Level V,dated to 17,630e16,910 cal BP. From the sedimentary point of viewthere is a change characterized bymedium intensity runoff in a coldenvironment with significant freezing and thawing cycles. Thepalynological analysis also indicates an important climatic reces-sionwith respect to the previous stagewith a trend towards aridity,a predominance of herbaceous steppe plants and more Quercusilex-coccifera and pine, especially towards the end of the episode(Bergadà et al., 1999). To date, it has not been possible to givea definite attribution in archaeological terms, but judging from thestudy of lithic materials from the excavations carried out byMaluquer it is likely to correspond to the Upper Magdalenian(Mangado et al., 2009a). This phase falls within the beginning ofGS-2a. After a brief hiatus there follows the Parco E sedimentaryepisode with Levels III and II attributed to the Upper Magdalenian,Level II specifically to the Late Upper Magdalenian (Mangado et al.,2009a). The dates for this episode are themost numerous and rangefrom 16,680e15,240 cal BP for Level III to 15,080e14,600 cal BP forLevel II. The deposit is made up of a combination of frost-shatteredrock and sediments deposited by weak intensity runoff, and blockfall can be found at the top of the episode. The conditions are coldwith an increase in humidity in Level II. This picture is also sup-ported by the pollen, with the presence of pines and herbaceoussteppe plants (Asteraceae, Artemisia and Poaceae) in Level III, indi-cating a climatic recession. In Level II there was higher humidityshown by an increase in the deciduous Poaceae and Quercus, which

indicate an open landscape with grasses predominating. From theanthracological point of view, Juniperus and the presence ofdeciduous Quercus sp. and Ephedra have also been identified (Alluéet al., in press).

This episode corresponds to the end of sub-section GS-2a witha cold event. In studies carried out in the deep waters of theMediterranean around the Iberian Peninsula, Sea of Alboran andMenorca, and more specifically in the interval between 17.8 and14.8 ka cal BP, a very significant oceanographic change can beobserved which corresponds to various phases of cold, aridconditions. According to I. Cacho (personal communication), theseconditions were more intense in the western Mediterranean andquite probably in Iberia as a whole during GS-2a than during theLGM. A gap can be detected in the Parco record that covers almostthe whole of GI-1 (Bergadà and Serrat, 2009), while the periodbetween GI-1b and GI-1a saw the beginning of Epipalaeolithicoccupations.

Following the records of the Late Upper Palaeolithic, theregional sequence continues with the sites of Els Colls, l’Hort de laBoquera andMolí del Salt. In Els Colls those deposits that have beendated include Els Colls D Level IV, placed between 15,350e14,350and 14,810e13,690 cal BP, the beginning practically falling withinGI-1e (Bölling), including the brief cold event GI-1d (Older Dryas)and ending in GI-1c, a warm period known as the Allerød Oscilla-tion (Jordá and Aura, 2006). It is characterized by a flood-plaindeposit from the River Montsant that, due to both the sedimentarymicrostructure and the fissures in the detrital material, denotescycles of light freezing and thawing (Bergadà, 1998). The conditionswould have been humid and slightly cold. Added to these data arethe anthracological results, which indicate open vegetation withPinus sylvestris-salzmanni as the most representative species, alongwith Juniperus sp., Salix sp., Pomoideae, Prunus sp. and finally Prunusamygdalus (Bergadà, 1998).

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Els Colls C Level III represents a net change with respect to theprevious episode and is characterized by block fall. The recordcontinues with the episode of Els Colls B Level II, TL-dated to13,000 � 1000 BP, also represented by flood-plain deposit with localblock-fall deposits from the sheltering canopy plus an increase inanthropic activity components. The atmosphere would have beenmorehumidand less cold. In this context thesiteatMolídelSalt shouldalso be mentioned, specifically Site B, dated between 15,000e14,120and 14,010e13,300 cal BP and composed of an alluvial cone witha cold, dry vegetation of pines, junipers and spruce trees, but showingthe beginnings of mesophile taxa such as Rosaceae, hawthorn andelder, as can be seen from the anthracological study (Vaquero, 2004).

The sequence concludes with the record from L’Hort de laBoquera, Level II, the start of which is dated to 14,810e13,890 calBP, in line with Els Colls, while the dates for the top withmaximum probability would be between 13,790e13,550 and13,850e13,570 cal BP. This is a site with flood-plain and slopedeposits along with an increase in anthropic components in whichthe edaphic processes were very important, indicating a phase ofstability. The environment was humid as at the two previouslymentioned sites and as a whole fell within GI-1, although the mostrepresentative part of the episode would be in GI-1c.

4. Subsistence patterns

Subsistence in the northeast Iberian Peninsula during theMagdalenian is not determined exclusively by the climaticcircumstances of the time or by the complex’s possible cultural andtechnological adaptations. There are certain variables that have analmost timeless effect and that may have had just as much if notmore influence on biotic resource supply strategies than any oneparticular technology or fairly stereotypical behaviour. These vari-ables include latitude, altitude, and topography of the area studied(Fullola and Nadal, 2001).

Latitude determines the existence of different biozones,although these may have moved further north or south over thecourse of time. These biozones will imply the absence, presence orabundance of particular species that can be exploited. In thisrespect, according to latitudinal criteria two clearly different areasstand out during the Magdalenian. The record for the southernarea, which could theoretically be placed more or less south of42�N, is characterized by an almost complete absence of horseremains (Equus caballus ferus) and a predominance of red deer(Cervus elaphus) among the larger mammals. This is the case forsites such as La Balma de la Vall (Nadal, 1994) and La Mallada(García-Argüelles and Nadal, 1996). In the northern area, above the42nd parallel, although the most frequent species during thisperiod is also red deer, horse also may have a notable presence.Examples are the sites of Bora Gran d’en Carreras, Montlleó and CanGarriga, a little to the south of this hypothetical frontier. This wasnot an unchanging situation, and that in the preceding period(Solutrean) there was a generalized presence of horse in thesouthern part of this area (Nadal et al., 2005). A harsh open land-scape in the northern area during the Magdalenian is also reflectedby the predominant hunting of the bustard (Otis tarda) among thebirds consumed in Bora Gran d’en Carreras (García Petit, 1997).

Latitude also means that, compared to more southerly areas, thenortheast Iberian Peninsula saw the somewhat late arrival ofcertain resources found in previous eras, but which clearly arriveearlier in the south than in areas located further north. The use inthe south of this region of the terrestrial gastropod, Cepaea nem-oralis, seems to have begun at the l’Hort de la Boquera and Els Collssites (Fullola et al., 1993). In more northerly areas the use of thisresource did not become well established until later times, duringthe Epipalaeolithic (Lloveras et al., 2011).

Although the presence of rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) isinherent to hunter-gatherer occupations in much of the Iberianpeninsula (except Cantabrian Spain), in the Magdalenian a notice-able increase is seen in their remains on the sites, and in some casesthis becomes absolute predominance, as in the case of Levels B1and B2 of Molí del Salt, where this species accounts for over 90% ofthe remains identifiede presaging the importance it will acquire inthe future, at the beginning of the Holocene (Allué et al., 2010). Asfar as leporids are concerned, a taphonomic analysis is underway todistinguish accurately between those remains deriving fromhumans and those deriving from other predators (Lloveras et al.,2009).

The altitude at which the sites are located, regardless of relief,may also have determined the presence or absence of various taxa.Thus, in the less rugged, but high altitude site of Montlleó, the horsewould do well in the deforested surroundings resulting fromclimatic effects determined not only by latitude e the mostnortherly in their study e but also by altitude, as its position is1,130 m ASL. However, these surroundings would be less than idealfor leporids, generally abundant in the other sites.

Finally, relief and not only altitude determine the presence ofa third species of large mammal in the context of the Magdalenianin the northeast of the peninsula: the ibex (Capra pyrenaica). Itsimportance may be overestimated due to varying preservation inthe sites of this period, generally rock shelters or caves located atthe foot of different mountain systems. In this respect, the ibex isthe main, virtually exclusive species in sites such as the Parco caveand various settlements in the Montsant valley: l’Hort de laBoquera and Auferí. In these two sites the preservation of boneremains is highly inadequate, but the limited identifications thatcan be made (generally isolated dental pieces) usually indicatea certain specialization in hunting, no doubt seasonal. In the case ofthe Montsant valley, where there exists a large number of sitesattributable to this period (Els Colls, L’Hort de la Boquera, Taverna,Boix) (Nadal, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis), the sites are always locatedaccording to the same pattern, in areas where different tributariesmeet the River Montsant. These tributaries, which would connectthe mountain-top pastures with the river, could have functioned asstrategic points for hunting ibex as they moved between the valleyand the mountain.

The same type of landscape no doubt determined the sporadicpresence of animals from other, more northerly latitudes whichoccasionally arrived in the territory. Thus, although environmentalconditions must have been more favourable in Montlleó than inBora Gran d’en Carreras, an especially flat area in the easternfoothills of the Pyrenees, a number of specimens of reindeer(Rangifer tarandus) managed to reach the second site from the areato the north of the Pyrenees, where the reindeer is very well rep-resented during the Magdalenian in the sites of Gazel, La Crouzade,Les Conques, Grotte de l’Oeil and Belvis (Sacchi, 1986), for example,while the location on the other side of the highest areas of themountain range no doubt prevented reindeer from reachingMontlleó. The Bora Gran reindeer are the final indications of thisspecies in this territory. Their remains are the ones that providedthe dates mentioned above e 16,530e15,330 cal BP, obtained froman anklebone, and 15,590e15,190 cal BP, obtained from a thirdphalanx (Nadal et al., 1997, 2002).

5. Technology and raw materials

5.1. Lithic artefact

The scientific study of the lithic raw materials used by thehunter-gatherer groups of the Pleistocene in the northeast of thepeninsula began in the last decade of the 20th century. Today, the

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development of the archaeo-petrological discipline providesa wider panorama that explains more about the territorial mobilityof these groups thanks to studies involving the collecting andcharacterizing of resources, mainly lithic, along with lithicproduction technology, especially during theMagdalenian, a periodfor which there are a greater number of studied sites available(Mangado et al., 2009a; Langlais, 2010). This interpretation,however, needs to take into account two main factors: the char-acteristics of the settlements and the characteristics of theresources. To begin with, therefore, these are nomadic peopleswhose mobility, as a subsistence mechanism, implies behavioursthat involved both the transporting of certain materials, either fordirect use or exchange, and the abandoning of others, whoseimportance cannot be defined exclusively by drawing a number ofcatchment areas of “local”, “regional” and “extra-regional” scale,which delimit static concentric areas simply on the basis of theirdistance from the site. Dynamic social behaviours require under-standing that what these people transported and how they did sowas just as important as what they decide to leave behind, becausethese groups “invest” in knowledge of the environment, where andhow to find, exploit or obtain resources and not necessarily in howto build up stocks thereof, because, under normal conditions, theirculturally constructed territories at any given time provided thevarious social entities that comprised them with the economicresources and mechanisms necessary to make use of them to covertheir needs.

The characteristics of the resources themselves e abundance,accessibility, usability e constitute the other main explanatoryelements to enable understanding of the supply mechanisms andhow they are used. Taking this second parameter into account,northeast Iberia is not an especially privileged territory as regardsthe abundance, accessibility and quality of the lithic resourcessuitable for blade production in the Upper Palaeolithic (Mangadoet al., 2009a). To be specific, flint is plentiful only in certainMiocene, Eocene and Oligocene formations in a number of inlandsedimentary basins, these being relatively easy to access only inslope deposits and in the beds of streams that free these resourcesfrom their original host rocks and distribute them rather morewidely over the floodplains. In other parts of the territory, however,especially in the furthest northeast quadrant, flint is generally non-existent, scarce or unsuitable for blade production (Soler et al.,1990; Ortega, 2002; Ortega et al., 2005).

Unlike what has been documented for periods before the UpperPalaeolithic in the northeast of the peninsula, which were charac-terized by the use of a number of materials suitable for differentkinds of knapping (quartz, quartzite, basalt, etc.) that are directlyavailable from outcrops relatively close to the settlements, duringthe Upper Palaeolithic the sedimentary siliceous rocks (flint,jasper.), despite being unequally distributed across the territory,became the main raw material for making the industrial sets. Thisphenomenon needs to be seen in relation to a number of otherfactors, one of which is that blade knapping calls for raw materialsof a particular quality. The absence of such materials in certainareas of the territory was compensated for by other supply mech-anisms (Mangado, 2002; Ortega, 2002; Ortega et al., 2005).

These mechanisms may include obtaining the resource byindirect means through exchange, thereby favouring inter-groupcontact structures (aggregation sites, for example, as proposed forGazel in the Aude by Langlais and Sacchi (2006)), or by directmeans through enlarging the size of the economically-exploitedterritory by increasing the distances covered by the group,without this working in detriment to inter-group contacts, whichcould be encouraged by this same strategy.

Either way, the observed result in northeast Iberia is archaeo-logically the same, namely an increase in the circulation of various

types of siliceous sedimentary rawmaterials from outside local andregional geological contexts. This behaviour, which reached itsheight in later periods of the Magdalenian, was rapidly abandonedduring older periods of the Epipalaeolithic, as can be seen in thosesites with evidence of occupations in both periods, such as Parcocave, where there is a clear decrease in the presence of siliceousvarieties from greater distances (due to a decrease in size of theeconomic territories for environmental and/or socio-culturalreasons; break-down of exchange mechanisms or decrease inexchange frequency?) along with a noticeable change in the waythey are introduced into the site. Even without knowing the cause,this behaviour is archaeologically significant and serves as a crite-rion for differentiating between the economic behaviours of thehunter-gatherers of the Late Upper Pleistocene and the EarlyHolocene (Mangado, 2005; Mangado et al., 2007).

The decrease and/or virtual disappearance of varieties of sili-ceous raw material from outside local geological contexts circu-lating in the northeast peninsula will, as a result, providea noticeably similar scenario to the situation prior to the UpperPalaeolithic. On the one hand, in territories that lack these lithicresources, the main behaviour observed is a return to using directlyavailable materials (quartz, quartzite.) to make any instrumentswith basic technical requirements, although, unlike during theolder phases of the Palaeolithic, the best-suited siliceous materialswere still being used for blade making, although they come fromareas nearer the sites (Terradas, 1995). On the other hand, thoseterritories that had already provided more high-quality siliceoussedimentary raw materials throughout the Palaeolithic had, duringthe Upper Palaeolithic in general and theMagdalenian in particular,barely started using certain tools made from varieties of exogenousraw material which were not documented in the sequences ofmaterials before then. These will disappear from the records at thestart of the Holocene and, as a result, the siliceous sedimentarymaterials used for knapping will basically be the same as thoseused earlier (Mangado, 2005).

Taking this archaeological evidence into account, behavioursinvolving a large increase in territories to enable a direct supply ofresources were not developed effectively in this region because,within the actual territory with direct supplies, these resourceswere present and of quantity, availability and usability sufficient forthe needs of the Magdalenian groups, e.g., Parco cave and Balma dela Peixera d’Alfés in the inland part of the region and l’Hort de laBoquera, Auferí and Molí del Salt in the southern part. In thesecases, therefore, processes for the exchange of specific materialswith other groups probably did exist. This conclusion takes intoaccount firstly the fact that there are very few remains of high-quality lithic materials as a proportion of the total, and also thatthese elements tend to appear as finished tools with no archaeo-logical traces of their production process at the sites themselves.Secondly, in northeast Iberia the Magdalenian is the period ofgreatest occupation of the territory during the Upper Palaeolithic,a fact that could make it easier for contacts between the variouscommunities to exist.

Behaviours involving significant extra-regional movements ofsiliceous sedimentary raw materials came about in thosegeographical areas that were clearly lacking in resources of suffi-cient quality, accessibility or usability to satisfy the demand of theMagdalenian settlements, mainly in the area of the Pyrenees, insites such as Montlleó (Mangado et al., 2010a) and Bora Gran d’enCarreras (Langlais, 2010). In these cases it seems to be clear that, atleast to some extent, different territorial supply areas were estab-lished, independently of whether the mechanism used to obtainthis supply involved exchanges, which has been associated withisolated provisioning activities, or an increase in the size of theeconomically-exploited territory, which would be associated more

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with large-scale provisioning activities. Along these lines, in thecase of Bora Gran d’en Carreras, there is a major proportion ofsiliceous materials originating from Neogene geological formationslocated on the other side of the Pyrenees:flint from the Narbonneand Sigean basins (Ortega, 2002; Ortega et al., 2005), and evenmaterials from further north (Costières du Gard) according toa suggested hypothesis (Grégoire and Bazile, 2005; Langlais, 2010).There is a presence on the site of tools made of Sanoisian flint and“Los Monegros flint”, which comes from the Ebro basin (Langlais,2010). Thus, raw materials from the other side of the Pyreneescan make up a large proportion of the lithic record, and this masspresence leads to consideration of a direct use of the resource bythe communities, who applied a strategy of advance planning bybringing in these materials in volumes to be worked. At the sametime, the sites located in geographical areas of the Pyrenees thatclearly lack raw materials share a supply from the south. The mostsignificant example of this is the case of Bora Gran d’en Carreras,with Miocene jaspers fromMontjuïc mountain in Barcelona. In thiscase, the limited number of specimens suggests that they wereintroduced into the site through exchange mechanisms (Ortega,2002).

Thus, there is the outline of a territoriality defined as havinga hierarchical structure radiating out from the coastal strip andwhich would include within the same territory of cultural identitythose populations who supply themselves directly with, or obtainthrough exchange, siliceous sedimentary materials from the areacontained between the River Llobregat to the south and probablythe Rhone to the north. This strip of territory is mainly limited tothe coastal plain and the pre-coastal and coastal mountain rangesof the northeast of the peninsula and Roussillon, defining an areathat would fluctuate in size between 4000 and 7000 km2. Thismodel has already been ethnographically documented in societieswith a similar economy in similar climatic environments (Ortega,2002) (Fig. 8).

Montlleó, situated in an area of the Pyrenees further to the west,also presents a collection of extra-regional siliceous materialscomprising lithological varieties from north and south of the

Fig. 8. Circulation of lithic raw materials during the Magdalenian in Catalonia. In grey, the lrepresent the definitive procurement patterns. The dashed arrows represent probable proc

mountain range. Among the raw materials from the north is Can-igou jasper, the supply sources for which are to be found in theupper and middle River Têt basin (Ortega, 2002). The proportion inwhich it appears is low as regards the industrial set as a whole, butit is not to be found only in implements, a fact which suggests thata supply of the raw material was brought directly to the site. Asregards the supply from the south, this involved Lower Eocenesiliceousmaterials from the Coronas Formation, introduced into thesite as small pre-shaped nuclei for making bladelets. The archaeo-petrological work has yet to be completed.

The ways in which the various types of extra-regional siliceousmaterial were introduced into the sites raise another question, thatof the technological practices of the Magdalenian groups in thenortheast of Iberia. Forward planning regarding demand andforesightedness in the use of a scarce resource are clear features oftheir behaviour: quality raw materials are introduced into theseareas in which they are lacking.

However, the raw materials are introduced in different ways.Regardless of whether resources were obtained directly or throughexchange, at certain sites and in the case of certain materials, theywere introduced in the form of pre-formed blanks in units that aresufficiently large to be suited to whatever segmentation of theblank is required. It appears that this is how blade blanks docu-mented in Montlleó were introduced, given that no archaeologicalevidence has been found of items for maintaining the blade nucleior of the processes for reducing the blade nuclei to bladelets. Also atthis site, other extra-regional materials were introduced in bulkonly as pre-shaped rawmaterial for further reduction: for example,smaller-sized materials such as river pebbles or moraine rocks,which were the nuclei for obtaining bladelets, produced entirely atthe site (Langlais, 2010).

As regards sites located in territories with a certain abundanceof quality siliceous materials that are accessible and usable,forward-planning behaviours are not in evidence, or at least not tosuch a marked extent, even though the raw materials may comefrom a territorial area beyond what could strictly be called “local”.In these cases there is no proof of time and space segmentation in

ithic raw material sources. In black, the archaeological sites analysed. The solid arrowsurement patterns.

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the lithic production chain, with knapping of the various siliceousmaterials generally being carried out in situ and remains of theentire production process from the smoothing-down of the nodulesto the abandonment of the used-up nuclei being recoveredarchaeologically (Parco cave, Balma de la Peixera d’Alfès, l’Hort de laBoquera, Auferí). At these sites, especially those located in areas inwhich lithic resources aremore easily available and accessible (sitesin the south of the territory under analysis), a certain wastefulnessin the raw material economy can be detected, observable above alldue to the extent to which some of the documented blade nucleiwere abandoned in the early stages of reduction, especially thosebeing worked on the more abundant siliceous raw materials. Thegreater size of the finished articles obtained on these sites may alsobe directly related to the abundance of the resource and the tech-nical adaptability of the Upper Magdalenian, as these technologicalstudies show.

Magdalenian lithic production will follow different objectives inthe course of the chronological development of the period. Duringthe Early Magdalenian (e.g., Montlleó) there is evidence of theexistence of knapping processes aimed at obtaining thin flakes tobe turned into lateral tools, together with production of thick flakesaimed at obtaining bladelet nuclei, which reveal their chaînesopératoires and conceptual processes of little technical investment.These would be simple and effective solutions carried out rapidly,because the processes for removing microbladelets from carinatedflake nuclei freed the stone knappers from the limitations of thematerial itself and in addition, as we mentioned earlier, the flakeshad already been produced when they were introduced into thesite (Langlais and Mangado, 2007; Langlais, 2009, 2010; Mangadoet al., 2011).

From the technical point of view, blade production during theMiddle Magdalenian changed little. This could be explained by thewidespread transporting of blades made of certain raw materialsover long distances, because of their quality and especially becauseof their size (Langlais, 2010). These are extremely standardizedblanks used for a wide variety of tools. However, Middle Magdale-nian records in the northeast are scarce (San Benet and Comad’Infern) and the collections studied (Soler et al., 2009; Langlais,2010) point to the non-existence of flake production for imple-ments, only as nuclei for bladelets. However, along with theimporting of flake-based tools there has also been documentedevidence of in situ flake production based on flint nodules (althoughthere are no studies yet on the origin of the raw material).

In the Upper Magdalenian, there was abundant blade and bla-delet production that shows varying degrees of technical invest-ment accompanied by a lower level of importation offlakes asfinished tools. In general, the use of a smaller range of extra-regional raw materials has been related to a greater capacity toadapt to the size of the nearest resources, which would mean lesstechnical precision and a loss of regularity in the technical standardof the tools. The greater use of smaller-unit resources involvedmaking use of natural morphologies by simplifying knapping.

5.2. Osseous and malacological artifacts

The remains of osseous industry recovered in excavations on thesites we have mentioned have enabled an initial overview of theways in which bone and antler were used during the Magdalenianin northeast Iberia. However, this overview cannot for the presentbe considered anything more than provisional for two reasons. Thefirst is that some of the sites that have provided the most and bestdata on the subject are still being excavated. This is especially thecase of Parco cave, where the Magdalenian levels are providing therichest series of osseous remains e so far around 100 pieces e afterBora Gran d’en Carreras. The second is that in the geographical area,

studies still need to be carried out from a technological point ofview to attempt a reconstruction of the operational processes forworking with these materials and then, using this, to discover theparticular techno-economic model of the Magdalenians in thenortheast. The exceptional findings at Bora Gran d’en Carreras e

almost 500 pieces e are the result of various archaeological digscarried out since the end of the 19th century. The absence ofstratigraphic control during these excavations prevents anydiachronic analysis of the evidence and makes it difficult to relatethe various technical categories of remains with each other in orderto characterize the use of bone and antler on the site. The otherMagdalenian deposits currently provide very few finds, as is thecase with Montlleó and Molí del Salt, or present no evidence ofwork with hard animal materials, because of a lack of conservation,the functional nature of the work, cultural choice, or other reasons.These circumstances mean that the characterization of the osseousmaterial work model during the Magdalenian in northeast Iberia isbased fundamentally on data provided by the only sites for whichtechnological studies have been carried out, namely Parco cave(Tejero, 2005; Tejero and Fullola, 2006, 2008) and the open-air siteof Montlleó, or typological studies but with the use of technologicaldescriptors as at Bora Gran d’en Carreras (Rueda, 1987).

As regards the raw materials used, apart from those exclusivelyfor items of personal adornment, the entire Magdalenian osseousindustry wasmade on bone and antler. No evidence has been foundof any strategy unconnected to the hunting and eating of theanimals on the sites as a means of obtaining bone supplies. Thebones used for technical purposes, as far as this can be determined,are remains of animals caught and processed for food. This is thecase of the anatomical blanks chosen for needle-making in Parcocave. These are long bone diaphyses of medium-sized mammals(probably C. pyrenaica) fromwhich the blanks are extracted, as canbe seen from the manufacturing waste that has been recovered inrecent excavation campaigns. As far as antler is concerned, in allcases this comes from red deer (C. elaphus), although the absence ofantlers per se from the Magdalenian material record means that ithas not been possible to determine whether they were supplied byhunting or scavenging. However, the presence of reindeer remains(R. tarandus) among the fauna of Bora Gran and the difficulty indetermining the taxonomy of the blank once it has been modifiedready for transformation into the finished object, raise the possi-bility that, at certain times and in certain areas, reindeer antler mayalso have been used.

The work with bone is carried out using two technical trans-formation patterns. The first is the production of blanks bybreakage, which is documented in Bora Gran d’en Carreras inconnection with making awls. It is more than likely that this isa procedure used to crack the diaphyses to get at the bone marrow,which provides bone flakes that in turn can bemade use of by beingroughly prepared into awls. The other pattern of bone débitage,which is present in Bora Gran d’en Carreras, Parco cave and Mon-tlleó, is double longitudinal grooving. This produces baguette(wand) -type blanks which serve to make needles (Tejero andFullola, 2006). In this case, the aim of the débitage is purely tech-nical and makes it easy to obtain relatively quickly the standardblanks for one of the morphotypes in which the Magdalenians ofthe northeast made a major technical investment: needles.

Antler débitage is in all cases carried out by double longitudinalgrooving, as shown by the stigmas associated with this proceduredocumented through blanks and by-products from Parco andMontlleó (Tejero, 2005; Tejero and Fullola, 2008). Production isdirected exclusively to the making of spear points which, alongwith needles, are the most abundant type of Magdalenian boneequipment in the area. The main technique used in themanufacturing stage is scraping. In the case of needles, after the

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proximal perforation has been made, in a few cases it is possible tosee traces of abrasion for regularizing the piece.

The osseous production directed towards the use of bone andantler fall within the framework of domestic and hunting activities.The most noteworthy among the former in relation to hide-processing tasks, according to the most accepted theories, areneedles, accompanied to a lesser extent by other morphotypes suchas awls, polishers and the odd intermediate piece. The huntingimplements are mainly composed of spears, among which standout those with a double bevel and to a lesser extent those witha single bevel or simple point. The other type of item used forhunting and/or fishing activities, the harpoon, has only beendocumented in Catalonia at Bora Gran, which supplied overa dozen, both uni- and bilaterally barbed. Their presence exclu-sively in a Magdalenian site in the northeast cannot be objectivelyassessed until the necessary technical, traceological and experi-mental work has been carried out, which should enable thepossible various uses of the harpoons to be determined. However, itis unavoidable that the presence or absence of this morphotypewillbe analysed in relation to the specific context in which it appears(fauna hunted on the site, environment, other types of huntingimplements.) and not, as is usually the case, analysed exclusivelyvia typological comparisons with other sites where these objectshave actually been documented.

The question of objects for personal adornment made out oforganic animal materials merits a mention of its own. The mainmaterials used for making these objects were gastropods shell,either from the sea (Homalopoma sanguineum, Ciclope neritea, Hiniaincrasata, Littorina obtusata.) or from rivers (Theodoxus fluviatilis),perforated to be hung as necklaces or sewn onto clothing. In a fewcases, the use of teeth has been documented, these being a numberof atrophied red deer canines recovered from Parco cave andMontlleó. These sites are the same ones that have provided the richset of perforated molluscs and the analysis of which enablessynthesis of valuable information about the technology, culture andterritorial mobility of the Magdalenians in the northeast. The Parcocave series totals almost 100 items, practically half of whichcorrespond to the Mediterranean mollusc, Homalopoma sangui-neum, this being the largest documented set of this taxon for theMagdalenian of southwest Europe, where otherwise there are nodeposits with more than a score of these snails (Taborin, 1993).

The characteristic features of the use of malacofauna in thechrono-cultural period and geographical environment beingstudied include the smallness of the gastropod shells used and alsothe low number of taxa chosen. As there was a very wide range ofspecies available to the Magdalenians, the selection of just a fewspecies, difficult to work with because of their size, shows that thechoice was influenced by cultural criteria and not by availabilityand/or technological effectiveness.

Proof of the high technical skill of the Magdalenian artisans canbe seen from the systematic placement of the perforations. Inde-pendently of the species involved, these are almost always in thearea of the apertural lip, less resistant to dragging than the otherside, except in Cyclope because of the ring they possess. The mostusual technique for perforating is indirect percussion (Estrada et al.,2010). This is a relatively efficient technique that calls for veryaccurate control so as to avoid breaking the shell. From these detailsit can be deduced that the techniques used to prepare thesuspension system and the placement of the perforations do notseem to be determined by the morphological and structural

Fig. 9. Different hearths coming from Magdalenian levels of Parco cave. e Upper, left: cavmanner of a stove. e Upper, right: cave area, Late Upper Magdalenian. Single hearth (lowerUpper Magdalenian. Flat hearth next to collapsed conglomerated blocks e Lower, right. Rocwith a perimeter ring of blocks.

determinants of the shell blanks, and neither is the choice ofspecies used dependent on their availability. Finally worthmentioning is the presence of specimens of Homalopoma (Álvarez,2002) in sites in Cantabria (Tito Bustillo, El Miron, El Horno), which,bearing in mind the locations of Parco and Montlleó in the easternPyrenees, would suggest the possibility of another route ofcommunication between the Mediterranean basin and Cantabriavia the Ebro Valley besides the well-known north Pyrenean route(Estrada et al., 2010).

6. Structured living space organization

The structures identified in the higher hunter-gatherer campshelp understand the way their living spaces were linked, how theywere organized and to what uses they were put. Hearths are themost frequent type of structure, but not the only ones. The knap-ping areas, the deposits of materials, pavements, and post holes areother elements which, together with refittings, delimit the surfacesoccupied (albeit with all the problems that such delimitationentails (Bordes, 1975)) and identify how the habitats werearranged.

The list below includes the structures that have been publishedup to now, or that the authors have direct knowledge of, for levelscorresponding to the Magdalenian in northeast Iberia.

In Montlleó these occupation areas are of a simple character orinclude an irregular block arrangement. Another notable elementin the organization of the occupied space is large blocks ofconglomerate from the hill, which would articulate the inhabitedarea and structure it hierarchically (Mangado et al., 2010b).

In Parco cave, 30 m2 corresponding to the Late Upper Magda-lenian and Upper Magdalenian are being excavated. About 22 m2 ofthis are in the covered (rockshelter) area, while the rest are in theoutside area in front of the rock shelter. To date, 40 hearths havebeen identified in the area as a whole (Fig. 9). Some have a flatsubcircular appearance with blocks sometimes arranged in themanner of burners (around 40 cm in diameter), while others havea single or in a few cases a double layer (around 60/80 cm indiameter) (Fig. 9a and b). In some of these cases, traces ofrebuilding, emptying and reuse can be distinguished. Trying topuzzle out the numerous successive flat hearths situated ina central area of the cavity (around 100 cm in diameter) is provingmore difficult. Although in the Late Upper Magdalenian the hearthswere concentrated in the cave area (70%) and confined to cookingactivities, in the Upper Magdalenian phases they also extended intothe rock shelter (50%) (Fig. 9b and c) where there is a greater rangeof attributions (smoking (Bergadà, 1998), working, lighting andcooking). Given the nearby position of several structures, eventhough they are situated at very similar depths (e.g. Fig. 9b), theycannot be contemporary, and this points to the successive, frequentoccupation of the habitat. It has also been possible to identify 5 DRT(debris deposit), accumulations of flint debris deposited in a smallspace (Fig. 9I). These deposits vary between a score of elements andseveral hundred remains that can be associated with a process ofblade knapping in situ. They are generally located next to thehearths and, when possible via refitting they relate both events. Inaddition to this, a number of refittings have been carried out in theParco cave based on characteristic siliceous lithologies. An occu-pation surface corresponding to the Upper Magdalenian has beenidentified (at a depth of 315e320 cm). This surface, identified in theoutside area, that of the rock shelter, also extends to the inside area,

e area, Late Upper Magdalenian. Flat subcircular hearth with blocks arranged in thehearth in plan) and double layer hearth (upper in plan) e Lower, left: rock shelter area,k shelter area, Upper Magdalenian. Flat hearth, next to collapsed conglomerated block,

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that of the cave. Various types of flint have also been characterized,which has enabled the origin of certain supply sources and thedifferent ways of managing these resources to be identified(Mangado, 2005). Production and repair processes within the boneindustry have also been identified (Tejero, 2005; Tejero and Fullola,2006, 2008). Adding this the lithic microwear studies (Calvo, 2004)indicates that this is a settlement of successive seasonal characterand long duration in which numerous work and cooking activitieswere carried out (Mangado et al., 2007, 2009).

In the 20 m2 excavated in Balma de la Peixera, three elementsinvolving the organization of space have been identified. Firstly,there was a small subcircular hearth (25 cm in diameter) witha perimeter formed by blocks which, from their composition, areconsidered to have been of short duration and low intensity.Secondly, there was a probable paved area, interpreted as such bythose who excavated it. Finally, two lithic sets, one a refitting basedon a nucleus of local lithology, which indicates knapping workcarried out in situ, and the other a deposit of bladelets whicharrived already prepared at the site, showing an identical lithologyof outside origin (García-Argüelles and Fullola, 2002). Those whoexcavated it considered Balma de la Peixera to be a sporadicallyinhabited Magdalenian occupation.

10 m2 were excavated in the Els Colls rock shelter, within whichit was possible to identify a subcircular hearthwith a perimeter ringof blocks (about 60 cm in diameter). The heat produced was of lowintensity (between 180 �C and 300 �C) (Bergadà, 1998), and nearbywere recovered numerous lithic elements associated with thechaîne opératoire for knapping (nuclei, flakes, hammers). A numberof refittings were achieved, and thus it was concluded that this wasa work space related to knapping (Fullola et al., 1993).

In its 20 m2, the site of l’Hort de la Boquera has a knapping areaand two subovoid hearths. One was flat with a few stones arrangedaround the perimeter, while the other was much more impressiveand extensive (about 100 cm in diameter) and showed variousphases of reuse and perimeter alteration. The knapping area is notrelated to these hearths, which are considered to have been forcooking.

Various structures have been identified in the A-sup level of theMolí del Salt. Firstly, there was a hearth formed by clay paving witha number of rubefacted areas. This contained a slab of workedschist reused later in the configuration of the dwelling. Secondly,there were two subcircular deposits with signs of rubefaction andcharcoal (30 cm in diameter), interpreted as spillage from thecleaning of other dwellings. Finally, two series of aligned blockshave been interpreted as wall skirting (Vaquero, 2004). Accordingto the published data, the Magdalenian occupation of Molí del Saltwould have shown numerous subsistence, work and symbolicactivities, denoting a certain duration of the different occupations.

In the Can Garriga I locus (8 m2), a flat circular hearth with a ringof blocks (60 cm in diameter) was excavated (Medina, 2007). Ina second phase of excavation,15m2 in the Can Garriga IV locuswereexcavated and brought to light a knapping area (Lorencio, 1987).

7. Symbolic elements

The excavations carried out in Molí del Salt since 1999 have todate provided a total of eleven pieces of portable art, seven of whichinclude figurative motifs, while the other four have geometricallypatterned motifs. The scarcity of signs of art is one of the mainanomalies of the Upper Palaeolithic in Catalonia, especially incomparison with Cantabrian Spain and the French Pyrenees. In theMagdalenian there was a sufficiently homogeneous occupation ofthe region leading to the expectation of more than has beenidentified so far, almost all of it concentrated in the southern areasof the territory.

Known examples of rock art include an image of a rampantbull e now unfortunately loste painted in El Tendo cave at LaMoleta de Cartagena in Sant Carles de la Ràpita (Tarragona)(Ripoll, 1965), the red deer engraved in the Cova de la Taverna(Margalef de Montsant, Tarragona) in the same Montsant valleywhere other sites already mentioned are located (Fullola andViñas, 1985), and the very recent discovery (Viñas and Sarrià,2011) e of three red deer images in a rock shelter named Par-ellada IV in the Llabería mountains (Capçanes, Tarragona). Theseare finely engraved with striations filling the inside of each body.There are notable technical and stylistic similarities with theportable art found in Molí del Salt and Sant Gregori (see below),which could suggest an age around the end of Upper Palaeolithic.

Portable pieces are more abundant and with more noteworthyelements in the southern area of Catalonia, despite the singlefigurative example found in the north, at Bora Gran d’en Carreras.At that site are over fifty elements of bone and antler with engravedlines, which may in some cases be ornamental motifs. Only onepiece shows any attempt at representation:four possible birdheads, on a bone with a rounded end (Pericot and Maluquer deMotes, 1951: 45). The bone industry of the Parco cave alsoincludes engraved elements, most of them functional.

In the southern part of the area studied, all the figurativeportable art is from the very end of the Magdalenian, to such anextent that there is no general agreement among researchers asto the attribution of each piece from this phase. Two of the siteshave dates to around 12,000 BP (Molí del Salt and l’Hort de laBoquera). The other, more controversially, is the Sant Gregorirock shelter (Falset, Tarragona) with no radiocarbon dates butwithin a horizon of “transition between the Upper Palaeolithicand the Epipaleolithic, although the archaeological materialsmay point more to the first of these phases” (García-Argüelleset al., 1992: 50).

The pieces recovered in recent years from the site of Molí delSalt (Vimbodí, Tarragona) are the latest finds of Catalonian Paleo-lithic art. To date, eleven slabs have been published and threeothers are waiting publication. Of these, three are limestone, sevenare on schist and one is bone. Nine of the plates correspond to LevelA and two to Level B (García Díez and Vaquero, 2006; Mangadoet al., 2010b: 78e79).

All are finely engraved. Many of the figures are incomplete andthere is a predominance of torso and extremities. Among theanimals most represented are cervids, along with some bovids andequids. There is also a representation of an anthropomorph. Inaddition, there are linear motifs and complex signs.

The lithic materials e slabs of schist, quartzite and limestone e

come from the immediate area around the site, situated close to theRiver Francolí. They are large and heavy with rounded contours.The figures are generally dynamic (Fig. 10).

The most noteworthy new discovery, (as yet unpublished) isa figurative representation at l’Hort de la Boquera. Before this find,a number of small plates of slate with bevelled edges and engravedwith very fine linear traces had appeared.

On one very large-sized block (33 � 18 � 12 cm), however,naturalistic engravings have been found. The main motif is a birdabout 16 cm long, caught in the act of taking flight. The engraving isquite deep and very clear. The bird has a very long, snake-like neck,the head well-drawn and the eye incorporating a small concavity inthe base stone. The body is rounded, with one wing and the tailfeathers represented. The feet are long and end in three diverginglines as if they were toes, and their position confirms the attitude oftaking flight. The bird is believed to be a crane, but the subject isstill being studied. Around this central image there are otherengravings, apparently incomplete, of elements that echo the mainfigure.

Fig. 10. Upper: Molí del Salt slab, with cervids on both faces (drawn by Marcos García) Lower: Sant Gregori slab, with deer and a bovid (drawn by Ramón Viñas).

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Chronologically, the archaeological level is dated to around14,000 cal BP. The style invites obvious comparison with the set offigures from Molí del Salt, a site only about 30 km away.

Finally, included in this short inventory of figurative elementsfrom this final phase of the Late Magdalenian is the set of smallslabs from the Sant Gregori rock shelter. The first and best-knownwas discovered in the 1930s while the site was being excavated(Vilaseca, 1934). It is small, but the deer represented has a well-finished body with a long neck and matching traces in its interior.Another small slab also with figurative engravings was discoveredin a private collection (studied and published in Fullola et al., 1990)(Fig. 10). It contained deer and a bovid, not as well defined as in thefirst specimen, but which could be included within this transitionalphase described by Sanchidrián as “outlining figurativism”

(Sanchidrián, 2005: 364). Geometric components also appear atthis site (García Díez et al., 2002e2003) like a bridge leadingtowards fully Epipalaeolithic, microbladelet or Azilian phases, withan already uniquely abstract style which connects this site with thesmall slabs from the Epipaleolithic sites of Filador and Cocina,among others.

8. Discussion

Over the last decade, both the continuation of previous workand the appearance of new sites have confirmed the occupation ofknown sites during the Late Upper Pleistocene, as well as thesystematic exploitation of available resources both in the imme-diate and regional surroundings of these occupations. This enablessketching out, for example, an overview of occupation in the Pyr-enees based on a probably seasonal basis aimed at making themost

of the biotic resources in areas where different ecosystems meet(i.e., ecotones).

From a palaeoenvironmental point of view, the Magdalenian inthe northeast Iberian Peninsula is characterized by a succession ofpalaeoclimatic changes. The Early Magdalenian, as found in Mon-tlleó, falls within MIS-2 and more specifically within GS-2b, a coldstate with a progressive increase in environmental humidity, a timethat more or less coincides with the retreat of the glaciers in theeastern Pyrenees.

A probable Middle Magdalenian presence has been suggested inParco, located in episode J, specifically in Level XI, which would fallwithin the transition between G-2b and G-2a. From the sedimen-tary point of view it could also be attributed to episode G. In the siteof Cova de Cendres (Teulada, Alicante), located 300 km south ofCatalonia, the Middle Magdalenian, Level XII, falls fully within GS-2b (Villaverde et al., 2010).

The Upper Magdalenian appears in Parco cave, very possibly,with episode F, with a significant climatic recession situated at thestart of GS-2a. There is a brief interruption in the record, withepisode E also in a cold environment, the end of GS-2a, whichwould be correlated with the data extracted from the peninsularMediterranean cores at the end of the sequence, Late UpperMagdalenian, with a more humid atmosphere coinciding with thetransition with GI-1. Along the eastern coastline of the peninsulathere are parallels, such as in Cendres, Levels XI and X (Villaverdeet al., 2010), and also at the site of Tossal de la Roca (Vall d’Alcalá,Alicante) with Level III (Jordá and Cacho, 2008).

Records such as Els Colls, l’Hort de la Boquera and Molí del Salt,with industries from the Late Upper Palaeolithic unrelated to theMagdalenian, appear to be practically within GI-1 with warmer

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conditions, although the GI-1d cold event (Older Dryas) is docu-mented at the Els Colls site. The sequence in l’Hort de la Boquera isconcentrated in GI-1c or the early Allerød.

As regards subsistence resources andtheir variations in the courseof the period analysed, the use of land gastropods and high rates ofrabbit consumption detected in the southern sitesmentioned earlieralso coincides with the group of settlements corresponding to icecore phase GI-1, a fact which can be added to their particularindustrial and cultural features. This expansion of the food spectrumcan clearly be related to the improvement in climate. As far as thehunting of large mammals is concerned, this seems to have takenplace in a way determined by the orography at least as regards theimportance of the ibex, and in the case of the importance of the deer-horse pairing it is something that was already detected in the earlierGS-2a and GS-2b phases. The limited record of northern sites in GI-1prevents seeing the development of horse populations in these lastmoments of the Late Upper Palaeolithic.

Within the lithic industries of the period, the use of differenttypes of blade production processes (blades and bladelets) showshow the chaînes opératoires for production can be divided up intime according to needs (adaptability) and in the course of themovement of people (economic forward planning) (Langlais andMangado, 2007; Langlais, 2009, 2010).

The bone industry of the Magdalenian in northeast Iberia hassome typologically little-changing series compared with othernearby geographical areas (the French Pyrenees, the central andsouthern Mediterranean areas of Iberia) with the exception of BoraGran d’en Carreras. The assemblages are composed of an associa-tion of morphotypes that is very characteristic of what can be seenin other sites that are chronologically and geographically close tothe Mediterranean and Ebro Valley Magdalenian. They are basicallyhunting implements, predominantly weapon tips (spear points andsome harpoons), along with bone needles and a number of piecesdesigned for domestic tasks. They were made from reindeer antlerand bone. A strict correspondence can be seen between the type ofimplement and the raw material, which is shown by the use ofantler for spears points and harpoons, whereas the needles andother tool items (awls, polishers.) were made of bone. Techno-logically there is a high degree of standardization and simplificationin the production process based on the extraction of blanks bydouble grooving and the final fashioning of the pieces by scraping,the exception being the use of bone fragments recovered fromanimals processed for food. In this case the procedure used forobtaining blanks is breakage.

Hearths and the deposits that arise from the periodic cleaning ofthese and the areas used for lithic knapping are identifiableelements that it has been possible to document with greaterfrequency in the various sites studied. Even so, such evidence isscarce except in the case of Parco cave.

It may be that they are sites in which occupation was very brief,but generally the number of archaeological effects (especially faunaand lithic industry) contradicts this idea. The explanation usuallygiven for this scarcity is that great changes due to post-depositionalprocesses have covered the structures, which could be whathappened in Montlleó or Bauma de la Peixera d’Alfés. In most casesthe sites are under rock shelters or in the open air and this wouldmake these changes more possible:among those sites that haveprovided structures, only Parco is located partly under an overhang.Other equally likely reasons are that the elements in older exca-vations were not identified as such (the case of Bora Gran d’enCarreras) or the sites might only have had a limited surface areaexcavated (like Cova Gran, Can Garriga and Els Colls).

A final addition to the discussion is the symbolic evidence. Thisis all chronologically situated in the Late Upper Magdalenian,whether portable (Molí del Salt, l’Hort de la Boquera and Sant

Gregori) or parietal (Taverna and Parellada IV). It forms a homoge-neous artistic ensemble that is very specific as far as its subjects areconcerned, but even more as regards techniques and style(anatomical details such as the necks and extended feet, the fillings,perspective, treatment of the surroundings). As a whole, it is at theheart of the graphic transformation process of the end of the UpperPalaeolithic.

The discussion can be summarized with a series of conclusionsabout the Magdalenian in northeast Iberia.

The classical early phases of the Magdalenian are barely repre-sented (in Montlleó and Parco). The Upper Magdalenian can beidentified in this northern area where these two sites are located,even in the final moments of the GS-2a cold event. Their cal BPdates are between the 19th and 16th millennia. The area is one inwhich horse hunting is present in the open areas, such as Montlleó,horse being an important food resource along with other animals.This is documented in Bora Gran d’en Carreras as well, where theonly reindeer remains in the northeast peninsula can also be found.The lithic and bone industries follow “orthodox” canons of theclassical Magdalenian sequence, for example with harpoons beingpresent only in Bora Gran d’en Carreras. There are abundantsymbolic manifestations in the form of perforated malacology andnon-figurative engravings on bone fragments.

In the southern area is another group of sites (l’Hort de laBoquera, Molí del Salt and Els Colls), in the warmer GI-1 episodewith dates between the 15th and 14th millennia cal BP. The techno-typological structures do not strictly correspond with the classicMagdalenian sequence due to the great size of the backed elementsand other technological peculiarities. In addition, the food remainsare mainly of red deer, rabbit and snails, which are unusual orunknown in latitudes north of 42�N. Only the orographic variable(i.e., in steep, craggy areas) allows common hunting elements (e.g.ibex), present in Parco and L’Hort de la Boquera. The last of thedefining elements for this second variant, Late Upper Magdalenian,are symbolic figurative representations, which disappear with thecoming of the next period, the microlaminar Epipalaeolithic, whenFilador and Cocina-type abstract representations predominate inthe art record.

Acknowledgements

This paper is part of the HAR-2008-00103 and HAR2011-26193research projects of the MICINN and the Quality Research Group ofthe Generalitat de Catalunya SGR2009-1145. The majority fundingfor the SERP excavations came from the Servei d’Arqueologia iPaleontologia de la Dir. Gral. del Patrimoni Cultural de la Generalitatde Catalunya. The authors are also grateful for the financial andinfrastructural backing provided by the Institut d’Estudis Ilerdencsof the Diputació de Lleida, the councils of Alòs de Balaguer, Prats iSansor and Margalef de Montsant, and also the Museu Cerdà inPuigcerdà.

The authors would like to express their sincerest thanks to Dr.Jesús Jordá for his invaluable help in calibrating the 14C dates for thesites mentioned in the text; to Dr. Raimon Pallàs of the Departmentof Geodynamics and Geophysics of the University of Barcelona forhis comments, suggestions and discussion concerning the prob-lems posed by the Last Glacial Maximum in the southern Pyrenees;to Dr. Isabel Cacho of the Department of Stratigraphy, Palae-ontology and Marine Geosciences of the University of Barcelona forher comments and oral communications about the problems posedby GS-2a in the western Mediterranean; and to Dr. Francesc Bur-jachs, ICREA researcher in Prehistory at the University Rovira iVirgili of Tarragona for his comments about the palynology of Parcocave site. The Englishwas extensively corrected by Lawrence Straus,whodtogether with Denise Leesch and Thomas Terbergerdinvited

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us to participate in the Bern INQUA symposium on theMagdaleniansettlement of Europe.

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