the hyksos and the middle bronze age iib-iic/iii in jordan: what imported egyptian seals tell us

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107107Akkadica Supplementum (2014), pp. 107-122.

The Hyksos and the Middle Bronze Age IIB-IIC/III in Jordan : What Imported Egyptian Seals Tell Us

Vanessa Boschloos

Royal Museums of Art and History

Interuniversity Attraction Poles Progr. “Greater Mesopotamia”

MARI (Vrije Universiteit Brussel)1

RMAH – Antiquity Department

Jubelpark 10, 1000 Brussels – Belgium

[email protected]

Abstract : Even though Egypt was politically divided between the 17th and the late 16th centuries BCE, rela-tions with the Levant did not come to a halt after the political takeover of the Nile Delta by the Hyksos. This is re ected by the distribution pattern of Second Intermediate Period seal-amulets (scarabs, scara-boids, cowroids) in the Levant. Previous research on glyptic from this period focused on present-day Israel, Lebanon and Syria and this paper aims at complementing this geographical area by assessing and interpret-ing the nds from Jordan.

Keywords : Middle Bronze Age, Egyptian-Levantine relations, scarabs, Hyksos, Jordan

Being among the youngest of Denyse Homès-Fredericq’s students, it is a pleasure to be

able to contribute to this volume and I thank the editors for this opportunity. Denyse Homès

has inspired generations of archaeology students at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel and intro-

duced them to the history and archaeology of the ancient Near East. I also warmly thank her

for having introduced me to her successor at the Royal Museums of Art and History, Eric

Gubel, who directed my attention to ancient Near Eastern glyptic, a subject close to both

their hearts. It is only obvious, then, to dedicate to my former professor a paper on seals that

surfaced in Jordan, - though restricted to the late Middle Bronze Age because it is not pos-

sible to cover here the various periods on which she has worked throughout her career.

This paper deals with Egyptian stamp seals of the Second Intermediate Period (14th-17th

Dynasties, ca. 1650-1550 BCE) found in Jordan2, predominantly scarab-shaped seal-amulets. These are not to be confused with the so-called ‘Hyksos scarabs’, the earliest type of egyp-

tianising Canaanite stamp seals and dated to the MB IIB-MB IIC/III (ca. 1700-1500 BCE),

1 MARI : Mediterranean Archaeology Research Institute.2 Few sites in the Jordan Valley located in Israel yielded Second Intermediate Period seal-amulets (name-

ly Jericho, Shamir), but, while recognizing that the Jordan Valley is not a closed system, this paper can not elaborate on seal-amulets from adjacent regions (Cisjordan, southern Syria, southern Negev and Arava…) and is limited to present-day Jordan. For recent studies and bibliography on the Jordan Valley in the MB, see : FISCHER (ed.) 2006 and MAEIR 2010.




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contemporary with the Hyksos dynasties in the eastern Nile Delta3. Typological sequences

established for ceramic assemblages in Egypt allowed to determine the relative and absolute

dates for many Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period contexts that yielded scarab

seals and this enabled Daphna BEN-TOR (2004 ; 2007 ; 2010) to distinguish the typological

features of the Egyptian and the contemporary Canaanite production.

An invaluable instrument in the study of glyptic from Jordan is the catalogue Corpus

der Siegel-Amulette aus Jordanien (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis-Series Archaeologica 25-

Fribourg 2006) compiled by Jürg Eggler and Othmar Keel and presenting provenanced nds

until 2000. Seals have continued to surface during excavations ever since and, in addition to

the individual excavation reports, some in-depth studies focusing on seals from a particular

site were also published, especially on Pella Tomb 62, a very rich MB II-LB I tomb4.

To date, no less than eighteen stamp seals or their impressions attributable to an

Egyptian Second Intermediate Period origin have surfaced in Jordanian sites, namely at Pella,

Khirbet Ya’mun, Jarash, Deir ‘Alla and Amman (Fig. 4). These nds will be archaeologically

contextualized in relation to their geographical distribution in Middle Bronze Age Jordan.

They will be evaluated in view of the reconstruction of Egyptian-Levantine relations, inter-

and intraregional trade networks and historical developments. This issue has previously been

addressed from the perspective of settlement patterns (e.g. MAGNESS-GARDINER 1997)

and pottery distribution (e.g. BOURKE, SPARKS, SCHRODER 2006, 48-52 ; MAEIR 2010,

63-124). Occasionally, scarabs were mentioned (BOURKE, SPARKS, SCHRODER 2006, 52-

53 ; MAEIR 2010, 34, 118), but not considered within their archaeological contexts. This

contribution thus not only aims at presenting an overview of Egyptian seal-amulets found in

late Middle Bronze Age Jordan, but also contributes to a reconstruction of the circumstances

in which they arrived at their destination, especially as re ected by items considered contem-

porary with their archaeological contexts.

Design amulets and scarabs ( gs. 1 and 3)

As demonstrated by Daphna Ben-Tor, Second Intermediate Period scarabs are de ned

by typological features and designs that are not attested in the Egyptian Middle Kingdom or

Canaanite late MB II corpus. They surface mainly in Egypt and Nubia, in smaller numbers

than scarabs of the two aforementioned groups and, contrary to the late Middle Kingdom, the

scarabs’ features attest to a stylistic diversity, re ecting a politically divided country (BEN-

TOR 2004, 33 ; 2007, 43-45, 185). The dominant typological features of Second Intermediate

Period scarabs are the back type O (the plain, schematic back without markings for the wings

or the pronotum), side types e11 and d5 (legs rendered by a simple continuous groove or

3 The Middle Bronze Age II Canaanite production of scarab-shaped seals imitates Egyptian Middle Kingdom prototypes and was chronologically, stylistically, typologically and iconographically de ned by Daphna BEN-TOR (1997 ; 2007), Othmar KEEL (2004) and Christa MLINAR (2004). There are two main groups, the Early (end Middle Bronze Age IIA - early Middle Bronze Age IIB, ca. 1700-1640 BCE) and the Late Series (late Middle Bronze Age IIB - Middle Bronze Age IIC/III, ca. 1640-1500 BCE).

4 For example on the scarabs from Pella : RICHARDS 1992 ; BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006.




The Hyksos and the Middle Bronze Age IIB-IIC/III in Jordan

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Fig. 1 : Design scarabs. 1.1 ‘Amman airport (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 62-63 nr. 6) ; 1.2 Djarash (Idem, 160-161 nr. 2) ; 1.3 Pella (Idem, 208-209 nr. 20) ; 1.4 ‘Amman airport (Idem, 64-65 nr. 9) ; 1.5 Khirbet Ya’mun (Idem, 140-141 nr. 5) ; 1.6 Pella (Idem, 232-233 nr. 72) ; 1.7 Pella (Idem, 214-215 nr. 32) ; 1. 8 Pella (Idem, 216-217 nr. 37) ; 1.9 Pella (Idem, 204-205 nr. 10; RICHARDS 1992, 121 nr. 41) ; 1.10 Pella (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 200-201 nr. 1).





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chip-carved with plain fore, mid and hind legs) and head types D7, D8 and D9 (triangular

with or without double side lines) (BEN-TOR 2007, 103-104, Pl. 41-42)5.

The design scarabs gathered in Fig. 1 are identi ed as Egyptian Second Intermediate

Period imports because they display these characteristics6, as well as particular details in

their iconography. Many Second Intermediate Period designs are inspired by prototypes of

the late Middle Kingdom (late 12th-13th Dynasties) and the early Canaanite series (early MB

IIB, ca. 1700-1640 BCE). Reminiscent of the late Middle Kingdom are symmetric composi-

tions of hieroglyphs (e.g. Figs. 1.1, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.9, 1.10, 3.3), especially with the signs

nfr (F35) ‘good, beautiful, perfect’, the sign of life cn (S34), the gold sign nbw (S12), the

mouth r (D21), the sedge plant swt (M23), the papyrus w3d (M13) and the arms k3 (D28)

(BEN-TOR 2004, 33-35, g. 1-9)7. Several signs or motifs are rendered in a manner that

differs from the Middle Kingdom or Canaanite models. A Second Intermediate Period date

can, for example, be proposed for certain variants of the so-called anra-formula, an alter-

nating sequence of misrendered signs c (D36), n (N35) and r (D21) that originates in the

Canaanite production. The Second Intermediate Period variant can be distinguished from the

Canaanite models, especially when the formulae are combined with the so-called ‘Hyksos

sides’ (BEN-TOR 2004, 35, g. 9), decorative motifs that evolved from Canaanite panel de-

signs8. Levantine inspiration is most apparent in the Second Intermediate Period version of

the Canaanite falcon-with-ntr design, in which the falcon is replaced by an owl and the ntr

is not rendered by a 90° angle (O38), like on Canaanite scarabs, but by the ag pole (R8)

(BEN-TOR 1997, 179 ; 2004, 34-35 ; 2007, 76-77). The accompanying signs are relatively con-

sistent, which made scholars suggest that the Egyptian interpretation of a seemingly mean-

ingless Canaanite phrase can be read, namely as a formula associated with the sun god Ra,

rc c3 m ntr nb, ‘Ra who is great in every god’ (BEN-TOR 2007, 77 ; QUIRKE 2004, 174-175 ;

RYHOLT 1997, 64). The impression made by a scarab-shaped seal on a jar handle from

Tomb 62 in Pella (Fig. 3.1) (BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006, Fig. 2) displays such a design : an

owl (G17), a ntr sign (R8) and a drooping papyrus stem (or hieroglyph s (S29) ?), with the

mouth r (D21) underneath and a horizontal bar and sun disk rc (N5) above9. The winged sun

disk, as seen on a scarab from Khirbet Ya’mun (Fig. 1.5) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 140-141

nr. 5), is characteristic for the late MB II / Second Intermediate Period ; the few late Middle

Kingdom attestations are of a different type, not rendering the individual feathers (BEN-TOR

2004, 34, g. 4). The same scarab, an heirloom in a LB tomb, also shows a particular form

of the pair of arms k3 (D28), absent on Middle Kingdom scarabs and on Canaanite scarabs :

5 The description of the scarabs’ heads, backs and sides follows the typological codes established by TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD 1984, 31-38.

6 The double scarab from Jarash (Fig. 1.2) will be discussed later (cfr. infra). A ram-shaped scaraboid from a MB II tomb in ‘Amman (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 22-23 nr. 19) and the impression made by a scarab-shaped stamp seal on a bulla from a LB deposit in Deir ‘Alla (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 408-409 nr. 31) were incorrectly attrib-uted to the Second Intermediate Period and are therefore not included in this paper.

7 Hieroglyphic codes refer to Alan Gardiner’s sign list.8 The Canaanite origin of the anra-formula (BEN-TOR 1997, 171-175) and the ‘Hyksos sides’ (BEN-TOR 2004,

31, n. 17) has been demonstrated. The combination of both designs, however, is not attested in the Canaanite series ; it appears on Second Intermediate Period scarabs.

9 For parallels, see : BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 33 nrs. 13, 14, 17, 25, 26, 28, 32-35.





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the k3 consists of a small triangle on the base line, as seen on Canaanite prototypes, and two arms connected by two horizontal lines (BEN-TOR 2004, 33, g. 1 nrs. 5-6 ; 2007, 78, Pl. 33 nr. 36, Pl. 34 nrs. 1, 5, 7). This form of k3 also appears on a scarab from Pella Tomb 62 (Fig. 1.3) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 208-209 nr. 20), indicating that it probably represents an Egyptian import. Another notable element is the shape of the sedge plant swt (M23), for example on the same scarab from Khirbet Ya’mun (Fig. 1.5) and on two scarabs from Pella (Figs. 1.10 and 1.6) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 200-201 nr. 1, 232-233 nr. 72). The swt is preva-lent in symmetric compositions, as on late Middle Kingdom scarabs, but its stylized, simple form differs from the more ‘ lled’ Middle Kingdom type (BEN-TOR 2004, g. 2 ; 2007, 81-82). Other designs with Egyptian signs and symbols, particularly compositions with a nb basket (V30) below and a lotus ower, winged sun disk or hc sign (N28) at the top, are also found on royal name scarabs of Apophis, arguing for their Second Intermediate Period date (BEN-TOR 2007, 76, Pl. 33 nrs. 8-12). An example from Jordan is a scarab from Pella Tomb 62 (Fig. 1.7) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 214-215 nr. 32) displaying three stylized s3 loops (V17) in the middle. An Egyptian cowroid bearing an identical design comes from Tell el-‘Ajjul (KEEL 1997, 106-107 nr. 5). One last Second Intermediate Period design that is illustrated by the nds from Jordan is the symmetric depiction of falcons, not attested on early Canaanite

Fig. 2 : Name seals. 2.1 Deir ‘Alla (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 396-397 nr. 12) ; 2.2 ‘Amman (Idem, 32-33 nr. 40) ; 2.3 Pella (Idem, 214-215 nr. 31) ; 2.4 Pella (Idem, 206-207 nr. 14 ; RICHARDS 1992, 81 nr. 1).





112

scarabs (BEN-TOR 2007, 103 n. 516) and possibly inspired by antithetically placed birds

on Old Syrian cylinder seals (BEN-TOR 2007, 176 ; TEISSIER 1996, 90-95, 150-153). They

are generally represented facing each other and placed on either side of a central motif, for

example on two scarabs from Pella Tomb 62 (Figs. 1.9 and 1.3) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 204-

205 nr. 10, 208-209 nr. 20) and on a scarab from the LB temple at ‘Amman Airport (Fig. 1.4)

(EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 64-65 nr. 9).

In addition to scarabs, other types of design amulets can be assigned to the Second

Intermediate Period. Cowroids are seal-amulets in the shape of a kauri-shell, evolving from

a round to an oval shape during the Middle Kingdom (KEEL 1995, §185-195). A particular

type of cowroid is attributed to an Egyptian Second Intermediate Period origin because it

frequently bears the praenomen of Apophis, ‘Awaserre (BEN-TOR 2007, 67 ; HALL 1913,

nr. 300 ; TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD 1984, Pl. 64 nrs. 3523-3527), or the Egyptian vari-

ant of the falcon-with-ntr formula (cfr. supra, e.g. HALL 1913, nrs. 2561-2564, 2567-2568,

2574). In Palestine, this type of cowroid is attested (e.g. KEEL 1995, §190-191 ; KIRKBRIDE

1965, g. 299 nr. 20), as well as another type of Second Intermediate Period cowroid, with a

oral decoration on the back (BEN-TOR 2007, 103, 157, n. 746, Pl. 42 nrs. 13-14 ; e.g. KEEL

1997, 210-211 nr. 321, 258-259 nr. 458). They were occasionally imitated in Canaan (BEN-

TOR 2007, 171, 181-182 ; e.g. KEEL 1997, 216-217 nr. 339, 386-387 nr. 826, 472-473 nr. 1076,

506-507 nr. 1185). A cowroid from ‘Amman Airport is of the type associated with Apophis

(Fig. 3.2), but it represents an heirloom in a 13th century context in the LB temple (EGGLER,

KEEL 2006, 66-67 nr. 15). Its design shows two opposed winged sun disks on either side

of a central twist, a design element of Canaanite origin (BEN-TOR 2007, 170) frequently at-

tested on late Canaanite scarabs (e.g. BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 89-90), but rarely in the Egyptian

production (e.g. BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 41 nr. 9). A cowroid that is probably an Egyptian import

(Fig. 3.3) comes from Pella Tomb 62 (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 222-223 nr. 48) and displays

a symmetric composition with good luck signs anked by Red Crowns, as seen on Second

Intermediate Period scarabs (e.g. BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 34 nr. 9-10).

The double scarab from Jarash (Fig. 1.2) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 160-161 nr. 2) pos-

sibly dates to the Second Intermediate Period, because multiple-backed scarabs with a single

base surface probably appeared during the Second Intermediate Period, though they are most

frequently attested during the 18th Dynasty (BEN-TOR 2007, 166 ; KEEL 1995, 62). However,

since cross patterns are not attested on scarabs that can securely be assigned to the Second

Intermediate Period whereas several parallels can be cited from the Canaanite production

(BEN-TOR 2007, 88-89, Pl. 59, 87 ; and in particular EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 42-43 nr. 55), it

is not excluded that this double scarab is of non-Egyptian origin.

Name seals ( g. 2)

Private name scarabs of the Second Intermediate Period have surfaced in Egypt and

Israel, but not in Jordan (BEN-TOR 2007, 112-113 ; GIVEON 1974 ; MARTIN 1971 ; QUIRKE

2004).

Royal name scarabs of the 14th-16th Dynasties bear the foreign, West-Semitic name (no-

men) and/or the Egyptian throne name (praenomen) of the kings and it has been demon-





113

strated that they were manufactured in Egypt, in a workshop at the eastern Delta Hyksos capital Tell el-Dab’a / Avaris, by seal-cutters of non-Egyptian origin (BEN-TOR 2004, 32). They have been the subject of numerous publications, because of the major role they play in reconstructing the chronological sequence and dynastic af liation of the Second Intermediate Period rulers (BEN-TOR 2004, 31-32 ; 2007, 104-112 ; 2010 ; BEN-TOR, BONFIL 2002 ; GIVEON 1974 ; KRAUSS 1998, MOELLER, MAROUARD, AYERS 2011 ; RYHOLT 1997, 34-61 ; 1998 ; SCHNEIDER 1998, 57-75, 125-142 ; TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD 1984, 162-172 ; WARD 1976 ; 1977)10. New evidence from Tell Edfu and Tell el-Dab’a sheds more light on the issue and this is not the place to iterate the different opinions, nor to participate in

10 The problems regarding the dynastic af liation of Second Intermediate Period rulers is also illustrated by the rulers whose names appear on the royal name scarabs from Jordan : they are assigned to the 14th Dynasty by RYHOLT (1997, table 12) and to the 15th Dynasty by WARD (TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD 1984, 162).

Fig. 3 : Design amulets and impression. 3.1 Pella (Drawing by the author after BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006, g. 3) ; 3.2 ‘Amman airport (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 66-67 nr. 15) ; 3.3 Pella (Idem, 222-223 nr. 48).





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the on-going discussion11. An examination of the typological features and stylistic charac-teristics of the royal name scarabs, combined with dates offered by the few strati ed nds, generally support the sequence suggested by WARD (in TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD 1984, 162-172)12.

Notwithstanding the relative small number of provenanced royal name scarabs, of which most were found in disturbed or late Second Intermediate Period-early 18th Dynasty contexts (MB IIC/III-early LB I) (BEN-TOR, ALLEN, ALLEN 1999, 58-59 ; BEN-TOR, BONFIL 2002 ; RYHOLT 1997, 105-106, 359-405), some have surfaced in contexts contemporary with the Second Intermediate Period in Egypt, especially in the southern Levant (KEEL 1995, §630-633 ; WEINSTEIN 1981, 8-10). The geographical distribution of the 47 royal name scar-abs and impressions from Palestine is mainly concentrated in the southern coastal region and the Shefelah (KEEL 1995, §633 ; WEINSTEIN 1981, g. 3). Four scarabs bearing the prae-nomen or nomen of Hyksos rulers have surfaced in Jordan (Figs. 2.2-2.5), several in contexts partly or entirely contemporary with the Second Intermediate Period in Egypt.

The rst one comes from a funerary context (Höhle II) on the citadel of ‘Amman (Fig. 2.2) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 32-33 nr. 40). The seal-amulets encountered in the burial point to at least three phases of use, belonging to the MB IIB, the LB and the Iron Age I-II (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 26). The present scarab may be contemporary with the MB phase, but this attribution is arbitrary and not based on its stratigraphical position. It is inscribed with the praenomen Maaibre (M3c- Jb-K-Rc), considered to have belonged to the ruler bear-ing the nomen Sheshi. This equalization is re ected by the iconographical and typological similarities between scarabs bearing the nomen Sheshi or the praenomen Maaibre (BEN-TOR 2007, 107). On the scarab from ‘Amman the name is not placed within a cartouche or simple oval, as on most known parallels, but it displays the back and side type recurrent on Maaibre / Sheshi scarabs (e.g. BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 44 nrs. 1, 7, Pl. 45 nrs. 1, 3, 11, 12). Scarabs with the throne name Maaibre are less frequent in the Levant than those with his foreign name Sheshi and they are found exclusively in southern Palestine (Tell el-‘Ajjul, Tell alif, Geser) (KEEL 1995, 234) ; the scarab from ‘Amman thus represents the northernmost provenanced attestation.

Tomb 62 in Pella yielded several scarabs and seal impressions belonging to or attrib-uted to Hyksos rulers. The burial is dated between the late MB IIB and LB I (BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006, 346 ; RICHARDS 1992), thus not excluding that the seals are contempo-rary with their context. This remains, however, highly speculative because the grave contained the remains of about 150 individuals buried over several generations. The royal name seals from T.62 were discussed in a paper by Stephen BOURKE and Kathryn ERIKSSON (2006) because the concentration of several Hyksos royal seals “(…) in the one tomb, located on the

11 The most recent developments were discussed at a workshop in Vienna (July 4th -5th 2014) organized by Irene Forstner-Müller and Nadine Moeller, ‘The Hyksos King Khayan – New Insights on the Chronology of the 13th and 15th Dynasties’.

12 For Kim Ryholt’s arguments against Ward’s sequence, see : RYHOLT 1997, 42-43. Ryholt and KRAUSS (1998) proposed a reversed sequence, against which several objections have been raised, see : BEN-TOR, ALLEN, ALLEN 1999 ; BEN-TOR 2007, 103-110 ; 2010, 97.





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Fig. 4 : Map of mayor routes and MB sites in the region, with indication of Jordanian sites that yielded Second Intermediate Period stamp seals and impressions (Map by the author after MAIER 2010, g. 7).





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periphery of the Egyptian world” is remarkable. They mention four items, correctly noting that a scarab previously interpreted as a scarab of Yaqubhar in fact represents a design scarab (BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006, n. 5). However, this is also the case for the third scarab they mention, representing a symmetric composition of good luck signs (Fig. 1.3), but interpreted by them as forming the praenomen Wadjkheperre of Kamose, the last ruler of the Theban 17th Dynasty (BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006, 342, g. 4c)13. This led them to the premature con-clusion that the tomb was in use for a short period, “that being the nal climactic years of the

Theban / Hyksos con ict” (Idem, 343). An impression on a jar handle from T.62 was also at-tributed to a royal name scarab. The signs were interpreted as forming the name of a hitherto unknown Hyksos ruler (Fig. 3.1) ; the suggested reading by Harry Smith (apud BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006, 340) is Nb-Špš-Rc. The name is not known from any other source, includ-ing the known corpus of name scarabs, whether royal or private (BEN-TOR 2007, 112-113 ; 2010 ; GIVEON 1974 ; MARTIN 1971 ; QUIRKE 2004). Secondly, the arrangement of signs does not resemble any composition on contemporary name scarabs (Ibidem) and, nally, the published photograph (BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006, Fig. 2) shows different signs than the ones rendered in the drawing (Idem, Fig. 3). A new interpretation of the signs was presented above, because the impression was very likely made by a design scarab (cfr. note 9)14. This re-assessment of the T. 62 royal seals reduces the number of items to two. The rst scarab bears the inscription ntr nfr Nbw-Wsr-Rc dj cn , ‘the perfect god, Nebuwasserre, given life’ (Fig. 2.3) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 214-215 nr. 31). The hieroglyphs are placed between two so-called ‘Hyksos’-sides, which often ank royal names on Second Intermediate Period scarabs and nd their origin in panel designs as seen on Canaanite scarabs of the preceding period (BEN-TOR 2004, 31 ; 2007, 86, 105, Pl. 45-46 ; KEEL 1995, §486 ; TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD 1984, 165). Scarabs of Nebuwaserre Ycamu are less numerous than those of Maaibre Sheshi, but parallels exist for the composition (e.g. TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD 1984, Pl. LXIII nrs. 3487, 3490, 3491) and this is also the case for the prevalent typological features, namely the trapezoidal head and the legs rendered by a simple, continuous groove (e.g. BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 46 nrs. 7-8). The scarab seems to represent the only attestation to date of a Nebuwaserre scarab in the Levant (KEEL 1995, 234). Chamber tomb 62 also yielded a scarab bearing the praenomen c3-Wsr-Rc of king Apophis (Fig. 2.4) (EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 206-207 nr. 14), who is securely assigned to the 15th Dynasty (RYHOLT 1997, 119). His name is placed inside a royal cartouche and surrounded by good luck signs : papyrus stalks, nfr

(F35), cn (S34) and the Second Intermediate Period form of the arms k3 (D28) (cfr. supra). ‘Awaserre scarabs either show the praenomen placed centrally in a cartouche and surrounded by scrolls or good luck signs, or an asymmetric composition with the praenomen on one side next to a uraeus or a scroll (TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD 1984, Pl. LXII nrs. 3434-3462). Scarabs bearing his foreign nomen are rare (BEN-TOR 2007, 108 ; KEEL 1995, abb.543). An unprovenanced scarab from the former Spencer-Churchill collection shows an identical com-

13 Only one royal name scarabs of Wadjkheperre Kamose is known (BEN-TOR 2007, 111, Pl. 49 nr. 1) and its composition indicates that the hieroglyphs on the scarab from Pella do not form his throne name.

14 I warmly thank D. Ben-Tor for con rming the identi cation of the design as the Second Intermediate Period variant of the falcon-with-ntr design and for various comments that helped improve this paper.





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position (BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 47 nr. 13). In the Levant, scarabs of ‘Awaserre also surfaced at

Tell Zira’a (Fig. 2.5) and Shamir, but especially in Tell el-‘Ajjul where four attestations are

recorded (KEEL 1995, 233-234).

The ‘Awaserre scarab from Tell Zira’a (Fig. 2.5), located near Umm Qais in northwest-

ern Jordan, comes from a LB I level. The same stratum also yielded a scarab of Amenhotep

III, indicating that it is contemporary with the 18th Dynasty and that the scarab of Apophis is

an heirloom in its context (GROPP 2013, 240, 275). The base displays a defective form of his

praenomen placed inside a rope border (BEN-TOR 2007, 93 n. 444), a composition that also

occurs on two similar Second Intermediate Period scarabs (TUFNELL, MARTIN, WARD

1984, Pl. LXII nrs. 3461-3462).

Another scarab that should be mentioned here is a nd from Deir ‘Alla inscribed with

the praenomen of Senwosret I, pr-K3-Rc, inside a scroll border (Fig. 2.1) (EGGLER, KEEL

2006, 396-397 nr. 12). This scarab was found in a LB IIB deposit in a room of the temple at

Deir ‘Alla (FRANKEN 1992) and consequently represents an heirloom in its archaeological

context. At rst sight, it may be surprising to nd the name of an early 12th Dynasty pharaoh

on a scarab typologically attributed to the period contemporary with the 14th-17th Dynasties.

It has been demonstrated that the production of royal name scarabs does not predate the reign

of Senwosret III (mid-12th Dynasty) and all scarabs with the throne name of Senwosret I

therefore represent posthumous productions (BEN-TOR 2007, 36-37). Daphna Ben-Tor (apud

EGGLER, KEEL 2006, 396 nr. 12) considered this scarab to be an Egyptian import because

it shows typological features observed on Second Intermediate Period royal name scarabs15.

From Egypt, at least three parallels can be cited (BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 36 nrs. 1-3)16, but Ben-

Tor acknowledges that their Egyptian origin is uncertain (Idem, 85). The scarab from Deir

‘Alla may also represent a contemporary Canaanite scarab due to typological similarities with

early Canaanite design scarabs17.

Hyksos seal-amulets in Jordan

A re-assessment of the glyptic underscores the already noted scarcity of Egyptian ob-

jects in MB Jordan (MAEIR 2010, 106-107, 111, 118 ; MAGNESS-GARDINER 1997, 312-313,

321). As is the case for the seal-amulets, excluding items that can now securely be assigned

to a Canaanite origin, distinction must be made between Egyptian and Egyptian-style ob-

jects18. The former group re ects Transjordan’s (inter- and intra-) regional exchange networks

and possibly (indirect) international commercial contacts, whereas the latter re ects cultural

in uences and regional distribution. Local imitations of Egyptian models can be anticipated

15 See, for example : BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 43 nrs. 1, 3, 5, 8, 9, 14, 15, Pl. 44 nrs. 2, 3, 11, 13-18 (15th Dynasty), Pl. 49 nr. 2 (17th Dynasty). Especially the feathered frame around the scarab’s back suggested by the hatched legs is more related to Second Intermediate Period types (cfr. BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 43-44).

16 For another Senwosret I scarab found in the Jordan Valley, see the scarab from Beth Shean : KEEL 2013, 96-97 nr. 4

17 For example : BEN-TOR 2007, Pl. 72 nrs. 8, 10, Pl. 73 nr. 2.18 Such as Egyptian-style ivory inlaid boxes, the locally produced Yahudiya Ware, the Canaanite imitations of

Middle Kingdom scarabs … ( MAEIR 2010, 118).





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in this period of close relations between Palestine and the eastern Nile Delta, but the number

of Egyptian imports is very small. There are very little archaeological indications for Hyksos

relations with Transjordan : the very limited geographical distribution of Second Intermediate

Period seal-amulets, with an absence in the Transjordanian Highland and the Eastern Desert

and clustering in the Jordan Valley (Fig. 4), is emphasized even more strongly when consid-

ering the archaeological contexts : of the eighteen recorded items, only those found in Pella

Tombs 1 (Fig. 1.10) and 62 (Figs. 1.3, 1.7-1.9, 2.3-2.4, 3.1-3.2) are possibly contemporary with

their contexts19. As discussed above, Bourke and Eriksson’s late Second Intermediate Period

date for chamber tomb T.62, founded on the presence of Hyksos royal name seals, is not

supported by the tomb’s stratigraphy or by other burial gifts : reuse of the tomb over several

generations and disturbance by water impede assigning burials or objects to speci c burial

phases (RICHARDS 1992, 4). The relative homogeneity of the grave goods in T.62, as re-

ected by the pottery assemblage and the fact that the bulk of the Canaanite and Egyptian

seal-amulets dates between ca. 1650 and ca. 1500 BCE (EGGLER & KEEL 2006, 206-229

nrs. 14-64), does suggest that the Second Intermediate Period imports could have been de-

posited during a burial phase contemporary with their production period, but since the nal

phase of the MB corresponds with the beginning of the 18th Dynasty in Egypt, they may very

well have arrived during that period (ca. 1540-1500/1470 BCE).

Interregional relations : the Central Jordan Valley and southwest Palestine

The importance of Pella in the Central Jordan Valley has been discussed in several stud-

ies pertaining to the Jordan Valley (BOURKE, SPARKS, SCHRODER 2006, 55 ; FISCHER

2006, 238 ; KNAPP 1989 ; MAEIR 2010, 120 ; MAGNESS-GARDINER 1997, 313). KNAPP

(1989) suggested that Pella served as a ‘gateway’ for trade for the Central Jordan Valley,

though involved in international and interregional trade on a lower level than other major

trading centers in the southern Levant, such as Hazor and Kabri in the north and Ashkelon

in the south (ILAN 1995, 305-306 ; MAEIR 2010, 120). The geographical distribution pat-

tern of local and foreign pottery types (Tell el-Yahudiya Ware, Red, White and Blue Ware,

Chocolate-on-White Ware) demonstrates the interregional trade relations between the Jordan

Valley and adjacent regions (MAEIR 2010, 110-118). The study of the Egyptian seal-amulets

offers two alternative routes by which they were distributed from the Mediterranean coastal

region towards the Central Jordan Valley.

Already James WEINSTEIN (1981, 8-10, g. 2-3 ; 1991) noticed a main concentration

of Second Intermediate Period royal and private name scarabs in south-western Canaan, as

illustrated by the parallels cited above for the Maaibre scarab from ‘Amman (Fig. 2.2) and

the ‘Awaserre scarab from Pella (Fig. 2.4). Similarities in glyptic between the Central Jordan

Valley and southwest Palestine have also been noticed in the material from Pella and Tell

19 The others surfaced in LB (Figs. 1.1, 1.4, 1.5, 2.1, 2..5, 3.3) or IA (Fig. 1.6) contexts, or burials with several phases of use (Fig. 2.2). The context of the scarab from Jarash (Fig.1.2) is unknown.





119

el-‘Ajjul, more speci cally (MAEIR 2010, 118-119 ; RICHARDS 1992, 4120). Even if it is not surprising given the large amount of MB scarabs found at Tell el-‘Ajjul, many design seal-amulets from Pella nd their closest parallels at that site. The most striking are the scarabs in Figs. 1.7, 1.3, 1.4 and 1.9 with nearly identical counterparts in Tell el-‘Ajjul (cfr. respec-tively KEEL 1997, 106-107 nr. 5, 246-247 nr. 42321, 384-385 nr. 82222, 416-417 nr. 922). The south-western part of Palestine certainly played the key intermediary role in the distribution of Second Intermediate Period design and royal name seals to northern Palestine and prob-ably also inland and up to the Jordan Valley. It has even been suggested that the presence of Egyptian objects in MB IIC/III Pella may re ect connections between Sharuhen (prob-ably to be identi ed with Tell el-‘Ajjul) and Pella (MAEIR 2010, 177-178). Possible routes coming from the south along the Via Maris are one that turns, via Geser and Aphek, to the Jordan Valley around Shechem, and a more likely itinerary that continues along the coastal road until Megiddo and then via the Jezreel Valley towards the Beth Shean Valley, in which Pella is located23. Alternatively, the Second Intermediate Period seal-amulets in late MB Pella may have arrived at their destination via a northern coastal site, located between Tel Dor and Akko as suggested by a second cluster of Hyksos royal name scarabs in that region (KEEL 1995, §633 ; WEINSTEIN 1981, g. 3). Subsequently, they would have been distrib-uted through the Jezreel and the Beth Shean valleys to Pella. However, the lack of Cypriot imports in MB Pella – contrary to, for example, Hazor – argues against Pella’s participation in a Mediterranean-oriented trade (MAEIR 2010, 52, 114) and they therefore probably arrived at their destination through the network of interregional roads coming from the south-western Palestinian coast.

Not much is known about the Hyksos rulers’ relations with the Levant, but their foreign policy toward the Levant was purely of commercial nature (WEINSTEIN 1981 ; RYHOLT 1997, 138-139). This is also evident from the scarab evidence. As demonstrated by Daphna BEN-TOR (2010, 94) and James WEINSTEIN (1981, 10), Hyksos (royal and private) name scarabs found in the Levant are likely the result of commercial relations with the eastern Delta and do not re ect political control or diplomatic gift exchange between the Hyksos and the rulers of the Canaanite polities. Whether or not the trade networks between the Delta and the Levant were run by the state (OREN 1997, 279), the close cultural interconnections between the eastern Nile Delta and Canaan involved intense trade relations on an unpre-cedented scale (cfr. BEN-TOR 2007, 190-192). From centers such as Ashkelon or Tell el-‘Ajjul (MAEIR 2010, 113-117), commodities and objects were further distributed along the regional trade routes. The royal and design scarabs from Pella are therefore certainly no evidence for high-level Hyksos contacts with the Jordan Valley in general and Pella in particular (as sug-

20 As she did not differentiate between the Egyptian and the Canaanite production and most of her parallels be-long to the local production, her conclusions are not founded. Moreover, her arguments for the existence of a local scarab workshop at Pella are based on unsubstantiated statements such as “several unique design con-cepts and a style of engraving that is noticeably different” (RICHARDS 1992, 42) ; the scarabs from Pella be-long, however, to the well-documented Canaanite and Egyptian series.

21 Probably a Second Intermediate Period scarab and not a Canaanite scarab based on its typological features.22 Probably a Second Intermediate Period scarab and not a Canaanite scarab based on its typological features.23 On MB trade routes, see : DORSEY 1991.





120

gested by BOURKE, ERIKSSON 2006, 342-343). The quantity, nature and geographic distri-

bution pattern of Egyptian and egyptianising objects found in Jordan indicate that they are to

be interpreted rst and foremost within a framework of interregional commercial exchanges,

between the coastal region and inland Palestine, up to the Jordan Valley ; secondarily, elite

emulation processes may be involved (BOURKE, SPARKS, SCHRODER 2006, 54).

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the hyksos and the middle bronze age iib-iic/iii in jordan: what imported egyptian seals tell us

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