the adolescent father's impact on the mother and child

JOURNAL OF 5OC:IAL ISSUES VOLUME 1 6 , NUMBEK I , 1980

The Adolescent Father’s Impact on the Mother and Child

Ross D. Parke, Thomas G. Power, and Teresa Fisher

University of Illinois Champaign, IL

T h e adolescent father’s impact on the mother and child is the focus of this review. Research on the father-infant relationship is reviewed and the role of the father as caregiver and playmate is emphasized. T h e consequences of the adolescent father’s participation for the development of the infant’s cognitive and social-emotional development is examined. A model that distinguishes direct and indirect paths of influence for adolescent fathers is proposed. T h e nature of support systems that may help adolescent fathers more adequately perform their parental role is discussed and an empirical investigation that provides one type of supportive intervention is outlined.

T h e father’s role in infancy and early childhood has been neglected by social scientists as well as by officials of social, legal, educational, and health care institutions. This neglect of the father stems, in part, from our assumption concerning the primacy of the mother-infant relationship and in part from the belief that paternal influence assumes importance only in late infancy or early childhood. This (‘mother-centered’’ bias in our culture is particularly acute for adolescent parents. Until recently, parenthood in adolescence was viewed solely as a woman’s issue, with the adolescent father being viewed as a “shadowy unknown figure,” more a culprit than a potential contributor to either the mother or his offspring.

T h e first part of this paper is a review of recent research concerning the nature of the father-infant relationship and the

T h e preparation of this paper was supported by Grant HEW PHS H D -5951. Thanks to Brenda Congdon for her preparation of the manu- srrint . . ~ ~ ~

Correspondence regarding this article may be addressed to Ross D. Parke, Department of Psychology, University of Illinois, Champaign, IL 61820.

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ADOLESCENT FATHERS 89

impact of fathers on the infant’s social and cognitive development. Then, the effect of the father on the mother, and on her relationship with the infant and child, will be examined. Finally, ways in which adolescent fathers can be more adequately supported will be noted. Since work on the adolescent father is sparse, we have drawn on recent research on fathers in general to show the implications of this work for adolescent fathers.

Adolescent Fathers and Their Participation During Infancy Many of the reasons for our neglect of adolescent fathers

derive from our general lack of concern with the male role in infancy and childhood. A variety of factors contributed to this situation-theoretical models of infant development that have placed a primary emphasis on the mother-infant relationship, unfounded notions about the“biologica1 preparedness” of mothers, and adherence to traditional models of father involvement and sex role allocation, even in the face of considerable secular change (Parke, 1979). Social-structural and social prejudicial factors specific to adolescent fathers also contribute to this neglect. Adolescent fathers are often unmarried during the time of conception and birth, and are generally excluded from participating in the birth and early care of their infants. This is generally the result of the powerful social prejudice that surrounds pregnancy and child birth among unmarried teenagers (Sawin & Parke, 1976).

A common misconception among researchers and health care professionals alike is that adolescent fathers have little contact with their infants. There are two parts to this myth. Many believe that: (1) the majority of teenage births occur out-of-wedlock, and (2) unmarried fathers have little to do with the mother or child after the birth. The data contrast markedly with these notions. First, although slightly more than half (54%) of all births to teenagers are conceived out-of-wedlock, only about 35%) of all births to teenagers occurred out-of-wedlock (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1976). However, between the early 1960’s and early 1970’s, the proportion of children born to unwed adolescent mothers has doubled (Alan Guttmacher Institute, 1976). Second, several studies of unmarried adolescent fathers show a surprising amount of paternal involvement for extended periods following the birth. For example, in a study of 138 unmarried adolescent mothers in Minnesota, Nettleton & Cline (1975) found that 50% of the 45 mothers who did not relinquish custody of their infants dated the father during the infant’s first year of life. Moreover, 20% of these 45 eventually married him. Similarly, 4670 of the 180

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unwed mothers Lorenzi and his colleagues (Lorenzi, Herman & Jekel, 1977) interviewed in New Haven had either married the child’s father o r were seeing him on a regular basis 26 months after the birth. Although the number of women who have regular contact with the men who fathered their children declined over the child’s first two years (56% at 3 months, 40% at 15 months and 23% at 26 months), the percentage of marriages to the father increased over this same period (7% by 3 months, 17% by 15 months and 23% by 26 months). A small but constant proportion of the mothers at each time point (18%) reported that they saw the father only occasionally. In addition, most of the fathers who visited the mothers also visited the child. Finally, Furstenberg (1976) noted similar rates of visitation as late as five years after the birth. Twenty-one percent of the fathers were living with their children, another 20% visited their offspring on a regular basis, while 2 1% visited occasionally. An interesting and consistent pattern in these studies is that a significant number of fathers establish a “stable” live-in relationship with their child only after having been residentially separated from their child for one o r two years (Furstenberg, 1976; Lorenzi et al., 1977)-a period that is often necessary to complete formal education and /or secure regular employment. As will be discussed later, a delay in regular father-child contact does not necessarily preclude the development of a satisfactory father-child relationship or diminish the father’s impact on his child’s later development.

In presenting these data, i t is important to stress that we are not suggesting that all, or even the majority, of relationships between unmarried adolescent parents are supportive, mutually satisfying, and stable. In fact, there is considerable data to the contrary. It is well established that divorce rates among teenage parents are much higher than in the general population (Fursten- berg, 1976; Lorenzi et al., 1977; Sauber, 1970). Furthermore, teenage mothers often have unrealistic expectations about the father’s marriage plans. In the Lorenzi study, of the 47% of the mothers who expected to marry the father, only 36% had married him by the baby’s second birthday. However, such figures have been overemphasized in the literature and may in part be responsible for the predominantly negative view of the adolescent father that has characterized the literature.

THE R O L E O F T H E ADOLESCENT FATHEK What do adolescent fathers do when they are with their

infants? What role d o they play in their development? Such


questions have yet to be the focus of systematic research, so we are forced to turn to data on the nature of interactions between older fathers and their infants for hypotheses about the nature of the adolescent father’s role.

Fathers and Infant Care: Competence and Performance Fathers are not equally involved in all aspects of their infants’

lives. Although they show a high degree of interest in their infants from the newborn period onward, fathers are less likely to participate in routine caretaking activities than mothers. In a series of observational studies of father-infant interaction across the first three months of infancy, Parke and his associates (Parke & O’Leary, 1976; Parke & Sawin, 1980; Parke & Sawin, Note 1) found that fathers spent less time engaged in feeding and in related caretaking activities such as wiping the baby’s face, than do mothers. Although these findings suggest that parental role differentiation begins in early infancy, these differences between the mother and father in terms of caretaking have been reported for older infants as well (Kotelchuck, 1976).

However, the lesser degree of father involvement in feeding does not imply that fathers are less competent than mothers to care for infants. Competence can be measured in a variety of ways, but one approach is to measure parent’s sensitivity to infant cues in the feeding context. Adequate caretaking, to a large degree, is dependent on parents’ ability to correctly “read” or interpret the infant’s behavior so that their own behavior can be regulated in order to achieve some interaction “goal.” To illustrate, in the feeding context, the aim of the parent is to facilitate the food intake of the infant; the infant, in turn, by a variety of behaviors such as sucking or coughing, provides the caretaker with feedback concerning the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of their current behavior in maintaining the food intake process. In this context, one approach to the competence issue involves an examination of the degree to which the caretaker modifies his/her behavior in response to infant cues. Parke and Sawin (Note 1) found that father’s sensitivity to an auditory distress signal in the feeding context-sneeze, spit up, cough-was just as marked as mother’s responsivity to this infant cue. Using a conditional probability analysis, these investigators demonstrated that fathers, like mothers, adjusted their behavior by momentarily ceasing their feeding activity, looking more closely to check on the infant and vocalizing to their infant. A major difference, however, was a greater cautiousness on the part of the fathers who, more likely than mothers, inhibited their touching in the presence of this

92 PAKKE, POWER, AND FISHER

signal. T h e implication of this analysis is clear: in spite of the fact that they may spend less time overall in the feeding context, fathers are as sensitive and responsive as mothers to infant cues. Moreover, the amount of milk consumed by the infants with their mothers and fathers was very similar (1.3 oz. versus 1.2 oz. for mothers and fathers, respectively). In short, fathers and mothers are not only similar in their sensitivity, but are equally successful in feeding the infant based on the amount of milk consumed by the infant.

Fathers are just as responsive as mothers to other newborn infant cues such as vocalizations. Mothers and fathers both increased their rate of positive vocalizations following an infant vocal sound; in addition, parents touched the infant and looked more closely at the infant after the newborn baby vocalized. However, mothers and fathers differ in the behaviors that they display in response to this type of infant behavior. Following an infant vocalization, fathers are more likely than mothers to increase their vocalization rate. Mothers, on the other hand, are more likely than fathers to react to infant vocalization behavior with touching. Possibly, fathers are more cautious than mothers in their use of tactile stimulation during feeding due to their concern about disrupting infant feeding behavior. These data indicate that fathers and mothers both react to the newborn infant’s cues in a contingent and functional manner even though they differ in their specific response patterns. Clearly, the interaction patterns in the newborn period are reciprocal. While the primary focus in the Parke and Sawin (Note 1) study centered on the role of infant cues as elicitors of parental behavior, in a subsequent observational study (Parke & Sawin, 1980), it was shown that parent vocalizations can modify newborn infant behavior. Using a conditional probability analysis approach, Parke and Sawin showed that the frequency of infant vocalizations increased after parental vocalizations. Interaction between fathers and infants- even in the newborn period-is clearly bi-directional in quality; both parents and infants mutually regulate each other’s behavior in the course of interaction.

Unfortunately, there have not yet been coniparable observational studies of adolescent fathers in caretaking situations. However, it may be unwarranted to assume that the caretaking competence that has been observed in older fathers applies to adolescent fathers, since several researchers have found that younger parents are less well prepared for parenting than older


parents, as assessed by their knowledge of nornis for infant development. In one study of teenage couples, de Lissovoy (1973) assessed both maternal and paternal knowledge of motor, language, and social developmental norms and found that both parents, but particularly fathers, were not familiar with developmental norms. Teenage parents expected such accomplishments as social smiling, sitting alone, pull u p to standing, first step and the appearance of the first word to occur much earlier than can realistically be expected. Furthermore, both mothers and fathers expected toilet training to be accomplished by 24 weeks and fathers expected obedience training and recognition of wrong-doing to be achieved by 26 and 40 weeks respectively. In combination with the fathers’ unrealistic expectations concerning how frequently infants cry, i t is not surprising that de Lissovoy noted a frequent occurrence of physical discipline being used by the fathers in that sample. T h e lack of knowledge of developmental norms is not limited to teenage parents. de Lissovoy (1 973) also found similar low levels of knowledge of infant development in a group of unmarried high school students of the same age and socioeconomic status as the teenage parents. However, caution should be taken in interpreting this study in light of the restricted sample (rural working class), the limited range of developmental norms investigated, the absence of statistical treatment of the data, and the lack of a nonadolescent comparison group.

Recently, a more methodologically sound investigation by Epstein (Note 2) confirmed that teenagers’ knowledge of infant development is deficient-at least in some areas. In contrast to the earlier work of de Lissovoy (1973), the adolescent females in this sample were accurate in their knowledge of perceptual and motor development but deficient in their knowledge of cognitive, social, and language development. Particularly in the case of younger infants (under 8 months of age), the teenage mothers underestimated the infant’s cognitive, social and language skills. In contrast to de Lissovoy, these mothers expected too little of their infants and viewed them as “creatures of physical needs and growth without corresponding mental activity” (Epstein, Note 2, p. 4). Unfortunately, no data on adolescent fathers werc available. In spite of the discrepancies in the direction of the misinformation, the studies are consistent in their demonstration that teenagers are limited in their knowledge of infant development. In turn, this lack of knowledge may affect the nature of their interactions with their infants (Parke, 1978).

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Father-Infant Play: A Special Context Play, rather than caretaking, is the primary context for

father-infant interaction. Fathers spend a greater percentage of time (37.5%) in play activities than mothers (25.8%)-even though mothers have more total contact with their infants than fathers (Kotelchuck, 1976). Other investigators in the U.S. (Rendina & Dickerscheid, 1976) and Great Britain (Richards, Dunn & Antonis, Note 3) have reported similar findings. Further evidence of the father’s role as playmate comes from Lamb (1977a) who observed interactions among mother, father, and infant in their homes at 8 and 13 months of age. He reported marked differences in the reasons that mothers and fathers pick up infants-fathers were more likely to hold their babies simply to play with them while mothers were far more likely to hold them for caretaking purposes.

Literature on adolescent fathers’ play behavior is sparse, but Furstenberg (1976) reported that nearly two-thirds of the adoles- ent fathers in his study spent time playing with their children every day, while the majority of the other live-in fathers interacted with their children at least several times a week. In light of recent studies of divorce which have shown that divorced fathers perform a recreational role for their children (Hetherington, Cox & Cox, 1978)) non-resident teenage fathers’ main interaction with their infants and children is likely to be play as well.

Not only do fathers devote more time to play than mothers, but the style of play during father-infant and mother-infant interaction differs. For example, Yogman and his colleagues (Yogman, Dixon, Tronick, Als & Brazelton, Note 4) compared mothers, fathers and strangers in their interactions with infants in a face-to-face play context. Each of five infants were studied for two minutes of interaction each with their mothers, fathers, and a stranger, from age two weeks to age six months. Infant and adult faced each other with the adult under instructions to play without using toys and without removing the infant from the seat. Using videotaped records, a variety of micro-behavioral analyses of the adult-infant interaction patterns were scored. Adults differed in their play with infants as indicated by differences in vocalization and touching patterns. Specifically, mothers vocalized with soft, repetitive, imitative burst-pause talking (47%)) more often than fathers (20%) who did so significantly more often than the strangers (12%)). Fathers, however, touched their infants with rhythmic tapping patterns (44%) more often than either mothers (28%) or strangers (29%).


Mother and father differences in play styles emerge in studies of older infants as well. In a study of 8-month-olds in a lab setting, Power and Parke (Note 5) found that paternal play behavior was characterized by physical games such as rocking, bouncing, and tossing of their infants, while maternal play was more focused on toy-centered activities.

Stylistic differences in mother-infant and father-infant play behavior are not restricted to either young infants or structured laboratory settings. Parental play differences have been observed in unstructured home settings as well. For example, Lamb (1977a,:977b) reported that fathers played more physical games and more parallel play with their 8-24 month-old infants; while mothers, in contrast, engaged in more conventional play activities (e.g., peek-a-boo, pat-a-cake), stimulus toy play (a toy was jiggled or operated to stimulate the child directly) and reading. Similar findings in differential play behavior have been reported by Clarke-Stewart (1978a) in a study of 15-30 month-old infants and their parents.

Not only do fathers and mothers differ in their play patterns, but infants respond differently to maternal and paternal play behavior. In his study of 8-13 month-old infants, Lamb (1977a) found that infants responded to play with their fathers significantly more positively (i.e., smiled and laughed more) than to play with their mothers. Consistent with Lamb’s observations is Clarke- Stewart’s (1978a) finding that 20-month-old children were significantly more responsive to playful social interaction initiated by their father than to play initiated by their mother. At 2-1/2 years of age, children were more cooperative, close, involved, excited, and interested in play with their fathers. Over two-thirds of the children chose to play with their fathers first in a choice situation and displayed a stronger preference for him as a playmate. In short, the early emergence of fathers as play partners is recipro- cated by the infants in the first two years of infancy. Whether we can expect differences between the play styles of adolescent mothers and fathers is a question for further research.

The Adolescent Father and Infant Development Given the variations in the level and nature of adolescent

father involvement during infancy, it is likely that the father influences his infant’s development in a number of ways. Specifi- cally, we can distinguish between direct and indirect influences (Parke, Power & Gottman, 1979). Direct influences involve those instances where the father influences his infant’s social or cognitive

96 PAKKE, POWER, AND FISHER

development as a result of direct interactions between father and infant. Indirect influences are those cases where the father influences infant development through his effects on another person, with that other person directly influencing the infant.

Direct inf1uence.r. Fathers influence both the social and cognitive development of their infants. Let us consider each of these developmental domains.

T h e degree of infant social responsiveness varies with the amount and type of paternal involvement, regardless of whether social behavior is assessed in the laboratory (Kotelchuck, 1976) or in the home (Clarke-Stewart, 1978a; Pedersen & Robson, 1969; Pedersen, Rubinstein & Yarrow, 1979). Positive relationships have been found between overall proximity to the father for one-year- old infants in the laboratory, and paternal caretaking in the home (Ross, Kagan, Zelazo & Kotelchuck, 1975; Kotelchuck, Note 6). Similarly, in their study of 8-9 month-old infants, Pedersen & Robson (1969) found that paternal involvement in routine caretaking, emotional investment in the infant, and the stimulation level of paternal play, were positively related to the male infant’s attachment to his father (as assessed by the age of onset and intensity of greeting behavior directed to the father). In light of these studies, it is not surprising that infants in the first year of life show no consistent preference for either mother or father in nonplay situations (Clarke-Stewart, 1978a; Kotelchuck, 1976; Lamb, 1977a)-a clear challenge to Bowlby’s (1969) ethological theory which suggested that infants will prefer their mothers to their fathers.

Just as the quantity and quality of nonadolescent father-infant interaction is related to the social development of infants, there is some preliminary evidence suggesting that the involvement of adolescent fathers with their children facilitates their child’s social developtnent in the preschool years (Furstenberg, 1976). In a follow-up study of adolescent parents, Furstenberg compared the social adjustment of preschool children of adolescent parents who had married and therefore had regular father contact, with children of mothers who remained single. T h e children in the father-absent homes were lower on a variety of social adjustment measures: efficacy, trust, and self-esteem, but not delay of grati- fication.

According to Furstenberg (1976) lack of father participation is related to another index of social adjustment-the number of behavioral problems which were reported by mothers. In father-absent families, 43% of the children had two or more

.


behavioral problems and almost half of the children had two or more chronic problems in families in which the father had only occasional contact with his child. In contrast, less than one-third of the children living in unbroken homes experienced two or more chronic problems. Similar findings have been reported by Barnard (Note 7) who found that infant physical accidents were lower as the level of father participation increased.

There also appear to be positive direct influences of involvement, by either nonadolescent or adolescent fathers, on the cognztiue development of their children as well. In their study of 5 and 6-month-old male infants (Pedersen, et al., 1979), Bayley mental test scores were positively corre!ated with the amount of father contact. In addition, the cognitive performance of male infants from father-present homes was higher than male infants from father-absent homes. Girls were apparently unaffected by the level of father involvement or by his absence. In a more detailed examination of the components of father-infant interaction in a sample of 16 to 22-month-old infants, Clarke-Stewart (1978a) reported that the fathers’ physical play best predicted boys’ cognitive development, while the quality of the fathers’ verbal interaction was a better predictor for female infants’ cognitive status. Studies with preschool-age children show a similar trend: the availability and level of father participation is positively related to preschool cognitive performance, especially for boys (Radin, 1976). Studies of children of adolescent parents are consistent with this general picture. Specifically, Furstenberg (1 976) found that cognitive performance of preschoolers was positively related to the continuity of the relationship between an adolescent father and his child. Children from homes in which parents married early and remained married performed at a higher level than children from homes where they had irregular or no contact with their fathers.

How does direct interaction between adolescent fathers and their infants foster cognitive and social development? This probably occurs as a result of structural characteristics in father-infant play (Power & Parke, Note 5). This would particularly be the case for unmarried fathers who visit their infants regularly, and for whom play is their primary mode of interaction. Unfortunately, data on the structural characteristics of play that facilitate infant development is still rather scarce (Power, Note 8) and to date is not available for adolescent fathers. Such data is necessary if we are to fully understand the importance of father-infant play, and its role in facilitating infant development.


Indirect influences. Direct interaction between fathers and children is only one way in which fathers influence their offspring’s development. Many paternal effects on the infant or child are mediated through the father’s relationship with the mother or other family member. (For a general model of direct and indirect influences in the father-mother-infant triad, see Parke, Power and Gottman, 1979). T h e quality of the father-mother relationship at various times, including during pregnancy, at childbirth, and after the birth of the infant, is an important determinant of the mother’s attitudes and behavior, which, in turn, may indirectly affect the infant’s social and cognitive development. T h e types of support-social-emotional, physical, or financial-will deter- mine the nature of that indirect influence.

One of the most common ways in which adolescent fathers influence the mother is through the level of financial support they provide (Furstenberg, 1976; Lorenzi et al., 1977). In their study, Lorenzi et al. found that at 3 and 15 months postpartum, approximately 64% of their unmarried teenage mothers were receiving financial aid from the infant’s father. In fact, most couples appeared to have reached an agreement on financial matters-8 1 70 of the unmarried mothers who anticipated financial support from the father were receiving it at these two time points. Such support operates directly by making available to the mother many of the necessities for adequate infant care; and it indirectly affects the quality of mother-infant interaction by influencing the mother’s feelings of economic security. Altering the mother- infant relationship might, in turn, affect the infant’s subsequent development.

Adolescent fathers may indirectly influence their offspring by providing emotional support as well. Feiring and Taylor (1 980) found that maternal-infant involvement was positively related to the mother’s support from a secondary parent-67% of these secondary parents were fathers. Emotional support from the father is particularly important during adolescence in light of the high degree of social prejudice and interpersonal tension characterizing adolescent pregnancy and parenthood (Furstenberg, 1976). If the relationship between the adolescent mother and her parents becomes stressed as a result of the pregnancy, then we might expect that the support of the father of the child becomes particularly important in relieving this stress. In turn, such a reduction in maternal emotional stress might lead to an increase in her subsequent involvement with her infant.

Although providing support is one of the most common ways


in which adolescent fathers have an indirect effect on thcir infant’s development, there are other types of indirect influence. Consen- sus in childbearing attitudes, the father’s perception of the mother’s caretaking competence, and other qualities of the husband-wife relationship are all related to maternal involvement or competence in studies of nonadolescent fathers (see Parke, Power & Gottman, 1979 for review). It is likely that in these and other ways, young fathers have an indirect influence on their infant’s cognitive and social-emotional development. Furthermore, we might expect that the less the degree of actual father participation in infancy (fathers who visit versus those who live-in), the more important indirect influence becomes.

One cautionary note is in order. When considering indirect influence patterns, we must be careful not to generalize, without evidence, from nonadolescent to adolescent fathers. For example, in his study of adolescent parents, Furstenberg (1976) found that neither marriage patterns nor paternal involvement were related to either maternal commitment or performance. Maternal warmth, confidence, and the general quality of maternal relations were no higher when the father lived with or interacted regularly with his child than when he was absent. Furthermore, there was no evidence that separation affected either the mothers’ level of interest in their children nor their evaluation of themselves as parents. Maternal performance was not markedly affected by deferral of marriage. Finally, women who remained unmarried were no less interested in their children, and no less competent or confident as caregivers. There was one complicating factor- marriage to another male. Women who married someone else appeared to encounter more difficulty in managing motherhood. In comparison to those who married the father of the child, the adolescent mothers who married other men were less confident in their parenting role, had more behavior problems with their children, and were more critical of their children.

What accounts for this general pattern of minimal impact of the father on the mother’s behavior? According to Furstenberg (1976):

Ironically, a partial reason that the young mothers managed as well as they did with so little assistance from the child’s father may be the generally high rate of family dissolution among lower-income blacks. While the broken family is hardly the preferred pattern, it is not a n uncommon one, and women are prepared to raise their children with little or no help from the father. Childbearing assistance from relatives and friends also helps to offset the low involvement of the father. Moreover, since little is expected of him, even the minimal


assistance provided by a nonresidential father is welcomed and appre- ciated. As some indication of this, over three-fourths of the mothers reported that the nonresidential father enjoyed a positive relationship with his child, a figure nearly as great as that for the residential father. In the eyes of the mother and probably the child as well, the nonresidential father comes to be accepted for what he can offer rather than denigrated for what he cannot (p. 193).

- Clearly, research on the direct and indirect effects of adolescent paternal involvement is necessary before we can more fully understand the differential impact of fathers on children and adolescent mothers.

cUl ,TURAl , S l :PfJORT S Y S T E M S F O R A UOLESSCEN7‘ FA I’HERJ

In view of the evidence that adolescent fathers, including unwed fathers, are often more interested in their infants and children than has previously been believed, and that this can yield positive effects for the infants, it is important to provide cultural support systems that are specifically designed to foster this interest among fathers. In this section, we will review the types of support systems that are available or could be devised to encourage and sustain fathers’ involvement with their children. Second, we will note some of the complexities that are involved in the selection and design of supportive intervention programs for adolescent fathers.

Cultural supports can assume a variety of forms at both the preventive and remedial levels. The vast majority of cultural support programs are remedial rather than preventive, a policy that Furstenberg (1976) argues is “the general approach to social problems in American society” (p. 223). The call for better and earlier information about contraception and the economic and social realities of parenthood is, of course, not new. As early as 1925, the National Parent Teachers Association (Schlossman, 1976) and more recently others (Hawkins, 1971; Sawin & Parke, 1976) have advocated this type of preventive intervention as a way of reducing the number of teenage pregnancies.

Since for the most part prevention efforts have generally failed, programs that can aid adolescent fathers fulfill their paternal roles are needed. Even for older fathers, few programs are available. Popular advice-to-father books are in abundance, but there is little indication that parents (mothers or fathers) are likely to use these primers as a guide for their child-care (Clarke-Stewart, 1978b). Aside from this type of primer, there


are very few programs that are specifically aimed at teaching fathers parenting skills. T h e vast majority of programs are mother-oriented, while fathers are virtually ignored.

There is considerable diversity in the ways in which teenage fathers organize their relationships with the mother and the child. Some fathers marry the mother during pregnancy or shortly after the birth of the infant, while others delay marriage, and some never marry. Similarly, among unwed fathers there is a wide range in terms of the quantity and quality of contact between the father and his child. Some fathers visit regularly, others sporadically, and still others have little or no contact with their infants and children. Therefore, the issue of supportive intervention must be gauged to f i t this diversity.

First, consider the case where there is a clear commitment to actively participate in the rearing of the infant or child. Recent research provides some guidelines to help ensure that this participation is effective and informed. Adolescent fathers need to be provided with the opportunity to learn and practice basic caretaking skills. This implies that fathers should be permitted to have extended contact with their infants in the early postpartum period-a practice that is becoming increasingly common in American hospitals (Klaus & Kennell, 1976). There is evidence to suggest that opportunities for early and extended contact with their infants in the early postpartum period mu3 enhance parent- infant attachment (Klaus & Kennell, 1976). However, intervention need not be restricted to increased opportunity to visit with an infant. T h e postpartum period is an ideal time for teaching new parents necessary caretaking skills and for increasing their knowledge about normal infant and child development.

Consider a recent intervention program by Parke and his colleagues (Parke, Hymel, Power & Tinsley, 1980; Tinsley, Hymel, Power & Parke, Note 9). Although this study did not employ adolescent fathers, a similar approach could be used with adolescent parents. Parke et al. (1980) presented fathers a videotape about father-infant interaction during the early postpartum hospital period. T h e videotape provided information concerning newborn infants’ perceptual and social competence, play techniques and caretaking skills. In light of findings already noted that adolescent parents have limited knowledge about infant caretaking and development, it is important to provide such information to new adolescent parents (de Lissovoy, 1973; Epstein, Note 2). Hospital observations of fathers during the newborn period, and home observations at three weeks and three months, along with

102 PARKE, POWER, A N D FISHER

a number of questionnaire measures, were used to evaluate the impact of the film intervention.

Based on observations in the home when the infant was three months old, fathers who had viewed the video tape were more responsive to their own infants’ signals (such as smiles and looking at toys during play and feeding), than were control fathers, who had not viewed the videotape. Furthermore, viewing the film increased fathers’ knowledge about infant perceptual abilities, and modified their views concerning the infant’s need for stimulation. In addition) for fathers of boys, viewing the film modified their sex role attitudes concerning the appropriateness of their participation in caretaking activities. Were these attitude changes accompanied by changes in the level of father participation in routine childcare activities at home? T o address this question, parent diaries of caretaking activities in the home were obtained for a one-week period when the infant was 3 months old. According to the diary reports, fathers who saw the film were more likely to diaper their sons at three months than were fathers in the no-film control group. There was a similar pattern for father feeding activity: film fathers fed their male infants more than control fathers. However, exposure to the film did not result in more diapering and feeding of female infants.

In summary, the film intervention significantly modified selected aspects of fathers) behavior and attitudes, both in the hospital and during the first three months of their infants’ lives. Of particular interest is the finding that there was a higher level of father participation in feeding and diapering, subsequent to this very limited intervention) even after a three month period- but only in the case of boys. Since fathers are already differentially predisposed to interact more with male infants than female infants) the film may have served to strengthen these already existing tendencies. There is a substantial body of literature in support of the claim that fathers both expect to and do show higher involvement with male than female infants (see Parke, 1979, for a review). Previous social influence researchers have found that i t is easier to produce further change in a direction that is already favored than in a nonfavored direction (McGuire, 1968).

However) programs need not be restricted to the early postpartum period for two reasons. There is little evidence, to date, that early and brief interventions will have a long-term impact, without a program of continuing support that is sensitively gauged to the changing needs of both the parents and their developing child. Moreover, programs in the early postpartum


period may be inappropriate for many adolescent fathers. Often in this early period there is still uncertainty concerning the type and level of involvement that the father plans (or will be permitted) to have with the mother and his infant. Indeed, many adolescent fathers only assume an active paternal role when the child is beyond infancy. Therefore, programs aimed at increasing positive father-child relationships are needed for those adolescents who start their fathering career at a later point in the child’s development. For example, Zelazo and his colleagues (Zelazo, Kotelchuck, Barber & David, Note 10) demonstrated that father-child involvement with one-year-old infants can be increased, and further underlined the potential value of supportive interventions for older infants and children.

However, programs that aim at increasing father-child involvement represent only one aspect of a range of problems facing adolescent parents. Program planners should recognize the mul- tiple needs of adolescent parents, not only in their parenting roles, but also in terms of their overall social, emotional, and cognitive development as well. We need to recognize more fully that problem areas are interdependent, and to develop programs that can effectively service a number of adolescent needs simulta- neously. For example, to reduce the disruptive impact of adolescent parenthood on education (Card & Wise, 1978), school districts might provide infant care services in locations near high school facilities. Those would permit both mother and father to continue regular school activities, while also being involved in caretaking and receiving instruction in infant care and development (Sawin & Parke, 1976). Focusing on supporting both education and day care should aid adolescent parents’ future development, both as individuals and as mothers and fathers.

C O N C L ~ ~ S I O N S

Adolescent fathers are more actively involved in the early development of their infants and children than has been suggested in previous literature reviews. Although there is considerable diversity in the amount and quality of father-child involvement, there is clear evidence that adolescent fathers can play an important role in the cognitive and social development of their infants and children. The nature of the father’s influence patterns must be considered within the family system, since fathers can influence their infant’s development in both direct and indirect ways. Becoming a father during adolescence has serious consequences


for individual development in educational, occupational, and marital spheres. We have advocated development of cultural support systems that recognize the full range of needs of adolescent fathers, both as individuals and as parents. Providing such supportive interventions may yield positive consequences for the father, the mother, and the child.

REFERENCE NOTES I . Parke, R. D., & Sawin, D. B. Infant characteristics a n d behauior as e1rcitor.t

of maternal and paternal responsibility in the neuiborn period. Paper presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, Denver, April 1975.

2. Epstein, A. S. Pregnant teenagers’ knowledge of infant deuelopment. Paper presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, San Francisco, March 1979.

3. Richards, M. P. M., Dunn, J. F., & Antonis, B. Caretaking in the fzrsl year of life? The role of fathers, and mothers’ Jocial isolation. Unpublished manuscript, University of Cambridge, 1975.

4. Yogman, M. J., Dixon, S., Tronick, E., Als, H., & Brazelton, T. B. T h e goals and structure of face-to-face interaction between infants and fathers. Paper presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, New Orleans, March 1977.

5. Power, T. G., & Parke, R. D. Toward u taxonomy of father- infant and mother-infant play patterns. Paper presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, San Francisco, March 1979.

6. Kotelchuck, M. 7 h e nature of the child? tie to his father. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, 1972.

7 . Barnard, K. Personal communication, University of Washington School of Nursing, 1978.

8. Power, T. G. Mot/ier-andzfather-ir2fantplay: A n exploratory analysis of structure andfunct ion . Unpublished masters thesis, University of Illinois, 1979.

9. Tinsley, B. R., Hymel, S., Power, T. G., & Parke, R. D. A n experimental modification of early-father-infant relatiomhips. Paper presented at the 87th annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, New York City, September 1979.

10. Zelazo, P. R., Kotelchuck, M., Barber, L., & David, J. Fathers and sons: A n experimental facilitation of attachment behauiors. Paper presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, New Orleans. March 1977.

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the adolescent father's impact on the mother and child

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