THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF ISLAM

THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF ISLAMNEW EDITION

PREPARED BY A NUMBER OFLEADING ORIENTALISTS

EDITED BY

C.E. BOSWORTH, E. VAN DONZEL, W.P. HEINRICHS AND G. LECOMTEASSISTED BY PJ. BEARMAN AND MME S. NURIT

UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF

THE INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ACADEMIES

VOLUME VIII

NED — SAM

LEIDEN

EJ. BRILL1995

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:

Members: C.E. BOSWORTH, J.T.P. DE BRUIJN, A. DIAS FARINHA, E. VAN DONZEL, J. VAN Ess, F. GABRIELI,E. GARCIA GOMEZ, W.P. HEINRICHS, RJ. KASTELEIJN, A.K.S. LAMBTON, G. LECOMTE, B. LEWIS,

R. MANTRAN, F. MEIER, F. ROSENTHAL, F. RUNDGREN, A.L. UDOVITCH.

Associated members: HAUL INALCIK, IBRAHIM MADKOUR, S.H. NASR, M. TALBI, E. TYAN.

The preparation of this volume of the Encyclopaedia of Islam was made possiblein part through grants from the Research Tools Program of the National Endow-ment for the Humanities, an independent Federal Agency of the United StatesGovernment; the British Academy; the Oriental Institute, Leiden; Academie desInscriptions et Belles-Lettres; and the Royal Netherlands Academy of Sciences.

The articles in this volume were published in double fascicules of 128 pages, the dates of publication being:

1993: Fascs. 131-136, pp. 1-384 1994: Fascs. 137-142, pp. 385-768

1995: Fascs. 143-146, pp. 769-1056

ISBN 90 04 09834 8

© Copyright 1995 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands

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PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME

For the benefit of readers who may wish to follow up an individual contributor's articles, the Editors have decid-ed to list after each contributor's name the pages on which his signature appears. Academic but not other ad-dresses are given (for a retired scholar, the place of his last known academic appointment).

In this list, names in square brackets are those of authors of articles reprinted or revised from the first editionof this Encyclopaedia or from the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. An asterisk after the name of the author in thetext denotes an article reprinted from the first edition which has been brought up to date by the Editorial Com-mittee; where an article has been revised by a second author his name appears within square brackets after thename of the original author.

FEROZ AHMAD, University of Massachusetts. 511HAMID ALGAR, University of California, Berkeley. 48,

117, 136, 704[J. ALLAN, London]. 239, 267, 288, 289, 726R. AMITAI-PREISS, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.

759BARBARA WATSON ANDAYA, University of Hawaii at

Manoa. 295P.A. ANDREWS, University of Cologne. 270GHAUS ANSARI, University of Vienna. 32SARAH ANSARI, University of London. 244A. ARAZI, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 539, 885[AJ. ARBERRY, Cambridge]. 14A. ARIOLI, University of Rome. 389R. ARNALDEZ, University of Paris. 25, 588, 667M. ATHAR ALI, Aligarh Muslim University. 371, 573,

751[A.S. ATIYA, Salt Lake City]. 36, 325, 351A. AYALON, Tel Aviv University. 813RAMZI BAALBAKI, American University of Beirut. 821[F. BABINGER, Munich]. 1, 3, 8, 9, 36, 43, 62, 65,

110, 172, 190, 296, 308, 317, 391, 393, 419, 422T. BACHROUCH, University of Tunis. 764ROSWITHA BADRY, University of Freiburg. 333[T.G. BAILEY]. 23[F. BAJRAKTAREVIC]. 85, 279, 285, 322MOHAMMAD AL-BAKHIT, Al al-Bayt University, Am-

man. 385, 883, 1000QIGDEM BALIM, University of Manchester. 168, 170,

175, 177, 179, 484, 670, 818, 838, 1044R.B. BARNETT, University of Virginia, Charlot-

tes ville. 793[TH. BAUER]. 1042A.F.L. BEESTON, University of Oxford. 665M.AJ. BEG, University of Brunei. 672, 871, 892DORIS BEHRENS-ABOUSEIF, University of Freiburg/

Breisgau. 344, 683[A. BEL]. 654AFIF BEN ABDESSELEM, University of Tunis. 738OMAR BENCHEIKH, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Paris. 15M. BENCHENEB, Algiers. 693R. BENCHENEB, Paris. 127H. BEN-SHAMMAY, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.

539[E. BERTHELS]. 44, 48, 68, 81, 478TH. BIANQUIS, University of Lyons. 396, 654J. BISSON, University of Tours. 850W. BJORKMAN, Uppsala. 481J.R. BLACKBURN, University of Toronto. 185, 236,

521SHEILA S. BLAIR, Richmond, New Hampshire. 383F.C. DE BLOIS, Royal Asiatic Society, London. 445,

586, 675, 683, 972[Tj. DE BOER, Amsterdam]. 123H. BOESCHOTEN, University of Tilburg. 893P.N. BORATAV, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Paris. 179, 232, 271C.E. BOSWORTH, University of Manchester. 12, 24,

64, 67, 73, 76, 82, 110, 127, 149, 154, 155, 161,163, 174, 175, 178, 191, 231, 235, 236, 237, 239,245, 259, 278, 288, 300, 303, 306, 309, 312, 313,373, 381, 385, 386, 393, 403, 404, 417, 450, 453,460, 463, 469, 470, 473, 519, 526, 568, 586, 587,591, 595, 598, 606, 607, 618, 630, 636, 652, 661,670, 679, 694, 695, 701, 746, 749, 794, 798, 807,808, 809, 811, 830, 842, 853, 860, 869, 879, 895,918, 924, 959, 973, 979, 997, 999, 1029, 1034,1041, 1043, 1050

G. BOWERING, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.841

MARY BOYCE, University of London. 343JEAN BOYD, Penrith, Cumbria. 35F. BRAEMER, Centre National de la Recherche Scien-

tifique, Paris. 757BARBARA BREND, London. 453J.T.P. DE BRUIJN, University of Leiden. 84, 134, 272,

423, 532, 637, 685, 777, 1012KATHLEEN BURRILL, Columbia University, NJ. 490J. BURTON, University of St. Andrews. 362J. BURTON-PAGE, Church Knowle, Dorset. 48, 64,

121, 252Y. CALLOT, University of Tours. 481, 838, 847J. CALMARD, Centre National de la Recherche Scien-

tifique, Paris. 748, 750, 756SHEILA R. CANBY, British Museum, London. 510,

514J. CARSWELL, Sotheby's, London. 226M.G. CARTER, New York University. 668, 836J. CHABBI, University of Paris. 506C. CHALINE, University of Paris. 548H. CHAOUCH, University of Tunis. 858MOUNIRA CHAPOUTOT-REMADI, Institut francais

d'Etudes arabes, Damas. 160, 1001E. CHAUMONT, University of Aix-Marseille. 900the late J. CHELHOD, Paris. 362, 654P. CHELKOWSKI, New York University. 81, 465M. CHENOUFI, University of Tunis. 402W.C. CHITTICK, State University of New York, Stony

Brook. 755, 861, 1024M. CHODKIEWICZ, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en

Sciences Sociales, Paris. 594Y.M. CHOUEIRI, University of Exeter. 49V. CHRISTIDES, University of loannina, Athens. 90J. COULAND, University of Paris. 26STEPHANIE CRONIN, London. 1051YOLANDE CROWE, London. 1031, 1038F. DACHRAOUI, University of Tunis. 118F. DAFTARY, Institute of Ismaili Studies, London.

134, 443, 599, 923H. DAIBER, Free University, Amsterdam. 649, 660M. VAN DAMME, University of Utrecht. 350J. DANECKI, University of Warsaw. 573R.E. DARLEY-DORAN, Winchester. 231, 793, 974, 978G. DAVID, Budapest. 292, 302[C.C. DAVIES, Oxford]. 125, 245, 254, 258, 271, 368,

383, 426R. DAVIS, Ohio State University, Columbus. 723

VI AUTHORS

R. DELADRIERE, University of Lyons. 547F.M. DENNY, University of Colorado, Boulder. 299W.B. DENNY, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

224

A. DIETRICH, University of Gottingen. 37, 112, 687,693, 707, 732, 1043

S. DIGBY, Rozel, Jersey. 1050CHRISTINE DOBBIN, Australian National University,

Canberra. 238G. DOERFER, University of Gottingen. 583E. VAN DONZEL, Leiden. 830, 850HJ. DROSSAART LULOFS, University of Amsterdam.

37J. DURING, University of Strasbourg. 1019H. EISENSTEIN, University of Vienna. 4, 1024D.S. EL ALAMI, Leicester. 708NADIA EL CHEIKH, American University of Beirut.

602N. ELISSEEFF, University of Lyons. 133, 817W. ENDE, University of Freiburg im Breisgau. 448,

909G. ENDRESS, University of Bochum. 859C. ERNST, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

652T. FAHD, University of Strasbourg. 52, 65, 97, 108,

155, 350, 381, 562, 601, 647, 678, 705, 706, 728,734, 830, 889

[H.G. FARMER, Glasgow]. 348SURAIYA FAROQHI, University of Munich. 12, 210,

406, 489, 567, 593, 1054P.-B. FENTON, University of Strasbourg. 662HALIMA FERHAT, University of Rabat. 691, 899MARIBEL FIERRO, C.S.I.C., Madrid. 480, 574, 636,

708, 819HJ. FISHER, University of London. 17J. FLANAGAN, Somerville, Mass. 615J. FONTAINE, Institut des Belles Lettres Arabes,

Tunis. 471, 693M. FORCADA, University of Barcelona. 527C.H. DE FOUCHECOUR, University of Paris. 580G.S.P. FREEMAN-GRENVILLE, Sheriff Hutton, York.

287, 292, 564, 857M. GABORIEAU, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Paris. 6J.C. GARCIN, University of Aix-en-Provence. 866TERESA GARULO, University of Madrid. 407, 633G.J.H. VAN GELDER, University of Groningen. 997A. GHEDIRA, University of Lyons. 835[H.A.R. GIBB, Harvard]. 83A. GILADI, University of Haifa. 827D. GIMARET, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes,

Paris. 363, 399, 649, 881, 918M. GLUNZ, University of Washington, Seattle. 998F. MUGE GO£EK, University of Michigan. 3P.B. GOLDEN, Rutgers University, Newark, New

Jersey. 291, 629, 878, 898L.E. GOODMAN, Vanderbilt University, Nashville.

477G. GOODWIN, London. 223A.H. DE GROOT, University of Leiden. 124, 288, 480,

994M. GUETTAT, Institut Superieur de Musique, Tunis.

449P. GUICHARD, University of Lyons. 834, 881J.G.J. TER HAAR, University of Leiden. 596U. HAARMANN, University of Kiel. 895C.-P. HAASE, University of Kiel. 631[T.W. HAIG, London]. 833, 925W. HALE, University of London. 168, 174MARGARET HALL, London. 742

H. HALM, University of Tubingen. 148, 438, 468,683, 998, 1047

TALAT SAID HALMAN, New York University. 172G.R.G. HAMBLY, University of Texas, Dallas. 514W.L. HANAWAY, University of Pennsylvania, Phila-

delphia. 801, 885S. NOMANUL HAQ, Cambridge, Mass. 597[W. HARTNER, Frankfurt]. 122L.P. HARVEY, University of London. 272A. HAVEMANN, Free University, Berlin. 403G.R. HAWTING, University of London. 466, 697J.A. HAYWOOD, Lewes, East Sussex. 154, 334P. HEATH, Washington University, St. Louis. 921A. HEINEN, Pontifical Istituto Orientale, Rome. 1018W.P. HEINRICHS, Harvard University. 370, 379, 383,

428, 578, 668, 734, 748, 805, 819, 831, 856, 894,990, 1008

[B. HELLER, Budapest]. 109, 397G. HERRMANN, University of Gottingen. 277[M. HIDAYET HOSAIN]. 67, 124the late D.R. HILL, Great Brookham, Surrey. 656[S. HILLELSON]. 89CAROLE HILLENBRAND, University of Edinburgh. 133,

440, 461, 705R. HILLENBRAND, University of Edinburgh. 964J.R. HINNELLS, University of London. 275the late M. HISKETT, London. 23, 357M.C. HOADLEY, Lund University. 284BIRGIT HOFFMANN, University of Bamberg. 343P.M. HOLT, Oxford. 171[E. HONIGMANN]. 112, 114, 424, 435, 528, 671M.B. HOOKER, Australian National University,

Canberra. 483VIRGINIA MATHESON HOOKER, Australian National

University, Canberra. 286, 491, 668, 1042D. HOPWOOD, University of Oxford. 718J. HUEHNERGARD, Harvard University. 1011F.R. HUNTER, Tulane University. 93J.O. HUNWICK, Northwestern University, Evanston,

Illinois. 719C.H. IMBER, University of Manchester. 182, 831HALIL INALCIK, Bilkent University, Ankara. 487, 611,

612M. IPsIRLI, University of Istanbul. 843RIAZUL ISLAM, University of Karachi. 1048MAWIL Y. Izzi DIEN, University of Wales, Lampeter.

667, 718, 818, 842S.A. JACKSON, Indiana University, Bloomington, In-

diana. 991RENATE JACOBI, University of the Saar, Saarbriicken.

398, 467, 919[B. JOEL]. 756G.H.A. JUYNBOLL, The Hague. 385, 421, 519, 820,

836, 857, 984O. KAHL, Frankfurt am Main. 417, 694KEMAL KARPAT, University of Wisconsin, Madison.

138, 144A.S. KAYE, California State University, Fullerton. 92B. KELLNER-HEINKELE, Free University, Berlin. 833H. KENNEDY, University of St. Andrews. 985J. KENNY, University of Ibadan. 232[R.A. KERN, Leiden]. 279, 333, 433R.G. KHOURY, University of Heidelberg. 265, 409,

478M. KIEL, University of Munich. 11, 168, 170, 188,

312, 320, 341[H. KINDERMANN, Cologne]. 354D.A. KING, University of Frankfurt. 575, 650, 872,

1056G.R.D. KING, University of London. 85, 436, 437,

577, 614MJ. KISTER, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 375

SYLVIE dENOIX, UNIVERSITY OF AIX-EN-PROVENCE. 861[J.DENY, PARIES.281,282,371,483,529,531,566]

AUTHORS VII

J. KNAPPERT, University of London. 34, 105A. KNYSH, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 430,

745M. KOHBACH, University of Vienna. 5E. KOHLBERG, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 373,

389, 463, 812[M.F. KOPRULU]. 221[J.H. KRAMERS, Leiden]. 43, 182, 183, 202, 881DOROTHEA KRAWULSKY, University of Tubingen. 703K. KREISER, University of Bamberg. 161, 612, 898[F. KRENKOW]. 702REMKE KRUK, University of Leiden. 407P. KUNITZSCH, University of Munich. 105, 716M. KUNT, University of Cambridge. 752M. KURPERSHOEK, Leiden. 1048GUNAY KUT, Bogazici University. 171ANN K.S. LAMBTON, Kirknewton, Northumberland.

313, 800FIDELITY LANCASTER, British Institute at Amman for

Archaeology and History. 645W. LANCASTER, British Institute at Amman for Ar-

chaeology and History. 645J.M. LANDAU, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 60,

248, 250, 252H. LANDOLT, McGill University, Montreal. 704J.D. LATHAM, University of Manchester. 871, 900,

915A. LAYISH, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 32M. LECKER, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 1005G. LECOMTE, Institut National des Langues et

Civilisations Orientales, Paris. 888S. LEDER, University of Halle. 547NANCY E. LEEPER, University of Oregon, Eugene.

180G. LEISER, Vacaville, California. 1001, 1006AMALIA LEVANONI, University of Haifa. 987[G. LEVI BELLA VIDA, Rome]. 83, 120, 1052[E. LEVI-PROVENC.AL, Paris]. 349, 441[R. LEVY]. 316, 343[T. LEWICKI, Cracow]. 114CHANG-KUAN LIN, National Cheng-chi University,

Taipei. 240, 261, 341D.P. LITTLE, McGill University, Montreal. 759B. LORY, Ecole Nationale des Langues Orientales

Vivantes, Paris. 635JANE D. McAuLiFFE, University of Toronto. 568R.D. MCCHESNEY, New York University. 233, 273M.C.A. MACDONALD, University of Oxford. 757,

762D. MAcEoiN, University of Durham. 114, 451, 679K. MCPHERSON, University of Western Australia,

Nedlands. 469W. MADELUNG, University of Oxford. 454H.G. MAJER, University of Munich. 185FEDWA MALTI-DOUGLAS, Indiana University, Bloom-

ington, Indiana. 53[G. MARCAIS, Paris]. 415, 563[D.S. MARGOLIOUTH, Oxford]. 400, 525MANUELA MARIN, University of Madrid. 617, 633MARIE H. MARTIN, The American Numismatic

Society, New York. 75VANESSA MARTIN, University of London. 140G. MARTINEZ-GROS, University of Rouen. 618, 868U. MARZOLPH, Enzyklopadie des Marchens, Got-

tingen. 595[H. MASSE, Paris]. 76, 431, 511, 600R.J. MAY, Australian National University, Can-

berra. 305the late M. MEINECKE, Berlin. 414, 996IRENE MELIKOFF, University of Strasbourg. 164[TH. MENZEL]. 2, 7, 189MOHAMED MEOUAK, University of Madrid. 834, 881

FRANC.OISE MICHEAU, University of Paris. 856L.B. MILLER, New Paltz, NY. 1039[V. MINORSKY, Cambridge]. 24, 53, 73, 473, 651,

843, 872J.P. MOLENAT, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Paris. 474G. MONNOT, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes,

Paris. 934, 935S. MOREH, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 910D.O. MORGAN, University of London. 87, 163, 169,

174, 444D.W. MORRAY, University College Dublin. 460, 851W.W. MULLER, University of Marburg. 980M. MURANYI, University of Bonn. 829AZIM NANJI, University of Florida, Gainesville. 84,

694I.R. NETTON, University of Exeter. 528E. NEUBAUER, University of Frankfurt. 422, 807, 996A.J. NEWMAN, Wellcome Institute, Oxford. 695, 787[A.W. NIEUWENHUIS]. 284, 324C. NIJLAND, Leiden. 88[B. NIKITINE]. 174K.A. NIZAMI, Aligarh Muslim University. 68, 240,

258, 285, 307, 815, 850S. NOJA NOSEDA, Catholic University, Milan. 1046H.T. NORRIS, University of London. 19S. NORTHEDGE, University of Paris-Sorbonne. 1041R.S. O'FAHEY, University of Bergen. 990K. OHRNBERG, University of Helsinki. 524B. O'KANE, American University of Cairo. 509G. OMAN, University of Naples. 811SOLANGE ORY, University of Aix-Marseille. 990J.M. OTTO, University of Leiden. 33the late CH. PELLAT, Paris. 62, 145, 352, 356, 367[H. PERES, Algiers]. 420R. PETERS, University of Amsterdam. 596, 764,

836C.F. PETRY, Northwestern University, Evanston, Il-

linois. 882[M. PLESSNER, Jerusalem]. 53, 350, 418S. POMPE, University of Leiden. 33I. POONAWALA, University of California, Los Angeles.

126, 307A. POPOVIC, Centre National de la Recherche Scien-

tifique, Paris. 57, 324, 337, 521L. POUZET, Saint-Joseph University, Beirut. 460, 986I. PROUDFOOT, Australian National University,

Canberra. 293NASSER RABBAT, Massachusetts Institute of Tech-

nology, Cambridge. 433, 506, 545B. RADTKE, University of Utrecht. 994MUNIBUR RAHMAN, Oakland University, Rochester,

Michigan. 44, 277, 442, 448, 544, 642, 666, 829,852, 869, 992

R. RASHED, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris.562

S.CA.CA. AL-RASHID, King Saud University, Riyadh.349

W. RAVEN, Free University, Amsterdam. 519, 853B. REINERT, University of Zurich. 1014GUNSEL RENDA, Hacettepe University, Ankara. 227D.S. RICHARDS, University of Oxford. 914, 988, 989M.E.J. RICHARDSON, University of Manchester. 13,

49, 51A. RIPPIN, University of Calgary. 689, 740, 798, 984,

999, 1007, 1046B.W. ROBINSON, London. 638F.C.R. ROBINSON, University of London. 69RUTH RODED, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 817J.M. ROGERS, University of London. 970F. ROSENTHAL, Yale University, New Haven. 451,

760

VIII AUTHORS

A. ROUAUD, Centre National de la Recherche Scien-tifique, Paris. 162, 178, 438

E.K. ROWSON, University of Pennsylvania, Phila-delphia. 390

U. RUBIN, Tel Aviv University. 125, 657|J. RUSKA, Heidelberg]. 149P.O. SADGROVE, University of Manchester. 920, 993T. SAGUCHI, Kanazawa. 51, 924R.M. SAVORY, University of Toronto. 753, 774, 801A. SAVVIDES, Centre for Byzantine Studies, Athens.

266, 335AYMAN F. SAYYID, The Egyptian National Library,

Cairo. 832, 1031|J. SCHACHT, New York]. 29, 400, 493ANNEMARIE SCHIMMEL, Bonn. 140, 416, 663BARBARA VON SCHLEGELL, University of California,

Berkeley. 732J. SCHMIDT, University of Manchester. 509[C. SCHOY]. 842R. SCHULZE, University of Bamberg. 361, 701O. SCHUMANN, University of Hamburg. 245R. SELLHEIM, University of Frankfurt. 739, 740,

1020, 1025C. SHACKLE, University of London. 257[MOHAMMAD SHAFIC, Lahore]. 386, 459R. SHAHAM, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 32AHMED AL-SHAHI, University of Newcastle-upon-

Tyne. 93IRFAN SHAHID, Georgetown University, Washington,

D.C. 120, 982AUDREY C. SHALINSKY, University of Wyoming. 234P. SHINAR, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 671, 765,

795, 906M.Y. SIDDIQ, Islamic University Kushtia,

Bangladesh. 594ELIZABETH M. SIRRIYEH, University of Leeds. 439,

669P. SLUGLETT, University of Utah. 143, 446G.R. SMITH, University of Manchester. 97, 454, 457,

566, 636, 706, 914, 1002PRISCILLAP. SOUCEK, New York University. 183, 887S. SOUCEK, Princeton, New Jersey. 173, 183, 236,

309, 403, 571, 892M. Souissi, University of Tunis. 728J.-F. STASZAK, University of Paris. 87K.A. STEENBRINK, University of Leiden. 295J. STEWART-ROBINSON, University of Michigan, Ann

Arbor. 991A.J. STOCKWELL, University of London. 276W. STOETZER, University of Leiden. 421, 585[M. STRECK]. 51JACQUELINE SUBLET, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Paris. 56VIVIANE SUKANDA-TESSIER, Ecole franc, ais d'Extreme

Orient, Djakarta. 154M. TALBI, University of Tunis. 466, 640, 688, 689,

845

I. TALBOT, Coventry Polytechnic. 255GONUL ALP AY TEKIN, Harvard University. 214, 359,

544, 549D. THOMAS, Selly Oaks Colleges, Birmingham. 981J. TOLAN, Stanford University. 302TEVFIK Rus/ru TOPUZOGLU, University of Istanbul. 3R. TRAINI, University of Rome. 613J.-L. TRIAUD, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences

Sociales, Paris. 1049J.F. TROIN, University of Tours. 508G. TROUPEAU, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes,

Paris. 121, 344, 349, 384, 696C.P. TURNER, University of Edinburgh. 751M. ULLMANN, University of Tubingen. 378, 589[V. VACCA, Rome]. 739I. VASARY, Ankara. 86ODILE VERBERKMOES, Wijk bij Duurstede. 407R. VERNET, Centre National de la Recherche Scien-

tifique, Paris. 848CHANTAL DE LA VERONNE, Institut National de

Langues et Civilisations Orientales, Paris. 726, 985J. VIGNET-ZUNZ, Centre National de la Recherche

Scientifique, Aix-en-Provence. 523MJ. VIGUERA, University of Madrid. 814F. VIRE, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifi-

que, Paris. 50, 111, 1007, 1023F.E. VOGEL, Harvard University. 936D. WAINES, University of Lancaster. 653, 1048[J. WALKER]. 139D.J. WASSERSTEIN, Tel Aviv University. 479W. MONTGOMERY WATT, University of Edinburgh.

595, 697, 698O. WEINTRITT, University of Freiburg. 465R. WEIPERT, University of Munich. 401A. WELCH, University of Victoria. 789[A.J. WENSINCK, Leiden). 67, 397, 455, 459, 687,

765, 1056[E. WIEDEMANN, Erlangen]. 842J.C. WILKINSON, University of Oxford. 993A. WINK, University of Wisconsin, Madison. 287,

301, 342, 572JJ. WITKAM, University of Leiden. 153, 410[F. WITTEK, London]. 16R. WIXMAN, University of Oregon, Eugene. 643M. WOIDICH, University of Amsterdam. 867CHRISTINE WOODHEAD, University of Durham. 7, 8,

164, 291, 441, 594, 641, 652O. WRIGHT, University of London. 853M.E. YAPP, University of London. 283[G. YVER, Algiers]. 685E.A. ZACHARIADOU, University of Crete. 177, 195MOHSEN ZAKERI, University of Frankfurt. 840, 985[K.V. ZETTERSTEEN, Uppsala]. 119, 239, 356, 368,

716EJ. ZURCHER, University of Nijmegen. 66, 486, 669,

726A. ZYSOW, University of Washington, Seattle. 425,

716

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

VOLUME IIP. 862b, FATIMIDS, add to Bibl.: H. Halm, Das Reich des Mahdi. Der Aufsteig der Fatimiden (875-973), Munich

1991.

VOLUME IIIP. 736b, IBN BATTUTA, add to Bibl.: H.A.R. Gibb(tr.), The travels, iii, Cambridge 1971; R.E. Dunn, The

adventures of Ibn Battuta, a Muslim traveller of the 14th century, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1986.

VOLUME V, p. 88b, KIBLA, and VOLUME VI, p. 187a, MAKKA. 4, add to Bibliography: See theaddenda and corrigenda to the reprints thereof in King, Astronomy in the service of Islam, Aldershot1993, and add R.P. Lorch, The Qibla table attributed to al-Khazim, in Journal for the History of ArabicScience, iv, (1980), 259-64; J.L. Berggren, A comparison of four analemmas for determining the azimuth ofthe Qibla, in ibid., 69-80, and idem, The origins ofal-BirunT's "Method of the Zij&r" in the theory of sundials,in Centaurus, xxviii (1985), 1-16; J. Carandell, An analemmafor the determination of the azimuth of the Qiblain the Risala ft cilm al-zilal of Ibn al-Raqqam, in ZGAIW, i (1984), 61-72; Takanori Suzuki, A solutionof the Qibla-problem by Abu 3l-Qasim Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Ghandajdni, in ibid., iv (1987-8), 139-48;King, The earliest Islamic methods and tables for finding the direction of Mecca, in ibid., iii (1986), 82-146,repr. in idem, Astronomy in the service of Islam (see above), no. XIV; J. Samso and H. Mielgo, IbnIshdq al-Tunisi and Ibn Mucddh al-Jayydni on the Qibla, in Samso, Islamic astronomy and Medieval Spain,Aldershot 1994, no. VI; J.P. Hogendijk, The Qibla-table in the AshrafT Zlj, in Anton von Gotstedter(ed.), Ad radices - Festband zum 50jdhrigen Bestehen des Institutsfur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften Frank-furt am Main, Stuttgart 1994; and Ahmed Dallal, Ibn al-Haytham's universal solution for finding the direc-tion of_the Qibla, in Arabic Science and Philosophy, forthcoming.

P. 231b, KITABAT. 9. Iran and Transoxania, add to Bibl.: Sheila S. Blair, The monumental inscriptions fromearly Islamic Iran and Transoxania (Studies in Islamic art and architecture, supplements to Muqarnas,v), Leiden 1992.

P. 807a, LUGHZ. add to Bibliography, Shams Anwari-Alhosseyni, Logaz und Mo^ammd. Eine Quellenstudie zurKunstform des persischen Rdtsels, Berlin 1986.

VOLUME VIP. 750a, MASRAH. 1. In the Arab East, add to Bibl.: S. Moreh, Live theatre and dramatic literature in the medieval

Arabic world, Edinburgh 1992.

VOLUME VIIP. 793a, MUCTAZILA, 1. 28, omit and is in the form of a simple outline of what the author expects to deve-

lop, and eventually correct, in his Geschichte der fruhen islamischen Theologie.P. 816b, AL-MUZAFFAR, 1. 20, for 292-4, 309-30, read 202-4, 209-30.P. 913a, NAHW, 11. 3-4, for which has become the technical term used to denote "grammar", read which

has become the technical term used to denote "grammar" in general (to be contrasted with lugha"lexical studies"), and more specifically, "syntax" (which is the counterpart of sarfor tasrif"mor-phology" (so that for "grammar" one also finds the phrase nahw wa-sarf).

P. 913b, 1. 16, for relativeness, read relativity (i.e. subordination of clauses)1. 43, for Greek grammar and logic, read Greek grammar and logic, and, especially, rhetorical edu-cation.

P. 914a, 1. 31, for flexional, read inflectional.I. 22 from below, for in the cAbbasid capital, read in the cAbbasid capital, which remained the domi-nant theory ever after.

P. 914b, 1. 11, for philology, read lexicologyII. 17-18, replace the Persian...al-mPa, by the Persian al-Djurdjani (d. 471/1078, [q.v. in Suppl.]),author, among other works, of the K. al ^Awdmil al-mi^a

P. 915a, add to Bibl.: G. Bohas, J.-P. Guillaume, D.E. Kouloughli, The Arabic linguistic tradition, London andNew York 1990; M. Carter, Arab linguistics. An introductory classical text with translation and notes,Amsterdam 1981 (ed. and tr. of Muhammad al-Shirblnl al-Khatib, Nur al-sadjiya ft hall alfdz al-Adjurrumiyya)', G. Bohas and J.-P. Guillaume, Etude des theories des grammairiens arabes. I. Morphologieet phonologie, Damascus 1984; J. Owens, The foundations of grammar. An introduction to medieval Arabicgrammatical theory, Amsterdam and Philadelphia 1988; idem, Early Arabic grammatical theory: heterogeneityand standardization, Amsterdam and Philadelphia 1990. See also special issues of the following jour-nals: Arabica, xxviii (1981) (Etudes de linguistique arabe); Historiographia Linguistica, viii (1981) (TheHistory of Linguistics in the Near East). For the proceedings of the Symposia on the History of ArabicGrammar, see; Zeitschrift fur Arabische Linguistik, xv (1985) (Proceedings of the First Symposium on theHistory of Arabic Grammar, held at Nijmegen, 16-19 April 1984); K. Versteegh and M. Carter (eds.),Studies in the history of Arabic grammar. II. Proceedings of the 2nd Symposium on the History of Arabic Grammar,Nijmegen, 27 April-1 May 1987, Amsterdam 1990; The Arabist. Budapest Studies in Arabic, 3-4 (1991)(Proceedings of the Colloquium on Arabic Grammar, Budapest, 1-7 September 1991). On basic terms andmethods, see G. Weil, Zum Verstdndnis der Methode der moslemischen Grammatiker, in Festschrift EduardSachau, Berlin 1915, 380-92; C.H.M. Versteegh, The Arabic terminology of syntactic position, in Arabica,xxv (1978), 261-81; idem, The origin of the term <(qiyds" in Arabic grammar, in ZAL, iv (1980), 7-30.For a bibliographical survey, see Werner Diem, Sekunddrliteratur zur einheimischen arabischen Grammatik-schreibung, in Historiographia Linguistica, viii (1981), 431-86, continued by Versteegh in ZAL, x (1983),xi (1983), xii (1984), xiv (1985), and xvi (1987).

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA XVII

P. 920b, AL-NAKB, add to Bibl.: al-Taban, Ta^rikh al-uman wa 'l-muluk, Cairo 1326/1908.P. 963b, NARDJIS, add to first paragraph: Note also that in the Arab West nardjis refers to the "daffodil", while

bahdr is the term for "narcissus" (see H. Peres, La Poesie andalouse en arabe classique, Paris 1953,170-3).

P. 964a, add to Bibl.: W. Heinrichs, Rose versus narcissus. Observations on an Arabic literary debate, in Dispute poemsand dialogues in the ancient and mediaeval Near East, ed. G.J. Reinink and H.LJ. Vanstiphout, Leuven1991, 179_-98.

P. 977a, NASHWAN B. SACID, add to Bibl.: Ismacfl b. CA1I al-Akwac, Naschwdn Ibn Sa^id al-Himyan und diegeistigen, religiosen und politischen Auseinandersetzungen seines Epoche, in Werner Daum (ed.), Jemen,Innsbruck and Frankfurt/Main 1987, 205-16 (English ed. 1988).

P. 996b, AL-NASIR LI-DIN ALLAH, Ahmad Abu I'-Hasan, .add to Bibl.: W. Madelung, Der Imam al-Qasimibn Ibrahim und die Glaubenslehre derZaiditen, Berlin 1965 (on al-Nasir li-Dln Allah's life and teachings);his theological work published by idem, Kitdb al-Najdt. Streitschrift des Zaiditenimams Ahmad an-Ndsirwider die ibaditische Prddestinationslehre, Wiesbaden, 1985; and his biography published by idem, TheSlra of Imam Ahmad b. Yahyd al-Nasir li-Din Allah from Musallam al-Lahji's Kitab Akhbar al-Zaydiyyabi 1-Yaman, Exeter 1990. See also for al-Nasir's father, AL-HADI ILA 'L-HAKK in Suppl.

P. 1027, NASRIDS, in genealogical table, for the date of Muhammad XI (el Chiquito), read (1451-2/1453-5).P. 1027a, 1. 7 from below, for 949/1533-4, read 940/1533-4.

VOLUME VIII_P. 81a, NIZAMI GANDJAWI, add to Bibl.: J.C. Biirgel, Die Geschichte von Konig Bahram Gor und seinem Skla-

venmddchen, mBustan, viii/2 (1967), 26-35; idem, Nizami iiber Sprache undDichtung, in Islamwissenschaft-liche Studien Fritz Meier zum sechzigsten Geburtstag, ed. R. Gramlich, Wiesbaden 1974, 9-28; G. Krot-koff, Colour and number in the Haft Paykar, in R.M. Savory and D. Agius (eds.), Logos islamikos, studiaislamica in honorem Georgii Michaelis Wickens, Toronto 1984, 97-118; J.S. Meisami, Medieval Persiancourt poetry, Princeton 1987, chs. iii-v, vii; eadem, Allegorical gardens in the Persian poetical tradition:Nezami, Rumi, Hafez, in IJMES, xvii (1985), 229-60; eadem, Kings and lovers: the ethical dimension ofPersian courtly romance, in Edebiyat, N.S. i(1987), 1-27; eadem, The Grand Design: medieval Persian poeticmicrocosms, in Procs. 12th Internal. Comparative Lit. Assoc. Congress, Munich 1988, Munich 1990, iii, 438-63; eadem, Fitnah or azadah? Nizami's ethical poetic, in Edebiyat, N.S. i/2 (1988), 41-75; eadem, Thetheme of the journey in_Nizami's Haft Paikar., forthcoming in Festschrift for Prof. George Krotkoff, 1994.

P. 84a, NIZARI KUHISTANI, add to Bibl.: M. Musaffa (ed.), Diwdn, i, Tehran 1371 sh./1992 (containsalso the Dastur-ndma); C. Gh. BayburdI, Zindagi wa dthdr-i Nizdri, transl. by M. SadrT, Tehran 1370sh./1991.

P. 172a , OMER SEYFEDDINj add to Bibl.: Kemal H. Karpat, The reflection of the Young Turk era (1908-1918),in The literary work of Omer Seyfeddin (1884-1920), in C.E. Bosworth et al. (eds.), The Islamic world.Essays in honor of Bernard Lewis, Princeton 1989, 551-75.

P. 378b, RADJAZ, Section 4, instead of the headline As a term o f n o n - m e t r i c a l poetry read As a term deno-ting line s t ruc tu re . I I I I

P.422a, RAMAL, 1. 8 should read: the alternative form of (3/2) JJJJ which was con-.P. 428a, RAMZ, 1. 23, for allegories, read allegoreses.

1. 57, for signal, read sigla.P. 46lb, AL-RAWANDIYYA, 1. 12, for the imamate was no longer believed to have started with CA1I rather

than with al-cAbbas, read the imamate was no longer believed to have started with CAH but ratherwith al-cAbbas, ^. . .

P. 683b, SABK-I HINDI. Delete comma in heading.

SUPPLEMENTP. 150a, BOLUKBASHI, RIDA TEWFIK, add to Bibl.: Tahir Alangu, 100 unlu Turk eseri, Istanbul 1960; Seyit

Kemal Karaalioglu, Turk edebiyati tarihi, iii, Istanbul 1985; Yusuf Ziya Ortac, Bir varmis bir biryokmusportreler, Istanbul 1960; Mahir Unlu and Omer Ozcan, 20. yiizyil Turk edebiyati, Istanbul 1987.

a

together by R. Dozy in Scriptorum arabum loci de Ab-badidis, Leiden 1852-63. To these may be addedcAbd Allah Ibn Zlri, al-Tibydn can al-hdditha al-kd^inabi-dawla Bam Ziri ft Gharndta, ed. Levi-Provengal,Cairo 1955, partial Fr. tr. idem, in al-And, iii-vi(1935-41), Span. tr. E. Garcia Gomez, El siglo XIen primera persona, Madrid 1980, Eng. tr. Amin T.Tibi, The Tibydn, memoirs of ^Abd Allah b. Buluggin,Leiden 1986; H. Peres, La poesie andalouse en arabeclassique au XIe siecle, Paris 1953.

(G. MARTINEZ GROS)kUNI, ABU 'L-FARADJ [see ABU 'L-FARADJ B

MASCUD RUN!, in Suppl.].RUPIYYA, an Indian coin, a rupee. In the later

9th/15th and early 10th/16th centuries, the silver tanka[q. v. ] of the sultans of Dihll had become so debasedthat when Shir Shah (947-52/1540-5) reformed thecoinage, the name could no longer be given to a silvercoin. To his new silver coin, corresponding to theoriginal fine silver tanka, he therefore gave the namerupiyya = rupee, i.e. the silver coin (Sanskrit, rupya,rupaka), and tanka became a copper denomination.The weight of the rupee was 178 grains (11.53 gr) andit rapidly established itself in popular favour. Underthe Mughals it was struck all over India at over 200mints and with the decline of Mughal power con-tinued to be struck by their successors, notably theEnglish East India Company. In the llth/17th cen-tury, Akbar and Djahanglr struck many squarerupees; on one coin of Akbar the name rupiyya occurs.Djahanglr for a short period struck a heavy rupee of220 grains (14.259 gr), but, on the whole, the rupeeshowed little variation in weight. In the 19th centurythe British rupee gradually drove the local issues outof circulation, and with few exceptions, the local mintsclosed. Such native states as still issued their ownrupees before 1947 struck them on the same standardas the Indian Government rupee.

Ahmad Shah Durrani [q.v.] adopted the rupee ashis monetary unit on becoming independent, and un-til the early 20th century it remained the standardcoin of Afghanistan. The Hindu kings of Assam alsostruck the rupee. At present in South Asia, the rupeeremains the currency of India, Pakistan, Nepal,Ceylon/Sri Lanka (since 1870) and Bhutan (theresince the 1974 currency reform called the ngultrum)(see C.L. Krause, C. Mishler and C.R. Bruce II,7997 Standard catalog of world coins17, lola, Wise. n.d.[1991], 197-201, 1347-68, 1593-6).

By the early years of the 20th century, the Indianrupee had become current along the Arabian shores ofthe Persian Gulf and along the East African coast, in-cluding the British and German possessions there.The rupee continued in use in East Africa untilproblems caused by the fluctuations of dual currencysystems led to the rupee being suddenly demonitisedthere on 8 February 1921 in favour of local currencies(see V.T. Harlow et alii, History of East Africa, ii, Ox-ford 1965, 430).

In the Middle East, the Indian rupee had beenbrought to Mesopotamia by the British and Indianforces invading Ottoman territory there from the lastmonths of 1914 onwards, and it became the estab-lished currency under the British post-war occupationof clrak and the Mandate until, just before the endingof the Mandate, it was displaced on 1 April 1932 bya national currency, the clraki dinar (see AdmiraltyHandbooks, Naval Intelligence Division, Iraq and thePersian Gulf, London 1944, 478). Within easternArabia, the Indian rupee was counterstamped Nadjdin 1251/1835, 1256/1840 and 1278-93/1862-76.Kuwayt minted its own copper bayzas [see PAYSA] in

1304/1886-7, but no rupees, and inaugurated its owncurrency of fulus and dinars in 1380/1961. In theTrucial Oman states, after 1971 the United ArabEmirates [see AL-IMARAT AL-CARABIYYA AL-MUTTA-HIDA, in Suppl.], various emirates acquired their owncurrencies, based on the riydl, in the 1960s and 1970s.In the Sultanate of Maskat and cUman, until 1970there was a dual currency of the rupee and the riydl,the first made up of 64 bayzas and the second of 200baysas (see RIVAL and, in general, Krause et alii, op.cit., 1194-5, 1409-13, 1533).

Bibliography (in addition to references given inthe article): R. Chalmers, The history of currency in theBritish colonies, London 1893, 336-40; E. Thurston,The coinage of the East India Company, Madras 1890;Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson2, London 1903,774-6. J. ALLAN-[C.E. BOSWORTH])RUS, occasionally Rusiya, the Arabic rendering

(and thence into other Islamic languages) of EasternSlavic Poycb (Rus*). This was the designation of apeople and land from which modern Russia, Ukraineand Belarus' derive.

The rapid ethnic, political and social evolution ofthis term and the people(s) which it denoted duringthe 3rd-4th/9th-10th centuries produced a series oftemporally multi-layered, occasionally contradictorynotices in the classical Islamic geographical literature.In contemporary Byzantine sources it appears as 'Po>£(which may, indeed, be the source of the Arabic form,Barthold, Arabskie isvestiya o rusakh), cf. also 'Pwoaia,the name of the country derived from it and the infre-quently noted form (pi.) 'Pouatoi). Modern Russ.Rossiya ("Russia") is taken from the Byzantine ec-clesiastical usage. Al-IdnsI, 914, mentions "OuterRussia" (bildd al-rusiyya al-khdriajiyya). It is not clear ifthis usage has any relationship to the efo> Tcoatoe notedby Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the geographicalcontours of which are equally uncertain. The formUrus and its variants, found in a number of Turkiclanguages (e.g. Karac"ay-Balkar Orus, Noghay, KazakOns, Cuvash Viras) goes back to the Arabic form.Mediaeval Latin sources record them as (Annales Berti-niani, s.a. 838-9) Rhos; (The Bavarian Geographer,9th century) Ruzzi; (Liudprand of Cremona, mid-10th century) Rusios; (Thietmar of Merseburg, d.1018) Ruscia; Old Germ. Ruz, Riuz; Old Swed. Ryds.Long-standing attempts to identify this ethnonymwith the Hros mentioned in the 6th century Syriac ec-clesiastical history of Pseudo-Zacharias Rhetor havegenerally (with the exception of some Soviet scholars)been rejected (see Lowmiariski).

The origins of the Rus

The origin and etymology of this term/ethnonymand thus, it is averred, the ethnic affiliations of thepeople or socio-mercantile group that first bore thisname in the Islamic and other sources of the 3rd-4th/9th-10th century, are much debated. It has longbeen argued (cf. Thomsen) that Rus' is the Slavicrendering of the Baltic Finnic term for "Swede":Finn. Ruotsi, Est. Roots, Vot. Rotsi, Liv. R'uqt'S (butcf. Volga Finnic: Mari Rus, Udm. Zuc, Komi-Perm.Roc "Russian" and Samoyedic [Nenets] Lutsa, Lusa"Russian". There have been two centuries of occa-sionally heated discussion of this issue between "Nor-manists" (those favouring a Scandinavian origin ofthe Rus' and by extension the Rus' state) and theiropponents, the "Anti-Normanists." The ClassicalNormanist position, from the philological perspective,posits: Slav. Rus' < Finn. Routsi < Old Norse roper,ropsmenn, ropskarlar "rowers, seamen" associated withthe coastal region of Sweden, Roslagen (see Low-

18 AL-RUNDI_RUS

RUS 619

mianski, and in Jenkins et d., Constantine Por-phyrogenitus De administrando imperio. Commentary.Historical evidence in support of the Scandinavianorigin of the Rus' is adduced from the account in theAnnales Bertiniani, s.a. 838-9, of an embassy from the"Rhos Chacanus" (Kaghan of the Rus') to Constan-tinople. Unable to return to their homeland becauseof nomadic pressure in the Western Eurasian steppes,the embassy was diverted to the Prankish court at In-gelheim. There, to the consternation of the Franks, itwas discovered that the mysterious Rhos were, in-deed, Swedes. A century later, Liudprand ofCremona appears to confirm this ethnic identificationin noting in his listing of the northern peoples the"Rusios whom we call by another name the North-men" (Rusios, quos alio nos nomine Nordmannosapellamus). Elsewhere he further explains that there isa certain people established in the North whom,because of the characteristics of their physical ap-pearance (a qualitate corporis) "the Greeks call Pouaio?,Rusios, but we, however, because of their location callNorthmen (Nordmanni)." On the basis of these andother connections made in contemporary sources withthe Viking world, the formation of the Rus' state isthus seen as part of that outpouring of Viking energyaimed initially at gaining control of vital internationaltrade routes and ending in some instances as conquestand colonisation. The name Rus does, indeed, figurein some accounts of Viking raids on Muslim Spain.Al-Yackubi, s.a. 229/843-4, tells of the attack of the"Madjus who are called Rus" on Seville (Ishbfliyya)."Madjus" [q.v.] was a term used rather broadly forpagans and more specifically for Zoroastrians andNorsemen. Al-Mascudi also mentions "a nation of theMadjus" who, before the year 300/912-3, had raidedAndalus. He identified them with the Rus and positedthe Pontic region as their starting point. Ibn Hawkal,in his account of the destruction of the Khazar citiesat the hands of the Rus in 358/968-9 (more probablyseveral years earlier, this date represents the year inwhich Ibn Hawkal first heard of these events),remarks that after their despoiling of Khazaria "theycame at once to the land of Rum and Andalus..." Hethen refers to earlier expeditions, commenting thatthey, the Rus, "are the ones who of old went to An-dalus and then to Bardhaca." He also notes that "theships of the Rus and Pec'eneg Turks" sometimes at-tack Spain. This alliance of Rus' and Pec'enegs [q.v.],who were often at odds, while not unknown, is all themore remarkable in that it implies Pec'eneg involve-ment in sea-borne expeditions. A most dramatic turnof events in Rus activities in the Mediterraneanoccurred in 860, when the "Rhos" mounted an un-successful naval assault on Constantinople from whichthe Byzantines believed themselves to have beenspared only through divine intercession. ThePatriarch Photius (858-67, 878-86), an astute andwell-informed statesman, referred to these invaders asan e'0vo$ ayvcocrcov a hitherto "unknown people" (seeVasiliev). The Rus who attacked the Byzantinecapital appear to have come from Kiev (Vasiliev)rather than from Western or Northern Europe. Al-most a century later, the Byzantine Emperor Con-stantine VII Porphyrogenitus (d. A.D. 959) in his Deadministrando imperio, written ca. 948-52, gives an ac-count of how the Rus' merchants travel fromNovgorod to Kiev and then down the Dnieper and in-to the Black Sea to trade with Constantinople. Thenames of the Dnieper rapids are reported in bothRhos ('Pcoorum) and Slavic (£xXocpr|viaTi). The"Rhos" forms are clearly Scandinavian.

G. Vernadsky preferred an Iranian origin: Rus <

Alanic Rukhs-As through a conjectured relationship ofthe Alans with the early (Eastern) Slavic tribal con-federation of the Antes. The Varangians (Old NorseVaeringi, pi. Vaeringjar, Rus'. Bapm (Varqg) Mod.Russ. Bapm (Varyag), Arab. Warank, Greek Bocpdrpfoi< vdrar "pledge, oath, guarantee" = "men of thepledge", he argues, who in the 8th-9th centurybecame the dominant force here, merged with thisgrouping and assumed their name. This dilution ofstrict Normanism has found few adherents. Anti-Normanists have countered with a variety of theories,both philological and historical. Perhaps best ground-ed are the Slavist Anti-Normanists who point to thepresence of toponyms and hydronyms with the ele-ment rus-lros- in the Eastern Slavic lands. These, inturn, may be associated with the Slavic or Balto-Slavic*rud/*rus "reddish, ruddy, blond" (e.g. Ukr. rusty"blond", 'Lith.rausvas "red", cf. Latin russus etc., seeP. Respond, Mavrodin). H. Paszkiewicz (The origin ofRussia, 1954, repr. New York 1969, 143-4), a Nor-manist, suggested that this was the Slavic name of theNorsemen, so called because of their ruddy com-plexion.

Eastern Slavic sources do not help to clarify thesituation. The later Kievan Rus' tradition associates"Rus'" with the south, i.e. the Middle DnieperKievan region (cf. Hrushevs'kiy, i). The PrimaryChronicle (also called the Chronicle of Nestor), however,in its introductory genealogical comments places the"Rus" among the peoples in Japheth's part of theworld, in this case the northern, Finnic ethnic group-ings. Further on, it includes them in a listing of the"Varangians, Swedes, Normans (Ourmane),Gotlanders, Angles, Galicians, Italians (Volukhva),Romans, Germans, etc. Clearly, they are associatedwith the Germanic North. The Chronicler, oftenevincing a Byzantinocentric viewpoint, comments(PSRL, i, 17) that the Rus' land began to be so-calledat the time of the accession of the Emperor MichaelIII (852). In another passage (PSRL, i, 23) discussingOleg's conquest of Kiev, traditionally dated to 882,the Rus' are again associated with the North: "he (sc.Oleg) had with him Varangians, Slovene (sc. a tribeassociated with Novgorod) and the rest who are calledRus'." Elsewhere, however, the Chronicle (PSRL, i,25-6), s.a. 898, notes the Polyane, the Eastern Slavictribe most closely associated with Kiev, "who are nowcalled Rus'" (nine zovomaya Rus'). Still further on,the Chronicler attempts to explain these discrepanciesthus (PSRL, i, 28): "the Slavic nation (sloven'skiyyazik) and the Rus' (rouskly) are one; for it was calledRus' from the Varangians (ot Varyag bo prozvashasyaRous'yu), but first they were Slavs, although they werecalled Polyane, nonetheless, they were of Slavicspeech..."

In addition to philological argumentation and to theethnographic and ethnogenetic data offered by oursources, the Normanist position is based largely onthe Primary Chronicle's "historical" account of thegenesis of the Rus' state. According to it, in 859 (thedating, at best, is off by several years), the Varangians"from across the sea" levied tribute on the FinnicCyud', the Novgorodian Slovene, the Finnic Meryaand the Slavic Krivi£i, while the Slavic Polyane,Severyane and Vyatift to their south were tributariesof the Khazars. In 860-2, the Varangians were expell-ed, but the northern groupings proved unable togovern themselves. As a consequence, theVarangians, led by Ryurik, who settled in Novgorod,and his two brothers, Sineus and Truvor, were sum-moned to rule over them. Ryurik brought with him"the whole of Rus'." From "these Varangians it was

620 RUS

called the land of Rus'" (PSRL, i, 19-20). TwoVarangian subordinates of Ryurik, Askold and Dir,then came to the south, taking Kiev. Al-MascudI (d.ca. 345/956-7) in his Muru& (iii, 64 - § 908), men-tions the "king al-Dlr [Dayr], first among the kings ofthe $akaliba." The occasionally suggested identifica-tion of al-Dlr with the Varangian Dir is questionable.It is much more likely that, despite the similarity innames, al-Mascudi's al-Dlr was a Central EuropeanSlavic ruler and his contemporary. With Ryurik'sdeath, sometime between 870-9, power was given tohis kinsman, Oleg < helgi. Oleg is presented in thetraditional narrative as the guardian of Ryurik's son,Igor'. In 880-2, Oleg took Kiev, killing Askold andDir. Another Rus' tradition preserved in theNovgorodian First Chronicle (NPL, 107, 434), depictsIgor' as the conqueror of Kiev, with Oleg merely ashis general. The charismatic Oleg, about whomlegends imputing prophetic abilities developed, hasalso been identified with the I3bn hlgw of the GenizaKh'azar Hebrew document, the so-called "Cam-bridge" or "Schechter" document. This *Helgu, the"king of Rusia", perished in the aftermath of an un-successful raid on Byzantium. According to thePrimary Chronicle, Oleg, after taking Kiev then setabout conquering the neighbouring Slavic tribes. In907, he launched his first raid against Constantinople.Igor', according to the Chronicle, began to rule in913. There are, indeed, serious problems of chrono-logy and questions regarding the identity of thepersonages involved. Pritsak, for example, posits aconflation of several Helgi/Olegs, real and mythical.Nonetheless, it is generally accepted that the accounthas some underlying historical basis.

The Anti-Normanists minimise the importance ofthe non-autochthonous elements. They contend thatin the 6th-7th century there existed in the MiddleDnieper region the Polyane tribal union which tookthe name Ros or Rus deriving from a toponym orhydronym. Some support for this may be found in the"Bavarian Geographer", an anonymous work com-posed before 821, which places the "Ruzzi" next tothe "Caziri" (Khazars). The power of this Kiev-centred state, according to Soviet Anti-Normanists,grew as reflected in the 838-9 embassy to Constan-tinople. The Swedes noted here, they suggest, weremerely Vikings in Rus' service. The tale of the sum-moning of the Varangians, they further argue, ismythical. Ryurik may have been a real figure, but hisethnic affiliation is unclear.

The Normanist vs. Anti-Normanist controversycannot be resolved on the basis of the currentlyavailable written sources. Archaeological evidence,similarly, does not provide decisive proof. A recentassessment of the data from a Scandinavianistperspective concludes that the Rus' were Scandina-vians, but constituted only one element in a mixedpopulation. The Vikings called Rus' svipjob hian mikla"Sweden the Great", indicating an almost pro-prietary sense in an area of economic expansion andopportunity. The other Old Norse term for the regionwas GordlGorbum in the 10th-llth century andGardariki, "kingdom of (fortified) towns or steads", inthe 12th-13th century.

The Islamic sources, while not providing the con-clusive information needed to resolve these questions,shed some light on the early Rus'. Genealogical tradi-tion, as reflected in the anonymous Mudjmal al-tawdnkh, dated 520/1126, presents the eponymousRus as the brother of Khazar and the son of Japheth.Dissatisfied with his own place of abode, Rus wrote tohis brother and "asked for a corner of his country."

He obtained an island, difficult of access, with soggysoil and foul air. These and other themes are drawnfrom information that was part of the body of Islamicgeographical literature of the 3rd-4th/9th-10th cen-turies (see below). Balcaml, in his translation of al-Tabarl, s.a. 22/643, reports the words of Shahriyar.the ruler of Darband/Bab al-Abwab [^.y.], to the com-mander of the Arab advance forces, cAbd al-Rahmanb. Rab^a, to the effect that he was "between twoenemies the Khazar and the Rus. These peoples arethe enemies of the entire world and, in particular, ofthe Arabs." This seems very early, indeed, for a Rus'presence in this region. The Khazars, of course, werealready an important factor in the North Caucasus.The pairing of the Rus with them as enemies of theIslamic world has an anachronistic ring. Nonetheless,some scholars are willing to accept its historicity (cf.Lewicki, Zrodta arabskie do dziejow stowiaiiszczyzny\Togan, Ibn Fadldn's Reisebericht. Novosel'tsev citesseveral other references to the Rus dating to the timeof Khusraw I Anushirwan (531-79), e.g. in al-Thacalibl, who built fortifications against the "Turks,Khazars and Rus." These, too, are most probablyanachronistic. The earliest reliable reference to Rus inthe Islamic sources is perhaps to be seen in the"mountain of the Rus" from which the river drwsflows, noted in al-Khwarazmi's Surat al-ard\Novosel'tsev).

One of the earliest and most important notices isfound in Ibn Khurradadhbih, writing probably ca.272/885-6, on the "route of the Rus merchants" whobrought goods from Northern Europe/NorthwesternRussia to Baghdad. It interrupts a notice on the routeof the Radhaniyya [q.v. ], a Jewish merchant com-pany, which appears to have been supplanted by theRus. Noonan has recently suggested that the lattermay have initiated these contacts as early as A.D.800. A hoard of coins found at Peterhof, near St.Petersburg, contains twenty coins (Sasanid, Arabo-Sasanid and Arab dirhams, the latest dated to189/804-5) with graffitti in Arabic, Turkic (probablyKhazar) runic, Greek and Scandinavian runic (morethan half the total). This may be viewed as evidencefor the existence of the route described in Ibn Khurr-radadhbih by the late 2nd/early 9th century (see T.Noonan, When did Rus/Rus' merchants first visit Khazariaand Baghdad?). In Ibn Khurradadhbih's famous ac-count, the Rus are described as "a kind ((ijins) of the$akaliba," a sentence that has often been taken to in-dicate that they are a Slavic tribe. The Arabic is muchmore imprecise. The primary meaning of cljins is"kind, type, variety, species." The term $akaliba(sing. $aklabi < Gr. SxXdcpo?) while often used todesignate the Slavs, was also employed to denote thewhole of the fair-haired, ruddy-complexioned popula-tion of Central, Eastern and North-eastern Europe.In mediaeval Greek and Latin, sclavus became syn-onymous with "slave" (the English word [< Frenchesclave] deriving ultimately from the ethnic designa-tion). Our source further notes that these Rus mer-chants "transport beaver hides, the pelts of the blackfox and swords from the farthest reaches of theSakaliba to the Sea of Rum. The ruler of Rum takesa tithe of them. If they wish, they go to the (ms. Ox-ford, Bodleian, Huntington 433, fol. 74b j*, ms.Paris, Bibliotheque nationale 2213, fol. 49a ^, ms.Vienna, Nationalbibliothek 783, fol. 65a ^-J, see alsoGolden, Khazar studies), ^ *tnys river (variouslyread/identified as the "Tanais" [Tdtvai?] i.e. the Don(so De Goeje), j* yitil, i.e. Itil (- Volga, seeLewicki, Zrodta) or j%; Tin ( = Don, see Marquart, orSiverskii Donets', see Pritsak, An Arabic text on the trade

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route of the corporation ofar-Rus in the second half of the ninthcentury), the River of the $akaliba. They travel toKhamlicJj/Khamlikh, the city of the Khazars whoseruler takes a tithe of them. Then they betake them-selves to the Sea of Djurdjan and they alight onwhichever of its shores they wish Sometimes, theycarry their goods from Djurcjjan by camel toBaghdad. $aklab slaves translate for them. Theyclaim that they are Christians and pay the ajizya."Much has also been made of the Rus use of "$aklab"translators, attesting, it is argued, a common Slavictongue. Although we do not know with certainty whatlanguage was used, it may well have been Slavic, themost practical lingua franca in Central and EasternEurope. Ibrahim b. Yackub [q.v.], the 4rd/10th cen-tury Jewish traveller, who journeyed to CentralEurope and the Western Slavic lands, remarked that"the majority of the tribes of the North speak $aklabl(most probably, here meaning Slavic) because of theircommingling with them. Among them are the Ger-mans (Tudishkl), Hungarians (Unkall), Pefenegs,Rus and Khazars." The Hudud, has preserved thetradition that among the Rus "lives a group of Slavswho serve them" (see below). There is no doubt thatthe, Rus had very intimate ties with Slavic speakersand the Scandinavian-speaking element was certainlybilingual, if not completely slavicised by the late 10thcentury. Igor's son, Svyatoslav (d. 972) already bearsa Slavic name. There were, it might also be noted,Slavic colonies in caliphal territories that presumablycould have also provided speakers fluent in Slavic andArabic. A variant of Ibn Khurradaclhbih's account,taken, perhaps, from a common source is found inIbn al-Faklh. See also Pritsak, An Arabic text, and theearlier comments of Marquart, who suggest that theintellectual circle of Ibn al-Fakih's father in Hama-dhan served as this common source. Here, the mer-chants in question are designated as $aklab. Aftertheir arrival at the Sea of Rum (most probably theBlack Sea is meant here) and their payment of thetithe, they go to "Samkargh of the Jews" (cf.*Samkars of the Khazar "Cambridge" document =Samker£ = Tmutorokan' /TocjJweTdpxa /OocvotfoupCa;see literature cited in Lewicki, Zrodta). Then they turntowards the $akaliba or they betake themselves fromthe Sea of the $akaliba by this river, which is calledthe River of the $akaliba, until they come toKhamllkh..." Ultimately, their goods may go as faras Rayy. The identification of the various $aklabwaterways remains problematic. Al-MascudI, Muruaj.,remarks that the Rus consist of "numerous peoples ofdiverse kinds. Among them are a kind (a^ins) called4<lpjjUi al-Ludhcdna (or AiU^ili *al-Ludhghdna) and theyare the most numerous. They frequently visit, for thepurpose of trade, the land of Spain [Andalus], Rome,Constantinople and the Khazars." TheLudh*dna/Ludhghana have been identified with the Rusgrouping noted as &*f& al-Kudh.kdna by al-MascudI inhis Tanbih, 141. These, in turn, have been viewed asgarblings of *\*$l\ al-Urdmdna (cf. Marquart, who,while noting this possibility, preferred to view this asa corruption of al-rdhddniyya/al-rdc]hdniyya', Minorsky,Kudaezdilidrevnierusl?). Pritsak, following Kokovtsov,has suggested that the ror6 Lwznyw of the "Cam-bridge" document, taken from an Arabic-scriptsource &} (luzntyu) is a corruption of Jio^ (ludmdni,see Golb and Pritsak) = Lo(r)dman = Nordman. Prit-sak has, moreover, put forward an interesting thesisin explication of the Ibn Khurradag!hbih/Ibn al-Faklhnotices. The $aklab lands were primary sources forthe slave trade (the "river of the $akaliba" denotedthe "river of Slaves" coming from the Khazar empire

via the Volga and Don rivers). The two major com-panies involved in this trade on an international levelwere the Ra^haniyya/Rahdaniyya (ca. 750) and theRus, who ultimately replaced them. Both were basedin (southern) France (this is well-established for theRaglhaniyya, see Lewicki, Zrodta, who associates theRahdaniyya mostly with trade in cloth). Kmietowicz,also places the Raglhaniyya "most probably inFrance, though they were equally connected withSpain." He derives the term for this trading diasporafrom raeda/rheda, the name for a type of vehicle, >veredarius "messenger, courier, traveling merchant."The Rus, according to Pritsak, were near Rodez:Rutenicis < Celto-Latin Ruteni/Ruti > Middle FrenchRusi, Middle Germ. Ruzzi (the source of Finnic Rout-si). Unlike the Racjhaniyya, Pritsak argues, who asJews enjoyed religious neutrality in the Mediterra-nean, the Rusi were obliged to seek a northern pointof entry into Eastern Europe and the Baltic zone.They integrated themselves into the Frisian-Scandinavian world and by the late 8th century,developed a "Danish" type "society of nomads of thesea." Ryurik was the Frisian Danish king R0rik. TheSlavic and "Rhos" (Scandinavian) languages notedby Constantine Porphyrogenitus.were simply two ofthe linguae francae used by this trading diaspora (Prit-sak, Origin). While it might be noted that neither ofthe two passages make any reference to the slavetrade, Khazaria, as is well-known from the Arabicgeographical literature, was a major source of slavesentering the eastern Islamic world and the Rus weredeeply involved in this trade.

The evidence is highly circumstantial at best. Giventhe complexities of their conjectured origins, it may,nonetheless, not be amiss to view the Rus at this stageof their development, as they began to penetrateEastern Europe, not as an ethnos, in the strict senseof the term, for this could shift as new ethnic elementswere added, but rather as a commercial and politicalorganisation. The term was certainly associated withmaritime and riverine traders and merchant-mercenaries/pirates of "$akaliba" stock (Northernand Eastern European, Scandinavian, Slavic andFinnic).

The Rus Kaghanate

We have already noted that the Annales Bertinianirefer to the Rus' ruler as Chacanus. This is the Turkictitle Kaghan "emperor". Kievan Rus' tradition,although overwhelmed by Byzantine models, occa-sionally made use of the title in literature of theChristian age: e.g. the references to "our kaghanVladimir" (kagan nosh Vladimir) and "our kaghanGeorgii" (Yaroslav) in the mid-llth century religio-ideological tract "The sermon on Law and Grace"[Slovo o zakone i blagodati] of Metropolitan Ilarion (seeDes Metropoliten Ilarion Lobrede) and the application ofthis title to several figures in the Igor' Tale (Slovo opolku igoreve). There is also the graffito in theCathedral of St. Sophia in Kiev which reads "OLord, save our kaghan" (spasi gospodi kagana nasj&go,Visotskiy). The Islamic geographers, based on tradi-tions stemming from the 3rd/9th century, mention thekhdkdn rus (Ibn Rusta/rus-k/tdkdn (Hudud)/kfrdkdn-i rus(Gardlzl, in Gardlzi/Barthold; Muo&mal al-tawdri/di).This title could only have come to the Rus', or morelikely one grouping of them, through intimate contact(i.e. a marital tie) with one of the ruling, charismaticsteppe dynasties. In all likelihood, this was the Khazarroyal line. Such a tie is perhaps hinted at in the Islen-dingaboc with its references to "Yngve the King of theTurks" (see discussion in Golden, The question of the

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Rus' Qaganate). The location of this Rus kaghanate hasbeen and remains the source of much speculation.Equally unclear are the inception point and ultimatefate of this polity. Pritsak, Origin, suggests that theRus kaghanate was founded by a Khazar ruler whofled to the Rus' ca. 830-40. He places the kaghanatein the Rostov-Yaroslav region of the Upper Volga.Smirnov, was of the opinion that it appeared onlybriefly, ca. 830, and was soon destroyed by the migra-tion of the Ugro-Turkic tribal confederation thatbecame the Hungarians in Danubian Europe. Sincethe latter were already on the Don by 838, cutting offthe Rhos embassy from its return route from Con-stantinople and forcing its diversion to the Prankishlands, this would appear to have been a very short-lived political phenomenon. On the other hand, thesacral ruler described by Ibn FacUan in 309/921-2 (seebelow) certainly possessed many of the attributes of aholy Turkic Kaghan. The memory of this institution,in any event, endured into the Christian era of Rushistory, as we have seen, and could be summoned forideological purposes.

The location of the Rus lands

The tradition represented by Ibn Rusta, Gardlzland others (cf. al-MakdisT, Mua^mal, MarwazT; al-Kazwlnl; Ibn lyas, in Seippel; al-BakuwT, see alsodiscussion in Zakhoder, place the Rus on an island ofthree days' journey in width in a lake (or a sea). It isdensely wooded, damp, soggy and possessing foul,unhealthy air. GardizI (or rather his sources), fol-lowed by al-Makdisi, puts the island's population at100,000. Ibn lyas and al-Bakuwi comment that theisland is a "fortress" that protects them from theirenemies. Some scholars are inclined to place thisisland in the north. Novgorod, it might beremembered, in Scandinavian tradition was termedHolmgarbr "Island-Garth" (Barthold, Arab. izvest.\Novosel'tsev). Other suggestions include Aldeig-juborg, North-east Rus', Kiev, Tmutorokan' and theTaman peninsula (see literature in Golden, Question).Fakhr al-Dln Mubarakshah, simply notes that theylive on islands. This, however, may refer to a latertime period. For example, al-Dimashki, says that theyhave islands in the "Sea of Mayufas" (text has thecorrupted form " Mamtas " = Maeotis, the Sea ofAzov). Al-Nuwayri, terms the Black Sea the "Sea ofthe Rus", adding that the Rus "inhabit the islands init". Al-Mascudi, who is uncertain of the geographyinvolved and is perhaps referring to the situation inhis day, comments regarding the Rus who raidedSpain that they "reach their country from a gulf(khalidj, "bay" ? "canal"?) which meets the Sea ofUkyanus, (but) not through the gulf in which are thebronze lighthouses. In my opinion—but God knowsbest—this gulf is connected to the Sea of Mayutas andBunfas and this people is the Rus..." A more norther-ly orientation can be assumed from Ibn Hawkal'scomment that the honey, wax and beaver furs broughtto the Islamic world from Khazaria actually comefrom the region around Rus and Bulghar. Indeed,some of the prized fur animals are only found "inthese northern rivers which are near Bulghar, Rusand Kuyaba" (see below). Al-IdrlsI, gives us someidea of the distances involved, informing us that"from Bulghar to the first border of Rus is 10 days'journey. From Bulghar to Kuyaba it is about 20 days'journey." The anonymous author of the Hudud, prob-ably reporting the situation close to his own time(372/982) places the Rus territory west of the "moun-tains of the Pec'enegs." To its south is the river Ruta(? Duna?), to the west are the Sakaliba and in the

north are the "Uninhabited Lands." In contrast tothe forbidding depiction of the island of the Rus, theHudud views the Rus habitat as "extremely favouredby nature with regard to all the necessities (of life)."Indeed, Ibn Rusta, seemingly contradicting hisremarks about the Rus' island but obviously referringto a different grouping of Rus and perhaps conflatingearlier and later traditions, notes that they have manytowns. The "island" theme, in any event, most prob-ably referred to only one grouping of Rus.

By the late 9th century, there were three urban-territorial units associated with the Rus'. The Hudud,following the tradition also found in al-I§^akhn andIbn Hawkal (a melange of these and other traditionsare also recorded in al-Idrisi), notes three subdivisionsof the Rus, each based on an urban centre: (1) Kuyaba(= Kiev, cf. the 3T«p [Qiyob] of the 10th centuryKhazar Kievan letter, Golb and Pritsak, theKiopoc/KCocpoc noted by Const. Porph., who mentionsthat the city is also called £<xnpocT<i?, the meaning ofwhich is unclear (Pritsak, op. cit., 44, derives this termfrom Balkan Latin sambata "Saturday", the principalmarket day. He further suggests that Kiev is based onthe name of the Khazarian vizierial family ofKhwarazmian origin Kuya (< *kaoya "peculiar to theIranian sacred ruling dynasty Kaway + -dwa"). Thisform arose in the late 9th century), and the Cuiewa ofWestern sources (Thietmar of Merseburg). Old Norseknew it as Koenugarbr "Boat-Garth". This is thesouthernmost of the Rus lands ("nearest to theIslamic lands"). It is also closest to and bigger thanBulghar. A Rus king resides in Kuyaba. (2) $aldwiyya(Saldba in the Hudud). Barely commented on by al-Istakhri (who says that it is the farthest from them)and Ibn Hawkal, the Hudud remarks that it is a "plea-sant town from which, whenever peace reigns, they gofor trade to the districts of Bulghar." Only IbnHawkal notes the presence of a king in it. Al-Idrisisays that it is on the top of a mountain. The $alawiyyaare clearly the Slovene of the Lake II'men region andNovgorod. The latter was actually founded ca. 930,the earlier "Novgorod" is perhaps to be identifiedwith the "Ryurikovo gorodighc'e", to the south whichcontains some Scandinavian finds (Clarke and Am-brosiani). It continued to have a strong trade orienta-tion towards the Finno-Ugric forest peoples, com-peting here with Volga Bulgharia up to the Mongolconquest. (3) Arthdniyya (< *Rothania ? Ruthenia ?)whose city is Arthd(n) (Hudud: ^u,i *rtdb, recte ott,»was noted for its secretiveness and inhospitality (kill-ing all strangers who enter). Yet they actively engagedin trade bringing their goods to the outside world. Ac-cording to al-Istakhri and Ibn Hawkal, they exportedblack sable, black fox, beaver pelts, lead and mercury(see also al-ldrisl, 917-18). The Hudud also ascribes tothem the production of "very valuable blades andswords which can be bent in two, but as soon as thehand is removed they return to their former state."Al-Idrisi locates it four days' travel from both Kuyabaand $alawa. Arthan(iyya) is probably to be locatednear the Volga or in the Volga-Oka mesopotamia(hence some efforts have been made to identify themwith one or another Finno-Ugric people, cf.Swoboda). It might be noted in this connection thatArabo-Jewish documents refer to the Volga as Arthdand the furs imported from there were termed artjn.i(Goitein). It is unclear which, if any, of these centresmay be identified with the Rus Kaghanate.

Al-IdrisI gives the names of a large number of citiesin "Rusiyya" and its immediate envirions: Luba§ha(Lyubec1), Zaka (Sakov), Sklahi, Qhalisiyya (Galicia,Haltf), Snubll, Turubi (Turov), Barazlaw

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(Pereyaslavl'), Qnw (Kanev ?), 3IskI, Mulsa, Kaw(on the Danabrus/Dnieper = Kiev ?), Brzula,Usiyya, Brasansa, Lu4jgha, Armn, Mrturl, at themouth of the river Danast/Dnestr (some of these arediscussed in Lewicki, Polska i kraje sqsiednie w s'wietleKsitgi Rogera geografa arabskiego z xii w. al-Idrisi'ego, andBeylis.

Relations with neighbours

The Islamic sources paint a picture of largelybellicose relations with their neighbours. The Hududreports that "they war with all the infidels who liveround them, and come out victorious." Ibn Rusta,Gardizi and al-MafcdisI, note the $akaliba as the prin-cipal victims. The Rus come by boat, capture themand send them off to the slave markets of Khazaranand Bulghar. They also take their foodstuffs sincethey have no cultivated fields of their own. Gardiziadds that many $akaliba agree to take service with theRus, working as servants (confirmed by the Hudud,loc. cit.: "among them lives a group of Slavs who servethem"). It has often been assumed that these were theSaklabl servants who functioned as translators for theRus merchants who came to Baghdad noted in IbnKhurradadhbih (see above). How these translatorsacquired Arabic, if this was, in fact, the language towhich they translated, is unclear. Ibrahim b. Yackubremarks that the commerce of the $akaliba " frequent-ly comes by land and sea to the Rus and Constantino-ple." The $akaliba in question here are probably theWestern Slavs. That same author, 5, reports that theRus also attack the Pruss (Burus), crossing over to at-tack them in ships "from the West." These would ap-pear to be Rus operating in the Baltic. Prior to the10th century Rus and $akaliba were to be found in theKhazar military service and as the servants of theKhakan, living in the Khazar capital. The Khazarjudiciary made provisions for its ethnically variegatedsubject population. There were seven judges, twoeach for the Jews, Muslims and Christians and "onefor the $akaliba and Rus who render judgment ac-cording to pagan judicial principles (bi-hukm al-djahiliyyd), the judgment of reason" (al-MascudI,Muru& al-Istakhri). Al-MascudI, Tanbih, mentionsgroups of Rus, who like the Armenians, Bulgarians(Burghar) and Pec"enegs, had entered the Byzantinemilitary service. By the late 10th century, Rus con-tingents, whose assistance, unlike the free-lancemercenaries already found in Byzantine service, hadbeen requested by Constantinople, were used to sup-press domestic rebellions in Anatolia (see below).Rus-Pec"eneg relations (the Pe£enegs entered the Pon-tic steppe, driving out the Proto-Hungarian tribalunion in the late 3rd/end of the 9th-beginning of the10th century) were very complex. In 915, the first ofa number of Rus'-Pec'eneg "peaces" were arranged,but by 920, Igor' had launched a campaign againstthe nomads. Thereafter, the periods of hostility large-ly overshadowed the periods of more pacific interac-tion. As a consequence, Ibn Hawkal's statement, thatthe Pe£enegs are the "fighting power" (shawkd) of theRus and their allies (ahldf)" seems quite remarkable,as does also his statement (see above) that Rus andPec'eneg ships attacked Spain. Minorsky, Kuda ezdili,suggested a very different sense of this passage,translating shawka as "thorn" and emending ahldf toakhlqf "opponents." This seems closer to the generaltenor of Rus'-Pec'eneg relations. Although thePec"enegs had ceased to be a threat to the Kievan stateand had largely been driven into the Byzantineborderlands by the Rus and Kipc'aks by his day, al-IdrisI made note of the warfare of these nomads on

Rus' and Byzantium. He also was aware of the in-ternecine strife that had become increasinglycharacteristic of Rus' domestic politics, commentingthat the Rus "have wars and constant dissension withtheir own kind (maca ajinsihim) and with lands that areclose to them" (904, 960). Allusions to similarproblems may be seen in the statement of the Mwjjmalthat "they do not favour one another." Ibn Rustaand Gardizi, however, using notices that go back toan earlier era, stress their unity, cf. Ibn Rusta: "if apeople (td^ifa) goes to war against them, they all go oncampaign. They are not disunited, but are as onehand against their foes until they defeat them." Healso comments that they are less fearless in combatwhen fighting on foot rather than from ships, theirfavoured mode of warfare. These two authors alsonote their use of "swords of Solomon" (al-suyuf al-sulaymdniyyd), which were similar to "Prankish"blades, but less ornate. They appear to have been pro-duced in the land of Salman in Khurasan (seeLewicki, Zrodta).

Government

We have already noted the reports of the Muslimgeographers regarding the Rus Kaghan. Of our writ-ten sources, it is only Ibn Faollan, however, who ap-pears to have actually encountered Rus in VolgaBulgharia, during his sojourn there in 309/921-2. It isfrom him that we gain a detailed description of a Rusruler. It is not made clear if this ruler was theKaghan; our source merely refers to him as the"king." According to Ibn FaoUan, he resides in a cas-tle, surrounded by his retinue of 400 select warriorswho die when he dies. Each of them has a slave-girlto serve them. The king sits on a jewel-encrustedthrone (al-Hanafi, in Seippel, Fontes, calls it a goldenthrone) along with 40 slave-girls, with whom he some-times has public sexual intercourse. The king does notnormally step down from the throne, even for the per-formance of natural functions. If he leaves the throne,his feet are not permitted to touch the ground. A horseis brought up to the throne and he mounts upon itfrom there. In addition, "he has a deputy who com-mands the armies, attacks the enemy and stands in hisplace before his subjects." This is clearly a descriptionof a sacral king, in many respects similar to that of theKhazar Kaghanate (except for the sexual licen-tiousness), with its holy Kaghan and the Shadlbeglyiligwho ran the actual affairs of government. If this noticeis not a contamination from the notice on the KhazarKaghan which immediately follows it in the text, itmay be viewed as a significant piece of evidence insupport of the thesis of the Khazar origins of the RusKaghanate. Ibn FaoUan, however, never refers to theRus ruler as "khakan." This special retinue or com-itatus (perhaps the body referred to as "one group ofthem who practise chivalry" in the Hudud), may be avariant of the Scandinavian hirb (Rus'. grid' "warrior,princely bodyguard", Fasmer; Jones).

The Hudud remarks that a tithe is taken on their"booty and commercial profits." Gardizi, however,states that their king collects this tax from merchants.Legal disputes are first brought to the "khakan" whorenders a decision (Ibn Rusta; Gardizi, see also al-MakdisI). If one of the disputants disagrees with theverdict, the king orders that they engage in aceremonial sword fight. Whoever has the sharpersword and succeeds in chipping the blade of the otheris declared the winner. Ibn Rusta adds, however, that"their companions come and stand armed. The twofight and whosoever of the two is more powerful thanthe other becomes the arbiter in his case as he

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wishes." A later report, from the 8th/14th centuryauthor Nag!jm ad-Din al-Harranl (in Seippel, Fontes),states that "they do not obey a king or any law(sharPa)." There is a very distinct tradition found inal-Marwazi which is repeated and slightly mangled incAwfT. The former remarks that the Rus king is calledWaladimir (bi-walddimir). In cAwfi this was transform-ed into "Bulacjhmir" (Kawerau; Barthold, Novoemusul'manskoe izvestiye o russkifch). This, of course, is areference to Volodimir/Vladimir I (972-1015), whobrought about the conversion of Rus' to OrthodoxChristianity. Curiously, Ibn Khurradacjhbih, whogives the titles of the various rulers of interest or im-portance (including those of the §akaliba), makes nomention of the Rus ruler.

Economy

The initial picture presented is that of mobile,urban-based traders/raiders. Ibn Rusta reports thatthe Rus "possess no real estate property (*akdr), norvillages, nor cultivated lands." He subsequentlynotes, however, that they have many towns. Ratherthan engaging in agrarian pursuits, "their professionis trade (tidjard) in sable, grey squirrel and other suchfurs which they sell to purchasers. They take the valueof the goods in gold and fasten it to their belts." Thisstrong mercantile emphasis is noted by the otherMuslim authors, who universally speak of their in-volvement in extensive trading relations with their im-mediate neighbours, the Khazar empire and VolgaBulgharia (through which their goods reached theIslamic lands), Byzantium, Spain and Central Europe(al-Istakhri: al-Mascudi, Muruafy. Ibrahim b. Yakubreports that Rus and $akaliba traders come to"Faragtia [Prague] from Karaku0 [Krakow]" fortrade. Kiev's importance as a major commercial cen-tre continued and is reflected in later Muslim sources.Thus al-Idrisi comments that Muslim merchants fromArmenia come to Kiev. This finds confirmation incontemporary Georgian sources (e.g. the journey ofthe "great merchant Zankan Zorababeli" of T'bilisiwho was sent off to Rus on a diplomatic-marital mis-sion ca. 1184 "by relays of horses", K'art'Usts'khovreba), using an already well-established route.The importance of this region for trade with theIslamic world would appear to be supported by con-siderable numismatic evidence (Islamic dirhams firstbegin to surface in what became Russia and the Balticregion ca. 800; on this see Noonan, Why dirhams firstreached Russia: the role of Arab-Khazar relations in thedevelopment of the earliest Islamic trade with Eastern Europe).The volume of this trade seems to have exceeded thatof their commercial relations with Byzantium. Al-though Sawyer (Kings, 123-6) cautions that thepresence of these dirhams does not necessarily con-stitute evidence of a great volume of trade, nor needthey have reached these areas solely by trade, IbnFacjlan (see below) gives direct evidence of goodsbeing exchanged for Islamic coins. The Rus, it maybe concluded, at least in the early stages of theirhistory, were largely merchant middlemen and on oc-casion pirates. They produced nothing of their own,but raided, extorted/collected tribute or traded forfurs and other commodities of the Northern forestzone which they then brought to the Mediterranean orthe Islamo-Central Asian world either directly orthrough yet other middlemen, Volga Bulgharia orKhazaria. However it was obtained, the volume ofIslamic coinage entering Rus' declined in the late 10thcentury and had largely stopped by 1015. The causesof this change, much debated, remain unclear. Localsources of precious metals were not unknown. Thus,

al-MascudI (Murua^) mentions silver mines in Rus ter-ritory more or less equal to the silver sources in thePancjjhir mountains in Khurasan.

Personal appearance and clothing

Ibn Rusta describes the Rus as possessed of "longbodies, a (good) visage and fearlessness." Our sources(Ibn Rusta, GardizI) stress their personal neatness;some are clean-shaven, others braid or plait theirbeard. Istakhri and Ibn Hawkal attribute this per-sonal fastidiousness to their mercantile pursuits. IbnRusta further remarks that they treat their slaves well.This, too, could be viewed as an indication of a highercultural level. Their clothing is made of linen (Gar-dlzi) and they wear arm bands/bracelets of gold.Their trousers, according to Ibn Rusta and theHudud, are made out of 100 cubits of (cotton) fabric,which they gather in at the knee and fasten there.They also wear "woollen bonnets with tails let downbehind their necks" (Hudud). Al-Istakhri and IbnHawkal report that they wear short coats. Ibn Facllan,however, who remarks that they are as tall as datepalms, blond and ruddy, says that they do not wearshort coats or caftans but a kisd* (a cloak, see Dozy,Supplement, ii, 476). He goes on to note that each ofthem carries an axe, a sword and a knife from whichthey are never parted. Their women are bedeckedwith various gold and silver ornaments in displays ofostentation commensurate with their husband'swealth.

Customs and religion

Our sources are impressed with the spirit of in-dependence and enterprise inculcated among the Rusfrom birth. Ibn Rusta, followed by GardizI, al-Makdisi and the Muafoial, reports that "when a babyboy is born to one of them, he sets before the baby boya drawn sword and places it between his hands andsays to him 'I leave you no goods as inheritance. Youhave nothing except what you may acquire foryourself by this, your sword.'" MarwazI (inKawerau) adds that the daughter receives her father'sinheritance, while the son is given a sword and told"your father acquired his wealth by the sword, im-itate and follow him." This same sense of rugged in-dividualism was reflected in their treatment of the ill.Ibn Facllan remarks that "when one of them falls ill,they pitch a tent for him, in a secluded place awayfrom them, and they cast him away there. They placewith him quantities of bread and water" and leavehim alone until he either recovers or dies. Trans-gressors were dealt with harshly. Thieves, this samesource informs us, were hung by the neck from stouttrees until dead and then left to rot.

This same author was quick to note their humanfrailties. He appears to contradict, at least in part, thereport of their personal neatness noted above, declar-ing them the "dirtiest of God's creations" because oftheir lack of personal hygiene. To this failing wereadded inordinate suspicion and covetousness. IbnRusta and GardizI report as an example, in thisregard, that they go out to perform their natural func-tions only when accompanied by several friends tostand guard. Otherwise, a man on his own would bekilled. So great is their distrust and perfidy that if oneacquires even a little wealth "his brothers and friendswho are with him crave it, try to kill him anddispossess him of it" (Ibn Rusta). How much of thisis accurate and how much travellers' tall taleshighlighting the greed of the "barbarian" is difficultto gauge. It is highly doubtful, however, that the Rus'could have been as effective a commercial and

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military force as they were, given such a state of heliumomnium. Ibn Facllan was also shocked by their lack ofmodesty (engaging in sexual intercourse with theirslave-girls while their friends looked on).

This same source has much to say about theirbeliefs. When ships arrive, he reports, they each comeout bearing bread, meat, onions, milk and wine.They proceed to a long piece of wood planted in theground on which has been carved the face of a man.It is surrounded by smaller idols and other long piecesof woooS planted into the ground. They prostratethemselves before the large image, which they addressas "Lord" and announce what goods they havebrought. They conclude their devotions by saying "Iwant you to provide me with a merchant who hasmany dinars and dirhams, who will buy from meeverything that I want him to buy, and he will notcontradict me in what I say." If business is good,more offerings are made. In especially good cir-cumstances, sheep and cattle are slaughtered, much ofwhich are consumed, at night, by dogs. Ibn Facllan,occasionally adopting a mocking tone and anxious todisplay their ignorance to his readers, reports thatnonetheless, he who made the offering says "my lordis satisfied with me and has eaten my gift".

According to the tradition preserved in the accountsof Ibn Rusta and GardizI, their shamans or"medicine men" (atibbd^ltabibdri), enjoyed a very highstatus. They could pass judgment on the king andgovern them. They could select as sacrifice to theirgods whomsoever they pleased, human and animal.These unfortunates were hung by the neck until dead.The commandments of their "medicine men" mustbe carried out (Ibn Rusta; Gardizi). We have relative-ly brief descriptions of their funerary customs in IbnRusta, GardizI and the Hudud. Ibn Rusta reports that"when one of their important people (djalil minhum)dies, they dig him a grave, like a spacious house, andplace him in it. Together with him, they place his per-sonal clothing (thiydb badanihi), gold bracelets which hewore, much food, vessels with drink and gold moneyalso. They bury with him in the grave the wife that heloved (best). She, after this (sc. his burial) is still alive.They seal up the door of the grave and she diesthere." Al-Istakhri and al-Mascudi, Murudj_, also notethat they cremate their dead, together with their wifeor slave-girl, horses and finery. Al-MascudI furtheradds that "when the wife dies, the husband is notcremated. If one of the unmarried men dies, he ismarried after his demise, and the women request thatthey be cremated (with him) so that they may, accord-ing to their own thinking, enter among the souls ofparadise." Ibn Fadlan, however, provides us with oneof the most extraordinary, ethnographically detaileddepictions of the funeral of a Rus chief. The customswere related and explained to him on a number of oc-casions ("they told me of the things they did with theirchiefs at their death, the least of which is cremation").He also appears to have witnessed one such spec-tacular funeral. The deceased was placed in a graveover which a roof was erected. He remained there for10 days while new clothing was fashioned for him.When a great man dies they ask his household "whoof you will die with him?" Those who answer in theaffirmative are duty-bound to fulfill this commitment.The majority of those who agreed to do so were slave-girls. One of the slave-girls was then given thishonour. The deceased was to be taken out of his graveand placed in a special structure on a boat which wastaken out of the river and mounted on a kind ofwooden holding frame. The corpse, because of thecold was remarkably well-preserved. An old woman

called the "angel of death," was now put in charge.The deceased was placed in the special structure.Food (bread, meat, onions) was placed before him. Adog was sacrificed, cut in half and thrown on the boat.Two cows were also sacrificed (as well as otheranimals). The slave-girl who was to die with hermaster then had sexual intercourse with her master'srelatives or boon companions and she was givencopious amounts of wine so that she became dull-witted (taballadat). The men outside began to striketheir shields with wooden sticks in order to drown hercries as she was strangled. A close relative of the de-ceased man, completely naked, set fire to the woodunder the boat. The sacrificed slave-girl was placedbeside her master. In response to Ibn Fadlan's ques-tions, one of the Rus explains their views: "YouArabs are stupid. You take the most loved and distin-guished among you and dump them in the earth. Theearth consumes them (as do also) insects and worms.But we cremate them in fire, in the flick of an eye, andhe enters Paradise immediately." A small burialmound was then set up on the site in which the boatwas burned. A large piece of khadang wood was placedon the spot and the deceased's name was written onit as well as that of the king of the Rus. This khadangwood was especially associated with the Rus lands (seeTusT, ^Adja^ib al-makhlukdt). The corpses of slaves weresimply abandoned to dogs and birds of prey.

Although Artha/Arthaniyya was famous for its in-hospitality to strangers, killing all outsiders who cameto it (al-Istakhrl and al-Harranl), the other areas ofRus' were not. Ibn Rusta says that they weregenerous to their visitors. They were ferocious, how-ever, in exacting revenge (Mudjmal).

The Rus Caspian raids and the fall of Khazaria

It was undoubtedly the lucrative trade routes of theVolga that first drew the Rus to Eastern Europe. TheRus both traded with and raided the Islamic lands. Asearly as the era of the cAlid al-Hasan b. Zayd (250-70/864-84 [q. v. ]), leader of the Zaydl Shfl principalityin Tabaristan, the Rus attempted to raid the region.A second raid took place in 297/909-10, aimed atAbaskun [q.v.]. A third raid took place in 299/911-12and a fourth one, according to al-MascudI "sometimeafter 300/312" (Dorn, Aliev, Minorsky; slightly dif-ferent dates in Barthold and Pritsak). At the outsetof this last raid the Rus in return for being allowedpassage through Khazar lands in order to raid theCaspian coasts, offered half of the spoils to the Khazarruler. The raid caused much devastation, especially inthe regions of Bardhaca, al-Ran, Baylakan, Adhar-baycjjan, §hirwan and the city of Bakuh. The Rusthen returned to the Volga estuary. Here they wereattacked, apparently with the acquiescence of theKhazar ruler, by Khazar Muslims (the Ursiyya andothers), as well as some Christians, desirous ofrevenge. According to al-Mascudi, those that escapedwere finished off by the Burfas and Volga Bulghars.An even more ferocious eruption of the Rus into theCaspian Islamic lands took place in 332/943-4. In thatyear Barc]haca [q.v.] was again a target. It was takenand the Rus settled in, showing every intention of re-maining for some time, but remained there only forsome months. The Khazar-Byzantine entente by thistime had come to an end. The Rus now figured prom-inently in actions that were overtly hostile toKhazaria. According to the "Schechter" document,when the Khazar ruler Joseph, responding to Byzan-tine persecutions of Jews under the emperor RomanusI (920-44), "did away with many Christians" in hisrealm, Romanus retaliated by inciting "Helgu

626 RUS

[labn/Oleg, see above], king of Rusia" againstKhazaria. "Helgu" was forced to flee by sea where heand his men perished. The Letter of the Khazar ruler,Joseph, to Hasday b. §haprut, the Jewish courtier ofthe Spanish Umayyads, reports, ca. 960, that theKhazars were continually at war with the Rus. "If Ileft them (in peace) for one hour, they would destroythe entire land of the Ishmaelites up to Bagdad"(Kokovtsov). The main confrontation appears to havetaken place in 354/965. The immediate causes for theRus assaults on Khazaria are not elucidated in oursources. Given the ongoing hostilities reported in theLetter of Joseph, however, Byzantine involvement ininciting revolts within the Khazar sphere of influence,the Rus attempts to gain unrestricted passage throughthe Khazar-controlled Volga route to the Caspian,these may be easily conjectured. Khazaria was afading power. The Rus formed an alliance with theOghuz Turks and together they advanced onKhazaria. The Primary Chronicle has a very laconicnotice reporting only that in 6473/965 the Rus ruler,Svyatoslav (d. 972) attacked the Khazars and "tooktheir city and Bela Veza" (= Sarkel, a var. led. saysonly that Bela Veza was captured). Al-MukaddasIreports two accounts that he "heard." According tothe first, Khazaria was attacked by al-Ma3mun ofDjurdjan who captured the Khazar ruler. He subse-quently heard that "an army from Rum, called Rus,conquered them and took possession of their land."Miskawayh writes that in 354/965 "news came to theeffect that the Turks had invaded the territory of theKhazars. The latter invoked the aid of the people ofKhwarazm, who declined saying: You are Jews; ifyou want us to help you, you must become Muslims.They all adopted Islam in consequence with the ex-ception of their king." Ibn al-Athlr has, basically, thesame report, adding, however, that after theKhwarazmians drove off the Turks (the Oghuz), theKhazar ruler converted to Islam as well (see Golden,The migrations of the Oguz, 77-80). Ibn Hawkal, wholearned of these events in 358/968-9, paints a pictureof large-scale devastation. The dating of the eventsdescribed in Ibn Hawkal has been the subject of somedebate, some scholars placing them in 358/968-969,the year in which our source first heard of the Rusraid (Kalinina, Svedeniya Ibn Khaukatya o pokhodakhRusi vremeni Svyatoslava, who, following Marquart andBarthold, Arab, izvest., does not believe that VolgaBulgharia was affected by the raids). There is noreason, however, to doubt Ibn Hawkal, who had first-hand information. In addition, the Rus and theirOghuz allies followed a similar pattern 20 years later,in 985, when they attacked Volga Bulgharia, the firstin boats, the second by land (PSRL, i, 84). A distantecho of these events is found in al-ldrisl, writing in themid-6th/12th century, who says of the Rus whoneighbour "on the land of the Unkariyya(Hungarians) and Makadhuniyya; they have at pres-ent, at the time that we were writing this book, con-quered the Burfas, the Bulghar and Khazars, takenaway control of their lands and nothing remains ofthese people except the name in (their former) lands."This, of course, is inaccurate for his day since the Bur-tas and Volga Bulghars were still very much on thescene.

There are references to Rus activities in Bab al-Abwab/Darband found in the Ta^rfkh al-Bdb. In377/987, the amir Maymun called in the Rus to helphim against local chiefs. The Rus came with 18 shipsbut uncertain of their reception, sent only one in toreconnoitre the situation. When these men weremassacred by the local population, the Rus went on to

Maskaf, which they looted. Rus professional soldiersappear to have already been on the scene. Thusin 379/989, this same Maymun is reported to haverefused the demand of the Gflanl preacher, Musa al-Tuzl, to turn over his Rus ghulams to him for eitherconversion to Islam or death. Maymun's attempt tohave a counterbalance (Rus ghulams) to the localpopulation ultimately failed, for he was driven fromthe city and forced to surrender the ghulams (Minor-sky, Sharvdn). He returned in 382/992. In 421/1030,the Rus raided the ghirwan region, but were then in-duced, with "much money," to aid the ruler of Gan-cjja, Musa b. Facll, in suppressing a revolt inBaylakan. "The Rus then quitted Arran for Rum andthence proceeded to their own country" (see ibid.).One of the variant mss. of this source (see idem,Studies in Caucasian history), using only the Top Kapims. 2951 of MunedjcJjim-Bashi's DjdmP al-duwal,which contains extracts from the Ta^rikh al-Bdb, saysthat in 422/November 1031, the Rus "came a secondtime and Musa set forth and fought them nearBakuya. He killed a large number of their warriorsand expelled them from his dominions." This was fol-lowed in 423/1032 by a Rus raid into Shirwan, joinednow by the Alans and Sarlr. They were defeated, in424/1033, by local Muslims who "wrought greathavoc" among them (Minorsky, Studies, and idem,Sharvdn). It is unclear to which Rus grouping theseraiders may have belonged. Pritsak, Origin, suggeststhat they operated out of a base near the Terekestuary and had their principal home inTmutorokan'. He also conjectures that shortlythereafter, the Rus, operating in the Caspian, mayhave provided some military assistance to the Oghuzin a power struggle in £hwarazm. KhakanI tells of aRus raid ca. 569/1173 or 570/1174. These Rus appearto have been Volga pirates who came in 73 ships. Atthe same time, although it is unclear if their actionswere coordinated, the Kipc'aks [q.v. ] attacked Dar-band and went on to take Shabaran as well. The Shir-wan§hah, Akhsitan/Aghsartan I turned to theGeorgian king, Giorgi III (d. 1184), for aid. Togetherthey defeated both the Rus and the Kipc'aks. TheGeorgian sources, however, only mention attacks ofthe Khazars of Darband. Completely anachronistic,of course, is the tale of Alexander's wars against theRus found in Nizami's Iskandar-ndma. The Rus king,called Knfal, is presented as the ruler of the Burfas,Khazars, Alans and (W)isu (Vepsi).

Later sources offer little new historical or ethno-geographical information regarding the Rus, beinglargely compilations based on the earlier sources. Wehave a brief description of the Mongol conquest ofRus' in Djuwaynl, lacking in specific details. Othersources, e.g. Djuzsjjanl, merely note them in passing.

There are occasional references to the "Rus", heredesignating the Russians/Muscovites, in laterOttoman-$afawid era Islamic sources, e.g. kandz Iwdn(Russ. knyaz' Ivan = Ivan IV "the Terrible"),mentioned in a discussion of Russo-Crimean Tatarrelations s.a. 980/1572-3, in Hasan Rumlu, 584-5.The Crimean Tatars had raided and burned Moscowin 1571, but another raid the following year wasrepulsed. Ottoman materials for the history of thelater Eastern Slavic peoples have been relatively littleinvestigated (cf. Ewliya Celebf's comments on theRus-i menhus "inauspicious Rus" UkrainianCossacks).

The conversion of the Rus

The Islamic and Arabic-writing Christian authorsprovide useful data on the conversion of the Rus to

RUS 627

Orthodox Christianity. In 987, the Byzantineemperor Basil II (976-1025) was faced with the revoltsof Bardas Sclerus and Bardas Phocas. The latter,having double-crossed Sclerus, with whom he brieflyjoined forces, proclaimed himself emperor on 17Djumada 377/14 Aylul 1298/14 September 987, as weare informed by Yahya of Antioch (d. ca. 1066). Basil,now desperate, sent to the Rus, "even though theywere enemies," for assistance. The Rus ruler,Volodimir/Vladimir, agreed to send troops in returnfor a marital alliance. He was to marry Basil's sister.Volodimir also agreed to convert to Orthodoxy and,with him, his people, who were without any religionor religious law. Basil subsequently sent him ametropolitan and bishops. When the wedding ar-rangements were settled, the Rus troops were sentand they helped to put down the revolt. Essentiallysimilar accounts are given by Abu Shudjac al-Rudhrawari [q.v.] (d. 1095), al-Makin, al-Dimashkland Ibn al-Athir (see Rozen and Kawerau; Ibn al-Athir dates these events to 375/985-6). Some of the6,000 Rus troops sent to aid Basil remained in Byzan-tine service, forming the nucleus of the famous"Varangian Guard" (see V.G. Vasil'evskiy). TheRus' tradition relates only that Volodimir, who hadlong been considering the adoption of a monotheisticreligion and had examined Islam, Judaism and Chris-tianity, was already inclining towards the latter in itsOrthodox form. Islam he rejected because of its pro-hibition on alcohol, remarking that "for Rus', drink-ing is a joy, we cannot exist without it" (PSRL, i,84 ff.). In 988 he marched on Byzantine Crimea, tak-ing Chersones/Korsun'. With this he now forced Basiland his brother Constantine into a marital tie. Theirsister Anna was sent to Volodimir, who in returnagreed to convert himself and his people to Orthodoxy(PSRL, i, 109 ff.). The two accounts do not necessari-ly contradict each other. Volodimir may well have us-ed his excursion to the Crimea to insure that he re-ceived his Byzantine princess.

Another Islamic tradition, however, depicts theRus as first converting to Christianity and somewhatlater to Islam. MarwazI, who mentions that their ruleris called Walddimir (see above) relates that after they"entered Christendom," their new faith "sheathedtheir swords" and prevented them from acquiringwealth by their customary means (warfare). Theywere reduced to poverty. They were then drawn toIslam, which allowed them to engage in holy war.They dispatched an embassy, consisting of fourrelatives of the king, to Khwarazm. The Khwarazm-shah sent an Islamic scholar to instruct them and theyconverted to Islam (Kawerau, also found incAwfT/Barthold, placing this event in 300/912).

Writing systems

Ibn Facllan speaks of wooden grave markers onwhich the Rus inscribed the name of the deceased andthat of the Rus king. Similarly, al-Nadlm writes thatone of his informants "believes that they have writinginscribed in wood, and he showed me a piece of whitewood with an inscription on it." This may perhaps bea reference to writing on birchwood bark, well knownin later Kievan Rus'. The Byzantine missionary Con-stantine (Cyril), before his famous mission to theSlavs of "Moravia" journeyed, ca. 860, to the Khazarempire. According to the Vita Constantini, in the Kher-sonese he found a Psalter and book of the Gospel writ-ten in the Rus' or Rush script (ros'kl [rous'klmi,rous&kimij pismenl pisano). He also encountered some-one who spoke this language and found that he couldunderstand him. Indeed, he quickly began to read

and speak this tongue (Grivec et al.; Istrin). Since,Constantine/Cyril was bilingual, in Greek and Slavic,it could only have been the latter tongue, whosewriting system he was able to assimilate so quickly.Needless to say, there is much debate over thesignificance and indeed historicity of this passage.The existence of calendrical and other types of mark-ings among the Eastern Slavs by the 2nd-4th centuriesA.D. is posited by some Russian scholars (Ribakov).The use of a "proto-Cyrillic" alphabet based onGreek, which was already employed in DanubianBulgaria, is also suggested for Pre-Christian Rus'(Istrin). The oldest Cyrillic monument dates to 863(from Preslav, Bulgaria). The earliest writings inCyrillic in Rus' are dated to the early 10th century.There is still some debate over whether Constan-tine/Cyril invented the "Glagolitic" alphabet, itselfperhaps derived from a Greek or Cyrillic base, butquite different in appearance from "Cyrillic", or thescript that now bears his name.

Bibliography: 1. Primary sources (includingtranslations).

Collections of Sources. S.D. Goitein, Letters ofMedieval Jewish traders, Princeton 1973, 69; Labuda,Zrodla skandynawskie i anglosaskie do dziejow Slo-wianszczyzny ["Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxonsources for the history of the Slavs], Warszawa1961,187; T. Lewicki, Zrodla arabskie do dziejow Slo-wiariszczyzny ["Arab sources for the history of theSlavs], Wroclaw-Krakow-Warszawa 1956, 1969,1977, i, 127, 132-7, ii/1, 76-7, 82-3, ii/2,139; P.Kawerau, Arabische Quellen zur ChristianisierungRufilands (Marburger Abhandlungen zurGeschichte und Kultur Osteuropas, 7), Wiesbaden1967, 14-41, 46-7; A.P. Novosel'tsev, Vostocnleistocniki o vostocnlkh slavyanakh ["The eastern sourceson the eastern Slavs"], in V.T. Pashuto, L.V.Cerepnin, Drevnerusskoe gosudarstvo i ego mezdunarod-noeznacenie ["The ancient Rus' state and its interna-tional significance"], Moscow 1965, 362-5, 373,403; A. Seippel, Rerum Normannicarum fontes arabici,Oslo 1928, 108, 113; B.N. Zakhoder, Kaspiyskiysvod svedeniy o vostocnoy evrope ["The Caspian codexof information on Eastern Europe"], Moscow1962-7, ii, 78-80.

Arabic Sources. Anon., Ta^rikh al-Bdb, see excerptsin Minorsky, Sharvdn, and Studies; Bakuwl, KitdbTalkhis al-dthdr wa-^aa^d^ib al-Malik al Kahhdr, ed.Z.M. Buniyjitov, Moscow 1971, facs. 67a, Ru. tr.104; Dimaghki, Cosmographie de Chems ad-Din Abou

Abdallah Mohammed ed-Dimachqui, ed. A.F. Mehren,St. Petersburg 1866, 263; Ibn al-Ajhlr, Beirut1965-6, viii, 411-15, 565, ix, 43-4; Ibn FapUan:Z.V. Togan, Ibn Fafldn's Reisebericht (Abhandlungen

fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, Bd. xxiv/3, Leipzig1939, 36-43/86-98; = ed. S. Dahhan, Damascus1389/1959-60, 60, 149 ff., 152-66; Kniga AkhmedaIbn-Fadlana o ego puteshestvii na Volgu v 921-922gg.["The book of Ahmad ibn FaoUan about his journeyto the Volga in 921-922"], facs. ed. and Russ. tr.A.P. Kovalevskiy, Khar'kov 1956; Ibn al-Fafcih,ed. De Goeje, 270-1; Ibn Hawkal, ed. Kramers, i,15, ii, 92, 392-8; Ibn Khurradadhbih, ed. De Goeje16-17, 154; Miskawayh, Ta^jdrib al-umam, ed. H.F.Amedroz, tr. D.S. Margoliouth, in Eclipse of the^Abbasid caliphate, Oxford 1914-21, ii, 62-7, 209, v,67-74, 223; Ibn Rusta, ed. De Goeje, 145-6;Ibrahim b. Yackub, T. Kowalski (ed. and tr.),Relacja Ibrdhima ibn Ja^kuba z podrozy do krajow slo-wianskich w przekazie al-Bekriego (Pomniki dziejowPolski, seria II, t. 1), Krakow 1946, 3, 5, 7/52; al-Idrisi, Kitdb Nuzhat al-mushtdkfi ikfitirdk al-dfdk: Opus

628 RUS

geographicum sive "Liber ad eorum delectationem qui terrasperagrare studeant", ed. A. Bombaci et al., Leiden1970-84, 912-14, 917, 919-20, 955; IdrisI: T.Lewicki, Polska i kraje sajsiednie w swietle Ksiggi Rogerageografa arabskiego z xii w. al-Idrm'ego ["Poland andneighbouring lands in light of the Book of Roger,an Arab geographer from the 12th century, al-IdrisI"], Krakow 1945, Warsaw 1954; Istakhri, ed.De Goeje, 225-6, 229; Kazwlnl, Athar al-bildd wa-akhbdr al-^ibdd, Beirut 1389/1969, 586; Khwarazml,Das kitdb §urat al-Ard des abu Ga'far Muhammed ibnMusa al-tfuwdrizmi, ed. H. von Mzik (Bibliothekarabischer Historiker und Geographen, iii), Leipzig1926, 136; Makdisi, al-Bad* wa Y-taViM, ed. Cl.Huart, Paris 1899-1919, iv, 66-7; MascudT, Muruaj.al-(thahab, ed. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet deCourteille, ed. and tr. Ch. Pellat, Beirut 1966-89,i, 354-5 = § 404, ii, 9 = § 449, 11 = § 451, 14-15= §§ 454-5, 18-26 = §§ 458-61; idem, Tanbth, ed.De Goeje, 140-1; MukaddasT, ed. De Goeje, 361,ed. M. Makhzum, Beirut 1408/1987, 286; Nadlm,Fihrist, ed. M. al-§huwaymi, Tunis 1406/1985,105, tr. B. Dodge, New York-London 1970, i, 37;NuwayrT, Nihdyat al-arab, Cairo 1342/1923, 247;Thacalibi, Histoire des rois des perses, ed. and tr. H.Zotenberg, Paris 1900, repr. Tehran 1963, 611;Yackubl, Bulddn, ed. De Goeje, 354; Yahya al-Anjakl: V.R. Rozen, ed. and tr., Imperator VasiliyBolgaroboytsa. Izvleceniya iz letopisi Yakh'i Antiokhiys-kogo ["The Emperor Basil the Bulgar-Slayer. Ex-cerpts from the chronicle of Yaliya of Antioch"],St. Petersburg 1883, text 20-4, tr. 21-5, comm.194 ff.

Armenian sources, Movses Dasxuranci, The Historyof the Caucasian Albanians, tr. C.F.J. Dowsett, Lon-don 1961,224.

Byzantine Sources. Constantine Porphyrogenitus,De administrando imperio, ed. Gy. Moravcsik, Engl.tr. R.J.H. Jenkins (Corpus fontium historiae Byzan-tinae, vol. 1), Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C.1967, 56, 58.

Georgian Sources. K'art'Us Ts'khpvreba ["History ofGeorgia"], ed. S. Kaukhch'i§hvili, T'bilisi, 1955,1959, ii, 17, 36-7.

Hebrew Sources. N. Golb, O. Pritsak, KhazarianHebrew documents of the tenth century, Ithaca, N.Y.1982, 114-21,129, 139-42; P.K. Kokovtsov, Evreys-ko-Khazarskaya perepiska v X veke ["The Jewish-Khazar correspondence in the 10th century"], Len-ingrad 1932, 122-3 n. 25.

Latin Sources. Annales Bertiniani, Annales de Saint-Bertin, ed. F. Grat, J. Vielliard and S. Clement,Paris 1964, 30; Liudprand of Cremona, Antapodosisin Liudprandi Episcopi Cremonensis Opera, 3rd ed. J.Becker, in Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usumscholarium ex Monumentis Germanicae Historicisseparatim editi, Hanover-Leipzig 1915, repr.Hanover 1977, i, 11, v, 15.

Old Slavic Sources. F. Grivec et al. (eds.), Constan-tinus et Methodius Thessalonicenses, fontes (Radovistaroslavenskog instituta, iv), Zagreb 1960, 109; T.Lehr-Splawiriski (ed. and tr.), Zywoty Konstantyna iMetodego (obszerne), Poznari 1959.

Old Russian Sources. Des Metropoliten Ilarion Lobredeauf Vladimir den Heiligen und Glaubensbekenntnis, ed. L.Muller, Wiesbaden 1962, 13, 100, 103, 129, 143;Novgowdskaya pervaya letopis' starshego i mladshego iz-vodov, ed. A.N. Nasonov, Moscow-Leningrad1950; Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisey, St.Petersburg/Leningrad-Moscow 1846-; Slovo o polkuigoreve, ed. D.S. Likhacev, Moscow 1982, 143; S.A.Visotskiy, Drevnerusskie graffiti sofii kievskoy, inNumizmatika i epigrafika, iii (1962).

Persian Sources. cAwfT, W. Barthold, Novoemusul'manskoe izvestiye o russkikh ["A new Muslimnotice on the Russians"], in Akademik V. V. Bartol'dSocineniya, Moscow 1963-73, ii/1, 805-9; Bayhaki,

Ta^rfkh-i Mas'udi, ed. CA.A. Fayyac!, Maghhad1391/1971, 601; Abu CA1I Muhammad Balcami,Tarfiuma-yi Tdrikh-i Taban, ed. M.Dj. Masjikur,Tehran 1337/1947-8, 336; Djuwaym, ed. Kazwlni,i, 224-5 tr. Boyle, Manchester 1958, i, 268-70;Djuzcljanr, Jabakat-i Ndsirt, ed. W.N. Lees, Calcut-ta 1864, 406, Tabakdt-i Ndsin, tr. H.G. Raverty1881, repr. New Delhi 1970, ii, 1169; GardlzI/Bar-thold, V.V. Bartol'd, Izvlecenie iz socineniya GardiziZayn al-Akhbdr ["An excerpt from the work of Gar-dlzl, the Zayn al-akhbdr"], in Socineniya, viii, 23-62;Hasan-i Rumlu, Ahsan al-tawdnkh, ed. cAbd al-Husayn Nawa5T, Tehran 1357/1938, 584-5; anon.,Hudud al-^dlam, tr. V.F. Minorsky, London 1937,repr. with additions 1970, 159, 181-2, 422, 432;KhakanI, Diwdn-i Khakdm-yi Shirvdni, ed. CAH cAbdal-RasulI, Tehran 1316/1898-9; Fakhr al-DlnMubarakshah, Ta\ikh-i Fakhru^d-Din Mubdrakshdh,ed. E. Denison Ross, London 1927, 42; anon.,Muajmal at-Tawankh, Tehran 1939, 101-2, 421;Muhammad b. Mahmud TusI, ^Adja^ib al-makhlukdt, ed. M. Sutuda, Tehran 1386/1966, 312.

2. Secondary l i t e ra tu re . S. Aliev, 0 datirovkenabega rusov, upomyanutlkh Ibn Isfandiyarom i Amoli["On the dating of the raid ofjthe Rus' mentionedby Ibn Isfandiyar and Amull"), in A.S.Tveritinova (ed.), Vostocnie istocniki po istorii narodovyugo-vostocnoy i tsentral'noy evropy, ii, Moscow 1969,316-21; W. Barthold (V.V. Bartol'd), AkademikV. V. Bartol'd, Socineniya, Moscow 1963-73, see his

Arabskie izvestiya o rusakh ["Arabic notices on theRus"], ii/1, 810-58; idem, Mesto prikaspiyskikhoblastey v istorii musul'manskogo mira ["The place ofthe Caspian districts in the history of the Muslimworld"], ii/1, 651-772; V.M. Beylis, Al-Idrisi (XIIv.) o vostocnom pricernomor'e i yugo-vostocnoy okrainerusskikh zemel' ["Al-IdrlsI (12th century) on theeastern Black Sea and southeastern borderland ofthe Russian lands"], in Drevneyshiegosudarstva na ter-ritoriiSSSR, 1982, Moscow 1984, 208-28; I. Boba,Nomads, Northmen and Slavs, The Hague-Wiesbaden1967; P.G. Bulgakov, Kniga putey i gosudarstv IbnKhurdadbekha (K izuceniyu i datirovke redaktsii) ["Thebook of the routes and kingdoms of Ibn Khurdadh-bih. Towards the study and dating of its redac-tion"], in Palestinskiy Sbornik, iii (Ixvi) (1958), 127-36; H. Clarke and B. Ambrosiani, Towns in the Vik-ing age, New York 1991; M. Fasmer (Vasmer),Etimologiceskiy slovar' russkogoyazlka ["Etymologicaldictionary of the Russian language"] tr. O.N.Trubac'e'v, 2nd ed., Moscow 1986-7, i, 458, iii,522-3; B. Dorn, Caspia. Uber die Einfalle der alienRussen in Tabaristan, nebst Zugaben uber andere von ihnenaufdem Kaspischen Meere und in den anliegenden Ldndernausgefuhrte Unternehmungen, St. Petersburg 1875, 5-6;P.B. Golden, The migrations of the Oguz, in ArchivumOttomanicum, iv (1972), 45-84; idem, Khazar studies(Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica, xxv), Budapest1980; idem, The question of the Rus' Qaganate, in Ar-chivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, ii (1982), 77-97; idem,Aspects of the nomadic factor in the economic developmentof Kievan Rus', in I.S. Koropeckyj (ed.), Ukrainianeconomic history. Interpretive essays, Cambridge, Mass.1991, 58-101; H. Hasan, Falaki-i Shirwdm: his times,life, and works, London 1929, 36-9; M.S. Hru-shevs'skiy, Istoriya Ukrainl-Rusl ["History of Ukra-ine-Rus'"], i, 3rded., Kiev 1913, repr. Kiev 1991;V.I. Istrin, 1100 let slavyanskoy azbuki ["1100 yearsof the Slavic alphabet"], 2nd ed., Moscow 1988,

RUS — AL-RU$AFA 629

19; R.J. Jenkins et al. (eds.), Constantine Por-phyrogenitus De administrando imperio. Commentary,London 1962, 22-3; G.Jones, A history of the Vikings,rev. ed. Oxford 1984, 76 n. 1, 152-3, 211, 246-7,248 n.3; T.M. Kalinina, Svedeniya Ibn Khaukalya opokhodakh Rusi vremeni Svyatoslava ["The informationof Ibn Hawkal on the campaigns of the Rus' of thetime of Svyatoslav"], Drevneyshie gosudarstva na ter-ritorii SSSR. Material i issledovaniya 1975g., Moscow1976, 90-101; F. Kmietowicz, The term ar-Rdddniyain the work of Ibn tfurdddbeh, in Folia Orientalia, xi(1969), 163-73; F. Kruze (Kruse), 0 proiskhozdeniiryurika ["On the origin of Ryurik"], in ZurnalMinisterstva Narodnogo Prosveshceniya, ix (1836),47-73; E. Kvalen, The early Norwegian settlements onthe Volga, Vienna 1937; H. Lowmianski, Zagadnienieroli normanow w genezie paiistw slowianskich ["Thequestion of the role of the Normans in the genesisof the Slavic states"], Warsaw 1957, Russ. tr. Rus'i normanny ["Rus' and the Normans"], Moscow1985, 283; J. Marquart, Osteuropdische undostasiatischeStreifziige, Leipzig 1903, 343-5, 350, 352,355 ff., 385 ff., 474-5; V.V. Mavrodin, Pro-iskhozdenie russkogo naroda ["The origin of the Rus-sian people"], Leningrad 1978; V.F. Minorsky,Khdqdni and Andronicus Comnenus, in BSOAS, xi(1945), 555-78; idem, Studies in Caucasian history,London 1953, 11-12, 76-7; idem, A history ofSharvdnand Darband, Cambridge 1958, 9/31-2, 19/45, 21-47, 111; idem, Kuda ezdili drevnie rust? ["Where didthe ancient Rus' go?"], in Vostocnle istocniki po istoriinarodov yugo-vostocnoy i tsenral'noy evropl, ed. A.S.Tveritinova, Moscow 1964, 19-28; T.S. Noonan,Ninth-century dirham hoards from European Russia: apreliminary analysis, in A.R. Hands et al. (eds.),Viking-age coinage in the northern lands, Oxford 1981,47-117; idem, Why dirhams first reached Russia: the roleof Arab-Khazar relations in the development of the earliestIslamic trade with Eastern Europe, in Archivum EurasiaeMediiAevi, iv (1984), 151-282; idem, Khazaria as anintermediary between Islam and Eastern Europe in thesecond half of the ninth century: the numismatic perspective,in Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, v (1985), 179-204;idem, When did Rusi Rus' merchants first visit Khazariaand Baghdad?, in Archivum eurasiae medii aevi, vii(1987-91), 213-19; N.V. Pigulevskaya, Imya "rus"'v siriyskom istocnike VI b. n.e. ["The name 'Rus" ina Syriac source of the 6th century A.D."], inAkademiku B.D. Grekovu ko dnyu semidesyatiletiya,Moscow 1952, 46-8; N.Ya. Polovoy, 0 marshrutepokhoda Russkikh na Berdaa i Russko-Khazarskikh ot-nosheniyakh v 943 g. ["On the route of the expeditionof the Rus' against Bardhaca in 943"], in Vizan-tiyskiy vremennik, xxv (1961); O. Pritsak, An Arabictext on the trade route of the corporation of ar-Rus in thesecond half of the ninth century, in Folia Orientalia, xii(1970), 241-59; idem, The origin of Rus', Cam-bridge, Mass. 1981, 23-8, 44, 182, 442-4, 450-1; S.Respond, Pochodzenie nazwy Rus' ["The origin of thename Rus'"], in Rocznik Slawistyczny, xxxviii/1(1977), 35-50; A.V. Riasanovsky, The Embassy of838 revisited: some comments in connection with a ' Nor-manist" source on early Russian history, in Jahrbiicherfurdie Geschichte Osteuropas, x/1 (1962), 1-12; B.A.Ribakov, Russkie zemli na karte Idrisi 1154g. ["TheRussian lands on the map of Idrisi of 1154"], inKratkie soobshceniya instituta istorii material'noy kul'tury,xliii (1953), 1-44; idem, Kievskaya Rus' i Russkieknyazestva xii-xiii vv. [Kievan Rus' and the Rus'principalities], Moscow 1982, 165 ff.; idem, Ya-zlcestvo drevney Rusi ["The paganism of ancientRus'"], Moscow 1987; P.H. Sawyer, Kings andVikings. Scandinavia and Europe A.D. 700-1100,

London-New York 1982, 123-6; A. A. Shakhmatov,Drevneyshie sud'by russkogo plemeni ["The ancientmostfortunes of the Russian tribe"], Petrograd 1919; P.Smirnov, Volz'kly shlyakh i starodavni Rusi ["TheVolga route and the ancient Rus'"], Kiev 1928,132-45; A. Stender-Petersen, Zur Rus-Frage, in hisVarangica, Aarhus 1953; W. Swoboda, ^Aru-^Arisu-al-Artdniya, in Folia Orientalia, xi (1969), 291-6; V.Thomsen, The relations between ancient Russia andScandinavia and the origin of the Russian state, Oxford-London 1877; P.P. Tolofcko, Drevnyaya Rus' ["An-cient Rus'"], Kiev 1987, 15-20, 31-5; V.G.Vasil'evskiy, Varyago-russkaya i varyago-angliyskaytadruzina v Konstantinopole xi i xii vekov, in Trudy V.G.Vasil'evskogo, St. Petersburg 1908, repr. TheHague-Paris 1968, i, 176-401; A.A. Vasiliev, TheRussian attack on Constantinople in 860, Cambridge,Mass. 1946; G. Vernadsky, Ancient Russia, NewHaven 1943, 107,147,278; idem, The origins ofRussia, Oxford 1959, 33, 53, 65, 78, 174-5; A.P.Vlasto, The entry of the Slavs into Christendom, Cam-bridge 1970. (P.B. GOLDEN)AL-RU$AFA, the name of several places in the

Islamic world, from Cordova in the west toNishapur in the east (see Yakut, Bulddn, ed. Beirut,iii, 46-50).

Amongst the Rusafa settlements of clrak were:l . R u s a f a t A b i ' l - c A b b a s (cAbd Allah al-Saffah),

begun by the first cAbbasid caliph in lower clrak onthe banks of the Euphrates, near al-Anbar [#.z>.], andprobably identical with that town called al-Hashimiyya.

Bibliography. Yackubi, Bulddn, 237, tr. Wiet, 9;Yakut, Bulddn, iii, 46.2. al-Rusafa, the name of a quarter of the city of

Baghdad [q.v.] founded soon after the caliph al-Mansur [q.v.] built his Round City.

The quarter of al-Rusafa (whose name refers to thepaved, embanked causeway across the swampyground enclosed by the bend of the Tigris withinwhich the quarter was laid out) was, according to thehistorical accounts, built by al-Mansur on the easternbanks of the river, opposite the palace of al-Khuld andthe Round City, for his son and heir al-Mahdi [q.v.]when the latter returned from Rayy in northern Per-sia in Shawwal 15I/October-November 768. It com-bined a palace complex, with protective rampart andmoat, and an army encampment with a reviewground (mayddn [q.v.}) and with various estatesgranted out as katdY to members of the cAbbasidfamily and to the great military commanders (seeYackubi, Bulddn, 249, 251, tr. 31-2, 35-6). From thislast function as a military centre, it was originallyknown as cAskar al-Mahdi. Al-Tabarl (iii, 365-7, tr.H. Kennedy, Al-Mansur and al-Mahdi, Albany 1990,56-9) plausibly explains that the caliph wished toseparate his Arab supporting forces by the river whichdivided the two sides of Baghdad, so that if one sec-tion of the army rebelled, he could call upon the forceson the opposite bank.

The building of al-Rusafa took seven years, andwas not completed till 159/776, by which time al-Mahdi had (in 159/775) succeeded to the throne. Thenew quarter was connected to the western side ofBaghdad by a bridge of boats, al-Djisr, whose obviousstrategic importance was such that each end wasguarded by a police post of the shurfa [q. v. ]. Lassnerhas suggested that al-Mansur began the constructionin al-Rusafa of a palace complex of such splendour inorder to buttress his son's right to succeed to thecaliphate against his nephew clsa b. Musa [^.».],thereby asserting al-Mahdi's claims.

As caliph, al-Mahdi made al-Rusafa his official