roman epigraphy – the roman army

The Oxford Handbook of

ROMAN EPIGRAPHY

EDITED BY

CHRISTER

BRUUNJONATHAN

EDMONDSON

Jacket design: Linda Roppolo | Cover image: Tomb of the Scipios and other inscriptions from the Via Appia, Rome. Print by Carlo Labruzzi (c. 1794). Thomas Ashby Archive, British School at Rome (TA[PRI]-Mis11-071). 4

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Ë|xHSKBTFy336467zv*:+:!:+:!ISBN 978-0-19-533646-7

The O

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RO

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BruunEdmondson

The Oxford Handbook of

ROMAN EPIGRAPHY• Offers a guide to how to read and study inscriptions,

rather than just a simple reproduction of them• Includes over 150 detailed drawings

and black and white photographs

Contributors

Francisco Beltrán Lloris, John Bodel, Christer Bruun, Marco Buonocore, Maria Letizia Caldelli, Michael J. Carter,

Laura Chioffi, James Clackson, Jonathan Edmondson, Tom Elliott, Garrett G. Fagan, Gian Luca Gregori, Marietta Horster,

Frédéric Hurlet, Mika Kajava, Anne Kolb, Peter Kruschwitz, Danilo Mazzoleni, Henrik Mouritsen, Silvia Orlandi,

David S. Potter, James B. Rives, Gregory Rowe, Olli Salomies, Benet Salway, Manfred G. Schmidt,

Christof Schuler, Michael Alexander Speidel

The study of inscriptions, i.e., epigraphy, is critical for anyone seeking to under-stand the Roman world, whether they are studying history, archaeology, literature, religion, or are working in a field that intersects with the Roman world from c. 500 BCE to 500 CE and beyond. The Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy is the most comprehensive collection of scholarship available on the study and history of Roman epigraphy. A major goal of this volume is to show why inscrip-tions matter, as well as to demonstrate to students and scholars how to utilize epigraphic sources in their research. Thus, rather than comprise simply a collection of inscriptions, the thirty-five chapters in this volume, written by an international team of distinguished scholars in Roman history, classics, and epigraphy, cover the history of the disci-pline, Roman epigraphic culture, and the value of inscriptions for understanding disparate aspects of Roman culture, such as Roman public life, religion in its many forms, public spectacle, slavery, the lives of women, law and legal institutions, the military, linguistic and cultural issues, and life in the provinces. Students and scholars alike will find the Handbook an essential tool for expanding their knowl-edge of the Roman world.

Christer Bruun is Professor of Classics at the University of Toronto.

Jonathan Edmondson is Professor of History at York University.

The Oxford Handbooks series is a major new initiative in academic publishing. Each volume offers an authoritative and state-of-the-art survey of current thinking and research in a particular subject area. Specially commissioned essays from leading international figures in the discipline give critical examination of the progress and direction of debates. Oxford Handbooks provide scholars and graduate students with compelling new perspec-tives upon a wide range of subjects in the humanities and social sciences.

Also published by OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

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The Oxford Handbook of Childhood and Education in the Classical WorldEdited by Judith Evans-Grubbs and Tim Parkin, with Roslynne Bell

The Oxford Handbook of Roman SculptureEdited by Elise Friedland and Melanie Sobocinski, with Elaine Gazda

The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman CoinageEdited by William E. Metcalf

ROM A N EPIGR A PH Y

T H E OX F OR D H A N DB O OK OF

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1

Edited by

CHRISTER BRUUN and

JONATHAN EDMONDSON

ROMAN EPIGRAPHY

THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF



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Contents

Preface ixList of Figures, Maps, and Tables xiiiList of Contributors xxvList of Abbreviations xxvii

PA RT I ROM A N E PIGR A PH Y: E PIGR A PH IC M ET HODS A N D H ISTORY OF T H E DISCI PL I N E

1. The Epigrapher at Work 3Christer Bruun and Jonathan Edmondson

2. Epigraphic Research from Its Inception: The Contribution of Manuscripts 21Marco Buonocore

3. Forgeries and Fakes 42Silvia Orlandi, Maria Letizia Caldelli, and Gian Luca Gregori

4. The Major Corpora and Epigraphic Publications 66Christer Bruun

5. Epigraphy and Digital Resources 78Tom Elliott

PA RT I I I NSCR I P T IONS I N T H E ROM A N WOR L D

6. Latin Epigraphy: The Main Types of Inscriptions 89Francisco Beltrán Lloris

7. Inscribing Roman Texts: Officinae, Layout, and Carving Techniques 111Jonathan Edmondson



vi CONTENTS

8. The “Epigraphic Habit” in the Roman World 131Francisco Beltrán Lloris

PA RT I I I T H E VA LU E OF I NSCR I P T IONS FOR R EC ONST RUC T I NG T H E ROM A N WOR L D

Inscriptions and Roman Public Life

9. The Roman Republic 153Olli Salomies

10. The Roman Emperor and the Imperial Family 178Frédéric Hurlet

11. Senators and Equites: Prosopography 202Christer Bruun

12. Local Elites in Italy and the Western Provinces 227Henrik Mouritsen

13. Local Elites in the Greek East 250Christof Schuler

14. Roman Government and Administration 274Christer Bruun

15. The Roman State: Laws, Lawmaking, and Legal Documents 299Gregory Rowe

16. The Roman Army 319Michael Alexander Speidel

17. Inscriptions and the Narrative of Roman History 345David S. Potter

18. Late Antiquity 364Benet Salway

Inscriptions and Religion in the Roman Empire

19. Religion in Rome and Italy 397Mika Kajava



CONTENTS vii

20. Religion in the Roman Provinces 420James B. Rives

21. The Rise of Christianity 445Danilo Mazzoleni

Inscriptions and Roman Social and Economic Life

22. The City of Rome 471Christer Bruun

23. Social Life in Town and Country 495Garrett G. Fagan

24. Urban Infrastructure and Euergetism outside the City of Rome 515Marietta Horster

25. Spectacle in Rome, Italy, and the Provinces 537Michael J. Carter and Jonathan Edmondson

26. Roman Family History 559Jonathan Edmondson

27. Women in the Roman World 582Maria Letizia Caldelli

28. Slaves and Freed Slaves 605Christer Bruun

29. Death and Burial 627Laura Chioffi

30. Communications and Mobility in the Roman Empire 649Anne Kolb

31. Economic Life in the Roman Empire 671Jonathan Edmondson

Inscriptions and Roman Cultural Life

32. Local Languages in Italy and the West 699James Clackson



viii CONTENTS

33. Linguistic Variation, Language Change, and Latin Inscriptions 721Peter Kruschwitz

34. Inscriptions and Literacy 745John Bodel

35. Carmina Latina Epigraphica 764Manfred G. Schmidt

APPENDICES

Appendix I Epigraphic Conventions: The “Leiden System” 785

Appendix II Epigraphic Abbreviations 787

Appendix III Roman Onomastics 799

Appendix IV Roman Kinship Terms 807

Appendix V Roman Voting Tribes 811

Appendix VI Roman Numbers 813

Appendix VII List of Digital Resources 815

Illustration Credits 817Index of Sources 821General Index 00



CHAPTER 16

T H E ROM A N A R M Y

MICHAEL ALEX AnDER SPEIDEL

The Roman Military Community and “Military Inscriptions”

The Roman imperial army was the largest staterun organization (as well as the largest item in the budget) of the Roman Empire with well over 400,000 soldiers and officers serving in Rome, Italy, the provinces, and some even beyond. Men from all levels of Roman society and from all parts of the Empire joined this army, albeit in capacities and functions that corresponded to their social standing.1 Other armed forces at Rome’s disposal included foreign troops, local militias, and mercenaries. Particularly during the early Empire some freedmen were also formally enrolled as soldiers and officers into various military units. Otherwise, many slaves and freedmen followed the soldiers and officers as servants and even took on paramilitary duties.2

Many civilians, including women and children, were closely bound to soldiers and officers by family ties, friendship, or commercial interests, and they formed an integral part of the community within which the Roman soldier spent his professional life.3 The vast majority of these individuals were, to varying degrees, familiar with Roman epigraphic culture. It is therefore no surprise to find all the abovementioned groups represented in the epigraphic record of the Roman army.

The widespread use of inscriptions (primarily, but not exclusively, in Latin, the “imperial language of power”), even in areas where there was previously no comparable local tradition, reveals the extent to which the military community was rooted

1 General works include Watson 1969; Webster 1985; Le Bohec 2002; Sabin, van Wees, and Whitby 2007. Important contributions in M.A. Speidel 2009 and other volumes in the “Mavors: Roman Army Researches” series and in the volumes of the Actes du congrès de Lyon sur l’armée romaine (1995, 2000, 2004, 2009, 2012), edited by Y. Le Bohec and (since 2000) C. Wolff. On the navy, Starr 1941; Reddé 1986.

2 M.P. Speidel 1984: 203–207; 1989.3 M.A. Speidel 2009: 515–544; Goldsworthy and Haynes 1999.

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320 MICHAEL ALEXAnDER SPEIDEL

in Roman culture.4 Quite a few officers and soldiers even included their own poetry in their inscriptions (for example, CIL XIII 7234; ILS 2028, 2049; AE 1993, 1547 = SEG 43, 911).5 Moreover, through their daily routine, exposure to a common ideology, and a comparatively high degree of mobility connecting them to other military centres and to Rome, this community shared a unified military culture.6 Although this culture was not identical throughout the Empire due to regional influences and developments, a great many common traits defined the community’s epigraphic production. Scholars working on the Roman army have therefore made, and continue to make, much use of inscriptions, which illuminate a wide variety of issues:7

• basicaspects•thenames,history,andinternalorganizationofindividualtypesofunits•recruitment: theethnicandsocialoriginsofsoldiersandofficers•militaryranksandcareers•ideologicalaspects: militaryvirtuesandideals•religioninthemilitarysphere•dischargeandthesettlementofveterans•militarycamps,fortresses,andtheirgarrisons•troopmovementsandthecompositionofprovincialarmies

• thearmyinaction•warsandthecompositionoffieldarmies•theexistenceandofficialnamesofwarsandmilitaryexpeditions•aspectsofcombatandwarfare•outstandingdeedsandsystemsofreward•logisticsandmilitaryequipment

• thearmyinpeacetime•administrationandlegalissues•buildingactivities(inthemilitaryandcivicspheres)•technicalexpertise: forexample,engineering,miningtechnologies,medicine•theeconomicimpactofthearmy•theculturalimpactofthearmy

• privatelife•family,marriage,children,andslaves•dailylife,socialinteractions•language,literacy,andbilingualism•acculturation

4 Mann 1985; Adams 2003: 545–575, 599–622, 760–761; Phang 2007; Eck 2009.5 Adams 1999; M. A. Speidel 2009: 532.6 M.A. Speidel 2009: 22–51; 2010; 2012b.7 cf. Le Bohec 1998; Eck 2003; M.A. Speidel 2009: esp. 473–500.



THE ROMAn ARMY 321

Inscriptions relating to military matters can also be useful as chronological indicators, since they include the names of military units which, or senior officers who, are known to have been based in a certain area in a particular period.

In his monumental and still unsurpassed Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae of 1892, Hermann Dessau included a section entitled “Tituli militares,” military inscriptions. Dessau presented well over eleven hundred such texts, mainly set up by or for soldiers, veterans, officers, or entire units (ILS 1986–2914, 9052–9227). Since Dessau’s work was didactic in function, he needed to provide a representative selection of Latin inscriptions. As a result, the texts grouped under the heading “Tituli militares” are solely or predominantly concerned with members or institutions of the Roman army. Yet Dessau’s classification remains somewhat diffuse, as he also included many inscriptions relating to the army in nearly all other sections of the ILS. This is understandable, since the term “military inscription” is a modern misnomer. There is no such term on record in Latin or Greek, nor was there ever a category of inscriptions exclusively produced by, or reserved for, the Roman army. There were simply inscriptions that included military information. The only true “military records” produced by the army’s administration were written on papyrus or wood.8 The inscriptions on wooden tablets from the fort at Vindolanda near Hadrian’s Wall include several unit strength reports, payrecords, and supply lists, providing a rich source of information about the auxiliary troops stationed there.9

Two examples, one concerning a Roman citizen soldier, the other a nonRoman auxiliary, help to illustrate the type of inscriptions that Dessau included in his section on “Tituli militares.” The first is the tombstone of the centurion of the Legio XVIII, M. Caelius, shown with his military decorations (torques and phalerae) attached to his breastplate and with a centurion’s stick (vitis) in his right hand. It was set up as a cenotaph at the military camp near Xanten (CIL XIII 8648 = ILS 2244; Fig. 16.1):10

M(arco) Caelio T(iti) f(ilio) Lem(onia tribu) Bon(onia)(centurioni) leg(ionis) XIIX ann(orum) LIII s(emissis)[ce]cidit bello Variano ossa[i] nferre licebit P(ublius) Caelius T(iti) f (ilius)

5 Lem(onia tribu) frater fecitFor M. Caelius, son of Titus, of the Roman voting tribe Lemonia, from Bononia, centurion of the Legio XVIII, aged 53½. He fell in the war of Varus. It will be permitted to inter his bones in the future. P. Caelius, son of Titus, of the Roman voting tribe Lemonia, his brother, set this up.

This epitaph contains typical elements. It records the name of the soldier, the fact that he was a Roman citizen, his origin (Bologna in n. Italy), his unit, and his rank. His age

8 Fink 1971; M.A. Speidel 1992, 2007a, 2009: 283–315. “Military diplomas”: p. 337–340.9 Bowman and Thomas 1983–2003. Similar documents from Vindonissa (Switzerland): M.A.

Speidel 1996.10 Portraitbusts of the deceased’s freedmen, M. Caelius M. l. Privatus and M. Caelius M. l.

Thiaminus, flank the centurion. For the monument, Schalles and Willer 2009.




atdeathisspecifiedbutnotthelengthofhismilitaryservice,whichisoftenmentionedin military epitaphs. As occasionally occurs, something noteworthy from his military career is also mentioned: the fact that he died in the major Roman defeat in 9 CE at the hands of Arminius’ forces in the Teutoburger forest. The phrase bello Variano provides the only known epigraphic reference to P. Quinctilius Varus’ campaigns to the east of the Rhine.

Secondly, an elaborate firstcentury CE tombstone from Aquincum in Pannonia Inferior of a discharged auxiliary cavalryman from the ala I Hispanorum, nertus son of Dumnotalus, contains several similar details. In rank he was a sesquiplicarius, which means “earning pay and a half.” The tombstone was set up by the deceased’s

FIG. 16.1 Cenotaph of M. Caelius, centurion of the Legio XVIII, found near Xanten. Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Bonn.



THE ROMAn ARMY 323

frater, literally “brother,” but in this military context more likely a fellow soldier (CIL III 10514; Fig. 16.2). 11

NertusDumnotalif(ilius) veteranusala(e) Hisp(anorum) I ses-

5 quip(licarius) Lingaus-ter ann(orum) LXstip(endiorum) XXXVIh(ic) s(itus) e(st)Valens frater

10 h(eres) t(itulum) m(emoriae) p(osuit)nertus son of Dumnotalus, veteran of the First Cavalry Regiment of Spaniards (Hispani), sesquiplicarius,fromtheLingaustri,(died)aged60afterservingthirty-sixyears;herehelies. Valens, his “brother” (i.e., fellow soldier) set up this inscription to commemorate him.

Material relating directly or indirectly to the Roman army can be found in all cate gories of Roman inscriptions. The SC de Cn. Pisone patre, for instance, contains much useful information for the military historian, but no one would call it a “military inscription” (cf. Chs. 15, 17)12 Soldiers’ names scratched on ceramic plates or other objects provide insight into many aspects of daily life in Roman military camps, although they belong to the epigraphic category known as instrumentum domesti-cum.13 Similarly, inscriptions honouring campaigning emperors, victory monuments, votive altars, honorary statues for senatorial or equestrian officers and generals, and milestones, even when their connection to military matters is obvious, are not normally classified as military inscriptions. Even the socalled “military diplomas” (p. 337–340) are military only in the sense that these legal documents concerned soldiers who had completed their term of service. The legal privileges they conveyed were of purely civilian nature, and similar documents could even be drawn up for civilians (AE 2003, 1379, a rare example). While inscriptions relevant to the study of the Roman army can be found in most regional epigraphic corpora, there are only a few substantial compilations dedicated exclusively or predominantly to such inscriptions.14 These usually relate to a specific military site or provincial army,15 a particular legion or other

11 Kovács and Szabó 2010: no. 676. The term frater in military contexts: Kepartová 1986.12 Eck, Caballos, and Fernández 1996, lines 37–45 (the bellum Armeniacum and Parthicum), lines

51–52 (crucifixion of a centurion), lines 52–57 (problems with military discipline), lines 159–165 (central aspects of official military doctrine as established by Augustus and Tiberius).

13 Galsterer 1983 (pottery); nuber 1972; cf. AE 2008, 960 (metal objects).14 But see ILS 1986–2914 and 9052–9227; von Domaszewski and Dobson 1967: 197–307.15 Provincial armies: Le Roux 1982. Auxiliaries: Alföldy 1968; Le Bohec 1989a; Lőrincz 2001; Speidel

2009: 595–631. Military sites: Vorbeck 1980; Kolendo and Božilova 1997.



FIG. 16.2 Tombstone from Aquincum of an auxiliary cavalryman of Gallic (?) origin, with a portraitbust and a relief of a groom and two horses below. Hungarian national Museum, Budapest.


THE ROMAn ARMY 325

military unit, or military ranks,16 or to a specific type of document such as military tombstones or diplomas.17

It is essential to take account of the varying contexts in which inscriptions relating to Roman military matters were set up. With military building inscriptions on stone or stamped bricks and tiles18(bothoftengivelittlemorethanthenameofamilitaryunitinscribed within a tabula ansata), the need to reconstruct the original architectural context is obvious, but this is equally important in all other situations. An example of a military building inscription comes from the Antonine Wall in Scotland, where a detachment (vexillatio) of the Legio XX V(aleria) V(ictrix) recorded the precise length of building work for which it was responsible (3,000 Roman feet) on a distance slab set up along the wall (RIB III 3507; Fig. 16.3).

16 For example, Le Bohec 1989b; Mosser 2003 (legions); Durry 1938; Passerini 1939; Freis 1967; Saxer 1967; M.P. Speidel 1994; Sablayrolles 1996 (other units); Dobson 1978; nelisClément 2000 (ranks).

17 For example, on tombstones Schleiermacher 1984; Franzoni 1987; Rinaldi Tufi 1988; M. P. Speidel 1994; on diplomas, below, n. 50.

18 Building inscriptions: Horster 2002: 118–120, 168–170. Tiles and bricks: Lőrincz 1991; Brandl 1999; Le Bohec 2000; WeschKlein 2002.

FIG. 16.3 Distance slab from the vicinity of the Castle Hill Roman fort on the Antonine Wall. The text reads: Im[p(eratori) C(aesari)] / T(ito) Ae(lio) / Hadriano / Anto/nino / Aug(usto) / Pio p(atri) p(atriae) / vex(illatio) leg(ionis) / XX V(aleriae) V(ictricis) / fec(it) / p(er) p(edum) III (milia). Hunterian Museum, Glasgow.




Reconstructingcontextoftenrequirescomplexresearchthatgoesbeyondthetraditional boundaries of epigraphy. Alfred von Domaszewski, for instance, who has contributed more than any other scholar to our understanding of the Roman imperial army, pointed out that the development of various religious currents in the army can only be reconstructed by combining a great variety of evidence, including inscriptions (both in Latin and in Greek), sculpture, coins, as well as architectural structures found in military camps and forts. Today, we also need to include the evidence from graffiti and papyri—in particular the Feriale Duranum, a calendar on papyrus of Roman military festivals from Dura Europos from the early third century—in order to assess fully what can be known about religious matters relating to Roman soldiers.19

A comparatively high level of literacy contributed to the frequent use of inscribed texts among members of the military community. Soldiers and veterans displayed their inscriptions mainly in and around their own camps and forts, including connected military cemeteries and religious centres, as well as in provincial capitals and the towns to whichtheyretiredafterdischarge.Yet,onthewhole,individualmembersoftheRomanarmy had a tendency to address the military community as their “epigraphic audience.” At the same time, it was this community that inspired them to set up inscriptions. This is evident in the case of tombstones set up for fellow soldiers who had lost their lives in far away wars. For, as a rule, their funerary monuments were not erected, say, in the immediate vicinity of a battlefield or on the cemetery of the nearest city, but at a location with a significant military “audience,” i.e., a military base or cemetery (for instance, AE 1993, 1572; CIL V 893 = I.Aquileia II 2772; AE 2004, 1143 = 2005, 1264).20 One of the best examples is the cenotaph of M. Caelius from Xanten (Fig. 16.1), discussed earlier (p. 321–322).

Military Terms and Values

A distinctive feature of inscriptions produced by Roman soldiers was the use of military technical terms and the expression ofmartial values.They often also includeicono graphic elements depicting soldiers in uniform and/or military insignia. In addition to his name and geographical origin, a Roman soldier was usually identified by his rankandunitandoftenalsobyhissub-unit: byhiscenturia if he was in the infantry, by his turma if in the cavalry. A typical example of this is found embossed on a silver casserole from near Vienne in France (CIL XII 2355 = ILN V 584):

C(ai) Didi Secundimil(itis) leg(ionis) II Aug(ustae)(centuria) Mari

(The property) of C. Didius Secundus, soldier of the Legio II Augusta, in the century of Marius.

19 von Domaszewski 1895. Papyri: Fink, Hoey, and Snyder 1940; Fink 1971: 422–429 no. 117. Religious developments: M.A. Speidel 2012a.

20 M.A. Speidel 2009: 258.



THE ROMAn ARMY 327

The indication of a military rank or function was essential. The basic distinguishing terms were miles (soldier), eques (cavalryman), and veteranus (veteran), but there was an abundance of titles and terms describing military ranks, status, and functions, for which inscriptions are our major source. They shed light on the army’s hierarchicalstructure(oftenreferredtoasthe“Rangordnung”)anditsbureaucracy,oncareerpatterns, the order of battle and fighting techniques, as well as on administrative, technical, logistical, and medical services.21 Some ranks and functions were peculiar to certain types of units, while others were common throughout the army (see Table 16.1). Only very few soldiers, it would appear, chose not to mention their unit in their inscriptions, either because they could expect their audience to know the unit in question from the context or because iconographic elements made it clear that the deceased was a soldier. An example comes from the early phase of the veteran colony at Augusta Emerita, where if it were not for the military decorations (torques, armillae, and phalerae) shown on the tombstone, we would never know that C. Voconius C.f., named in the first line followed by the names of his wife, daughter, and son (the dedicator of the monument), was a veteran soldier (AE 2000, 691; Fig. 16.4).22

21 von Domaszewski and Dobson 1967; Breeze and Dobson 1993: 11–257; Davies 1989: M.A. Speidel 2009: esp. 439–449. On the Rangordnung below the centurionate, see Breeze 1971, 1974a, 1974b.

22 Keppie 2003: esp. 44–45.

FIG. 16.4 Tombstone of the soldier C. Voconius, showing his military decorations, from Augusta Emerita (Mérida). Museo nacional de Arte Romano, Mérida.




nearly every unit had a numeral and a name. The numeral indicated its original positionwithinaseriesofsimilarunits.Astherewereoftenseveralsuchserieswithinthesame branch of the army, many numerals appear with more than one unit. By the end of the second century, for instance, of the thirtythree legions which then existed, five bore the numeral II: II Augusta, II Adiutrix, II Italica, II Parthica, II Traiana. The Legio II Traiana derives its name from the fact that it was the second legion founded by Trajan; the first was the Legio XXX ulpia, with Ulpia derived from Trajan’s own gentilicium and the “thirtieth” legion because there had previously been twentynine legions in the Roman army.23

Auxiliaryunitssimilarlyoftenhadsequentialnumeralsintheirtitles: forexample,the Cohors I, II, III, IV, V, and VI Thracum. Their names usually indicate the provincial tribes from which entire units of five hundred or one thousand soldiers were originally recruited, hence introducing the modern scholar to a vast array of ethnicities, such as the Vangiones (RIB 1217), Vardulli (RIB 1421), or Vettones (RIB 730), to name just three found serving in Britain.24 Military diplomas granting citizenship and the right to legal marriage to auxiliary soldiers after completing theirmilitary service list groupsofauxiliary cohorts and cavalry regiments (alae) based in a given province of the Roman Empire at the document’s date of issue. So a diploma granting citizenship to a soldier fromtheFifthCohortofRaetiansfoundnearBromptoninN. Yorkshireliststhirteenalae and thirtyseven cohortes based in Britain on July 17, 122 CE (AE 2008, 800). Table 16.2 groups the units regionally according to the origins of the unit’s name. (The list

Table 16.1. Military ranks below the centurionate (“Rangordnung”)

Rank Pay Examples of Posts Held

miles basicimmunis basic technicians and specialistsprincipalis sesquiplicarius beneficiarius of a military tribune

singularistesserariuspossibly armorum custos

principalis duplicarius optiosigniferaquiliferimaginifercornicularius

Source: Breeze 1971: 134; cf. M.A. Speidel 2009: esp. 381–394.

23 Ritterling 1925; Le Bohec and Wolff 2000.24 There is no complete and accurate list of all auxiliary units, but see Holder 1980, 2003. Spaul 1994

and 2000 should be consulted with great caution, as they are marred with errors, lacunae, confusions, and inaccuracies. In general on auxiliaries, see Haynes 2013.



THE ROMAn ARMY 329

may not comprise all auxiliary units in Britain at the time, since some of them may not have had any soldiers eligible for the grant of a diploma in 122 CE.)

The names of auxiliary units generally refer to the tribes or regions from which they were originally raised, whereas the names of the legions refer to more varied aspects of their early history (foundation, early battlefield successes, or the units’

Table 16.2 Auxiliary alae and cohortes stationed in Britain in 122 CE

ALAE (13) COHORTES (37)

HISPANIAE (3) I Hispan(orum) Astur(um) HISPANIAE (6) II Ast(urum)II Asturum III Bracar(augustorum)Vetton(um) Hispan(orum) c.R. I Celtiber(orum)

GALLIAE (7) Aug(usta) Gall(orum) I Hispan(orum)Gall(orum) et Thrac(um) Classiana c.R.

I fida Vardull(orum) (milliaria) c.R.

Gall(orum) Petriana (milliaria) c.R.

II Vasconum c.R.

Gall(orum) Picentiana GALLIAE (15) I Aquitan(orum)G[all(orum)] Sebosiana c.R. II, IIII, V Gall(orum)Aug(usta) Vocont(iorum) c.R. I, II, III, IV Ling(onum)I Tungr(orum) I Menap(iorum)

DANUBIAN PROVINCES (2)

I Pannonior(um) Sabiniana I Morin(orum)

I Pannonior(um) Tampiana II, III, VI Nerv(iorum)UNCERTAIN (1) Agrippiana Minatia V Raet(orum)

I Tungr(orum)GERMANIAE (7) I Batav(orum)

I Betas(iorum)I Frisian(orum)I Nervia German(orum) (milliaria)I Sunu[c(ulorum)]I Vang(ionum) (milliaria) c.R.I Ulp(ia) Traiana Cugern(orum) c.R.

BALKANS (7) IV Breuc(orum)I, II, IV Delm(atarum)I, II, VII Thrac(um)

AFRICA (1) I Afr(orum) c.R.SYRIA (1) I Ham(iorum)

sagittar(iorum)

Note: (1) c.R. = civium Romanorum, indicating that the unit was made up of Roman citizens; (2) (milliaria) = units with a strength of c. 1,000 men (rather than the usual 500).

Source: AE 2008, 800.




intended purpose). In the case of C. Didius Secundus’ legion (p. 326–327), the name Augusta probably reflects its reconstitution by Augustus. Additional epithets such as fortis, felix, victrix could be awarded for success on the battlefield, while others, such as pia fidelis or fida, recalled loyal behaviour, as with the Legio VII Claudia named pia fidelisafteritssupportofClaudiusduringtherevoltofFuriusCamillusScribonianus in Dalmatia in 41 CE.25 Particularly from the late second century onwards, such titles helped to advertise a unit’s close relation with the reigning emperor: for instance, the epithet Antoniniana under Caracalla (for example, ILS 1165, 2320, 4283) or Alexandriana during the reign of Severus Alexander (ILS 1176, 2377, 4072).26

Social Life in the Army

Centurions were the backbone of the infantry units in the Roman army. Each centurion (centurio) stood at the head of a centuria of around eighty soldiers and was responsible for their training, their discipline, and for many administrative issues. His counterpart in the cavalry was the decurion (decurio), who commanded a squadron (turma) of about thirtytwo horsemen. Such groups fought together, lived in the same barracks building, and constituted the most important administrative subunit of the Roman army. Within his troop, a soldier was therefore identified by his name and his centuria or turma, as shown on many tombstones, owners’ inscriptions on personal belongings, as well as in official documents on papyri and on addresses on private letters, as, for example, those found at the Roman legionary camp at Vindonissa in Germania Superior.27 The conventional abbreviation for both centu-rio and centuria was a sign resembling a 7 or a >; in the early Empire, a reverse C was used, as on the tombstone of M. Caelius (Fig. 16.1). The term turma, if abbreviated, was written TVR or T.

Even ordinary soldiers were anxious to have themselves commemorated on tombstones in the vicinity of their camp. Their military service was evidently of great importance for their selfrepresentation, as it is nearly always prominent on soldiers’ and veterans’ tombstones, either in the epitaphs and/or by means of accompanying reliefs. A secondcentury inscription from Lambaesis, the camp of the Legio III Augusta in modern Algeria, illustrates some of these aspects (CIL VIII 2975 = ILS 2306):28

25 Fortis, felix, etc: M.A. Speidel 2009: 245–253. Legio VII Claudia Pia Fidelis: Ritterling 1925: 1617, 1628–29.

26 Fitz 1983; Campbell 1984: 88–93.27 For example, M.A. Speidel 1996: nos. 5, 6, 8–10.28 Le Bohec 1989b: 278.



THE ROMAn ARMY 331

D(is) M(anibus)M(arci) Sili M(arci) f(ilii) Quir(ina tribu)Fausti Am(maedara) mil(itis)leg(ionis) III Aug(ustae)

5 def(uncti) in Parthiavix(it) an(nos) XXXXIfratri pientissim(i)L(ucius) Silius Rufinus sig(nifer)leg(ionis) III Aug(ustae) et Silius

10 Quietus mil(es) leg(ionis) eius(dem)To the Departed Spirits of M. Silius Faustus, son of Marcus, of the (votingtribe) Quirina, from Ammaedara, soldier of the Legio III Augusta, died in Parthia, lived 41 years, his most devoted brothers L. Silius Rufinus, standardbearer of the Legio III Augusta, and Silius Quietus, soldier of the same legion (set up this tombstone).

Although the soldier died in one of Rome’s wars in Parthia (probably under Trajan, but conceivably under Lucius Verus), his brothers set up his funerary monument at his legion’s base in north Africa. They did the same for their mother Valeria Fortunata when she died (CIL VIII 2976). The family, however, originally came from Ammaedara, where the legion was garrisoned in Africa before it was moved to Lambaesis in the later years of Trajan’s reign. The inscription, therefore, not only reveals the names, ranks, and origin of three soldiers, as well as this legion’s participation in one of Rome’s Parthian wars, but also betrays the strong ties that existed among the members of this family as well as their attachment to their legion and its community.

Inscriptions also express the close ties many soldiers maintained with their native regions. A votive text from Heliopolis (Baalbek in Lebanon; IGLS VI 2714) illustrates the impact that soldiers, thanks to their financial resources, could have on the urban and/or sacred landscape:

I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) H(eliopolitano) / pro salute Imp(eratoris) / Caes(aris) Traiani / Hadriani Aug(usti) p(atris) p(atriae) / ex testamento / L(uci) Antoni Silonis / eq(uitis) leg(ionis) III Aug(ustae) He/liopolitani / L(ucius) Varius Q(uinti) f(ilius) Fab(ia) / Magnus vet(eranus) pro / parte dimidia et / L(ucius) Valerius L(uci) f(ilius) Fab(ia) Me/lior pup(illus) parte quar/ta et Vibi C(ai) f(ilii) Fab(ia) Ru/fus et Fuscus pupili / pro parte quarta hered(es) eius / ex arg(enti) p(ondo) octoginta v(otum) s(olverunt)To Jupiter Best and Greatest of Heliopolis for the welfare of emperor Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus (= Hadrian), father of the fatherland, following the instructions in the will of L. Antonius Silo, horseman of the Legio III Augusta, Heliopolitan, his heirs L. Varius Magnus, son of Quintus, of the (votingtribe) Fabia, veteran, (heir) to one half of the estate, and L. Valerius Melior, son of Lucius, of the (votingtribe) Fabia, ward, (heir) to one quarter, and Vibius Rufus and (Vibius) Fuscus, sons of Gaius, of the (votingtribe) Fabia, wards, (heirs) to one quarter, have fulfilled their vow by contributing 80 pounds (= c. 26 kg) of silver.




Before his death Antonius Silo, a man of some wealth and esteem from Heliopolis, had served at Lambaesis as one of the 120 legionary cavalrymen. These ranked higher and were paid better than ordinary legionaries.29 His four heirs, a veteran (probably from the Legio III Augusta) and three wards (pupilli), all belonged to Heliopolis’ votingtribe, the Fabia, and, therefore, must have been fellow citizens. The valuable offering that Silo, in his last will and testament, instructed them to set up reflects his religious beliefs. Jupiter Optimus Maximus was the protector god of the Roman state and the army. Some soldiers (perhaps the standard bearers) even wore beltplates with the inscription Optime Maxime conserva numerum omnium militantium (“Best and Greatest, save all fellow soldiers”; AE 1912, 291).30 In his Heliopolitan guise, Jupiter was also the most important local divinity. Adding the emperor’s name to this dedication reflects an attitude of Roman soldiers towards their commanderinchief. They understood that they were the emperor’s agents, while the emperor was the person responsible for the army. It was their common task to guarantee the Empire’s peace and security under the protection of Jupiter. As a result, many soldiers and military units regularly made vows “for the safety of” (pro salute or pro incolumitate) the Roman emperor (for example, CIL VIII 2638 = ILS 9293, Lambaesis).31

Analysing Inscriptions in Bulk and Individual Inscriptions

Seriesofinscriptionsofsimilartypeorwithcomparabledataoftenrevealimportantpatterns and benefit from being studied in bulk. It was once estimated that the origins of some three thousand legionaries were known from epigraphic sources. Although these data relate to only a tiny fraction of all who ever served in the Roman legions (estimated at c. 0.15 percent), such evidence provides the ancient historian with a wealth of material on a variety of topics.32 For instance, a comprehensive study of these texts has revealed how patterns of recruitment evolved over the first three centuries CE. Legionaries were initially recruited almost entirely from Italy, Cisalpine Gaul, and a small number of urbanized provinces such as Gallia narbonensis and Baetica. From thelatefirst/earlysecondcentury,themainfocusofrecruitmentshiftedtoprovinceswith military garrisons.33 Other such studies have focused on soldiers’ careers (Table 16.1), or on military decorations. Inscriptions allow us to reconstruct the hierarchical system of awards granted to soldiers of various ranks. They reveal that the lower ranks

29 M.A. Speidel 2009: 349–380, esp. Table 7.30 ubl 1997.31 Le Bohec 1989b.32 Forni 1992: 16. The numbers have since much increased.33 Forni 1953; 1992: 11–141; Mann 1983; cf. Le Roux 1982.



THE ROMAn ARMY 333

(milites, immunes, and principales) received fewer and less prestigious awards, usually just torques (metal neckbands), armillae (armbands), and phalerae (metal disks), as depicted on the tombstones of M. Caelius (Fig. 16.1) and C. Voconius (Fig. 16.4), whereas centurions and primi pili could hope for these and also coronae (crowns) such as the corona vallaris, muralis, or aurea (the “rampart crown”, the “wall crown,” and the “golden crown”). Equestrian and senatorial officers could be awarded still more elaborate decorations: spears (hastae), flags (vexilla), and crowns in greater numbers.34

On the other hand, from time to time a single inscription reveals a previously unknown event or resolves a problem in our understanding of the Roman army once and for all. Thus, a military diploma, published in 2011, has allowed the argument to be developedthatSeptimiusSeverusdidnotafterallin197liftthebanonlegalmarriagefor all soldiers in the Roman army.35 A building inscription from the main island of the Farasan archipelago in the southernmost reaches of the Red Sea provides another example (AE 2004, 1643):36

Imp(eratore) Caes(are) Tito Ael(io) Hadr(iano) / Antonino Aug(usto) Pio, pont(ifice) / max(imo), trib(unicia) pot(estate) VII, co(n)s(ule) III, / p(atre) p(atriae), vexill(atio) leg(ionis) II Tr(aianae) Fortis / et auxil(iares) eius castr[a sub - - - ] /Avito praef(ecto) Ferresani portus (?) / et Pont(i) Hercul(is) fec(erunt) et d[ed(icaverunt)].under the emperor Caesar Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius (= Antoninus Pius), high priest, in the seventh year of his tribunician power (= 144 CE), consul for the third time, father of the fatherland, a detachment of the Legio II Traiana Fortis and its auxiliaries built and dedicated a fortified camp [under . . . ] Avitus, prefect of the harbour (?) of Ferresan and of the Strait of Hercules.

The importance of this inscription derives primarily from its findspot. Together with a fragmentary earlier text, it is the first and so far only record to show that Roman forces of a hitherto unknown prefecture of the Farasan Islands controlled the southern parts of the Red Sea (the name of which, Pontus Herculis, is also revealed for the first time). It also shows that this area, well over one thousand kilometers beyond what was previously believed to be the Empire’s southernmost frontier, was by the second century CE understood to be under direct Roman authority. Thus, this inscription calls for a complete reassessment of the history of Rome’s political and military involvement in the southern Red Sea area.

Individual inscriptions occasionally provide information about otherwise unrecorded military events. Even entire wars are known only because they happen to be mentioned by a single inscription: for instance, the bellum Serdicense (ILJug I 272) or the bellum Bosporanum (AE 1991, 1378). Similarly, an altar for the goddess Victoria (AE

34 The standard work is Maxfield 1981; cf. Dobson 1978; Breeze 1974b; Le Bohec 1995.35 Thediploma: Eck2011.Severusandthesupposedliftingofthemarriageban: Garnsey1970;

Campbell 1978; 1984: 439–445; Phang 2001: 13–133.36 For the improved reading given here, with commentary, M.A. Speidel 2007b.




1993, 1231 = AE 1997, 1203) is our only source for an incursion into Italy in 260 or 261 CE of Germanic warriors from the tribes of the Semnones and Iuthungi, for their taking many thousands of Italians prisoner, for a battle near Augsburg that lasted two days and forestalled the German warriors’ attempt to return unopposed to their homes with all their booty. The inscription celebrates a grand Roman victory won by a formation of regular troops from Raetia and the Germanies, supported by local militias.37 The funerary stele of a cavalry commander Ti. Claudius Maximus from Philippi in Macedonia reveals an unusual amount of details concerning his military career and includes the information that he singlehandedly captured Trajan’s greatest foe, the Dacian king Decebalus, in 106 CE and brought the king’s head to the Roman army headquarters (AE 1969/70, 583 = AE 1974, 589).38

From the reign of Diocletian the tombstone of Aurelius Gaius (AE 1981, 777 = SEG 31, 1116) records, in Greek, the military career of a man from central Asia Minor who served on the Lower Danube, on the Rhine, and in a detachment that accompanied the emperors Galerius, Diocletian, and Maximian on military campaigns, some of which are revealed only in this inscription. A most extraordinary feature is the lengthy list of provinces and regions which this soldier visited during his military service and which he proudly enumerated. The list not only included most of the Roman Empire (with the notable exceptions of Italy and Greece) but also several regions beyond the Danube and as far south as the Sudan.39

Limits of the Evidence and Problems of Interpretation

Despite their value as a source, there are also limits to what inscriptions can reveal about the Roman army. This is partly due to the enormous loss of texts from across the Roman world. Inscriptions on stone have disappeared in countless numbers. This is even truer for texts inscribed on bronze. Inscriptions on wood and painted texts have suffered near complete annihilation, although they once existed in great numbers.40 Even monumental military building inscriptions could be carved in wood (for example, RIB 1935), and official announcements addressed to soldiers in their forts were painted (for instance, O.BuNjem 147). It is important, therefore, to try to develop a sense of how representative the surviving inscriptions actually are.41 This is particularly necessary when patterns are being derived from what may appear, at first sight, to be a reliable statistical sample.

37 Bakker 1993; Christol and Loriot 1997; Christol 1997.38 M.P. Speidel 1970.39 Wilkinson 2012, with earlier bibliography.40 Caruana 1987; Eck 1998.41 Eck 2007.



THE ROMAn ARMY 335

An assessment of the “epigraphic habit” of the Roman military community based solely on inscriptions on stone, therefore, risks producing a distorted and incomplete picture.

Hundreds of auxiliary soldiers’ tombstones have previously been used to reinforce the view that by the midsecond century recruits for the auxiliary regiments generally hailed from the regions surrounding their camps and forts. Recently, however, thanks to the growing number of military diplomas, an additional pattern of recruitmenthasbecomeevident.Oftenlargegroupsofrecruits,particularlyfromtheeasternDanubian provinces, were transferred to far away provinces for service in the auxilia. Thisoccurredparticularlyofteninsituationsofmilitaryemergency.42

Most limitations, however, derive from the very formal structure of inscriptions and their succinct manner of conveying information. Texts recording careers, for instance, hardlyevertelluswhyorafterhowmanyyearsofservicesomeonereceivedapromotion or transfer, or, in the case of honorific monuments, what exactly a soldier or officer had done to merit the honour of a monument inscribed with his career. Answers to such questions must be sought from other sources. Soldiers’ tombstones were private monuments, designed to convey a positive image of the deceased. Hence, not one single epitaph spells out punishments, demotions, or disciplinary transfers. If an image of the soldier was displayed on his funerary monument, it was intended to add lustre to the deceased’s memory.Italsooftenaddsinformationtotheepitaphthroughthesymbolicdisplayofdress and military equipment.43 A particular object—construction tools, writingtablets, a staff, or a weapon—could indicate a specific military function or rank, even when thatrankisnotmentionedinthetext,asoftenoccursininscriptionsdatingfromthefirst century CE.44 So, for example, a stele from Poetovio in Pannonia Superior (CIL III 4061 = ILS 2330) shows a cavalryman with a vexillum (flag) indicating that he was a vexil-larius equitum of the Legio XIII Gemina. Similarly, on a tombstone from Moguntiacum in Germania Superior a man called simply a miles of the Legio XIV Gemina is depicted holding the legionary signa (standards) in his right hand, thus denoting that he was in fact a signifer (CIL XIII 6898). However, such symbolic images should not be used as reliable guides to the real appearance of Roman soldiers at any particular moment.

Copies of Military Texts

Like many other inhabitants of the Roman Empire, officers and soldiers tended to collect texts written by a superior authority, which referred to them personally in positive terms or recorded their most memorable achievements.45 Such texts they would have inscribed as a form of selfrepresentation. This habit was particularly widespread among Roman

42 Eck 2010; M.A. Speidel 2007a (papyrological confirmation).43 M. A. Speidel 2009, 235–239.44 AE 1954, 119; 1993, 1291 (construction tools indicating engineers); AE 1978, 777; CIL XIII 7255

(writingtablets probably indicating administrative duties); AE 1909, 147; 1993, 1573; CIL XIII 7255 (lanceae denoting lancearii); M.P. Speidel 1985: 92–94 (representations of a centurion’s stick, vitis).

45 Eck 1995: 367–374.




soldiers and veterans and has resulted in a valuable group of inscriptions containing texts, mainly from an administrative context, which were copied from their original medium (wooden tablets or papyrus) onto more durable materials. Thus, bronze copies of discharge certificates and some examples of imperial letters and even administrative documents from military archives relating to the owner’s career have been discovered.46 They illustrate both the comparatively high accessibility of such documents even to ordinary soldiers, as well as their desire, particularly from the second century onwards, to possess copies of them on classy bronze tablets with which they could impress friends and relatives upon their final return from military service.

Yet this custom of displaying one’s social position had a long tradition among former soldiers, as in the case of the bronze tablet listing a group of Spanish cavalrymen granted Roman citizenship and various military decorations by their commander Cn. Pompeius Strabo in 89 BCE (CIL I2 709 = VI 37045 = ILS 8888 = ILLRP 515). Sometimes such texts were copied on stone. The most famous example is provided by the letters and decrees which Imperator Caesar (i.e., Octavian) addressed to the magistrates, council, and people of Rhosos in Syria, in which he honoured his naval commander Seleucus and granted him Roman citizenship (FIRA I 55 = IGLS III.1 718 = RDGE 58).47 Seleucus chose to copy these texts from the city archives onto the side of his funerary monument for all onlookers to see and for everyone to recognize his importance in life. Another case, from the midsecond century CE, concerns nonius Datus, a surveyor (librator) of theLegioIIIAugusta,stationedinNorthAfrica.AfterhisdischargeDatushadcopiesof some of the correspondence between his legionary commander and the procurator of Mauretania Caesariensis inscribed onto his funerary monument at Lambaesis (CIL VIII 2728 = ILS 5795). These texts provide exceptional insight into a specific technical assignment and some of the administration it involved, but the reason Datus inscribed them was that these letters dealt with him personally and highlighted his importance and professional competence: “I have appended some letters so that my work on this aqueduct at Saldae may emerge more clearly” (ut lucidius labor meus circa duc(tum) hoc Saldense pareret, aliquas epistulas subieci).48

The intention to impress an audience also led to the erection of the large column base with a statue of Hadrian, which the Legio III Augusta set up in the centre of its trainingground at Lambaesis (CIL VIII 2532 + 18042 = ILS 2487 + 9134, revised at AE 2003, 2020; 2006, 1800). According to the main inscription on the front, the legion set up this monument to honour the emperor and inscribed on its sides the speeches he hadgivenafterreviewingthetrainingmanoeuvresofthelegionin128CE.49 The audience were, in the first instance, the soldiers of the Third Legion on the trainingground. not surprisingly, Hadrian’s judgement was, on the whole, very positive, so much so

46 RMD IV Appendix I.1–3; AE 2003, 2040; 2006, 1866 (the document of a legionary dil]ectarius from Thrace, on which Mráv and Szabó 2009).

47 Raggi 2004, 2006.48 Cuomo 2011.49 Le Bohec 2003; M.P. Speidel 2006.



THE ROMAn ARMY 337

that there can be little doubt that the entire monument was built primarily to eternalize the imperial accolade. The unusual monument thus served to honour the emperor, and it functioned as a memorial to the fine exploits of the African army and as an incentive to their continued high performance. Moreover, Hadrian’s repeated commendation of the army’s provincial commander, the legate Q. Fabius Catullinus, surely points to Catullinus himself as the driving force behind the erection of this monument. The inscription not only provides many valuable details of Roman methods of military training, but it also sheds light on the emperor’s role as commanderinchief of the army, on Hadrian’s interpretation of this role, and on the importance the ruling elite of the Empire attached to their own success as military commanders.

Military Diplomas

A particularly important group of copied texts are the socalled military diplomas, of which over one thousand specimens are currently known. They were systematically collected and discussed by Herbert nesselhauf in CIL XVI, but more recently Margaret Roxan, Paul Holder, and Barbara Pferdehirt have produced substantial supplementary volumes independent of the CIL.50 Over the last twentyfive years, a very large number of military diplomas have been found thanks to the illegal use of metal detectors and then sold on the art market. Their archaeological context is thus irrevocably lost, but continuing efforts, above all by Werner Eck and Peter Weiss, to analyse and publish all new finds (chiefly in the journals Chiron and ZPE) have provided a flood of new information on the Roman imperial army.

Military diplomas are personal legal documents on bronze tablets that contain extracts of imperial constitutions by which the emperor granted Roman citizenship to the recipient (and, until late in 140 CE, to their children born during military service) as well as conubium, a legal guarantee that future children produced from their marriage with a single current or future wife would also be Roman citizens, even if their mother was not. Diplomas were issued in great numbers and their recipients included veteransofauxiliaryunitsandthefleetsaftertheyhadcompletedtheminimumtermof service, as well as praetorians and soldiers of the urban cohorts, who only received conubium, since they already were Roman citizens. They were not, however, issued to discharged legionaries.

The texts begin with the full names and titulature of the reigning emperor(s), followed by a list of the units concerned, a definition of the privileges with supplementary provisions, and the date. Diplomas granted to auxiliaries also contained the name of the province in which they were serving and the name of the commanding governor. Finally, the recipient’s unit, the name of its current commander, as well as the recipient’s name and origin were added, together with a formula that guaranteed the

50 Roxan 1978, 1985, 1994; Roxan and Holder 2003; Pferdehirt 2004; Holder 2006.




authenticity of the copy from the imperial constitution and indicated its location in Rome. An example is provided by a diploma found at Brigetio in Pannonia Superior and issued in 149 during the reign of Antoninus Pius (CIL XVI 97; Fig. 16.5):

Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Hadriani f(ilius) divi Traiani / Parthic(i) nep(os) divi Nervae pron(epos) T(itus) Aeli/us Hadrianus Antoninus Aug(ustus) Pius p(ontifex) / m(aximus) tr(ibunicia) pot(estate) XII imp(erator) II co(n)s(ul) IIII p(ater) p(atriae) / equitib(us) et peditib(us) qui milit(averunt) in alis IV et / coh(ortibus) VII quae appel(lantur) I Thr(acum) Victr(ix) et I Cannane/fat(ium) c(ivium) R(omanorum) et I Hisp(anorum) Arvacor(um) et III Aug(usta) Thr(acum) et / I Aelia (milliaria) sag(ittaria) et I Ulpia Pannon(iorum) et I Thrac(um) / c(ivium) R(omanorum) et II Alpinor(um) et IV volunt(ariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) et V Cal/laecor(um) Lucens(ium) et XIIX volunt(ariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) et sunt / in Pannon(ia) super(iore) sub Pontio Laeliano / quinq(ue) et vigint(i) stip(endiis) emer(itis) dimis(sis) hon(esta) / miss(ione) quor(um) nomin(a) subscr(ipta) sunt civit(atem) / Roman(am) qui eor(um) non hab(erent) ded(it) et con(ubium) / cum uxor(ibus) quas tunc habuiss(ent) cum est civit(as) i(i)s data aut cum i(i)s quas postea duxis(sent) dum/taxat singulis / a(nte) d(iem) III Non(as) Iul(ias) / Q(uinto) Passieno Licino C(aio) Iulio Avito co(n)s(ulibus) / coh(ortis) V Callaec(orum) Lucens(ium) cui prae(e)st / T(itus) Flavius Modestus Roma / ex pedite / Dasmeno Festi f(ilio) Azalo / descript(um) et recognit(um) ex tabul(a) aerea / quae fixa est Romae in muro post / templ(um) divi Aug(usti) ad MinervamThe emperor Antoninus Pius granted to the cavalrymen and infantrymen who served in the four cavalry regiments and seven cohorts which are called . . . [the names of eleven units follow] . . . and which are now stationed in Pannonia Superior under Pontius Laelianusafterbeinggrantedanhonourabledischargeonthecompletionoftwenty-fiveyears of service and whose names are written below. He gave Roman citizenship to those of them who did not possess it and the right of legal marriage (conubium) with the wives which they had at that time when Roman citizenship was given to them or with those whom subsequently they would marry so long as only one wife each. On the third day before the nones of July (5 July) in the consulship of Q. Passienus Licinus and C. Iulius Avitus (i.e., 149 CE).

FromtheFifthCohortofGallaeciansfromLucusAugustiunderthecommandofT. Flavius Modestus from Rome. To the former infantryman Dasmenus son of Festus, an Azalian. Copied and certified from the bronze tablet which is attached in Rome to the wall behind the Temple of the Deified Augustus near Minerva.

This text was copied twice onto two bronze tablets which were then tied together and sealed by witnesses. As a result, the legally binding text on the inside was accessibleonlyafterremovingthesealsandseparatingthetablets.Thiswouldonlybedonein case of a legal dispute. The contents of the document were revealed by the identical text on the outer faces of the tablets. By their layout, military diplomas were thus drawn up exactly like any standard Roman contract. Such contracts, however, were usually written on wooden tablets. Hence, military diplomas, apart from their legal function, also served as valuable souvenirs of successful military service. Due to their formulaic structure they provide a wealth of information on military (and other) matters, such as the history and location of auxiliary troops, recruitment and settlement patterns,



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citizenship and marriage, benefits of military service, legal and administrative issues, the organization of the army, as well as prosopographical information on commanders and governors, and even insights about the topography of Rome.51

For a whole decade from 168 CE onwards the production of bronze military diplomas was interrupted, evidence that state expenditure was being reduced in times of crisis. When production resumed, the diplomas had a slightly changed layout and their numbers soon dropped significantly. Thirdcentury diplomas were mainly for soldiers of the Praetorian Guard and the Italian fleets. The emperor Gallienus (253–268 CE)

FIG. 16.5 Bronze military diploma from Brigetio, Pannonia Superior, 149 CE. Metropolitan Museum, new York.

51 Eck and Wolff 1986; Eck 2002, 2003; Speidel and Lieb 2007.




finally discontinued the tradition, which was revived only once more, for a very short period, by the Tetrarchs.

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