politics and priests in a pagan slavic principality

Politics and Priests in a Pagan Slavic Principality

Roman Zaroff

The time frame of the paper is the period approximately from the tenth to the twelfth

century and it focuses on the Baltic Slavic principality centred on Rügen Island. Par-

ticularly on the development of a peculiar political system there. On one hand, the peo-

ple of Rügen, called the Ranove retained an old institution of a tribal assembly, called

in Slavic veche, despite emerging local elites and upper class. A common development

among many mediaeval Slavic principalities. On the other, however, the most unique

characteristics of their political system was the very prominent role of the pagan priest-

hood, revolving around a pagan deity known as Sventovit. The paper demonstrates

that the Rügen Island the pagan priests were clearly a dominant political force, and in

fact they were the real rulers of the principality. Therefore prior to the Danish con-

quest in 1168 the system can be described as a theocracy. This finding challenges the

commonly accepted notion that Rugian priesthood played a much less prominent role

and was the same footing the tribal assembly and local elite or “princes”.

Introduction

In the year 1168 Danish forces led by king Waldemar I and bishop Absalon ran-

sacked a stronghold of Arkona on Rügen Island, destroyed a pagan centre there, and

subjugated the island’s Slavic population, known as the Ranove. This event marked

the end of the independent existence of pagan Slavic polities between the Oder and

Elbe-Saale rivers.

This paper explores the political development among the Ranove, between the

tenth and twelfth centuries, focusing on the period prior to their foreign subjugation

in 1168 and their subsequent Christianisation. In this period, the major political play-

ers in the principality appeared to be the pagan priesthood; the tribal assembly –

veche; and the emerging tribal aristocracy and local “princely” family. This article

aims to demonstrate that the dominant decision making force in Rugian politics was

a pagan priesthood and in fact the political system of principality was theocracy-

like. The paper is based mainly upon written sources with other material such as ar-

chaeological finds serving a supportive or explanatory role.

Background

The Ranove lived on the island of Rügen, located roughly opposite the port of

Stralsund and separated from the mainland by the Stralsund Strait. At the height

Collegium Medievale 2007

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of their expansion, in the twelfth century they also controlled adjoining mainland

territories. The island itself has 926 square kilometres, and including the adjoin-

ing islands, 973 square kilometres, and has very favourable conditions for agri-

culture with predominantly fertile moraine soils.

1

Marshes and meadows also

provided favourable conditions for animal husbandry. Saxo Grammaticus con-

firmed cattle breeding on the island

2

and it is still a major industry there today.

The Baltic Sea and its numerous inlets were abundant with various saltwater fishes

in the Middle Ages, while in the mainland river estuaries fresh water species were

plentiful.

3

The emergence of the Ranove principality on the Baltic island of Rügen owes its

origins and character to a large extent to its geopolitical location. The Slavs settled

the island probably as early as around the middle of the sixth century when crema-

tion burials appeared there,

4

Between the Oder and Elbe-Saale rivers this change in

burial customs is usually associated with Slavic settlement of the region. The Ranove

were, like all the other Slavs, farmers who emerged north of the Carpathian Moun-

tains far away from the sea. All the Slavs who settled in the Baltic coastal region

and the adjoining islands quickly learned maritime skills from their Scandinavian

neighbours, and adapted to the coastal and insular environment. The Ranove utilized

the rich surrounding fisheries and it is historically confirmed that in October each

year their fishing fleet conducted large-scale fishing mainly for herring. The fish

were later smoked for preservation and either sold or consumed locally.

5

Ships and

boats for fishing and commerce were made locally in most Slavic Baltic settlements

and were clearly modelled on Scandinavian examples.

6

The favourable natural conditions on the island created a food surplus. At the

same time, its location facilitated maritime trade across the Baltic. The main com-

mercial partners of the Baltic Slavs’ trade were the Scandinavians. Extensive trade


4 Roman Zaroff

1

Christiansen in SG, 821 (n410).

2

SG, XIV.23.

3

E. Christiansen, The Northern Crusades (London: The MacMillan Press Ltd., 1980),

11-12 and description of Rügen: E. Christiansen, in SG, 714 (n11).

4

A. L. Miś, ‘Przedchrześcijańska religia Rugian’, Slavia Antiqua, vol. 38, 1997, 114.

5

J. Osięgłowski, Polityka zewnętrzna Księstwa Rugii 1168-1328 (Warszawa: PWN, 1975),

25.

6

Boats and ships modelled on Scandinavian: F. Dvornik, The Slavs: Their Early Historyand Civilisation (Boston: American Academy of Arts and Science, 1959), 297; and for Viking

ships description, see: J. Graham-Campbell, The Viking World (New Haven: Ticknor & Fields

Ltd., 1980), 46.

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links existed between these Slavs and the Scandinavian ports such as Hedeby, Birka,

Sigtuna, Kaupang in Norway and many others. There is no doubt that commercial

activities in the region substantially enriched the Baltic Slavs. Herbord, a twelfth

century biographer of the missionary Otto of Bamberg, praised and acknowledged

the Pomeranian riches.

7

By Pomerania he meant the Duchy that included the area

where Wolgast, Gützkow and Szczecin are located, but his comment would have

also applied to all the peoples who lived in the Baltic basin. This in turn facilitated

growth of commercial centres there.

8

Ralswiek became a commercial centre from the

second half of the eighth century, and archaeological data from this period indicates

close links with Scandinavia, and very likely the presence of Scandinavian trades-

men or craftsmen.

9

The beginnings of Arkona and Gartz date to the middle of the

ninth century.

10

Numerous finds of Arab, Byzantine and Frankish coins there indi-

cate extended trade links.

11

There was a substantial production of salt, a much sought

after commodity in the Middle Ages, carried by the Ranove of Rügen, the bulk of

which was no doubt destined for export.

12

One of the largest salt mines and centres

of production was Eldena, located on the mainland Ranove’s territory.

13

Therefore,

it is clear that the Ranove’s economy was versatile and based not only on agriculture,

cattle breeding and fishing, but also on intensive commerce and crafts. The Ranove

and the other Baltic Slavs, due to their geographical position, developed an economy

based to a large extent on maritime commerce on the Baltic Sea. However, they were

part of a large Baltic commercial network that included the Slavic Obodrites and

Pomeranians, Scandinavians and Balts of the eastern Baltic.

The earliest reference to the Ranove comes perhaps from the first half of the

eighth century, from Bede. In his Ecclesiastical History he described bishop Ek-

bert’s journey to the pagan north that took place around 686-687,

14

and briefly listed


Politics and Priests in a Pagan Slavic Principality 5

7

Herbord, II.1

8

E. Christiansen in SG, 714 (n11)

9

W. Duczko, ‘Scandinavians in the Southern Baltic Between the 5th and the 10th Cen-

turies AD’, in P. Urbańczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warsaw: Scientific Society of

Polish Archaeologists, 1997), 203.

10

L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian Północnopołabskich (Wrocław: Instytut Archeologii i

Etnologii, 1968), 123n.

11

L. Leciejewicz, 24.

12

J. Osięgłowski, 19.

13

L. Leciejewicz, 138.

14

J. Osięgłowski, Osięgłowski, J., ‘Początki słowiańskiej Rugii do roku 1168’, MateriałyZachodniopomorskie, 1967, vol. 13, 252.

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the non-Christian people of the north, among them the Rugini.15

The identification

however is uncertain, as Bede might have been referring to the ancient Germanic

Rugii. Whatever the case, there is no other information about the Ranove for around

one and a half centuries. Over that period the Ranove of Rügen must have extended

their control over the adjacent mainland territories of Barth and Tribsee district, and

they settled the area.

16

There is no direct evidence to determine when the Ranove

settled this region. However, it appears that the area must have been under their con-

trol from around the first half of the tenth century at the latest. This claim is supported

by the fact that during Otto I’s campaign against the Obodrites and Veleti (branches

of the Polabian Slavs), when the Ranove became involved on the side of the German

king, the decisive battle took place on the marshes of the lower Recknitz River, near

the districts of Tribsee and Barth.

17

Therefore, the Ranove’s involvement was most

likely prompted by the fact that they saw the Obodrites as a threat to their interests

in the region. In the eleventh century the people of the mainland adjacent to Rügen

Island must have been well integrated with the Ranove. The region was regarded as

an integral part of Ranove’s principality as Adam of Bremen specifically mentioned

them there.

18

Taking into consideration the small size and dense population of Rügen

Island, it seems inevitable that colonization took place on the mainland. In turn, the

influx of the settlers from the island must have speeded up integration and assimi-

lation of the mainland Slavic population with that of the insular Ranove.

19

Tribal assembly and “dukal” family

The existence of a tribal assembly in the principality of the Ranove is confirmed by

a number of sources. For example, Saxo Grammaticus described the assembly,

termed concione on this occasion and mistakenly cocione on another, held on Rügen

Island in 1164 where the Danish bishop Absalon participated as an envoy of king

Valdemar I. The purpose of the Danish embassy was to convince the Ranove to main-

tain their alliance with the Danes, and support their expedition against the Obo-

drites.

20

This clearly shows that decisions of utmost importance needed confirmation


6 Roman Zaroff

15

Bede, Ecclasiastical History, in R.A.B. Mynors & B. Colgrave ed. and trans. (Oxford:

Claredon Press, 1969), V, cc. IX. Sunt autem Fresones, Rugini, Danai, Hunni, antiqui Saxones,Boructuari.

16

E. Christiansen, in SG, 782 (n240), 824 (n428).

17

For Recknitz battle, see, TM, II.12; and Widukind of Corvey, Res Gestae Saxonicae in

Diejania Saksov (Moscow: Izdatyelstvo “Nauka”, 1975), III. 54-55.

18

AB, II.XXI(18).

19

On Ranove mainland possessions, see: SKDS, p. 27; and AB, II.XXII(19).

20

SG, XIV.30.

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by the veche. Moreover, it is worth noting that on another occasion the assembly

was called after a Christian service performed for foreign merchants by a priest ac-

companying them offended the high priest of Sventovit. Helmold’s account gives

the impression that the meeting was called at very short notice, at most within one

or two days.

21

In the seventeenth century the population of Rügen was in the range

of 30,000 inhabitants. According to Eric Christiansen, taking into consideration the

favourable conditions on the island, the Ranove population of the twelfth century

might have been close to that. A population of similar size could have inhabited the

adjacent mainland territories. The archaeological excavation fully supports the claim

that it had a relatively high population density.

22

Helmold of Bosau also confirms the

richness and fertility of the land and the relatively large population of the principal-

ity.

23

Besides, it must have been populous if the Danes had to struggle for so long to

subdue the Ranove. In such a populous island all the free males could not make it to

the assembly in such a short time. It would be even more difficult for all the Ranove

males who lived on the mainland, in the regions of Tribsee and Barth, to participate

in the veche. All this reinforces the notion that it was unlikely all the free men were

able to participate.

There is evidence that the Ranove were a stratified society with a clearly distin-

guished upper class. For example, according to Saxo Grammaticus all the Ranove

nobility, Rugiane nobilitatis, was present when Ciesław and Jaromir, the leaders of

the Ranove, negotiated the conditions of their surrender in 1168.

24

Saxo Grammati-

cus also mentioned some members of the tribal elite by name, for example, the envoy

Dombor, a man of “outstanding eloquence”, who on two occasions negotiated peace

with the Danes,

25

and who must have been a member of the Ranove’s tribal upper

class. On another occasion a blind, respectable and influential man named Masco

(possibly a Mieszko, a common name among the Polish princes and kings) was men-

tioned.

26

Another, named Granza, took part in capitulation negotiations in 1168. He

was wounded and captured at Arkona and on that night offered himself to be an

envoy to his leaders and to persuade them to surrender. His use of a loud voice, the

demand to see Absalon at night while being a captive, and the very fact that he was

in a position to make such an offer and demand is symptomatic. Besides, after his

mission he arrived to meet Absalon on horseback accompanying Ciesław and



21

HB, II. 108(12).

22

Rügen population estimation E. Christiansen, in SG, 915 (n58).

23

HB, II.108(12).

24

Ranove nobility: SG, XIV.39.

25

SG, XIV. 25.

26

SG, XIV. 27.

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Jaromir.

27

All this shows that Granza was not an ordinary person but rather a mem-

ber of an upper class. Knytlinga Saga recorded an incident that occurred around

1165, when the Danes raiding Rügen Island killed a chieftain, Dalimir (Dalemarr in

the saga), and pillaged his property on the Jasmund peninsula.

28

He was no doubt

well-known, important, and a wealthy member of the Ranove upper class, worth

mentioning by name. Knytlinga Saga, although written a century after the events, is

a reasonable historical source in this respect. The accuracy of its topographic data and

complementary nature in relation to Saxo Grammaticus suggests that evidence from

this source can be taken seriously. Hence, Saxo’s nobilitates, Dombor, Masco and

Granza, as well as Knytlinga Dalimir, must have been members of Ranove’s tribal

upper class, the people who became rich and influential through military prowess,

trade and piracy. This is also confirmed by the analysis of burials on Rügen Island

that clearly show social stratification. Some graves contained a small number of

grave goods, and some even none. In contrast, less numerous graves were richly en-

dowed with goods such as weapons, jewellery, ceramics, tools, etc.

29

In the situation where we have an assembly that cannot be attended by all eligi-

ble people and the society is stratified, common sense dictates that only representa-

tives of the populace would always attend. Those attending the veche would surely

be members of that tribal upper class who could spend more time away from their

places of residence and were closer to the “circle of power” and could attend the

meeting when they were called more easily. Hence, it could be concluded that the

leading men of the Ranove dominated the veche. In this context it becomes evident

that the old Slavonic egalitarian “war democracy” governed by the veche of all adult

and free males, known from the early Slavic small tribal period, was replaced by an

oligarchy of people prominent in the society.

In the case of the Ranove of Rügen at least one of their rulers is known from the

period shortly before the sack of Arkona and their subjugation in the sixties of the

twelfth century. Saxo Grammaticus called Ciesław of Rügen, Ranove’s leader, rex,

the king.

30

In 1168 he became a vassal of king Valdemar I of Denmark’s and the

founder of the Rugian dynasty that ruled the island until the middle of the fourteenth

century.

31

Helmold says that among the Polabian Slavs only the Ranove had a king.

32


8 Roman Zaroff

27

SG, XIV.39.

28 Knytlinga Saga, in H. Pálsson & P. Edwards, Knytlinga Saga: The History of the Kingsof Denmark (Odense: Odense University Press, 1986), cc. 121.

29

J. Osięgłowski, Wyspa Słowiańskich Bogów, 156.

30

SG. XIV.39.

31

Slavic Rügen dynasty: E. Christiansen in SG, 844 (n512); and on Witysław III of Rügen:

H. Schreiber, Teutons And Slavs - The Struggle for Eastern Europe (London: Constable &

Co. Ltd., 1965), 242.

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However, it appears that he copied the information from a scholium in Adam of Bre-

men.

33

The Scholium itself shows that its author lacked knowledge about Polabian

affairs. It must have been added to Adam’s chronicle after its completion, that is

after 1076, and before Helmold began his Chronica Slavorum, that is the 1170s. In

that period princes and hereditary succession existed at least among the Obodrites

and the Pomeranians who from the 1120s controlled a large section of the Veletian

lands west of the Oder River. Nonetheless, it indicates that the Ranove had a prince

or king-like ruler. The other known leader of the Ranove was the Uniebor (Oonye-

bor) mentioned by Snorri Sturluson, an Icelandic chronicler of the 1220s and 1230s.

Uniebor participated in a Pomeranian naval expedition that ravaged Danish Scania

and sacked the Norwegian centre of Konungahella in 1135. The raid was organized

and led by the Pomeranian prince Ratibor (Ratibor) but the Ranove were also in-

volved. This is confirmed by the fact that shortly after this raid the Danish king Eric

II retaliated against Rügen.

34

Also, it is known that a sister of Ciesław of Rügen mar-

ried the Pomeranian duke Warcisław.

35

The marriage with a pagan princess proba-

bly took place before 1124, which is prior to Warcisław being forced by Bolesław

the Wry-mouth of Poland to accept Christianity.

36

As medieval marriage was to a

large extent a political act reinforcing alliances, this additionally supports the notion

of participation of the Ranove in the expedition. Snorri says that the raid was led by

Ratibor of Pomerania, his sister’s son Dunimiz

37

and “Unibur, a chief who ruled overmany people“. Furthermore, the speech delivered by Uniebor during the campaign

indicates that he was an important person on a par with Ratibor of Pomerania.

38

Al-

though Snorri does not say who Uniebor was, the alliance and Pomeranian family

links with the Ranove, the Danish retaliation against Rügen, as well as the recogni-

tion of Uniebor as an important person and ruler, leaves no doubts that he was a Ra-

nove prince. It is also plausible that Uniebor might have been Ciesław and Jaromir’s

father and the father-in-law of Warcisław of Pomerania.



32

HB, I. 2.

33

AB, Scholium 121.

34

SG, XIV. 1, and E. Christiansen, in SG, 712-713 (n8).

35

SG, XVI. 3.

36

On Vartislav, see: SKDS, 396.

37

Dunimiz is a corrupted form of the name recorded by Snorri. It is unclear from what

Slavic name it derives. The second part of the name “miz” must be derived from “mir, mierz”.

38

Snorri Sturluson, Saga of Magnus the Blind and of Harald Gille, in S. Laing, trans.,

Heimskringla: A History of the Norse Kings (London: Norroena Society, 1907), c.c. 10.

(http://sunsite.berkeley.edu/OMACL/heimskringla/gille.html, 1996)

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Nothing certain is known about the rise of this family to prominence. Most likely

by the turn of the twelfth century Ciesław’s predecessors established their family as

a leading clan. Their rise doubtless followed a pattern familiar in tribal societies.

Prolonged military conflicts made the elected war leaders indispensable. At the same

time the war leaders not only acquired prestige but also gathered around themselves

dependent and trusted retinues. This in turn provided them with an apparatus of force

to maintain and expand their influence in their communities or tribes.

39

With the role of the veche as a nominal governing body well established on

Rügen, the prince must have been elected and inaugurated as such by the assembly.

However, it appears that the tribal assembly, in electing or confirming the choice of

leader, was limited to the members of Ciesław’s clan. The marriage of Ciesław’s sis-

ter to Warcisław of Pomerania supports that. Pomeranian dukes would not marry

into a family that was not well established and recognized and that would not bring

some benefits.

40

Similar customs of electing the leaders and inaugurating them were

reported among the Scandinavians and in Scotland.

41

In the case of the Slavs there

is evidence for that custom among the Bohemians and the Carinthian Slavs in mod-

ern Austria. It is worth noting that on Rügen Island there is a place called Königstuhl,

meaning “king’s chair”. According to nineteenth century local tales, it was a place

where princes of the island were enthroned.

42

Pagan priesthood

Evidence does however exist that the power and princely authority of the Ranove

ruler differed from that of other dukes and princes. According to Helmold: the Ranirevere their priest not less than they do their king.43

and: “The reverence they (Ra-nove) have for their priest is greater than that which they have for their king”,44

and

also: “the king is held in slight esteem in comparison with the priest.”45


10 Roman Zaroff

39

P. Urbańczyk, ‘Changes of power Structure During the 1st Millenium AD in the North-

ern Part of Central Europe’, in P. Urbańczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warsaw: Insti-

tute of Archaeology and Ethnology, 1997), 43-44.

40

Medieval marriage as a part of politics and power play, see: R. W. Southern, The Mak-ing of the Middle Ages (London: Pimlico, 1993), 75.

41

Enthronement stones: L.P., Słupecki, ‘Kamienie Intronizacyjne Słowiańskich Książąt’,

Mówią Wieki, September 1992 No. 2 (400), 38.

42

L.P., Słupecki, ‘Kamienie...’, 38-40.

43

HB, I. 6.

44

HB, I. 36.

45

HB, II. 108(12).

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This is a clear indication of the high status of the pagan priesthood in the soci-

ety of Ranove and the limited power of the secular ruler. It appears the priests of

Sventovit formed a distinct class in society and they were distinguished by their ap-

pearance and privileges. The Rugian Slavs’ hair was cut short and they wore a mous-

tache, while the priests on Rügen had very long hair and beards. Only the priests

were allowed to enter the temple of Sventovit and even during religious celebrations

the populace had to remain outside the sanctuary.

46

It is worth noting here one in-

teresting custom, which shows that certain common Indo-European concepts sur-

vived the separation in time and space of two distinct peoples. The priest who entered

Sventovit’s temple was forbidden to breathe there and he had to come out to do so.

This custom has a parallel in the Zoroastrian belief that human breath may desecrate

a deity.

47

There is evidence that there were other temples devoted to Sventovit in the

Rugian principality. According to Saxo Grammaticus:

This deity (Sventovit) had other temples as well in several places, which were

governed by priests of lesser rank and power.

48

This statement clearly indicates the existence of a cult and a network of temples with

a well established and institutionalised hierarchy within the pagan priesthood of

Sventovit.

There is evidence that the high priest participated in and had the power to sum-

mon the tribal assembly. According to Helmold of Bosau, on one occasion, shortly

before the main Ranove religious festival in November, a large number of German

traders and fish merchants arrived on the island. At a certain stage, the Christian

priest Gottschalk, who accompanied these merchants, performed a service for them.

In outrage Sventovit’s high priest summoned the “king” and tribal assembly, and de-

manded that the German priest be sacrificed to the deity for offending it. The tribal

assembly then offered the German merchants the amount of 100 marks (presumably

of silver) for the priest, which was a relatively high price. However, the merchants

and their priest managed to depart from the island before the Ranove became aware

of their escape.

49

This incident is a clear example of the power of the pagan priest

who could give orders to a prince and the assembly in respect to religious matters,

but above all indicates that he took an active part in the political process.



46

SG, XIX. 39.

47

A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Artystyczne i Filmowe,

1982), 100.

48

SG, XIV.39.

49

HB, II. 108(12).

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In the 1120s an Obodrite ruler, Henry of Lübeck, supported by a Saxon contin-

gent, invaded Rügen island. Facing an imminent defeat the Ranove decided to ne-

gotiate. It is symptomatic that Sventovit’s high priest, not their ruler or a member of

the Ranove nobility, conducted the negotiations on the Ranove’s part.

50

There could

have been no other reason to make the priest of Sventovit negotiate other than that

he was involved in the policy-making of the principality on a very high level. We

have evidence that on two other occasions in the 1160s the Rugian nobleman Dom-

bor was delegated to negotiate with the Danes.

51

However, there may have been a rea-

son for the choice of Dombor instead of the high-priest. Dombor negotiated with

bishop Absalon and it was in the Ranove’s interest not to offend or anger the bishop.

They must have been aware that if they sent a pagan priest it would undermine their

position and the chance to negotiate good conditions from bishop Absalon and the

Danes. The Polish scholar Trębaczkiewicz-Ozimska played down the role of the high

priest, pointing out that on certain occasions a prince in the presence of the assem-

bly conducted negotiations with the Danes and the priest was not mentioned.

52

How-

ever, this might have been a case similar to the situation when the Rugian magnate

Dombor negotiated with the Danes. Taking into consideration the presence of bishop

Absalon, the Ranove were careful not to offend the Danes with a pagan high priest

taking the stand and making a speech during the assembly.

Helmold of Bosau’s chronicle casts more light on the political influence of Sven-

tovit’s priesthood. According to his account: “They (Ranove) send their army towhatever place the lots direct”,

53

and: “the flamen...divines the responses and as-certains the results of the lots. He depends on the command of the lots, but the kingand the people depend on his command.”

54

As undertaking a military expedition or making an alliance would depend on the

“will of the gods” the high priest could manipulate the outcome of the oracle when-

ever it suited his purpose. It would be really surprising if the priest did not exploit

such an opportunity to enhance his role and power within Ranove’s principality. At

least in two cases we can prove that manipulations by Sventovit’s’ priests were tak-

ing place. During the annual harvest festival in November the high priest checked the

horn of Sventovit for the level of mead it contained. The purpose of this ceremony

was to predict the following year’s harvest. Saxo Grammaticus’ and William of


12 Roman Zaroff

50

HB, I. 38.

51

SG, XIV.25.

52

T. Trębaczkiewicz-Ozimska, T., ‘Rola kapłanów w życiu plemion Słowian Połabskich’,

Acta Archaeologia Lodzensia, 1967, nr.17., 140-142.

53

HB, I. 36.

54

HB, II. 108(12).

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Malmesbury’s accounts imply that this was done once a year during a most impor-

tant celebration.

55

Therefore it is impossible that any of that mead would remain in

the vessel for such a long time. Hence, we can say that this foretelling of next year’s

harvest using the horn and mead was a fabrication. This however, required a correct

prediction for the next year’s conditions which indicates that the priest must have

possessed a reasonable knowledge of farming, and the natural phenomena that would

indicate the patterns of next year’s weather, and so on. It must have been a deep un-

derstanding of weather and climate, as in an agricultural society all farmers must

have a reasonable knowledge about weather patterns and farming. Perhaps they

based their predictions on knowledge and careful observation of nature. The other

case is the commonly held belief by the Slavs of Rügen, that Sventovit fought their

enemies overnight riding his sacred horse. The proof for that was that often after a

night spent in the stable the sacred horse was mucky, sweaty and dirty, appearing as

though is had just been on a long tiring ride.

56

This example clearly demonstrates that

the priests who exclusively had access to the animal must have been making it up,

by either exercising the horse overnight or spreading a rumour about the condition

of the horse the next morning. Therefore, the high priest who interpreted the oracles

and signs exercised an enormous and practically unlimited political authority and

could easily manipulate the public for his own political advantage and that of his

fellow pagan priests, and to enhance their prestige and position in society. The vecheis not mentioned on this occasion and it can be assumed that even if asked for an

opinion it would accept the oracle. Therefore, it followed the high priest’s decision.

This contradicts Kazimierz Wachowski’s claim for the dominant role of the assem-

bly,

57

and a similar opinion expressed by Klaus Zernack.

58

There is also one tradition

that implies the high priest had enormous power. According to Saxo Grammaticus:

Among these was Stanitia,

59

notable for its size and colour, which was vener-

ated by the people of Rügen almost as much as all the other gods together.

For when they bore this before them, they were entitled to violate the laws of



55

SG, XIV.39. and William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, Book II, Ch.. XII (208-209):

56

SG, XIV.39.

57

K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM,

1950), 205-206.

58

K. Zernack, Die burgstädtischen Volksversamlungen bei den Ost - und Westslawen(Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1967), 258-263.

59 Stanitia is a corruption of Slavic stanica (pronounce - stanitsa), an archaic but common

Slavonic name for the banner or standard: A. Brückner, Słownik Etymologiczny Języka Pol-skiego (Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1985), 513.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 13

man and God, and nothing they pleased to do was counted unlawful. The pop-

ulace would tear downfortresses or altars, make wrong the same as right, and

reduce all the houses inRügen to ruin or ashes; so much license was given to

superstition that the authority of a flimsy piece of cloth was greater than the

power of the king. They honouredthose who struck them with the standard as

if it were a divine gesture, repaying the hurt with their service, the insult with

reverence.

60

This account shows that Arkona’s mounted troops carrying the banner had immunity

for their deeds. The implication is that not only during war but also in internal affairs

the high priest could use temple troops as he pleased to enforce his will or to crush

opposition, all in the name of divine law. In fact, the passage also suggests that it was

used on Rügen in peacetime. Even if used only as a threat, this immunity would give

high priests enormous political leverage. It would also intimidate opponents and be

a powerful deterrent for any potential opposition. Common sense dictates that such

unlimited power would sooner or later be abused. It would be surprising if the high

priests did not exploit this “god given” authority that enhanced their political power

almost limitlessly. Furthermore, the 300 mounted horsemen assigned to the temple

at Arkona must have been the core of the Ranove’s army. It has to be remembered

that armies of that period were relatively small, usually only numbering a couple of

thousand. In raids or average campaigns roughly between 600-1000 people would

participate even in the case of a great tribe. It is worth noting that in 929 during the

battle of Lenzen the outcome was decided by a charge of 50 Saxon knights,

61

and in

the year 1000, during the Gniezno meeting between the emperor Otto III and

Bolesław the Brave of Poland, the emperor received 300 loricati, heavily armed and

cladded horsemen. Even Thietmar of Merseburg, heavily prejudiced toward

Bolesław, regarded such a gift as magnificent and says that it pleased the emperor

most.

62

In most campaigns of the period, at most 3,000 warriors could take part, but

it would be a large expedition aiming not only to defeat but also to conquer and sub-

due the enemy.

63

Hence, by medieval standards, 300 mounted horsemen was a for-

midable, large force of professional well-equipped warriors. Command over these

troops, no doubt vital in any military conflict, must have been a factor in the high po-

litical position of the priesthood, which enhanced the position of the priests of Sven-


14 Roman Zaroff

60

SG, XIV. 39.

61

Widukind, Res Gestae Saxonicae, I.36.

62

TM, IV.46.

63

L. Wojciechowski, ‘Wyprawy łupieskie w Słowiańszczyźnie Zachodniej w X-XII

wieku’, Roczniki Humanistyczne, vol. XXXI - 2, 1983, 62.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 14

tovit in Ranove’s politics and gave them an influential say in military and other mat-

ters.

Furthermore, most of the Danish raids and major attacks against Rügen Island

were directed against Arkona and not the island’s main settlement of Kořenica, a

princely seat and an important Rugian centre.

6

The written sources show that the

main settlements on the island such as Kořenica (Gartz), Ralswiek, Berg or Sagard

were quite large, each of them much larger than Arkona’s complex itself.

65

Ar-

chaeological excavations also confirmed this. For example, the settlement of Ral-

swiek covered an area of 600 by 200 metres and that it was the centre of numerous

crafts such as weaving, sewing, tanning, turning, manufacturing wooden tools, iron

smelting, tool forging and the making of slaked lime,

66

while the stronghold of Gartz

measured about 3.7 hectares.

67

A comparison of the campaign of 1168 with the

Viking raids against Western Europe in previous centuries cannot apply here, be-

cause those expeditions were mainly to gain rich booty, while the attacks on Rügen

in the 1160s by the Danish king Valdemar I aimed primarily for the political sub-

jugation of the Ranove. No doubt in such a case, any invader would aim for the

“heart” of the enemy, and a political centre would usually be the main stronghold

of a principality. Therefore, the status of Arkona as not only a religious but also a

political centre was well recognized by contemporary people. The consecutive at-

tacks on Arkona are an indication of what the Danes perceived as the political cen-

tre of the Ranove besides being a place definitely worth plundering. It is worth

citing here Helmold of Bosau, who wrote: the principal city of the land is calledArkona.

68

As we can see, it is clear from this passage that Helmold and his con-

temporaries regarded Kořenica (Gartz) as a much less important place on the is-

land. All this clearly indicates that the priesthood of Sventovit was perceived as a

leading political force in the principality.



64

SG, XIV.12 and 31-32. The settlement has been identified with modern Gartz and it

was called Karentia by Saxo Grammaticus. The Slavonic name of this place was Kořenica,

from Slavic “kořeň” - root: L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries (Warsaw: Institute of

Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Science; 1994), 47-48.

65

Saxo’s description of Karentia (Karenica): SG, XIV.39.

66

J. Osięgłowski, Wyspa Słowiańskich Bogów, 260-265.

67

For details, see: L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, 46-48. The temple there and the gods

Rugevit, Porenut and Porewit according to Jacek Banaszkiewicz were rather a local, princely

deities, while Sventovit of Arkona was a major, public and stately god. Althought most likely

Rugevit was the Ranove’s older tribal deity. For details see: J. Banaszkiewicz, ‘Rugiewit i jego

towarzysze z Gardźca: Porewit i Porenut’, in Słowiańszczyzna w Europie Średniowiecznej,Vol. I (Wrocław: Instytut Archeologii PAN: 1996), pp. 75-82.

68

HB, II. 108. Urbs terrae illius principalis dictur Archona.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 15

Priestly powerbase

There is evidence that the pagan priesthood controlled the finances of the polity. The

treasury of Sventovit and the Ranove was one, and it was located within the temple

complex at Arkona. According to Helmold:

The people whom they (Ranove) subjugate by arms they make tributary to

theirfane ... On winning the victory they put the gold and silver into the treas-

ury of their god and divide the reminder of the booty among themselves.

69

On the same subject Saxo Grammaticus stated:

it (Sventovit’s idol) was assigned a third of the spoils of war, as if these had

been got and won by its help.

70

In this respect Saxo is most likely closer to the truth. The Danes were generally bet-

ter informed about Rugian affairs than a German priest at Bosau could have been.

Besides, Saxo either participated in the 1168 campaign against the Ranove or got his

information from those who took part in the war. Therefore, it can be accepted that

the priests of Sventovit collected a one-third share of the war booty, a hefty share in-

deed. Giving some credit to Helmold, it can be accepted that priests preferred pre-

cious metals, for they were definitely much easier to store than other spoils of war.

The role of Arkona’s temple as a state treasury is supported by evidence from the

time of Ranove’s conflict with the Obodrites in the 1110s. After the peace negotia-

tions conducted by the priest of Sventovit, probably a high priest, it was agreed that

the Ranove would pay ransom money:

The gold and silver which they (the Ranove) chance to get by their pillaging

and their kidnapping of men or in any other way they either devote to orna-

ment for their wives or put into the treasury of their god. Henry (Henry of

Lübeck the Obodrite ruler), therefore, provided them (Henry’s agents) with a

scale of ponderous weight for the weighting. And when they had exhausted the

public treasury and whatever gold or silver they had in private possession,

they had paid hardly half.

71


16 Roman Zaroff

69

HB, I. 36.

70

SG, XIV. 39.

71

HB, I.38.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 16

Taking into consideration that no other source mentions another treasury and the

peace negotiations were conducted by the priest it is reasonable to assume that the

“public treasury”, this account referred to, was in fact the treasury of the temple at

Arkona. Needless to say, robbing the Ranove of all their wealth must have been a

gross exaggeration on Helmold’s part. The Ranove most likely cheated the agents of

Henry of Lübeck, as soon after the Obodrites were preparing for another campaign

against Rügen Island.

Furthermore, every merchant visiting the island was obliged to give some mer-

chandise or to make a payment to the treasury of Sventovit before being allowed to

trade.

72

Helmold’s account about a high priest calling the veche73

suggests that the

market from which a toll was extracted by the priesthood of Sventovit was held

somewhere near Arkona. Lech Leciejewicz postulated that it was held at today’s Al-

tenkirchen.

74

On the other hand, Puttgarten, located much closer to Arkona, would

be a much more convenient place, taking into consideration that it was most likely

a sort of service settlement for the temple. This is supported by the name of the vil-

lage. Puttgarten is a corrupted Slavic form of Podgardno (literally “near the strong-

hold”),

75

a term used for a fortified settlement adjoining or near the stronghold.

Another possible location is the modern fishing village Vitt. As it is the only suitable

place for a port in the vicinity of Arkona, a harbour was most likely located there.

76

Taking into consideration Ranove’s extensive commercial links, it too would be a

perfect place for a market.

The Ranove did not escape this financial burden themselves, as each member of

the Ranove principality was obliged to pay to the temple a coin annually.

77

In addi-

tion some income came from abroad. Sventovit was venerated and his cult widely

recognized in the region among the Polabians, especially the Baltic Slavs well into

the twelfth century. Helmold claimed that people as far away as Wagrien, the west-

ernmost region of the Obodrite principality, used to make rich offerings to the deity

of Arkona.

78

Hence, the temple was receiving substantial offerings from outside the

Ranove principality; mainly from the other Polabian Slavs but sometimes even from

non-Slavs. On one occasion a Danish king, Svein III, offered Sventovit a fine cup.

79



72

HB, I. 6, and II. 108(12).

73

HB, II. 108(12).

74

L. Leciejewicz, 138.

75

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., 37.

76

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, 37.

77

SG, XIV.39.

78

HB, I. 36, and II. 108(12).

79

SG, XIV. 39.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 17

The wealth accumulated by the priests must have been enormous. It is worth

noting again that in the 1120s, after the Ranove submitted to the Obodrites, the high

priest promised to pay Henry of Lübeck 4,400 marks.

80

It was probably measured in

silver rather than in gold. For comparison, when the Danish king Nicholas besieged

rebellious Schleswig, in the 1130s, the townsfolk promised count Adolph of Hol-

stein only 1,000 marks if he would help them against the king.

81

Schleswig (Hedeby)

was an important trade centre on the Baltic and their offer must be regarded as gen-

erous. Moreover, count Adolph would not have gone into the field for a small amount

of money. Furthermore, in 1159 King Valdemar I of Denmark paid over 1,000 marks

of silver to Duke Henry the Lion, to prevent devastating piratical raids against Den-

mark by Henry’s Slavic subjects.

82

All this indicates that the wealth accumulated by

Sventovit’s priesthood must have been very substantial. So rich must have been the

spoils of Arkona that its seizure by the Danes caused a serious rift and conflict be-

tween Valdemar I and Henry the Lion of Saxony who made a claim to Arkona’s

riches. It is also worth noting that one of the conditions of Arkona’s surrender was:

“to make over all the farms and estates of the gods for the use of the (Christian)clergy”.

83

This passage indicates that the priests, in true “feudal” fashion, were also

landlords on the island and had the revenues from the land that “belonged” to Sven-

tovit. The number and size of the estates is not precisely known. However, the very

fact that 300 mounted warriors were assigned to protect the temple and were re-

garded as the troops of Sventovit

84

indicates that the priests must have had a sub-

stantial income to support them and maintain their military equipment and readiness.

Records from the early fourteenth century show that the bishopric of Roskilde owned

properties on the island. These included settlements such as Puttgarten, Nabin,

Bischofsdorf and Kontap on the Wittow peninsula and Campe, Sagard and Drasewitz

on the Jasmund peninsula as well as Ralswiek. These Episcopal estates enriched the

Roskilde treasury with a handsome income of 227 marks per annum.

85

These were

most likely the estates that were handed over to the Danish church as part of Rügen’s

surrender in 1168, and most likely Saxo Grammaticus referred to them. Also the vil-

lage Smantewitz, three kilometres from Arkona, might have belonged to the tem-

ple. According to local tradition the herd of horses of Sventovit, numbering 60

animals, was kept there.

86

It has to be admitted that folk tales are not the best his-


18 Roman Zaroff

80

HB, I. 38.

81

HB, I. 51.

82

HB, I. 87(86).

83

SG, XIV. 39.

84

SG, XIV. 39 (p. 496)

85

J. Osięgłowski, Polityka zewnętrzna…, 18; and E. Christiansen, in SG, 840-841 (n498).

86

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, 36.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 18

torical source, however in this case there is a fair chance that it refers to historical

fact, for a number of reasons. Firstly, there were no significant population move-

ments in the history of Rügen island and the population must be, to a large extent,

the descendants of the original Slavic inhabitants, although Germanised. Secondly,

the island was for most of its history an isolated community. Thirdly, in the nine-

teenth century German slang spoken by local fishermen a number of words related

to fishing were of clearly Slavonic origin.

87

Finally, the name of the settlement Sman-

tewitz resembles that of Sventovit. Therefore, it is plausible that there is some truth

in this folk tale and that the settlement was really Sventovit’s estate.

All this demonstrates that the pagan priesthood on Rügen possessed control over

a large portion of the wealth in the principality and this gave them enormous polit-

ical leverage, based on a reciprocal mechanism between the political power and con-

trol over the wealth. Therefore, taking into consideration the enormous powers and

wealth gathered in the hands of Sventovit’s priesthood, the role of the “prince” ap-

pears to be limited to practically a position of commander in chief of the Rugian

army and fleet. We can suspect that a power struggle boiled in the principality be-

tween three forces: the tribal upper class whose political arena was the veche, the

prince and his clan, and the pagan priesthood. One event casts some light on the

issue. When a Danish-Pomeranian army besieged Arkona in 1168, prince Ciesław re-

mained idle at Kořenica, the main stronghold of Rügen. Shortly after the surrender

of Arkona, the destruction of the temple and the seizure of its treasury, the Danes sent

envoys to Kořenica and prince Ciesław submitted to king Valdemar I. At this stage

the main body of Ranove’s army was practically intact. The stronghold of Kořenica

was well protected by its fortification and natural features as it lied on quite inac-

cessible marshes.

88

Ciesław’s surrender was often attributed to the demoralizing ef-

fect of the fall of Arkona and the demise of the deity. However, another explanation

fits much better. If, as postulated, the priesthood of Sventovit limited Ciesław’s

power and authority, he had no reason to protect Arkona and to fight the Danes. He

must have realized that his position and authority would paradoxically be strength-

ened by the defeat. And in fact the defeat of the Ranove and destruction of Arkona’s

temple in 1168, and the consequent subjugation of Rügen by the Danes elevated

Ciesław to a position similar to that of other contemporary princes and dukes.

89

The

pagan priesthood lost its political influence and its members were either eliminated

or vanished into oblivion, while the tribal assembly must have lost whatever limited



87

J. Osięgłowski, ‘Początki Słowiańskiej Rugii’, 243.

88

Ciesław’s surrender: SG, XIV.39; and G. Labuda, ‘Wytworzenie wspólnoty’, 29.

89

J. Osięgłowski, Polityka zewnętrzna..., 16.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 19

influence it had. The post-1168 records indicate that the king of Denmark and the

bishops of Roskilde dealt with the prince of Rügen and nobody else. Ciesław be-

came answerable only to the Danish king far away, instead of a powerful local priest-

hood. It is worth noting how the position and prestige of the secular ruler of the

Ranove changed soon after the fall of Arkona. Jaromir I, who succeeded his brother

Ciesław in 1170, founded a long ruling dynasty, and as a Danish vassal, in subsequent

years substantially extended his possessions on the mainland. Soon after the term rexappeared on coins of Rügen issued by Jaromir I.

90

No doubt this had more signifi-

cance than the occasional use of this term in the sources, taking into consideration

the liberal usage of this terminology by medieval authors. The improved standing of

the Rugian dynasty, in the post-1168 period, is also evident from the fact that some-

time in the late twelfth century a daughter of Jaromir I of Rügen, Lucia, married into

the Piast dynasty of Poland. She married prince Władysław (Vladislav) the Spindle-

Legged, the youngest son of Mieszko III the Old.

91

Conclusion

The presented evidence contradicts German scholar Klaus Zernack’s claim for the

tripartite government of the veche, tribal aristocracy and pagan priesthood with dom-

inance of the assembly.

92

The old Slavic veche, although retained, substantially lost

its political power with the emergence of a larger political structure and progressive

social stratification. The traditional Slavic veche preserved some of its influence,

but was largely reduced to being an easily manipulated “rubber stamp” body. Its sur-

vival into the eleventh and twelfth centuries can be attributed to the people’s strong

attachment to tradition and a sentiment for preservation of the old ways, as well as

the symbolic importance of the idea of the egalitarian society that the early Slavs

were supposed to be.

At the same time, the priesthood could not have ignored the prestige of the Ru-

gian dynasty, most likely acquired by their military prowess, and that of the veche,

sanctified by tradition, and this prevented them from establishing a theocratic rule.

A number of other studies have explored the political structure of the Rugian prin-

cipality. The Polish historian Stanisław Urbańczyk expressed doubts about a theoc-

racy among the Ranove and other Polabian Slavs.

93

The Polish historian Kazimierz


20 Roman Zaroff

90

E. Christiansen, in SG, 899 (n69).

91

Lucia of Rügen married Władysław Spindle-Legged: B. Zientara, ‘Władysław Lasko-

nogi’, in A. Garlicki, editor, Poczet Królów i Książąt Polskich (Warszawa; Poland: Czytelnik,

1984), 147.

92

K. Zernack, 257-269.

93

S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie: Wiara i kult (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1991), 84.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 20

Wachowski supported this notion of the supremacy of the veche on Rügen.

94

How-

ever, it appears that all these scholars overestimated the importance of Jaromir’s

family prior to the fall of Arkona and projected his and his successors’ leading role

on Rügen Island under Danish domination into the times of Ranove’s independence.

Similarly, the role of the veche was overestimated although there is no evidence that

on any occasion it acted independently. At the same time they underestimated all the

powers that rested in the hands of the pagan priesthood, playing down direct evi-

dence from the sources that explicitly stated the dominant position of the high priest

in the Rugian principality.

95

The priesthood’s control over the island’s finances, and politically binding ora-

cles, that influenced decisions against whom the Ranove would wage war or make

peace, or with whom they would ally, and their ability to intimidate opponents with

the immunity of temple troops, leaves no doubt that they were the real power bro-

kers and a dominant political force on Rügen Island prior to 1168. This is again in-

directly confirmed by the previously cited contemporary account of Helmold of

Bosau, who perceived Arkona not Kořenica as the “capital” of the Ranove princi-

pality.

9

Polish scholar Jacek Banaszkiewicz expressed a similar opinion that the

Sventovit cult sanctioned the state apparatus and provided the priesthood with im-

portant political leverage and leadership.

97

Moreover, other researchers did not fully explore the potential that lay with the

priests’ prestige and their ability to manipulate state policies. Here again it should be

stressed that a sad reality of this world is such that if a possibility for the abuse of

power exists, sooner or later someone will take advantage of it.

The emerging pattern indicates that on Rügen Island a starting point was the

common Slavic tribal assembly known as the veche, and that the people who settled

the region were initially small tribal and egalitarian societies. In a process of social

stratification and political changes new institutions and forces began to play impor-

tant roles in the politics of the principality. These were the emerging dynasty and

oligarchies of prominent people and citizens. Although the pagan priests were called

by different names in different sources, such as sacerdotes or flamines by Helmold

of Bosau and Saxo Grammaticus,

98

and minister again by Saxo,

99

the sources clearly



94

K. Wachowski, 205-206.

95

HB, I. 36 and II. 108(12).

96

HB, II.108.

97

J. Banaszkiewicz, ‘Czym była i jak została zniszczona chorągiew Świętowita’, in He-raldyka i Okolice (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo DiG: 2002), 64-66.

98

HB, II.108 and SG, XIV.39.

99

TM, VI.24 and SG, XIV.39.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 21

indicate the emergence of a pagan priesthood as a distinct social group. Priesthood

itself was characterized by an internal hierarchy, as there is evidence for high priests

among the Ranove of Rügen. It is also very likely that the pagan priesthood was

hereditary. Although there is no direct evidence for such a claim the notion is very

plausible. This has been postulated before, in the early twentieth century by the

Czech scholar Lubor Niederle.

100

Therefore, the political system that emerged on Rügen Island in Ranove’s princi-

pality can be best described as tripartite. However, in reality, as it was shown the

real power and decision-making rested in the hands of Sventovit’s priesthood at

Arkona. The Rugian princely dynasty of Ciesław, and to some extent the veche as-

pired to play a political role but were easily marginalised by the pagan priesthood.

It was a unique political system moulded to some extent by their specific geopoliti-

cal location, the socio-political structure of ancient Slavic society, and their religious

beliefs.

The dominance of the pagan priesthood in the Rugian principality had profound

and far-reaching consequences. There was a certain serious disadvantage due to these

peculiar political structures. Medieval politics and alliances, in the absence of na-

tional affiliations, were mainly based on family and dynastic links. With no ruling

dynasty on Rügen Island, there were no frequent intermarriages with other royal

houses in the region and consequently there were no long-term dynastic policies. It

is symptomatic that the Ranove’s dynastic links with Pomerania date only to the

early twelfth century. This is in striking contrast with the Obodrites who had exten-

sive dynastic links with Scandinavian ruling houses and German high nobility dur-

ing their history.

101

Similarly, the Slavic Stodorane, who lived in modern

Brandenburg Land, had emerging dynasties and arranged a number of dynastic mar-

riages.

102

Henceforth, lacking a clearly defined leadership or influential dynasty and

being pagans, the Ranove were not very attractive long-term political partners, with

all its consequences.


22 Roman Zaroff

100

V. Prochazka, ‘Organisace kultu a Kmenovì zřizeni Polabsko-Pobaltských Slovanù‘,

Vznik a Počtky Slovanù (Praha:1958), 160.

101

On Obodrite dynastic links, see: R. Zaroff, ‘Socio-political Developments Among the

Polabian Slavs (Wends) Between the Eighth and Twelfth Centuries- An Obodrite Case’, Pro-ceedings of the Univerisity of Queensland History Research Group, 1997, Number 8, 6-8.

102

F. Dvornik, The Making of Central and Eastern Europe (Florida: Academic Interna-

tional Press, 1974) , 25, 28-29; and Matilda d. of Theodoric married Stodorane prince, in the

late 10th c.: TM, IV.64; and commentaries: M. Z. Jedlicki, in TM, 232n- 233n.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 22

Furthermore, the political system of Ranove was not a very efficient mechanism

to integrate conquered or dependent territories, in comparison with the Western

model employing Christianity as its administrator. Tributary relationship was one

thing and political integration another. Mediaeval Christianity had another enormous

advantage over the Slavic religion. It was a universal, imperial religion, based and

supported by a hierarchical church, which owned land and serfs. After the imperial

coronation of Charlemagne the union of church and state became a foundation for

the concept of the Universal Christian Empire. The concept was already clearly ex-

pressed in Alcuin’s letters to Charlemagne.

103

In political terms it sanctioned the au-

thority of a crowned ruler, making it a God given right. It became an ideological

core for medieval thinking and politics. This concept provided Frankish and Ger-

man rulers with a powerful philosophical doctrine and justification for the conquest

and unification of Europe under the banner of Christianity. As a direct consequence

it made war against non-Christians not only desirable but also a duty expected of

every Christian, from emperors to simple soldiers.

104

Furthermore, medieval Chris-

tianity was a package providing not only a new set of beliefs. Conversion carried

with itself the legacy of ancient culture that included models for administration, writ-

ten laws, state organizations, literacy, the sanctification of the ruler and social

order.

105

An institutionalised religion like Christianity, through a well-organized net-

work of dioceses and archdioceses possessed an apparatus to integrate new territo-

ries with the state. In comparison, the pagan Slavic beliefs were of a local nature or

at best had a regional impact. Therefore they could not compete with the much more

sophisticated and universal concept of Christianity. Moreover, like most non-

monotheistic beliefs the Slavic religion lacked the aggression and conversion zeal of

medieval Christianity. Also, it looks that the pagan priests who played so important

and dominant a role in their politics did not have a clear and consistent political vi-

sion at all. It appears that they were ultra-conservative and interested only in pre-



103

R. Collins, Early Medieval Europe (Houndsmills: Macmillan Education Ltd., 1991), 273.

104

Christianity an imperial religion and a political tool: F. Dvornik, The Slavs, 74;

Łowmiański, Studia nad dziejami Słowiañszczyzny, Polski i Rusi w wiekach średnich (Poznań:

Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 1986), 282; and on medieval Church and state union, see: S.

H. Cross, Slavic Civilisation through the Ages (New York: Russell & Russell Inc., 1948), 65;

and F. Dvornik, The Slavs, 293-295; and B. Rybakov, Early Centuries of Russian History(Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965), 52.; and H. Schreiber, 56; and on the sanctification of

ruler, see: F. Heer, Charlemagne and his World (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1975), 46-

147, 155; and J. Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany (Amsterdam, New York, Oxford:

North-Holland Publishing Co., 1982), 57-59.

105

H. Łowmiański, Studia..., 281-282.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 23

serving their own position in society and the old ways of life. As a result, the lead-

ership of the Rugian principality often aimed at short-term goals, usually of a purely

material nature, without any long-term foreign policy. That might have been a rea-

son why their political alliances never lasted for long and they changed sides so often

without any clear reasons. There was for example no consistency or broad thinking

in Ranove foreign policy. It is worth noting that in the forties and fifties of the twelfth

century, during the internal conflicts in Denmark, the Ranove forced the Danish is-

lands of Lolland and Falster to pay tribute.

106

This might have been encouraged by

the presence of a Slavic or mixed population on the islands, which is confirmed by

topomastic evidence and the Slavonic names of a number of local landlords.

107

Both

islands were of strategic importance as they controlled a gateway to and from Den-

mark. Nonetheless, there is no evidence that the Ranove tried to capitalize on hold-

ing those strategic islands, and the Rugian priesthood did not look further than

extracting tribute for their treasury at Arkona’s temple. Earlier, in 955 they gave sup-

port to king Otto I against the Obodrites and Veleti.

108

While the Obodrites were

probably a direct threat to them, the Ranove failed to fully realise the potential and

threat posed by the German kingdom and the Danes. In 1127 they raided Szczecin,

newly converted to Christianity.

109

Although Ebbo stated that the reason behind the

raid was conversion itself,

110

it appears very unlikely taking into consideration that

Sventovit was never worshipped at Szczecin. Moreover, Pomeranian dukes and the

Polish king were solidly entrenched there and the Ranove could hardly dream of

seizing control of the city. In 1135 a combined Pomeranian-Ranove fleet raided the

Danish and Norwegian coast in a massive operation but, besides rich booty, politi-

cal aims can hardly be seen. They attacked Lübeck, then an Obodrite town, around

1114,

111

with no apparent reason other than pillaging and war booty. Soon after they

changed sides and during the 1147 crusade against the Eastern Obodrite principal-

ity, the Ranove assisted them against the Danes.

112

But it was too late to prevent the

Obodrites’ decline and subjugation, and soon the Ranove found themselves directly

facing the Danes and the Saxons alone.


24 Roman Zaroff

106

SG, XIV.15.

107

H. Łowmiański, Początki Polski, 221.; and on Gnemerus of Falster: SG, XIV.22; and

E.Christiansen, in SG, 781-782 (n239); and Knytlinga Saga, cc. 119; and on Thord Dobic-

sun: E. Christiansen, in SG, 767 (n178).

108

Widukind, III.54.

109

K. Wachowski, 192.

110

Ebbo, III.23

111

HB, I.36.

112

SG, XIV.3.

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 24

The geographical location of Rügen, although favourable for commerce and fish-

ing, was also a feature preventing political expansion of the Ranove. The island was

too small to become the core of a large principality. Further expansion inland would

marginalize Rügen itself. On the other hand, because of its location and size it was

exposed to surprise naval attacks. The nearby small island of Hiddensee, about 18

kilometres north-west of the shore of Rügen island, could serve as a post for ad-

vance warning against Danish attacks. However, this would require building a well-

defended stronghold or cluster of fortifications on the island. According to KnytlingaSaga there was a Ranove lookout at Hiddensee, but it was not a well-defended

post.

113

Neither does Saxo Grammaticus’ chronicle suggest that any large-scale for-

tifications ever existed there.

114

So, we may conclude that for the Ranove of Rügen the cult of Sventovit and the

political dominance of pagan priests provided a focal point for creating a local iden-

tity and awareness of it. It also provided an ideological basis for the resistance against

the Germans and the Danes. However, it had a limited, local perspective and im-

pact; and consequently contributed to its own downfall.

Abbreviations

AB – Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, in F. J.

Tschan, ed., History of the Archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen (New York: Co-

lumbia University Press, 1959)

Ebbo – Ebbonis, Vita Ottonis Episcopi Babenbergensis, in Monumenta Poloniae

Historica, Series II, vol. VII, part 3 (Warszawa, PWN, 1974)

HB – Helmold of Bosau, Chronica Slavorum, in F.J. Tschan; The Chronicle of theSlavs (New York: Octagon Books Inc., 1966)

Herbord – Herbordus, Dialogus de Vita Sancti Ottonis Episcopi Babenbergensis, in

Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Series II, vol. VII, part 3 (Warszawa, PWN,

1974)

TM – Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, M.Z. Jedlicki, ed., Kronika Tietmara (Poz-

nań: Instytut Zachodni, 1953)

SG – Saxo Grammaticus, Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia, Liber X-XVI, in E.

Christiansen, ed. (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, International Series



113 Knytlinga Saga, cc. 119.

114

SG, XIV.22 (p. 428).

Bind 20:Layout 1 24-06-08 11:07 Side 25

No. 84, 1984)

SKDS – L. Leciejewicz, ed., Słownik Kultury Dawnych Słowian (Almanac of theAncient Slavic Culture)

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Roman Zaroff, born in 1954 in Poland, received his PhD in Mediaeval History, Uni-

versity of Queensland, Brisbane. Since 1998 he has published several papers and ar-

ticles on Mediaeval Slavdom. At present he conducts research into Slavic

Pre-Christian pagan beliefs at the Monash University, Melbourne.


28 Roman Zaroff

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politics and priests in a pagan slavic principality

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