"Social, Political and Economic Change in the Western Balkans"

24-26th May 2013, Belgrade, Serbia

Political Parties: a Cause for Underrepresentation of Women

in Albanian Politics (?)

Artemisa Çelanji

PhD Candidate, University of Bologna

Table of Contents

ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................... I

INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................................... 1

WHERE DO ALBANIAN POLITICAL PARTIES THEORETICALLY STAND? ............................... 3

COMMUNIST PERIOD (1945 – 1990): THE LABOUR PARTY OF ALBANIA .................................. 8

THE POST –COMMUNIST PLURALIST SYSTEM DURING 1991 - 2013 ........................................ 13

CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................ 18

BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................................... 21

i

Abstract

Women in Albania are underrepresented in politics. In this study I consider

the composition of Political Parties as one of the main factors for this

underrepresentation. I provide an analysis of political parties and their

attitudes toward the involvement of women divided into two main periods:

post-World War II (1944) to 1990, a period in which the only party was the

communist Labour Party; and 1991 – 2013, the post-communist multi-party

democratic system. This later era is dominated by two main parties:

Democratic Party (currently in power), and the Socialist Party (currently the

opposition). The reality in Albania is that during a period of 67 years, beside

few minor differences, in 1944 – 1990 and 1991 – 2013, political parties

were formally open and supportive to women, but with a political structure

mainly dominated by men.

Key Words: women, political parties, political representation, gender inequality, gender

prejudice, domination ideology, electoral system, Albania

1

1. Introduction

Political parties are an important tool in the achievement of a democratic consolidation

within a governing system (Hofferbert 1998: 1; Lewis 2000: 6), and an important tool in

the integration of women into the political decision-making process (Sineau 2003: 7,61).

Elements, through which political parties influence the exercise of democracy and

participation by women in politics, include the party structure and ideology, and the

electoral system (Matland and Montgomery 2003; Jalušič and Antić 2001; Lewis 2000;

Lovenduski and Norris 1993).

Political parties and their relation to the participation of women in politics have been the

focus of various comprehensive studies (see Matland and Montgomery 2003; Lovenduski

and Norris 1993; Wolchik and Meyer 1985; Lewis 2003; Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002;

Rose 1980). Albania however, has not yet been part of these studies, and has only

sporadic mention in the literature (Lewis, and Bozóki and Ishiyama). A review of the

literature reveals that there are few studies that analyse the structure of political parties in

Albania (Kajsiu 2005). Studies about Albanian politics are in general descriptive1 and

fragmentary2 (Tarifa in Rueschemeyer 1998), concentrate on subjects like human rights

and poverty, and are contained generally in directives and reports by the government and

national and international NGO-s.3 Thus, this analysis examines the role of political

parties, and the integration of women into politics in Albania within the period 1945 -

2013.

Methodologically the paper is based on analysis of political parties, including party

structure and ideology within the context of the national electoral system. The paper also

1 Sondazh mbi Statusin E Gruas ne Politike ne Shqiperi : ‘Situata aktuale ne vend’ (Survey on the situation

of women in politics in Albania: The present situation in the country),

http://www.lgp-undp.org.al/download/guidelines/survey_al.pdf, November 26, 2004 2 Gruaja, diskriminimi qe vjen nga politika (The woman, discrimination that comes from politics):

http://www.korrieri.com/index.php?s=sistemi%20elektoral%20ne%20shqiperi&k=10&i=4458, (November

13, 2004) 3 Kapalata, Christine: Consideration of reports of States parties: Albania

http://www.iwraw-ap.org/committee/albania.htm, (December 6, 2004)

National Machinery: Albania: http://www.seeline-project.net/NM/AlbaniaNM.htm , (November 28, 2004).

2

provides an empirical analysis of party documents (charters and programmes) and

evidence derived from the day to day activities of political parties in Albania. This is

backed up by analysis of the views of women politicians obtained through interviews.

Interviews were conducted with women politicians of varying ages, backgrounds, and

position in the political spectrum. Conducted during the period 2005 – 2013, interviews

were based on availability, and included individuals in with positions in the central

government and parliament, leading positions in local government and the steering bodies

of their respective parties. Through indirect questions, participants provided personal

views regarding political parties, and their influence on the participation of women in

politics.

Following analysis of the role of political parties in enabling participation by women in

politics, my intent through this paper is to create space for reflections on suggestion of

possible means for increasing their participation in the decision making process. Other

variables might influence the question of political participation by women, including

issues of civil society, the economic situation, cultural implications, and other factors. I

have intentionally restricted this paper to the study of political parties and their

component elements, aware that including additional points of study would serve to

broaden the scope of research, and thus make it unfit for the requirements of this paper.

Therefore, due to the limitations imposed to this study, additional research must be

conducted for a thorough analysis on participation of women in the political decision

making process and the benefits that this participation can bring to society.

Based upon the findings, I argue that the Albanian political context fits into the previous

general theoretical discourse regarding the role of political parties and the integration of

women in politics. What varies however, are the elements of the party organization that

exercise influence on opportunities for women in politics, and to what extent they do this.

My findings confirm that in the Communist controlled Albania of 1945-1990, the

ideological pattern of a rigidly and centrally controlled single party, had an important role

in ensuring the participation of women in politics. The electoral system in use during that

3

time was just a pro forma procedure. At the same time, the ideologies of the multiple

political parties in Albania during the period 1991-2013 had, and continue to have, little

relevance to the free integration of women into politics. The electoral system during this

later period is freer, but continues to reflect the attitudes of the rigidly and centrally

controlled political party.

This paper is organized into four parts. In the first segment I analyse the theoretical

framework of Albanian political parties to clearly understand their core ideological

identities. In the second part I focus on the period of 1945-1989, relating theory with

empirical findings regarding the participation of women. In the third part, the focus shifts

to the second time frame of the study with analysis and conclusions relating to the 1990-

2013 period in Albania. The final section contains a summary and provides conclusion

regarding the findings of the analysis.

2. Where do Albanian Political Parties Theoretically Stand?

To understand and analyse the political orientation in Albania regarding political

participation by women, it is necessary to understand the general views and ideologies

that influence political party organizations and their internal systems of selecting

candidates for office. Most of the newly formed political parties in post-communist

countries apply, or try to apply, western political models (Matland and Montgomery,

2003: 19-20). This is true of Albania.

Party Structure: Internal political party organizations fall into four general types:

informal-central, informal-local, formal-central, and formal-local (Lovenduski and

Norris 1993). This analysis provides a brief description of each party type, focusing on

the main features, and on how these influence the selection of party candidates during

elections. The premise is that the internal organization of a party influences its decision

making processes regarding the choice of candidates.

In the informal-centralized party organization, power (defined as key decision making

authority) is concentrated in a small elite group of central leaders. These leaders decide

4

upon the procedures to be followed for the selection of party candidates, and also

exercise total control regarding the list of party candidates. The rules that are followed

are fully understood by the key members of the party, but not necessarily by people

outside of the party. The rules are flexible, and can change from one election to another.

Thus, the willingness of parties in this category to include women in politics depends

entirely upon the attitudes of the key steering group. Examples of the informal-

centralized type of party structure occur in Italy, (Christian Democrats (DC) and Socialist

Party (PS)), and France, (UDF). (1993: 322 - 323). The political parties of post-

communist Albania also fall under this category. In Section 4 I analyse why.

In the informal-localized political organization, the power to make decisions shifts from

the centre towards the periphery, the local level. It is the local and not the central national

leaders who have power and influence over the selection of party candidates for elections.

As in the previous group, the rules are not clear cut and not always implemented in a

similar manner. The influence of the informal-localized leadership on the participation of

women in politics is the same as in the informal-centralized party, depending entirely on

the good will of the key leadership at the local level (1993: 324).

The third type of party organization is designated formal-central (1993: 325). The

regulations for the administration of the party are explicit, clearly stated, and are made

apparent to all interested individuals. The same is true regarding the internal rules for the

recruitment of party candidates. The top party leaders retain the power to impose the

names of party candidates for elections, and they exercise this power (1993: 326). In this

system, the levels of influence in the exercise of power by the central party leadership

vary country by country, and in various parties within a country (1993: 327). The formal-

central system can be beneficial for the candidacy of women when there are clear rules to

regulate the recruitment process, and there is emphasis on gender equality within the

party. The communist Labour Party of Albania of 1945-1990 falls into this category. In

section 3 we see why.

5

The final group, the formal-localized organization, is widely used throughout Western

Europe. This system, similar to the informal-centralized system, also has clearly defined

rules regarding all internal party procedures and they are open to everybody. The only

difference between the two is in the shift of power from the central to local level.

Application of this system varies country from country. In the United Kingdom for

example, decisions regarding the selection of candidates in both the Labour and

Conservative parties are taken “among different bodies at the constituency level” (1993:

325). On the other hand, in Sweden, the selection of candidates includes three stages:

nominating names, ranking those names in according to established criteria, and adoption

of the candidate list. Based on the outcomes, the formal-localized system results in the

widest participation by women in the candidate selection process (Ibid.)

The category of political organization directly affects party attitudes towards gender

balance in politics. Parties with clear and well-defined rules tend to have formal internal

procedures, while those with informal procedures appear more flexible. The parties

emphasizing local participation distribute power over decisions, while others have power

concentrated in the hands of only a concentrated central few.

In addition to structural classification, political parties can be also categorized by the

candidate recruitment processes they employ. These categories are bureaucratic and

patronage-oriented. The bureaucratic group has specified rules that are followed, and do

not change in accordance with the wishes of the key leadership. Conversely, the

patronage-oriented selection processes is informal, with no standard rules (Matland and

Montgomery, 2003: 32). A deduction that can be drawn from the above is that parties

with formal organizational structures and rules may be more favourable to the integration

of women into politics.

Party ideology shapes organizational and leadership priorities and attitudes towards the

integration of women into national political processes. Ideologies are “… bodies of

concepts, values and symbols which incorporate conceptions of human nature…”

(Vincent 1992: 6). Parties’ ideology is/are the central issue/s with which a party identifies

6

itself, and shapes its actions (Koonz 1976: 664). Thus, a party that classifies itself as

socialist-democratic will tend to encourage women in politics through its programs. At

the same time, so-called left wing parties, so –called Socialists, Labour, Green, and

similar parties, tend to regulate the candidature and participation of women through

gender quotas. The so-called right wing parties “ … tend to favour a minimal role of the

government in the free market economy, so they lean towards non-intervention or

regulation of the candidate in the recruitment process” (Lovenduski and Norris 1993:

320) (Also in Montgomery and Ilonszki in Matland and Montgomery 2003). This does

not necessarily mean that the participation of women is encouraged.

At present, the participation of women in political decision making in Albania is

regulated by the electoral code, which states that “For each electoral zone, at least thirty-

percent of the multi-name list, and one in the first three names of the multi-name list, has

to belong to each gender” (Electoral Code of Albania, 29.12.2012 – amended; Dragoti et

al, 2011:22). As a means of achieving gender equality in political decision making, a

quota is also provided in the Law on Gender Equality in Society – 2008 (Dragoti et al,

2011:20). The Law prescribes a 30% gender-based quota for representation in politics in

all levels of government and the executive, legislative and judicial structures (Dragoti et

al, 2011:21). However, the internal regulations of a party can provide flexibility in

conforming to the law without specifying actual numbers to ensure gender equality

representation (Dragoti et al, 2011:15).

Both the current left-wing Socialist Party of Albania (SPA) and right wing Democratic

Party of Albania (DPA) mention women’s participation in politics as one of their primary

goals in party programmes and regulations (SPA Statute 2011, SPA Programme 2013,

DPA Statute 2005, DPA Programme 2013). However, despite the penalty provisions in

the law, both of the political parties of post-communist Albania neglect to have a fair

gender distribution of the candidates in accordance with the law. In 2009, the DPA had 7

women candidates in the capital Tirana, out of 32. In 2013, 9 were women out of 32

7

candidates.4 But the distribution is not in accordance with the law. In the present

government, appointed by the party in power, only one woman is minister.5

The national electoral system also relates directly to the opportunity for women to

participate in politics (Matland and Montgomery 2003: 31; Norris, 1997:2). Since the

principal aim of any political party is to win the elections, a party nominates the

candidates that have the highest probability of electoral success. Electoral systems can be

categorized as simple plurality, alternative vote, the second ballot, single transferable

vote, and party list (Lovenduski and Norris 1993: 312).

Within the simple plurality electoral system, the candidate with the most votes wins the

election (Lijphart 1994:18). In the alternative vote system, the voter chooses a list of

candidates in a preferred order. The rejected candidates are left at the end of the list

(1994:19). The second ballot system requires an absolute majority of the votes for a

candidate to win. If no candidate wins a majority, then a second or additional ballots are

run (1994: 18). In the single transferable vote system, voters vote for individual

candidates and not for a party list. In the party list system by contrast, voters either

choose an entire party list wherein the party determines the order of precedence, or voters

rank candidates in order of precedence (1994: 23).

All of these electoral systems can be classify as either majoritarian or proportional in

nature. In a majoritarian electoral system one of the candidates wins the majority of the

votes, while in the proportional system the voter gives her/his vote to a list of candidates

(1994: 16, 23). Theoretically, from a gender perspective the most favourable electoral

system for women is the proportional system, and specifically the party list system,

because the party can gender-balance the ticket if it is willing to do so (Lovenduski and

Norris 1993: 314-315; Jalušič and Antić 2001: 36). Gender-balance is possible only when

key party leaders foster a positive attitude towards the participation of women in politics.

4 Gazeta Shekulli Online, http://www.shekulli.com.al/web/p.php?id=19211&kat=100 (May 2013)

5 Këshilli i Ministrave, www.km.gov.al (accessed May 3, 2013)

8

Party structure, party ideology, and national electoral systems, all have an important

impact on the participation of women in politics. The decision to “ … aspire for office is

the calculation of a rational thinker …” (Matland and Montgomery 2003: 21). Thus, a

woman who intends to start a political career considers all the possibilities, including

political party structures and ideology, whether the party is ‘woman friendly’ or not, the

electoral system, and the level of gender-competitiveness within the party and within the

overall national political environment. Thus, the gender-equality policies of political

parties have a key influence on the participation of women in politics.

3. Communist Period (1945-1990): The Labour Party of Albania

Women in Albania prior to 1944 had no political rights. Women were allowed to vote for

the first time on December 2, 1945 after World War II in the elections for the

Constitutional Assembly. In 1946, the rights and the equality of women, commensurate

with those of men in the political, social and economic life of the country were ensured

by the Constitution of the Republic of the Albanian People (Sadikaj, 1982: 70). However,

the movement for ‘true’ emancipation of women started only in the mid-1960s, and

reached its peak in the mid-1970s (Kolsti in Wolchik and Meyer 1985: 139). As a result,

women achieved the highest level of representation in the parliament in 1974, when they

comprised 33.6%6 of the membership.

7 However, between 1945 – 1990, the communist

Labour Party defined national policy, and the executive and the legislative branches of

government simply endorsed the policies designed by the party (Kajsiu, Bumci, Rakipi

2002, 2, 10). Accordingly, all of the political and social rights for women were the result

of party ideology.

Party Structure. As the only authorized political party, and based on communist

ideologies, the communist Labour Party was highly centralized (see Prifti in Fischer-

Galati 1979; Kostelecký 2002). A small handful of people at the centre of the party held

all party and consequently national decision-making power. At the same time, the

6 It is 33.5% according to the following source (see footnote 5), and it is 35.2% if taken the figures in the

web page of the Albanian Parliament (last accessed April 08, 2013). 7 Komisioni i Planit te Shtetit (The commission of the State Plan), Vjetar Statistikor i R.P.S. te Shqiperise

1988 ( Statistical Yearly of the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania 1988), Tirane 1988.

9

objectives and programmes of the party were well advertised, and the formal procedures

were meticulously followed. Thus, the Labour Party of Albania during the period 1945-

1990 fell into the central-formal category of political parties. This, at least formally, was

beneficial to gender-equality, since the party advocated gender balance. In fact, the

emancipation of women in general, and the integration of women into national and local

politics in particular, was one of the main elements of a cultural revolution in Albania

that reached its peak in the 1970s (Kolsti in Wolchik and Meyer 1985). The centralized-

formal structure of the Labour Party decreed the integration of women into politics, a

key policy of the leading political elite, and chiefly that of the premier of the party

(Jancar 1978: 88). “If there are women in certain governmental positions, the Party has

determined that a woman should be there. By extension, if the Party really wanted

women in the positions of supreme power, it would put them there as well” (Jancar 1978:

103). However, despite the rhetoric of the party, women in Albania were mainly

concentrated at the local governmental levels, and this was because the Party wanted

them there.

Electoral System. The single party electoral system used during the communist period of

1945-1990, is generally not reliable as a source of analysis regarding the participation of

women in politics in Albania. Under the totalitarian regime the people had to prove their

loyalty to the party by voting for the candidates nominated by the party (Kostelecky

2002:29). In this case, the ideology of the party, reinforced by the central-formal

organization of the party, had a key role in the integration of women in politics.

Party Ideology. The political parties of Albania historically are mass parties (Kajsiu

2005). They aim to attract as many members as possible and try to establish strong

connections with certain elements of the Albanian population, with specific, common

political goals. This was true for the communist Labour Party of Albania and all political

parties after the change of regimes in the early 1990s. Thus in this system, the ideology of

a political party is very important to women because the concepts and values of the party

determine whether it welcomes women in its internal structures, or as candidates for

office, or not. In the Albanian context, during the period 1945-1990 participation by

10

women was a key policy of the party, and thus of the government (Kolsti in Wolchik and

Meyer 1985).

The ideology of the Labour Party of Albania conformed to the general pattern of other

national communist parties (Jancar 1978, Kolsti in Wolchik, and Meyer 1985). A

commonly stated aim among them was to integrate women equally with men into the

political domain (Jancar 1978: 88). The figures show that during communism there was

positive action taken to include women in the parliament, reaching a peak of 35.2%

representation in the VIIIth Legislature (1974-1978). Of course the party had total

control over these representatives, and their votes (Lewis, 2000: 32).

At the same time, participation by women in politics was concentrated primarily at the

lower levels of the party and the government. Although the privileged positions were

reserved mainly for men, there was always one token woman in the party Politburo (Çuli

2000: 17; Jancar 1978: 89, 100). Study participant interviews revealed that women in

political positions were mainly concentrated in the volunteer and social care jobs. “ …

Women are more visible at the local level, and less visible in the higher echelons of

government. … the more powerful a political body, the lower the representation of

women in it” (Jancar, 1978 : 88). During 1972-1976, the period considered as the peak of

the period considered to be a significant cultural revolution in Albania, only two women

held high-level political, decision-making positions, and only one at a time at that

(Jancar, 1978: 89).

Thus, the Labour Party of Albania, in its structure and ideology, supported by the

national electoral system, basically supported the fundamental concept of the

emancipation of women in society and their integration in politics. However, in practice,

the stated political goals were not fully implemented.

“The question of the emancipation of women assumed very practical

implications in the mid-1970s. Between 1973 and 1976 upheavals in the

country’s power structure, particular in the cultural, military, and economic

11

sectors, resulted in changes that involved ever-growing numbers of

professionally trained women at the lowest levels of the ministries affected.

The political turmoil prompting these changes also propelled a few women,

whose loyalty to the party or to factions in the party did not escape the

attention of (the dictator) Hoxha and Shehu (and their wives) in Tiranë to the

top of the party and state structure…. Party members had to cope with a new

reality … to elevate women … to the highest national as well as district-level

positions of political influence.” (Kolsti in Wolchik and Meyer 1985: 148)

Since it was the Labour Party’s stated aim to promote women in politics, certain laws

were enacted to support this aim. The party considered the religion as the primary basis

for the relegation of women into inferior social and political positions within Albania

society. By integrating women into the public sphere, the communist government

detached itself from the ‘regressive’ past and promoted itself as an ally of cultural and

political progress (Kolsti in Wolchik and Meyer 1985). It should be noted, that there was

a vast difference between party directives promoting women in politics, and the

implementation of that policy at the lower, local levels. As stated by one of the study

participants, “the local leaders did not correctly implement the directives of the party.

This happened because they were for the idea that politics was a male’s only business,

and that women should stay home”. (Interviewed by author, 2005)

The Labour Party also gave excessive emphasis to the political participation of women

from the working class. Two of the women who actually made a career in politics, and

who were not the wives of political leaders in Albania, Themie Thomai and Lenka Çuko,

came from the working class, and became ministers in the government, members of the

parliament, and held important positions in the Labour Party Central Committee (Kolsti

in Wolchik and Meyer 1985: 149-150). These women had attended the Party Cadre

School8, and as such were faithful followers of the party ideologies.

8 From the data I have it is not clear if they did the Party School before or after they were ‘enrolled’ by the

Party.

12

Another shortfall in the communist system was the partial effort made for female

emancipation. One of the study interviewees said:

“ … women had to make many sacrifices in order to achieve results in

politics. They had to sacrifice the double of men. … (and) little was done to

change the gender balance inside the house, where the woman had to clean,

cook, prepare the children for school, take care of her husband and all the

other responsibilities inside the house. The party did not take any steps for

the emancipation of families …”. (Interviewed by author, 2005)

In implementing official policies for the emancipation of women, during the communist

period Albania relied almost exclusively on local resources (Kolsti in Wolchik and Meyer

1985: 147). Nearly the entire population was required to participate in various production

sectors of the economy. Women had to work in industry and in the home to support

national production, which the party stated was necessary for national survival. In

Albania in 1945 the number of formally educated women was just 238 (Kolsti in Wolchik

and Meyer 1985: 148), and it was a fundamental tenet of society that women did nonpaid

labour in the home. Thus, when a woman decided upon a political career, this had to be in

addition to all other responsibilities and labour requirements. This circumstance kept

most women from seeking a political career.

The communist Labour Party of Albania formally encouraged the inclusion and

promotion of women in politics. It granted women the historical right to vote and

supported their integration into governing institutions through a quota system. However,

the implementation of these policies and laws was incomplete. Women were concentrated

in low-level or volunteer-level positions, and the target group of working class women

(and men) did not have adequate knowledge to aspire to a political career. In fact, the

communist Labour Party never worked for a true emancipation of Albanian society, and

thus of women.

13

4. The Post-Communist Pluralist System during 1991 – 2013

Political parties in many post-communist countries have common features, and can be

categorized into two main groups: legacy parties, based on whether they are heirs of the

former communist parties, and new creation parties. These categorizations reflect the

ideologies upon which parties base their political programmes (Lewis, 2000: 78; Bozóki

and Ishiyama 2002: 11). The post-communist legacy SPA, and the new creation DPA,

reflect the categorizations noted above. The two main political parties, they form the

basis of the study regarding the participating of women in Albanian politics in the post-

communist period 1991 - 2013.

The SPA, in its foundation statute states, that “The SPA is a left democratic party that has

in the foundation of its activity the principles of freedom, social justice, equal chances

and human solidarity” (SPA Statute 2011, Introduction)9. “The DPA aims political

competition through general elections, respecting the values of freedom, equality and

justice in a political competition. … It is based on the respect of gender equality in the

life of the party and in election and executive participation” (DPA Statute 2005, Article

2).10

The key difficulties faced by the now pluralist post-communist political system in

Albania included the transitional economic situation, and uncertainty about how the

electorate would respond to the proposed party programmes (Matland and Montgomery,

2003: 315). The unsettled political and societal situation, coupled to societal mores

regarding the inferior roles of women, discouraged the proposal of women candidates.

Additionally, political inexperience and unstable internal party structures created weak

links to the electorate, and the post-communist uncertainty resulted in uncertain

ideological programmes on both the left and the right wings.

The transitional period generated a negative feeling by the populace towards the parties

that they inherited from the past (Lewis, 2000: 33, 103). At the same time, a large

9Statute of Socialist Partyof Albania, http://www.ps.al/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/Statuti-2011.pdf (last

accessed April 29, 2013) 10

Statute of Democratic Party of Albania, http://pd.al/partia/statuti/#1 (Last accessed, April 29, 2013)

14

number of political parties were created immediately after the change in regimes. This

diffusion of political focus, and the ‘fight for power’ by political leaders, coupled with

“their parties’ slender organizational resources and shallow roots in society” (Lewis,

2000: 25), reduced the possibility that women candidates would be proposed for the

elections.

Party structure, party ideology, and the national electoral system represent the main tools

that political parties have to influence the electorate (Matland and Montgomery 2003;

Lovenduski and Norris 1993). A “ … strong system of political parties is essential for a

strong democracy. The party system shapes citizen participation through the electoral

process. The stability of political leadership depends on activities on the electoral and

legislative arenas…” (Pridham and Lewis 1996: 5). Albanian political parties underwent

many structural and ideological changes during the years following the collapse of

communism. They followed an adaptation strategy within the reformed and non-

reformed dimensions, and the transmuted and non-transmuted dimensions (Bozóki and

Ishiyama, 2002).

[The term] “… ‘reformed’ refers to a former communist party that abandoned

its communist ideology and moved towards a politically more moderate-

leftist position. … Reformed socialists generally accept western liberal

democracy even if they sometimes criticize its practice. The word

‘transmutation’ … refers to a former communist party that moved away from

the left and adopted culturally right-wing, nationalistic, or anti-west elements

into its ideology. … the party moved from the non-democratic left toward the

non-democratic right.” (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 7)

The party structure of the SPA falls into the partly transmuted and non-reformed

categories (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 8). In effect, the SPA is in a middle position,

wherein party leaders pretend to espouse social democratization, and draw for support on

the electorate of their communist past (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 5).

15

Both of the SPA and DPA are central-informal structured parties, in which the key

leaders enact and modify internal party rules without much, or any prior consultation with

the local party branches or members. Even though the SPA and DPA have opposing

ideological orientations, central control is a feature in both cases. In both parties the

nomination of candidates for election are approved by the General (SPA), and the

National (DPA) Steering Committees. In the elections of July 3, 2005, the then leader of

the SPA, Fatos Nano, published the list of candidates without even asking for the prior

approval of the party central committee (Kajsiu 2005). The same is true for the DPA11

.

In preparation for elections in June 2013 for example, SPA leader Edi Rama, extended an

invitation to form a coalition with another party (LSI), without internal consultations with

other leading members of his party. It appears there may be cracks in the monolithic

exercise of party leader power, in that a small number of SPA members of the parliament

withdrew from the party in disagreement with his decision12

.

The internal governing statutes and the political programmes of the party also represent

important elements in political gender equality. A majority of those interviewed for this

study stated that the programs of the political parties show little concern for women’s

issues and rights. Party programmes emphasize support for human rights. Even the

limited party objectives regarding women’s rights and participation are not implemented,

and change according to the will of the party leader. This confirms the informality and

centrality of the structures of these parties. As an example, in 2005 the SPA quota

objective for the participating of women was arbitrarily reduced by then party leader

Fatos Nano from 30% to 20%. (Interviewed by author, 2005)

All study participants noted that politics in Albania continues to operate as a primarily

masculine political environment. “Politics is made in cafes, neither in offices, nor in

meetings” (Interviewed by author, 2005). Men decide who will be the men, who will

occupy the political positions previously held by men. Politics is decided in the coffee

11

Kongresi i Partisë Demokratike miraton programin e fushatës zgjedhore (The Congress of the

Democratic Party approves the program for the electoral campaign).

http://lajme.shqiperia.com/index.php?page=shownews&newsID=29820 (May 13, 2005) 12

www.top-channel.tv (3-4 April 2013)

16

shop, and women are generally due to the still strongly held cultural opinion that women

should not stay in cafes all day. Due to the perceived lack of real support, women think

twice before they decide to enter unto a political career.

“…we should emphasize within the Albanian political elite to increase the

values of Albanian woman. The political parties, with internal statutes, social

programs, and the role of the party legislator in their hands, can find, promote

and create the necessary spaces for women within the social and political life

of our country.” (Interviewed by author, 2005)

Analyses of study interviews show that by conforming to central-informal internal party

processes and the concentration of decision making authority in a closed party elite,

Albanian political parties negatively influence the participation of women in politics.

The national electoral system is closely related to the decisions political parties take in

selecting their candidates for the parliament (Matland and Montgomery 2003: 31). At the

same time, the decisions and methods used by Albanian political parties to nominate

candidates for election impact upon the participation of women in politics. Theoretically,

based on demographics, women should have a majority in participation in the

proportional electoral system. However, at present, more than party ideology, the

proportional national electoral system in Albania represents an important determinant in

the participation of women in politics.

Until 2005, a majoritarian proportional electoral system was used in Albania (Kajsiu

2005, Zaloshnja 2004). In this system, 100 out of 140 deputies of the Albanian

Parliament were elected through the Single Member District System (SMDS), and the

remaining 40 were distributed depending upon the percentage of party votes gained in the

SMDS (Kajsiu, Bumci, and Rakipi 2002; Zaloshnja 200413

). In the 2009 parliamentary

elections the proportional electoral system became effective. Parties now issue a closed

13

Zaloshnja Eduart, Sistemi elektoral dhe perfaqsimi i zgjedhesve (The electoral system and the

representation of the voters), “Korrieri” Newspaper http://www.alb-net.com/pipermail/art-cafe/Week-

of-Mon-20030602/002444.html (13 November 2004)

17

list of candidates for the parliament, and the voter votes only for the party. Based on the

percentage of the votes gained by geographical district, each party is awarded seats in the

parliament. The current legislature has 22 women members, representing only 15.7% of

the 140 total deputies.

The proportional system of closed party lists is depicted as very favourable to

participation by women in politics (Lovenduski and Norris, 1993:314-315). This

contention is problematic for Albania. The upcoming 2013 elections will be only the

second time that the proportional system will be used in Albania. Thus, only the 2009

election results provide data regarding the inclusion of women in the politics of the

Republic of Albania under this system.

The electoral code explicitly states that every third name on a proportional party list has

to be from the opposite gender. In most cases in 2009, the political parties did include the

names of women, but there were problems with the implementation of the rules: First,

the party lists never start with a woman’s name, and most of the parties listed women

candidates at the end of the party lists. The probability of election was therefore

miniscule. Second, the stated, but unachieved party objectives of 30% participation by

women, does not conform to the true gender proportions of the population. Third, most of

the parties actually listed women candidates towards the end of the party lists, where the

probability of being elected is miniscule.

The ideologies officially espoused by the Albanian political parties of the post-

communist multi-party system differ from those of the previous era regarding the

political participation of women. Actually however, the political programs of the SPA

and DPA, their internal regulations, and their objectives, show no basic differences

economically, culturally, or politically (See SPA 2013 Programme, DPA Statute 2005,

and SPA Statute 2011). Based on the evidence, the two political parties have very similar

goals regarding the participation of women in politics, but both fail to follow through on

their stated goals.

18

With regard to the question whether the ideology of a political party influences the

participation of women in politics, the analysis shows that the answer is unequivocally

yes. Both the literature (Matland and Montgomery: 2003; Lovenduski and Norris 1993)

and the research for this study affirm that this is true. The existing party electoral

strategies, coupled with the desire to win elections have far more to do with the

willingness to permit political participation by women.

Thus, in the Albanian context, the political ideologies of the parties do not play a major

role in the integration of women into politics. Albanian political parties do not adhere to

their officially stated ideologies to support the presence of women in politics. Research

shows that both the SPA and DPA have similar internal regulations and program

objectives with regard to the political participation of women. They both have similar

numbers of women members in the party and a similar number of women within the

leading institutions of the party. However, the actual percentage of participation by

women in the political process remains very low.

5. Conclusion

An objective of this paper is to analyse the role of political parties in the integration and

participation of Albanian women in politics. Key Albanian political parties were

examined in light of their general ideologies and stated objectives. The analysis included

key internal party regulations and program objectives. The analysis also included semi-

directed interviews with Albanian women politicians to confirm or refute the theoretical

findings in the literature regarding the participating of women in politics in Albania.

The period of political review was divided into two main time periods: 1945 – 1990, and

1991 – 2013 to reflect significant political change in Albania, when the governing system

shifted from a communist regime to a pluralist type of government.

The analysis showed that Albanian political parties conformed to the central-formal

(communist Labour Party of Albania 1945 – 1990), and now the central-informal (SPA

19

and DPA parties 1991-2013) theoretical political models. In all cases the central

decision-making power was and remains vested in a small, closed, central steering group.

In the Labour Party case, although all decisions were centralized, party regulations and

program objectives were clear, understood, and generally followed by everyone. In the

post-communist era, party internal regulations and rules on both the left and right remain

situational and informal. Regulations are not clear and sometimes non-existent, or are

clear but not followed and implemented and occasionally changed by the top leadership

without consultations. This conclusion was supported by empirical evidence collected

through party documents and 10 semi-constructed interviews conducted by the author

during 2005 - 2013. All of the study participants, independently, agreed that change is

needed within the existing political parties to create a more welcoming political

environment for the integration of women in politics.

The weight given to party ideology differed between 1945 – 1990, when ideology was

the main driver of the policies of the party and the government, and thus the inclusion of

women in politics. During 1991 – 2013, party ideology has far less importance than

expediency with regard to integration of women into politics.

During the 1945 – 1990 the national electoral system had no importance since the single

dominant political party decided upon all candidates for the parliament. The present

pluralist political system the proportional electoral system is theoretically more

favourable to the inclusion of women, especially in a patriarchal society like that in

Albania. However, the determinant factor remains the good will of the leadership of the

party and its willingness to champion equality for women in politics.

Internal party organization, party ideology, and the national electoral system, all play

roles in the integration of Albanian women into politics. This was true under the former

communist system, although the emphasis was on party ideology and centralized political

leadership, while the electoral system was just a formality. In the post-communist era the

centralized party structure and the electoral system play an important role in the

participation of women in politics, whereas party ideology has less relevance due to its

20

tendency to adapt to the changing political landscape. At the same time, although paying

lip service to it, the equitable integration of women into politics has never been a true

political objective in Albania, and has only been a convenient political tool during both of

the time periods under study.

21

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