1 IntroductionA growing number of low-income urban neighborhoods in the United States are beingredeveloped along the lines of New Urbanism (NU). NU advocates the end of segregationbetween the rich and poor and among races by ` bring[ing] people of diverse ages, races,and incomes into daily interaction'' (Congress for the New Urbanism and US Departmentof Housing and Urban Development, 2000, page 4). NU supports this agenda mainly byencouraging mixed income residential communities and architectural design that respectslocal history, culture, and regional character (Day, 2003; Fainstein, 2000). Explicit tothis agenda is recreating `traditional' American neighborhoods (Saab, 2007).

NU gained popularity in the early 1990s for mitigating suburban sprawl in predom-inately white and high-income neighborhoods. Today, there are over 200 self-classifiedNU urban projects in the United States, including those in inner-city neighborhoods(Langdon, 2007). A growing body of research discusses the challenges and successesof inner-city NU housing projects (Talen, 2008). Little is written, however, aboutthe implications of NU projects in Mexican immigrant barrios in the urban center.Our research objective is to critically examine NU in the light of efforts to revitalizetwo barrios and the contiguous downtown district. We use a case study of the draftRenaissance Specific Plan (RP) in Santa Ana, California (see figure 1).

Our research employed a discourse analysis vis-a© -vis Wacquant's (2008) spatialalienation and the dissolution of `place' and Foucauldian (1977) and Villa's barriolog-ical (2000) perspectives. We found that policy actors created a planning discourse forthe (re)development of urban place which paradoxically erases, celebrates as botha problem and asset, and neutralizes distinctive cultural and working-class qualitiesof the Mexican immigrant barrios and constituency in the downtown district. The RP,

New Urbanism and the barrio

Erualdo Romero GonzalezChicana and Chicano Studies Department, California State University, Fullerton, PO Box 6868,Fullerton, CA 92834, USA; e-mail: egonzalez@fullerton.edu

Raul P LejanoDepartment of Planning, Policy, and Design, University of California, Irvine, CA 92697, USA;e-mail: lejano@uci.eduReceived 15 November 2008; in revised form 21 February 2009

Environment and Planning A 2009, volume 41, pages 2946 ^ 2963

Abstract. The last decade has seen a growing turn toward New Urbanism in the redevelopmentof urban neighborhoods. In October 2007 the City of Santa Ana released a draft RenaissancePlan to revitalize a transit-oriented district and government center supported by two neighborhoods.The plan exemplifies New Urbanist design principles which promote mixed income residentialneighborhoods and respect local culture. Using a case study in two Mexican and working-classimmigrant barrios and the adjacent downtown district, we investigate these principles. We describedifferent community-wide perspectives concerning `redevelopment' and employ a textual analysis ofthe Renaissance Plan. One salient finding is that local planning codes reflect and support cultural andclass beliefs that alienate Latino barrios. Another finding is that it is in the construction of anew science of form that the disciplinary gaze of New Urbanism reshapes places upon cultural-alienand class-alien norms. We conclude by suggesting research on the tensions between ethno-cultural-dominant city councils and ethno-cultural and economically marginalized neighborhoods whileexploring how policy and discourse impact urban place.

doi:10.1068/a41360

with its focus on form-based codes (FBCs), gives cultural and class constructionslegitimacy and universality that do not exist. The emergent discourse promotes atraditional Anglo-Saxon and middle-class image of `Main Street USA' and alienatesthe barrios and downtown district. Central to this new discourse is the use of FBCs asa panoptic instrument for refashioning the city upon this new NU-inspired discipline.

We begin by reviewing the literature on New Urbanism, focusing on FBC, and thechallenges of designing for cultural and working-class urban centers. We then presentour research objectives and methods and provide background on the city of Santa Ana.Next we present the case study of the RP, describing the redevelopments underway andthe contexts and controversies surrounding them. We analyze how the plan's FBCsreflect and support traditional Anglo-Saxon and middle-class beliefs which alienatethe urban center. We conclude by examining the study's implications, suggestingresearch on place in ethno-cultural and working-class urban landscapes.

2 New Urbanism, form-based development, and the challenges of considering cultureand classNU is an urban design movement devoted to ` changing the way our cities and towns arebuilt'' (Congress for the New Urbanism, 2008, page 1). Formed in 1993, the Congressfor the New Urbanism (CNU) sought to recommit traditional town planning to amodern-day redevelopment context. NU principles envision metropolitan regionswith cities, towns, villages, and neighborhoods that are well designed, with identifiablecenters and edges and interconnected streets. Neighborhoods should have a range ofhousing and retail price levels, including apartments over storefronts, work ^ live lofts,

Figure 1. Map of the Renaissance Specific Plan (RP) area, including the case-study barrios anddowntown.

New Urbanism and the barrio 2947

and single-family homes with yards. NU seeks to reduce dependence on automobile usewhile encouraging a compact and walker-friendly lifestyle with jobs, amenities, shop-ping, green spaces, and dwellings near each other. New Urbanists design with securityand community interaction in mind, intentionally placing civic and cultural buildingsnear each other. NU advocates design that respects local history, culture, and regionalcharacter (Fainstein, 2000).

The NU orientation stemmed from dissatisfaction with sprawl in white andeconomically prosperous neighborhoods. The CNU adopted the Charter of the NewUrbanism (2001) and formed task forces to address a range of planning topics, includ-ing inner-city revitalization (Fainstein, 2000; Leccese and McCormick, 2000). In 2004,the New Urban News identified over 600 new towns, villages, neighborhoods, and smallurban infill projects in the United States that used NU principles (Steuteville, 2004).In 2006 the CNU, US Green Building Council, and the Natural Resources DefenseCouncil launched over 200 NU city projects (Langdon, 2007). NU principles are alsoexplicitly adopted for revitalizing inner-city neighborhoods consisting mainly of hous-ing projects, such as Park Du Valle, Kentucky, and the HOPE VI Manchester projectin Pennsylvania (Deitrick and Ellis, 2004).

New Urbanists promote their vision by encouraging local governments to abandontraditional planning customs and adopt new policy mechanisms, chiefly FBCs. Thecontention is that FBCs are about creating and completing neighborhoods by trans-forming them into `towns' and `village centers'. In contrast to traditional (Euclidean)zoning, the FBCs codify a physical plan focusing on form and density. As defined bythe Form-Based Codes Institute (FBCI), an FBC is defined as follows:

`A method of regulating development to achieve a specific urban form. Form-basedcodes create a predictable public realm primarily by controlling physical form, witha lesser focus on land use, through city or county regulations'' (FBCI, 2008, page 1).

Unlike traditional land-use-based zoning codes, FBCs will most often specify architecturalstyles, designs, and features of building facades, landscape designs, and dimensions ofstructures and street blocks.

For Katz (2008), NU's goal is changing local government rules if zoning does notallow for code controls. This goal mirrors the Charter of the New Urbanism vision, whichstates:

`We dedicate ourselves to reclaiming our homes, blocks, streets, parks, neighborhoods,districts, towns, cities, regions, and environment'' (Congress for the New Urbanism,2001, page 1).

The contention is that the master-planned neighborhood was the dominant type fromthe time America was founded until World War II, and that many of our best-lovedtowns and cities come from this era. Some examples of these `traditional neighbor-hoods' are Princeton, New Jersey; Georgetown in Washington, DC; and GreenwichVillage in New York City (Duany et al, 2000). A useful compendium of FBCs can befound in Katz (1994) and Parolek et al (2008).

New Urbanists assert that NU ideals, and by extension FBCs, are integral to socialand economic development. CNU acknowledges that design-centered plans alone arenot the best solution to complex problems that confront cities, such as increasingseparation by race and income. It also contends, however, that social welfare andeconomic development plans cannot thrive without systematic plans for physical change.The Charter of the New Urbanism states:

`We recognize that physical solutions by themselves will not solve social and economicproblems, but neither can economic vitality, community stability, and environmentalhealth be sustained without a coherent and supportive physical framework'' (2001,page 1).

2948 E R Gonzalez, R P Lejano

A growing body of literature questions NU's vision to improve housing andneighborhood opportunities for disadvantaged groups. Critics argue that projects leantoo heavily on design and largely fail to provide an equitable mix of market-rate andaffordable housing and bring people of diverse racial and income backgroundstogether. Others contend that redevelopment along the lines of NU stresses revanchistgentrification and deconcentrating poverty (Crump, 2002; Newman and Ashton, 2004;Smith, 1996). Bohl (2000) states that NU alone cannot substitute for large scale inner-city housing, economic development, and social service initiatives. New Urbanistscounter that political interests limit the practice of principles concerned with socialand economic equity (Talen, 2008). Brian (2005) advocates research examiningtheoretical critiques of NU (eg Harvey, 1997; Marcuse, 2000), including attention tothe organization of urban geographies and patterns of class, race, and ethnicity andfor examining recognition, representation, and distribution in the (re)development ofurban place.

We examine the processes and mechanisms that may contribute to ethno-culturaland working-class alienation in the barrio. This is important for urban social theory andpolicy analysis, as we can expect the general turn towards NU to have appeal forinner-city revitalization in places where working-class and immigrant groups are con-centrated. In the United States, for example, Latinos are now the nation's largest groupof color, comprising 15% of the US population, outnumbering African-Americansin 27 of 50 states, and increasingly settling in nontraditional regionsösuch as theMidwest and the South (The Tomas Rivera Policy Institute, 2006; US Census Bureau,2008). Residents of Mexican descent account for two thirds of Latinos and about 60%of the country's estimated 11.9 million unauthorized immigrants (Passel and Cohn, 2008).To date, however, virtually no research has examined discourse regarding NU's compat-ibility vis-a© -vis Latino communities in the United States (the exception is Day, 2003),what planner Michael Mendez terms `Latino New Urbanism' (Mendez, 2004, citedby Nasser, 2005). Mendez's conceptual article received attention in the popularmedia; he argues that places with a large and growing middle-class Latino pop-ulation can help mitigate sprawl by ``capitalizing on Latino cultural preferencesfor compact neighborhoods, large public places and a sense of community'' (Nasser,2005, page 1).

Our framework borrows fromWacquant's (2008) spatial alienation and the dissolutionof `place' and Foucault's (1977) and Villa's barriological (2000) theoretical perspectives.Spatial alienation derives from the impacts of local policy that purports to addressurban landscapes which are viewed as `social purgatories', yet further marginalizes itsoccupants, submits them to the mandates of the market, and renders them invisibleor drives them out of a coveted space (Wacquant, 2008, page 241). The Foucauldianperspective is used to understand how the RP may be a new `science of form' used tocolonize community space, perpetuating spatial alienation. This follows Foucauldiantheory, which posits power as a microphysics defining ` innumerable points of con-frontation'' (Foucault, 1977, page 27). Power is not a simple structural relationship(eg, unequal rights as embodied in disparate purchasing power in a housing market),but is embedded in all facets of civic and private life.We are also interested in learninghow different community actors are interpreting the RP in relationship to `place'.The dissolution of `place' concerns understanding the loss of culturally familiar localewith which marginalized urban populations identify and in which they feel at home(Wacquant, 2008, page 241). We couch `place' within a `barriological' lensöanapproach which culturally affirms spatial practices and maintains a critical orientationtoward dominant spatial practices (Villa, 2000, page 15). Such a lens is appropriateas the barrio is the central space, culture, conflict, and resistance of and within the

New Urbanism and the barrio 2949

foundation of working-class, Latino, Chicano, and immigrant urban life throughoutthe United States (Diaz, 2005, page 3).

Historically, the barrio has been treated as an area of segregation and repression,characterized by gentrification, highway construction, urban renewal, low-wage labor,lack of housing, and inflated rents (Diaz, 2005; Galarza et al, 1969; Griswold delCastillo, 1979; Villa, 2000). Similar to the idea of community, residents who identifywith the barrio share a geographic and cultural identity and the need to preservecultural connections and neighborhood roots in the face of hostile planning practice.Understanding NU practice in the barrio requires entering a heavily marginalizedgeography, providing a detailed textual reading of proposed redevelopment policies,and developing a contextual understanding of the factors that help propel thesepolicies. The Santa Ana case study helps us achieve this aim.

3 Research objectives and methodsWe have three research objectives. The first is to understand the factors generatingcontroversy over the RP. The second is to explore how the RP addresses the Lacy andLogan barrios and the downtown district's La Calle Cuatro cultural and class planningneeds. The third is to understand how FBCs construct community.'

The case study is based on data collected over a year and a half of field work.We reviewed the RP, the political landscape that supports the plan, and the responseto the RPöparticularly by a community coalition (the Community Based CoalitionAddressing the Renaissance Plan, hereinafter referred to as the `Coalition' (1)); spokewith Lacy and Logan residents and downtown business owners; and examined mediacoverage of the plan. We used four techniques to collect the data: review of archivaldocuments, participant observation, focus groups, and community survey. Over sixtysources (eg the RP, Coalition meeting notes, newspaper articles) were examined, coveringthe period from 2005 to 2009. One of the authors participates as a volunteer in theCoalition, representing a nonprofit organization and a local university. This requiredhis attending Coalition meetings, interpreting the goals of RP, attending city-sponsoredRP community forums and city council meetings, and helping to form a researchsubcommittee.

4 The Santa Ana and the urban development contextIncorporated in 1886, Santa Ana is located in Orange County, California, betweenLos Angeles and San Diego. Santa Ana is the county seat, the largest city in OrangeCounty, and ninth largest in California (California State Department of Finance,2007). In 2008, Santa Ana's population was over 353 000 residentsöabout a 16%increase since 1990 (California State Department of Finance, 2008; US Census Bureau,2008). The ethnic spectrum includes 76% Latino, 12% White, and 9% Asian. The actualpopulation is probably closer to 400 000 (Moule and Polyzoides, 2007) and the per-centage of Latinos may be higher, mainly due to undocumented immigration fromMexico. Over 50% of the city's population is immigrant (Moule and Polyzoides, 2007).

The Nelson A Rockefeller Institute of Government ranks Santa Ana first in itsnational Urban Hardship Index, worse off than cities like Detroit, Cleveland, andNewark (Montiel et al, 2004). It has the nation's highest concentration of Spanishspeakers, youngest median age (27 years), the highest population density per housingunit (4.7 versus 2.8 for New York and 2.6 for Los Angeles), and is the eighth mostdensely populated city in the nation (California State Department of Finance, 2008;

(1) Just prior to this paper's publication, the Coalition changed its name to the Santa Ana Coalitionfor Responsible Development (SACReD).

2950 E R Gonzalez, R P Lejano

US Census Bureau, 2000). The population is primarily working class: 36% are very lowincome, and 24% are low income (City of Santa Ana, 2008a). Approximately 50% of itsresidents are renters, and about half have housing costs exceeding 30% of their income(City of Santa Ana, 2008a; The Planning Center, 2008).

Urban indicators in the Lacy and Logan barrios are generally more extreme thanthose in the city. The barrios collectively include approximately 7000 residents (USCensus Bureau, 2000) across thirty-five adjoining blocks. Over 90% of the residentsare Latino, mainly Mexican immigrant. Residents are relatively young (median age 24years), and 90% speak Spanish at home. The average household includes 4.84 persons,and 86% of these households are renters (US Census Bureau, 2000). These figures maybe an undercount due to undocumented immigration.

The Logan barrio area has a negative history with public works and communitydevelopment dating to the early 1900s. In the 1930s many residents were withoutelectricity or indoor plumbing (Garc|a, 2007). The area also had limited amenities,such as sewer plumbing and street paving, and residents often mobilized to addressthese concerns. In the 1950s, battles revolved around efforts to make way for today's I-5Freeway and Santa Ana train station (Garc|a, 2007, page 9). In the late 1990s Loganand Lacy formed part of the city of Santa Ana's Housing and Urban DevelopmentFederal Empowerment Zone initiative.

For about forty years, the downtown's commercial district has served as a signifi-cant zone of Mexican immigrant cultural identity to the larger Anglo Orange Countymetropolis. La Calle Cuatro is downtown's most active street, and it is nationallyrecognized as a thriving commercial district. This reputation emerged in the early1970s, after a decline in the late 1950s which mirrored national trends (Faulk, 2006;Faulkes, 2008). The downtown ceased to be the central marketplace for OrangeCounty's majority Anglo and well-off shoppers, who moved to and shopped in emergingand surrounding cities (Taxin, 2006). Since then, typical downtown businesses along

Figure 2. Bridal and `quincen¬ era' (`sweet 15') store.

New Urbanism and the barrio 2951

La Calle Cuatro include bridal and quincen¬ era (`sweet 15') shops (see figure 2), hybridstores (eg, mixing businesses such as travel agency, notary public, and moneyexchange), clothing and shoe stores, passport and identification-card services, jewelrystores, and Mexican and other Latin American restaurants. Stores also offer credit tothose who lack the documentation for standard credit cards. Businesses routinelyencourage shopping by distributing flyers to pedestrians. Street vendors are alsocommon in the area, offering fruit and traditional Mexican and Latin American goods.

In the mid-1990s the city embarked on two major projects focused on mixed-use,live ^work lofts and cultural art: one adjacent to La Calle Cuatro (Artists Village) andthe other next to the Lacy and Logan barrios (Santiago Street Lofts/Santiago ArtDistrict). Since 2007 there has been an emergence of chain stores and mainstreambusinesses and amenities, including Bank of America, American Apparel, Urban-Westdevelopers, Starbucks, and other restaurants.

5 Case study: the New Urbanist Renaissance Plan in Santa Ana, CaliforniaIn October 2007 Santa Ana released its draft RPöthe most comprehensive specificplan in its history. The RP seeks to revitalize 421 acres over 124 blocks, consistingof low-density pre-World-War-II housing in Lacy and Logan barrios, a rail stationdistrict, a regional employment center containing local, state, and federal buildings,the downtown district, and First Street East. The plan area is situated along two majorfreeways in Central Orange County and shares municipal boundaries with five cities.The goal is to strengthen the city's role as a regionally important transit-orienteddistrict and government center supported by `diverse neighborhoods'. According tothe RP, Santa Ana is ready for a new development cycle and can build on a longand distinguished history with existing architecture and land (Moule and Polyzoides,2007). The RP purports to ` enable a renaissance on the plan area based on the needs,opportunities and constraints identified through the planning process'' (Moule andPolyzoides, 2007, page 1:1).

The city hired consultants Moule and Polyzoides Architects and Urbanists, a firmwhose part owner helped found the CNU, to prepare the RP. According to the RP, theplan was partly prepared with feedback from a cross section of community participantswho engaged in visioning exercises. The plan describes the participants as downtownmerchant groups, historic-preservation groups, neighborhood representatives, indus-trial business owners, and residents at large. They engaged in community interviewworkshops, study sessions, a six-day charrette process, a series of focus sessions, andother highly visible processes (Moule and Polyzoides, 2007, page 1:6). The plan doesnot describe the extent to which participation contributed to plan making, howcontested views were reconciled, or how the plan considers the perspectives of addi-tional groups and individuals (eg, local renters, Spanish speakers, working class).When asked about these specifics, a city planner expressed great concern aboutthe intentions of the inquiry and reiterated the plan's description of the visioningexercises (City of Santa Ana RP Project Team member, personal communication,15 November 2007).

The city has supported postplan activities to educate the general community aboutthe draft plan and to solicit feedback. The activities are part of the city's originalvisioning design and address emerging concerns from the general community, includingthose of some who attended the visioning. This included twenty outreach workshops;about thirty project-update meetings; over ten study sessions; the mailing of over 45 000utility-bill inserts and 3000 mailers to core property owners, businesses, neighbor-hood representatives; and multiple press releases and interviews (City of Santa Ana,2008b). Among these activities were two community forums, designed mainly to

2952 E R Gonzalez, R P Lejano

address concerns from those in the RP area, such as Lacy and Logan residents,activists, and industrial and downtown business owners. The forums attractedapproximately 130 people each and gained media attention. In the first forum,the city and consultants worked with a local faith-based organization to organizelocal residents. The participants were overwhelmingly dissatisfied, as they wererequired to write their questions on index cards. Participants claimed that theindex-card activity was a sign of `power and control', allowing the city to answerspecific questions and not others. In part, this outrage prompted the city to host asecond, open-microphone, forum. Participants felt this forum was more participatorythan the first, yet they overwhelmingly felt the city and consultants were deliberatelyvague in discussing policies that could continue to gentrify local neighborhoods andthe downtown district and make industrial businesses nonconforming.

The current draft plan is based on the visioning participation and conforms to theNU attraction to design, focusing on mixed-use, mixed-income, and pedestrian-friendly spaces. Each area of the plan purports to address particular issues: historicpreservation, mobility and public transportation, social and cultural considerations,open and green spaces, housing, and employment. It seeks to imitate `traditional'American neighborhoods:

`The plan works in every way to recognize and enable traditional neighborhooddevelopment of varying intensities, including transient-oriented and commercialdistricts, through a tailored vision, policies, and regulations. The plan is based on aset of integrated principles that have produced the best places and cities throughoutthe world'' (Moule and Polyzoides, 2007, page 1:7).Four thousand housing units, including lofts and live ^work units, would encourage

living above stores, thus reducing use of automobiles, increasing access to local ameni-ties, and providing ` diverse opportunities for a variety of incomes'' (page 1:8). A mix ofarchitectural buildings would enhance the character of the area. Retail would encouragepedestrian storefront shopping and accommodate cars. Street design would diffusetraffic, encourage people to walk and bike, and improve pedestrian safety (page 1:8).

The city is actively preparing for the plan's formal implementation. The RedevelopmentAgency is utilizing State of California 20% Set Aside Funds and has purchased,boarded, or leveled approximately fifty-five residential properties across 11.76 acresin the RP area (City of Santa Ana, 2007; The Kennedy Commission, 2008), of whicha disproportionate number are in Lacy. According to the city, property owners soldvoluntarily and it absorbed the majority of properties from a recent failed regionallight rail project. The property sizes vary from about 6000 ft2 to almost an entire block.The development potential ranges from 140 to 190 units per block, and the city isforming private ^ public partnerships for commercial and residential development(City of Santa Ana, 2007). While the State of California mandates that the Set AsideFunds provide new units that are affordable for those earning less than the OrangeCounty median income ($78700), the RP does not specify how many new homes willbe below market rate or indicate their prices. It is unclear how postplan participationresults may be incorporated into the final draft of the plan, and this uncertainty hasamplified the existing controversy.

5.1 Support and oppositionThe RP's major political supporters is the city council. The council is unique in theUnited Statesöit is one of the few all-Latino (ie, Mexican descent/Chicano andimmigrant background) city council of a large metropolis in the United States. Asa whole, the council believes the plan is necessary and can, with some modifica-tions, address some community concerns that emerged after the plan was released.

New Urbanism and the barrio 2953

One councilman said that the purpose of the plan is to improve Santa Ana and nothurt somebody in the process (Irving, 2008). Another believed the plan was needed toavoid always reacting to developers: instead, providing a wish list for them (Delson,2008a). An additional Councilman expressed gratitude to business owners and acti-vists who organized against the plan, thanking them for ``being part of the process''(Greenhut, 2008a, page 1). A Councilwoman, arguably the most progressive council-person, said that a lack of cultural pride in the downtown revitalization strategy isnot an issue, ``It is just that not all Latinos are immigrants'' (Becerra, 2008, page 2).To her, a compromise could be reached to keep downtown a Latino district ``whiledeveloping around it'' (Becerra, 2008, page 2).

Perceptions vary about the causes and consequences of the urban conditions inthe two neighborhoods designated in the plan. Nearby homeowners from mostlymiddle-class neighborhoods perceive the neighborhoods largely as a `ghetto' in needof revitalization (`Juan', personal communication, 26 June 2008; Community BasedCoalition Addressing the RP, 2008a; 2008b; Taxin, 2006). There are concerns aboutmultiple families living in single-family homes and apartments, deteriorating streetsand untidy homes and apartments, a large presence of young families of undocumentedimmigrants, and delinquency. Activists from the barrios argue that the city has histor-ically favored industry and private interests over residents. They point to largelyunregulated pollution, noise, and traffic from industrial businessesösuch as a garbagehauler and a crematoryöand blight created from the recent demolition of properties.Activists feel that current residents should have a more meaningful role in mak-ing decisions about development (`Juan', personal communication, 14 July 2008;Community Based Coalition Addressing the RP, 2008a; 2008c; Community BasedCoalition Addressing the RP Research Committee, 2008a).

La Calle Cuatro also generates controversy concerning revitalization needs. Someview the area as a `deteriorated downtown', not meeting its commercial potential(`Sandra', personal communication, 20 September; Becerra, 2008; Thakur, 2008). Thearea incites routine dismay in `readers' comment' sections of area newspapers andin Internet blogs from residents living in or near the area (Arellano, 2008a). Otherssuggest that the downtown could improve its image and tax revenue by attracting awider market beyond Latinos and working-class immigrants (Delson, 2008b; Taxin,2006). Some downtown merchants question this revitalization strategy, noting that itwould squeeze out the current businesses and customer base, and not simply add to analready thriving district (Barboza, 2008; Becerra, 2008; Community Based CoalitionAddressing the RP, 2007b; 2007b; Taxin, 2006). Recently, a group of downtown-business owners ranked fear of change and concerns about the loss of the area's Latinocharacter second among their top five planning concerns, next to parking and traffic(Thakur, 2008, page 36). Other business owners believe the city wishes to cater to amore upscale and White population (Community Based Coalition Addressing the RPResearch Committee, 2008a). These concerns occur within the context of nationaldebates concerning Latino immigration and the presumed challenges it poses toAmerican quality of life. A U S News and World Report article characterized SantaAna as the ``poster child'' for these issues (Schulte, 2008).

Community groups and residents oppose the RP. They have formed several coali-tions, one of which consists of neighborhood-association representatives and residentsfrom Logan and Lacy, a housing-advocacy nonprofit, a Mexican cultural/advocacynonprofit, a Chicano grassroots group, a pro bono attorney, two downtown-businessowners, and other individual volunteers. The coalition argues that the plan implicitlydesignates the barrios and downtown as `deteriorated' and would replace the Mexicanand working-class presence with middle-class urban professionals and young adults and

2954 E R Gonzalez, R P Lejano

teens with interests in nonmainstream fashion and culture, most of whom would beAnglo. It also contends that La Calle Cuatro's local businesses and healthy economywould be replaced by national chains and other businesses. Some comments fromcoalition members include the following:

`They want to get out the `undesirables' [Mexicans]; that is what they call us!''

`They are buying and boarding up homes and putting up yuppie condos and removingLatino businesses.''

Members point out that gentrification is occurring and cite city projects such asthe Artists Village and Santiago Street Lofts/Santiago Art District. Hence, a Coali-tion member's downtown storefront poster proclaiming ``Stop Ethnic Cleansing!In Downtown Santa Ana''.

Lacy residents and the media echo parallel views. In a recent random samplesurvey of the Lacy barrio, residents generally agreed that the RP would ` reduce thepresence of Mexicans and Latinos'', ` reduce the presence of the working-class'', and` reduce the presence of immigrants'' (Community Based Coalition Addressing the RPResearch Committee, 2008c). Similar claims have been covered in Spanish-languageand English-language news media. Telemundo, a national Spanish-language televisionstation, featured coalition members and titled their story ` Ethnic displacement?''(` ¹Deslojo Eè tnico?''). Columnists and staff writers of newspapers and blogs havewritten about the leveling of properties and housing plans and raised questions aboutgentrification (eg Arellano, 2008a, 2008b; Delson, 2008a; Greenhut, 2007; 2008a; 2008b;2008c; 2008d; Parsons, 2008). Generally, they argue that the city's recently updatedHousing Element favoring single-family construction for the affluent will disproportion-ately spill over to the RP: for instance, the Housing Element calls for the constructionof 3393 new housing units, of which 1461 will be targeted to families earning >120% ofthe city's median family income (The Planning Center, 2008). The adoption of the planand the environmental impact report were put on hold approximately four months afterthe release of the draft. The mayor indicated that this would help ensure that there is` more support throughout the community'' (Irving, 2008, page 1).

5.2 New Urbanist design may erase, promote as both a problem and an asset, and neutralizethe existing communityWe argue that the RP erases, promotes both as a problem and an asset, and neutralizesthe Logan and Lacy barrios, the Latino downtown district, and Santa Ana generally.It does so by socially constructing an envisioned community' in the area of the planthrough images, frames of understanding, and representation.

Most notably, the RP overwhelmingly erases the existing barrios and La CalleCuatro from its 150 pages. The plan's section on the neighborhoods devotes two pagesto each barrio and lacks a description of their socioeconomic status. It also fails tomention barrio history with urban planning issues, or to note how residents may beleveraged for planning considerations. The plan's description of the barrios does,however, include two short paragraphs and no more than six bullet points related toNU design principles. The pages overwhelmingly consist of pictures and sketches ofideal open spaces, building types, and maps. The plan also largely avoids any mentionof La Calle Cuatro's social and economic profile. One finds the word `Hispanic' usedonly once, and the words `Latino' and `immigrant' not at all (the plan's language for`immigrant' is `born outside of the United States').

The only reference to `Hispanic' is couched as a contradiction and consistentlyregarded as both a problem and an asset. The term is found in the introductory chapterwhich states:

New Urbanism and the barrio 2955

`Downtown Santa Ana is a thriving commercial district ... and offers a broad rangeof goods and services focused primarily towards the Hispanic community'' (Mouleand Polyzoides, 2007, page 1:2).

Shortly thereafter, however, the plan characterizes this same condition as problematicbecause the area is ` not meeting its potential'' (page 1:2). This comes with the mentionthat downtown merchants report strong sales.

Whatever needs are identified are primarily those related to new or potentialentrants into the plan area (identified by their ability to pay new market rates) andto integration with the wealthier and majority White greater Orange County region inwhich Santa Ana is embedded. The plan states:

` Santa Ana has recently become a proven location for the development of new marketrate lofts and live work type of dwellings. These new homes are appealing to a widerange of buyers including young professionals, families and empty nesters. These newresidents appreciate Santa Ana's urban character, diversity and convenient lifestyle.This new residential trend is likely to continue and will expand the downtown'scommercial market. Many of these new home owners have expressed a desire formore variety in retailers and restaurants'' (Moule and Polyzoides, 2007, page 1:2).

The plan also characterizes downtown Santa Ana as ` a unique opportunity within thegreater Orange County region that is perceived as not meeting its potential'' (page 1:2).This need to better integrate with the rest of Orange County is a recurrent theme inSanta Ana, as evidenced by its recent self-proclamation as ` Downtown Orange County.''

The plan also neutralizes the cultural needs of La Calle Cuatro. Needs of La CalleCuatro business owners are missing from the plan's imagery, as land-use pictures donot indicate how they reflect this major subsector. For example, chapter 4 discussessignage, and the pictures illustrating acceptable signage show the following:

`The Talking Room: Classic Cafe Dining'',and

`Fine Oriental Carpets and Kelims'' (Moule and Polyzoides, 2007, page 4:55).The above exemplars provide cultural cues that do not match the present community.Instead, consider a sampling of signs that one actually sees in the existing downtown:` Ritmo Latino'', ` Taqueria Guadalajara'', and ` Teresa's Jewelers''.

Indeed, the plan's narrative is tailored primarily toward turning Santa Ana's coreinto a regional destination for an altogether reimagined community, rather than pro-viding insights for improving the quality of life of its current residents and preservingthe security of La Calle Cuatro's cultural identity and merchants. It is notable, too,that the plan's only semblance of a community-needs assessment was essentially amarket survey, the `neighborhood market drilldown' (Social Compact, Inc., 2006),and involved no survey of Lacy and Logan residents or specific mention of La CalleCuatro business owners. There is also no reference to a recent Empowerment Zonecommunity assessment that includes Lacy and Logan (see Robinson and Holman,2006).

The term `Renaissance' invokes not just rebirth but, consistent with NU tenets, areclamation of glories of the past. As will be seen, references to the past in narrative,form, and image refer largely to history preceding World War IIöbefore the transitionof Santa Ana to a largely Spanish-speaking, immigrant, and working-class city. In itsdiscussion of landmarks to be protected and restored, the RP mentions none of thehistorical structures dear to the dominant Mexican immigrant population. The visioninvoked by the word `Renaissance' may be largely alien to the present community. Inthis light, `Renaissance' can be understood as reclamation of a lost community, whichbegs the question `what is the city reclaiming?'

2956 E R Gonzalez, R P Lejano

5.3 Form-based codes help construct a reimagined community through physical designThe lack of compatibility between the RP and the barrios and downtown is moreevident in specific elements of the plan. The RP adopts a `science of form' agendathat socially constructs the urban center in an altogether reimagined community.Foucault described the use of science and measurement to objectify the target popula-tion and embed disciplinary mechanisms into every facet of life (Foucault, 1977; 1991).In constructing its new FBCs, the city essentially translates form into a host ofstandards, measures, and building practices. We analyze three elements of the code:building type, intensities, and architectural styles. All three achieve this translation,and we discuss their implications for the downtown and barrios.

The RP classifies the city into distinct zones and specifies an ideal mix of buildingtypes within each. For example, the building types for residential neighborhoods classifiedas UN-1 (Urban Neighborhood 1ösouthern part of Lacy) include commercial block(3 stories maximum); live ^work (3 stories); bungalow court (2 stories); duplex, triplex,quadplex (3 stories); and house (2 stories). For each building type, the plan specifies asuite of architectural standards covering access, parking, service, open space, buildingsize, and massing (Moule and Polyzoides, 2007, pages 4:21 ^ 4:34). We examine the spe-cifications of the present housing stock vis-a© -vis the RP's architectural standards. Intable 1 we summarize some features of present housing which conflict with the standards.

For Logan a major issue has to do with its classification as UN-2 (urban neighbor-hood 2) and R/I (residential industrial) areas. This conflicts with the mostly industrial usefound in the Logan area at present, which is causing a backlash from local businesses.The building-mass standards of the RP would find many of the current businesses innoncompliance. For example, R/I zones allow industrial shed building types, to whichcurrent buildings do not conform. Some discrepancies are noted in table 2.

Failure to comply with the standards would be dealt with by the Santa Ana MunicipalCode dealing with noncomforming land uses. The code puts considerable pressure on anexisting homeowner to rebuild so as to come into compliance. It precludes commonoptions that are open to homeowners today, such as adding bedrooms or a granny flat

Table 1. Divergence of present housing from architectural standards in the Renaissance SpecificPlanöLacy.

Standards Conflict with standards

Parking spaces Inadequate (less than specified 2 spaces/dwelling)

Setbacks Too narrow on eastern side (about 4 ± 5 ft: less than standardof 10 ft)

Placement of structures Structures staggered (ie, not built to line) on southern andeastern sides of block

Table 2. Divergence of buildings from architectural standards in the Renaissance SpecificPlanöLogan.

Standards Conflict with standards

Building height Buildings exceed two-story maximum

Lot width Lots exceed specified range of lot widths (40 ± 75 ft)

Frontage types Specified frontage types (stoop or frontyard/porch) not followed

New Urbanism and the barrio 2957

as one's family becomes larger, or building a small business into the living room of one'shouse. The broad discretion of the Planning Department highlights the power of the city,whether formal or informal, to impose form upon the present neighborhood. Along withthe prospect of increased property values, which threatens the current majority of rentersin the area, there is the attendant prospect of depressed values for those properties that areout of conformity with the new code, which threatens current homeowners.

The RP uses the word `intensity' in lieu of what is presumably the more contentiousterm, `density'. `Intensity' is defined as a range from ` the most urban types of devel-opment and land use to the least urban types'' (Moule and Polyzoides, 2007, page 2:11).It is operationalized in residential areas by measuring dwelling units per acre. ForLogan and Lacy the RP poses two conflicts in this regard: overly intense land usesin residential areas and incompatibility between industrial and residential uses. Insome cases, residential intensity is too high; in other cases, industrial intensity is toohigh. The most immediate concern is nonconformity with intensity criteria. The RPstipulates that residential/industrial and institutional zones should have the lowestintensities. Moreover, the plan disallows multiple families in two building types whichare common in Santa Ana: `house' and `use/work.'

The foremost question is the extent to which the RP serves as a `rebirth' for those wholive in the area. To make intensity problematic is an indictment of the present community,when understood in the light of Santa Ana's demographics. Santa Ana has one of thehighest population densities in the country. At the same time, its building stock consistsmainly of single-family homes. The discrepancy is resolved when one realizes that manyof the single-family homes house multiple and intergenerational families (City of SantaAna, 2008a). This is one survival strategy for coping with high real estate prices. Alsorelevant is the high proportion of undocumented families in Santa Ana, who suffer fromany increased attention to population density. In this light, the RP's construction ofintensity as problematic can be threatening to many residents.

Figure 3. Representative home in the Lacy neighborhood.

2958 E R Gonzalez, R P Lejano

Differences between the architectural styles identified by the RP and the presenthousing stock are marked. The style guidelines cover a wide range of architecturalelements, including structural base, wall material and moldings, roofs, openings, massing,and attached elements (awnings, projections, chimneys, canopies, etc). The RP-stipulatedstyle template that is closest to the present stock is probably the `Craftsman style'.Figure 3 shows a representative home in the UN-1 zone of the Lacy district. Noncom-pliance is evident in terms of overall look. Some of the discrepancies are summarized intable 3.

This is the most telling conflict of the RP's goal for housing: most of the housingstock in Santa Ana does not fit these architectural style templates. The plan's vision forthe future Santa Ana looks nothing like today's community. This is the imposition of aspecific cultural and class type onto the existing oneönot through express prohibitionand representation, but through myriad new practices (eg, architectural styles, front-age, signage, etc) that make up a new science of form. The RP, and by extension NU,is in effect a new disciplinary mechanism (Foucault, 1977). The alienating effect oferasing the neighborhoods and residents, those whose histories are wrapped up in theSanta Ana of today, can be profound. The RP is essentially saying that the Santa Anaof tomorrow will look nothing like the Santa Ana of today. This message mirrors whatHolston (1989) describes as the ignoring of the ethnographic present in favor of anidealized future, although NU's `idealized future' is itself a throwback to the imaginedand `traditional' pre-WWII Anglo neighborhoods. It is a short cognitive step from thisto the proposition that the majority of its residents will, likewise, no longer be here inthe future.

6 ConclusionThe case study has shed some new light on NU practice in the barrio. The new scienceof form that NU represents may impose an alienating cultural and class model ontoexisting urban spaces. The Foucauldian analysis of NU reveals disciplinary mecha-nisms embedded everywhere, from the macro level (eg, zoning) to the microlevel(eg, permitting). It is the manifold complex of disciplinary devices to which Foucaultreferred to in the use of the term `governmentality' (Foucault, 1991). Our analysis showsspecific ways in which these disciplinary mechanisms spatially alienate the presentbarrios and downtown. With both image and material practice, NU attempts tocombine the city of representation with the city of discipline (Foucault, 1977). NUcan be thought of as belonging to a suite of postmodern cultural forms that seekboth economic colonization and a type of cultural inculturation (see Mejido, 2005).

Table 3. Divergence of housing from Renaissance Specific Plan specified architectural styleöLacy.

Feature Divergence

Roof Rafters not exposedOverhang less than 3 ftGables at 5:12 slope, exceeds specifications (3:12 to 4:12)

Trim Stones at base not graded by sizeWoodwork is painted, not exposedNo `heavy timber' look

Landscaping Garden walls not stone/brickNo trellis or other outdoor woodwork

New Urbanism and the barrio 2959

Future inquiry should explore how NU combines with and possibly internalizes otherplace-alienating discourses, such as the globalist and the neocolonialist.

There are some very prominent findings in the Santa Ana case concerning place.Our case study suggests that spatial alienation is not inherently or strictly related toracial discrimination between two otherwise distinct groups, such as Whites andLatinos. Instead, we see a more nuanced relationship between a political regimeand the urban constituency. Glaring is the fact that it is an all-Latino city council inthe middle of a highly contested class and cultural redevelopment project in what hasbeen described as the United State's most Mexican metropolis. This counters much ofAmerican urban history which documents elite Anglo policy actors perpetuating ethnicand racial discrimination in barrios, specifically, and in marginalized communities ofcolor, generally. On one level, what we have here appears to be within the same groupphenomena, casting questions such as what else is spatial alienation really about?Future research should examine these tensions while exploring how local governmentstructures, public policies, developers, and ideologies impact place.

It is revealing to reread an article written in 2001 by one of NU's foremostadvocates, Andres Duany, titled ` Three cheers for gentrification'':

` Affordable' housing isn't always what cities need more of. Some do, but many needjust the opposite ... . Gentrification is usually good news, for there is nothing moreunhealthy for a city than a monoculture of poverty'' (2001, page 1).

Reading this today, amidst the real estate collapse presently crippling the entire USeconomy, such free-market discourse seems foolish and overtly ideological. But itsphilosophy may be what underpins New Urbanismöthat is, the idea that poverty issimply a monoculture. From here, it is not a large step away from associating povertywith specific culturesöethnic and social.

NU has become a science of form that takes this country `back to the future',systematically creating neighborhoods with a middle-class and Anglo identity harkingto pre-World-War-II times. There is much of the postmodern turn toward pastiche inNU, with its imagining of old and new, as opposed to appreciating the real communityin the here and now. We end with an appeal for new practices and developmenttheories that appreciate the enduring power of context (Lejano, 2006).

Acknowledgements. The authors thank the CBCARP (Chicanos Unidos, El Centro Cultural deMexico, Kennedy Commission, Logan Neighborhood Association, Orange County CongregationCommunity Organization, Public Law Center, and other individuals in and out of the coalition)and both the anonymous reviewers and colleagues who provided helpful comments. The primaryauthor also recognizes the research support from the Office of the President at California StateUniversity, Fullerton. Any misrepresentations are our own.

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