MAINSTREAMING AND INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES:

AN INTERGENERATIONAL CASE STUDY ON THE PANIYAS OF

WAYANAD

A dissertation submitted to the University of Kerala in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

MASTER OF SOCIAL WORK

Submitted by

MARIA TERES SEBASTIAN

Candidate Code: 91518115014

Subject Code: SW 915

Exam Code: 91518401

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL WORK

LOYOLA COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

2018-2020

ii

Certification of Approval

This is to certify that this dissertation entitled ―Mainstreaming and Indigenous

Communities: An Intergenerational Case Study on the Paniyas of Wayanad‖, is a record

of genuine work doneby Ms. Maria Teres Sebastian, Semester-IV Master of Social Work

student of this college under my supervision and guidance and that it is hereby approved

for submission.

Dr. Sonny Jose,

Research Guide,

Department of Social Work,

Loyola College of Social Sciences,

Sreekariyam, Thiruvananthapuram

Recommended for forwarding to the University of Kerala

Dr. Sonny Jose

Head of the Department Of Social

Work

Loyola College of Social Sciences

Sreekariyam, Thiruvananthapuram

Recommended for forwarding to the University of Kerala

Dr. Saji P. Jacob

Principal

Loyola College of Social Science

Sreekariyam, Thiruvananthapuram

10 August 2020

Thiruvananthapuram

iii

Declaration

I, Maria Teres Sebastian, do hereby declare that the Dissertation Titled ―Mainstreaming

and Indigenous Communities: An Intergenerational Case Study on the Paniyas of

Wayanad‖ is based on the original work carried out by me and submitted to the

University of Kerala during the year 2018-2020 towards partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the Master of Social Work Degree Examination. It has not been

submitted for the award of any degree, diploma, fellowship or other similar title of

recognition before.

Ms. Maria Teres Sebastian

10 August 2020

Thiruvananthapuram

iv

Acknowledgement

Foremostly, praises and thanks to God Almighty; without the graces showered on me from

above, this research would not have been.

I am sincerely grateful to Dr. Sonny Jose, Head of the Social Work Department, Loyola College

of Social Sciences for diligently guiding me during the whole process. He was the leading spirit

in my endeavour; motivating me in my times of my confusion, he stood for me, with me,

encouraging me to do my best. At this juncture I extend my heartfelt respect and gratitude for all

the pain that he had taken for the completion of my study.

I extend my heartfelt gratitude to Dr. Saji. P. Jacob, Principal Loyola College of Social Sciences,

Dr. Sabu P. Thomas S.J., Dr. Jasmine Sarah Alexander, Dr. Francina P.X., Fr. Saji Joseph

S.J. and Ms. Vandana Suresh, faculty members of the Department of Social Work for their help

on various occasions during the course of this work. I express my sincere thanks to Dr. Sunil

Kumar, Librarian and Mr. George Mathew assistant librarian, Loyola College of Social

Sciences, for their kind support for the successful completion of my work so far.

My sincere gratitude to all the interviewees who have participated in the process of my data

collection;I remember with immense gratitude, Smt. Ambika, fieldwork coordinator and Smt.

Shyamala, tribal fieldworker, at Mahila Samakya Society, Wayanad for arranging and assisting

me in the data collection process.

This would be incomplete without mentioning the support of Ms. Prajitha S, who took so much

time and effort to accompany me through the whole process of data collection and analysis.

I could never conclude this without mentioning my dear seniors Ms. Archana Louis and Ms.

Asheily S. James, and my dearest friend Ms. Ansu Jacob, whose whole-hearted support helped

me present this before you.

It would not have been possible for me to successfully complete this work without the

encouragement and support of my beloved family, who are my constant source of strength and

encouragement.

- Maria Teres Sebastian

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Contents

Certification of Approval ................................................................................................. ii

Declaration........................................................................................................................ iii

Acknowledgement .............................................................................................................iv

Contents ..............................................................................................................................v

List of Tables ................................................................................................................... vii

Abstract........................................................................................................................... viii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION.....................................................................................1

1.1 Introduction ............................................................................................................1

1.1.1 Indigenous People .........................................................................................2

1.1.2 The Indian Scenario......................................................................................3

1.1.3 Tribal Communities in Kerala.....................................................................4

1.1.4 The Paniya Tribe...........................................................................................5

1.2 Background of the Study .......................................................................................9

1.3 Statement of the Problem ....................................................................................12

1.4 Significance of the Study .....................................................................................13

1.5 Chapterisation ......................................................................................................13

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW.......................................................................14

2.1 Introduction ..........................................................................................................14

2.2 Review of Literature ............................................................................................16

2.1.1 Tribal communities .....................................................................................16

2.2.2 Changes that have taken place in the tribal communities.......................18

2.2.3 Impact of Mainstream on the Indigenous communities ..........................24

2.2.4 Paniya Tribal Community .........................................................................29

2.3 Research Gap........................................................................................................33

2.4 Theoretical Framework .......................................................................................34

2.4.1 Theory of Acculturation .............................................................................34

2.4.2 Cross-cultural Adaptation Theory ............................................................35

2.4.3 Cultural Identity theory .............................................................................35

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY..................................................................................37

3.1 Title of the Study ..................................................................................................39

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3.2 Research Question ...............................................................................................39

3.3 Definition of Concepts .........................................................................................39

3.4 Research Strategy ................................................................................................40

3.5 Sampling Strategy ................................................................................................40

3.6 Ethical Considerations.........................................................................................41

3.7 Limitations of the Study ......................................................................................41

CHAPTER 4: CASE DISCUSSIONS ............................................................................43

Case 1 ..........................................................................................................................43

Case 2 ..........................................................................................................................56

Case 3 ..........................................................................................................................65

Key Informant 1 .........................................................................................................73

Key Informant 2 .........................................................................................................77

CHAPTER 5: ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION ...........................................................79

5.1 Socio-Cultural Changes .......................................................................................79

5.1.1 Changes in oral communication ................................................................81

5.1.2 Changes in occupation patterns .................................................................86

5.1.3 Changes in infrastructure ..........................................................................87

5.1.4 Changes in faith, religious practices and rituals ......................................88

5.1.5 Changes in food production and consumption.........................................91

5.1.6 Changes in attire and ornaments...............................................................92

5.1.7 Changes in health practices........................................................................93

5.2 Community Perception........................................................................................97

5.3 Theoretical Framework .......................................................................................99

CHAPTER 6: FINDINGS, SUGGESTIONS AND CONCLUSION .........................102

6.1 Introduction ........................................................................................................102

6.2 Findings ...............................................................................................................103

6.3 Avenues for Social Work Interventions ...........................................................104

6.4 Scope for future studies .....................................................................................106

6.5 Conclusion ..........................................................................................................107

Bibliography ...................................................................................................................108

vii

List of Tables

Table 1: Definition of Concepts ..................................................................................... 40

Table 2: Perceptual changes noted within the paniya community ............................. 95

viii

Abstract

Indigenous people are considered to be the first inhabitants of any given nation. There are

approximately 370 million indigenous peoples worldwide, in over 90 countries, and most

of them if not all, have similar stories to say, of displacement and dispossession of their

homelands. History gives accounts of the ‗civilised savages‘ driving out the ‗natives‘ and

establishing ‗civilisations‘, or civilizing the natives by gifting them ‗development‘

unadulterated. However, studies have shown over the years that the real story is far

different. World Bank reports that although they make up 5% of the global population, at

present, the indigenous population account for about 15% of the extreme poor.

This study looks into one such group of indigenous people who lived on the

Southwestern Malabar Coast of India, but displaced by settlers over the last few

centuries. The paniya community of Kerala is the largest indigenous community in the

state, and the study is focused in Wayanad district, which reports the highest population

of paniyas in Kerala. The study explores the social changes encountered by the paniya

tribal community as actors in responding to mainstreaming attempts at the macro level,

with due consideration for intergenerational perspectives.

The research was qualitative and adopted a multiple case study design. Three families

were purposively chosen, and the case studies take an intergenerational approach,

recording the diverse views of individuals across generations. The study made use of

focus group discussions, in-depth interviews and key informant interviews on various

themes.

The study shows that as a result of mainstreaming, there are marked changes happening

within the paniya community in relation with oral communication, infrastructure, faith

and religious practices. attire, health practices, occupation and food habits. To strictly

group these into beneficial and adverse, would be unreasonable, as only time will tell

which changes benefited them and impacted them negatively, though the community

seems to be caught between the two worlds of their native existence and the mainstream

ways.

Keywords: Indigenous people, paniyas, social changes, mainstreaming

1

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

“See how your world has cracked.

Why aren‟t you here? Where are you? Come back.

Is history deaf there, across the oceans?”

- “A Pastoral”, by Agha Shahid Ali

The heartfelt lament for a lost past, ―A Pastoral‖ was Agha Shahid Ali‘s ode to his

motherland Kashmir. Both the poet and his Land were caught between two worlds;

settling in the United States at the prime of his life, Ali‘s heart never left Kashmir, the

land itself being stripped of its honour, between conflicts that threatened to destroy its

people, its polity and their beautiful culture. The pain of constantly living in the midst of

unrest and strife, losing peace and identity; caught between the need to survive and the

vain hopes of upholding one‘s legacy constantly haunts the sub consciousness of anyone

who has been deprived of their land.

1.1 Introduction

To lose the land beneath one‘s feet, to be driven out of the place one has called home for

centuries; to be enslaved and stripped of one‘s right to oneself… this is a fate none of us

would want to live through. Yet, this is precisely what indigenous people around the

globe have been going through for centuries. As a collective, indigenous people remain a

group of people, who never staked claim on anything to be ‗their own‘: ―We belong to

the land; the land does not belong to us‖ (Reconciliation Australia, n.d.) is what they keep

on subtly hinting the ‗civilised savages‘ in us, even now. Yet the conquerors, the

newcomers, who established themselves as the settlers of nations, displaced these

communities, labelling them as ‗natives‘ (aboriginals), who had no right to the land they

had lived on for centuries, much before the inception of nation states of civilisation.

This is an attempt to understand the story of one such group of indigenous people -the

paniya community of Kerala- who lived on the southwestern Malabar Coast of India,

who were robbed and dispossessed of everything they had, and left to resta rt their lives

from scratch.

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1.1.1 Indigenous People

Indigenous is defined as ―born or produced naturally in a land or region; native or

belonging natural‖ in the Oxford English Dictionary (1999).The United Nations defines

the indigenous people as ―spread across the world from the Arctic to the South Pacific,

indigenous people are the descendants - according to a common definition - of those who

inhabited a country or a geographical region at the time when people of different cultures

or ethnic origins arrived. The new arrivals later became dominant through conquest,

occupation, settlement or other means‖ (United Nations, 2007).

The World Bank records Indigenous People as ―culturally distinct societies and

communities for whom, the land on which they live and the natural resources on which

they depend are inextricably linked to their identities, cultures, livelihoods, as well as

their physical and spiritual well-being (The World Bank, 2019).

Considering the diversity of indigenous people, an official definition of ―indigenous‖ has

not been adopted by any UN-system body. Instead the system has developed a modern

understanding of this term based on the following:

• Self- identification as indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by

the community as their member

• Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies

• Strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources

• Distinct social, economic or political systems

• Distinct language, culture and beliefs

• Form non-dominant groups of society

• Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as

distinctive peoples and communities (United Nations, 2000)

According to the UN, the most fruitful approach is to identify, rather than define

indigenous peoples. This is based on the fundamental criterion of self- identification as

underlined in a number of Human Rights documents. The term ―indigenous‖ has

prevailed as a generic term for many years. In some countries, there may be preference

for other terms including tribes, first peoples/nations, aboriginals, ethnic groups, adivasi

3

or janajati. Occupational and geographical terms like hunter-gatherers, nomads, peasants,

hill people, etc., also exist and can be used interchangeably with ‗indigenous people‘.

In many cases, the notion of being termed ―indigenous‖ has negative connotations and

some people may choose not to reveal or define their ‗origin‘. Others must respect such

choices, while at the same time, working against the discrimination of indigenous

peoples. (United Nations, 2007)

There are approximately 370 million indigenous peoples worldwide, in over 90 countries

(United Nations, 2000). China is the country with the biggest indigenous population in

absolute terms. Almost 112 million indigenous people – Tibetans, Uyghurs, Zhuang and

52 other recognized groups – still make up only 8.5 percent of the total population.

Greenland is considered the territory with the most indigenous people as a share of the

total population. Almost 90 percent of the population is Greenlandic Inuit who call

themselves Kalaallit and their homeland Kalaallit Nunaát. The population, as of 2018,

was 89.6 % Greenlandic Inuit out of a to tal of 57,691 of inhabitants (Buchholz, 2019;

Berger, 2019).

1.1.2 The Indian Scenario

India has the second largest population of indigenous people in the world. The Indian

Constitution classifies them as the Scheduled Tribes (S.T.s). In Central India, the y are

called adivasi; the term is derived from the Sanskrit word 'adi' which connotes of earliest

times or from the beginning and 'vasi' meaning inhabitant or resident. This term hinting at

the Latin word ab-origin, was coined in the 1930s, largely a consequence of a political

movement to forge a sense of identity among the various indigenous peoples of India

(Minority Rights Group International, 2008).

Unlike the international practice of self- identification of indigenous people, the legally

essential characteristics, first laid down by the Lokur Committee, for a community to be

identified as Scheduled Tribes in India are

● indications of primitive traits

● distinctive culture

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● shyness of contact with the community at large

● geographical isolation

● backwardness (Saroha, 2017)

As per 2011 census, India is home to 705 tribal groups across 30 States/UTs. With an

estimated population of 104 million, they comprise 8.6% of the total population. Out of

the total Scheduled Tribes, 89.97% live in rural areas and 10.03% in urban areas. The

highest number of ST groups are in Odisha [62], followed by Karnataka [50],

Maharashtra [47] and Madhya Pradesh [46] (Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 2013). Many

more ethnic groups are unofficially considered eligible for the status of Scheduled Tribes,

but don‘t qualify under the afore-mentioned criteria; as a result, estimates of the total

number of tribal groups are higher than the official figures (Saprina, 2019).

Tribal communities in India reside in different ecological and geo-climatic conditions

ranging from plains and forests to hills and inaccessible areas. They are at various levels

of social, economic and educational development. Some of these tribal communities have

adopted mainstream way of life, but at the other end of the spectrum there are certain

Scheduled Tribes, (75 in number) known as Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups

(PVTGs) earlier named as Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs), who are characterised by pre-

agriculture level of technology, stagnant or declining population, extremely low level of

literacy and subsistence level of economy. (Saprina, 2019)

1.1.3 Tribal Communities in Kerala

Total Scheduled Tribal population in Kerala composes 1.5 percent of the total population

(2011 Census). Most of the tribal people of Kerala live in the forests and mountains of

Western Ghats, bordering Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.

Of over the 35 tribal groups which inhabit the state, Cholanaikkans, Kurumbas,

Kattunaikans, Kadars and Koragas are the five primitive tribal groups in Kerala. which

are included in the central government‘s list of Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups

(PVTGs). They constitute nearly 5% of the total tribal population in the State.

Cholanaikkans can be said as the most primitive of them and found only in the

Malappuram District. Kattunaikans, another lower-hill community related to

5

Cholanaikkans, are mainly seen in Wayanad district and some in Malappuram and

Kozhikode districts. The Kadar population is found in Thrissur and Palakkad districts.

Kurumbas are living in the Attappady Block of Palakkad district. The Koraga habitat is in

the plain areas of Kasaragod district.

Among the 14 districts in Kerala, Wayanad has the highest number of tribals (1,36,062)

followed by Idukki (50,973) and Palakkad (39,665) districts. The tribal communities of

Wayanad are socio-economically and culturally diverse and include paniyan (44.7 %),

Adiyan (7.1 %), Kattunayakan (9.9 %), Kurichian (17.4 %), Mullukuruman (17.5%) and

Uralikuruman (2.7 %) (Menon 2010).Kurichiyas and Mullu Kurumans own land and

practice settled agriculture; paniyas and Adiyans are mainly wage labourers with a few

who own land; Kattunayakans depend on forest labour for their livelihood. Occasional

forest labour and collection of non-timber forest produce contributes to their income. The

Urali Kurumans were traditionally artisans, and today most of them are agricultural

labourers. The landholding pattern and the nature of occupation are also different among

these Tribal groups (Isac, 2014).

1.1.4 The Paniya Tribe

The Paniya (Paniyar/ Paniyan) are the largest of the 35 major tribes in Kerala. The

tribe is found in Wayanad, Kannur, Kozhikode and Malappuram districts of Kerala, and

adjoining districts of Coorg in Karnataka and the Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu. Majority o f the

entire paniya population of South India can be found in Wayanad district of Kerala.

According to the Census of 2011, there are 15,876 families of paniya in Wayanad,

contributing to a population of 69,116.

The name of the tribe (Paniya/ Paniyan/ Paniyar) is supposed to have originated from the

social standing; the term pani means work, and the term paniyan thus, means ‗someone

who does work‘ or ‗labourer‘. Historically, paniyas have been slaves who worked in the

agricultural field of the janmis or landlords (Krishnan, 2019).

Regarding the exact history of the paniya tribe, there are several stories existing among

the community and the local population. The community consider themselves to be the

descendents of a couple who lived in ‗Ippimala‘, the location of which they are not aware

6

of, but is supposed to be a mountain near the Banasura hill in West Wayanad. This

couple, known as Ippimala Muthassi and Ippimala Muthappe, were supposed to be

siblings above their torso, and different individuals below the torso. No evidence to

support this tale has been found, and hence the story remains a legend revered and

repeated by the paniyas among themselves (Krishnan, 2019).

European historians believe the paniyas are of African origin. Edgar Thurston, a British

administrator who documented the history of people of South India in the early part of

twentieth century, suggested that their short stature, black colour, curly hair, cephalic and

nasal indices have evident resemblance to the Negroes of Africa and can be regarded as a

tribe having African roots (Krishnan, 2019; Figaredo, 2014).

Another story narrates that the landlords of the Chetti group trapped these forest dwellers

using nets, and domesticated them to work as agricultural labourers. A similar story

exists with a Gounder land owner in place of the Chetti landlord. According to another

local belief, centuries back they were brought to Wayanad by the local Raja and when the

Raja's family was massacred by his enemies, the paniyas accepted the Chettis as their

masters and started working for them. Though the story of their origins remains vague,

there are traces in history that prove that paniyas were slaves, bought and sold with the

land they worked on (Kurup & Burman, 1961).

According to the oral tradition, the king of the Kuruman Tribal community in Wayanad

was defeated by the Kottayam and Kurumbanad kings and Wayanad came under their

rule. The Rajas of Kottayam introduced a settled form of government in Wayanad and

brought several Nair families from the coastal land; the area was further divided into nads

(small divisions) and the Nairs took up administration. They treated Tribals as inferior

beings and used them for hard manual labour. Even though Tribals were enslaved by the

migrants, they were free to use forest land and its resources by giving a minimal rent in

the form of forest produce to the Nair landlords. (Logan, 1951; Mundakkayam, 2002;

Nair, 1911)

After Hyder Ali invaded Wayanad in 1766 AD and brought it under his rule, the

migration of Muslims to Wayanad, which had started in the 16th century, accelerated;

7

during this period, large areas of forests were mortgaged by the Nair landlords to certain

Muslim merchants who exercised the rights of the original proprietors. This further

affected the customary rights of tribal people and curtailed their access to agricultural and

forest lands. (Isac, 2014)

The paniyas had never owned land and had considered the land as common property and

moved about freely. They thus became the greatest victims of the socio-political

situations as they lost all the land which they considered a common property, to the

landlords. As a result of this they had to work for the latter to earn their living.

In the 20th century, another bout of migration took place to Wayanad from the erstwhile

kingdom of Travancore, the present-day central Kerala. Some records claim that the

paniya labourers were sold with the land to the new owners; other sources say they were

chased away by the landlords but were later employed by the migrants as they proved to

be excellent agricultural workforce (Kunhaman, 1949; Mathew & Shah, 2018).

This second migration further aggravated the bonded labour situation of these tribals.

―The settlers and Adivasis lived poles apart culturally and economically, and even

socially. The settlers eventually thrived with organized religion and educational

institutions. But the tribals continued to internalize the ‗bonded-psyche‘‖ (Mathew &

Shah, 2018, p. 114).

The arrival of the British merely changed the ownership of lands from the landlords to

the government, and the state of these bonded labourers remained more or less the same.

During the British rule, the paniyas remained agrestic slaves (Isac, 2014).

Independence also brought not much relief to this community; Sarin (2003) criticises the

state forest policies as well as the constitution of the Central Empowerment Committee

(CEC) by the Supreme Court which views all lands with trees as forest and the

reinforcement of its management responsibility to the Forest Department (FD), the

biggest institutional landlord in the country. The Kerala state‘s Forest Conservation Act

of 1980 was also discriminatory towards these already disadvantaged groups, and

displaced the landless tribals from their forest areas by declaring those areas as forest

reserves.

8

Further, it has been reported that even after the abolition of bonded labour by Kerala in

1963, different forms of slavery existed among the paniyas, in the form of annual

engagements to work for a farmer who gave the labourer a lumpsum advance. According

to the government report till 1983, 823 bonded Tribal labourers were identified in Kerala

and since then no further cases have been reported (Aiyappan, 1992). The destruction of

paddy fields in the following decades, and which continues to this day, is also a major

blow to the paniya community as these fields were the reservoirs of their food and

employment.

The situation today is that neither political parties nor the nongovernmental organisations

are found to be supporting the tribal communities in retrieving either their alienated land

or lost culture (Isac, 2014). Displaced from the forest that was a natural abode, and the

land they once inhabited and worked in, the paniyas are confined to smaller tracts of land

on the fringes of the society, which amounts to not more than 10 cents for a family. Being

predominantly landless, they now live in colonies (as the government labels their

settlements) in houses the government has built for them, struggling to find jobs and

money to sustain them.

The identity of belonging to the slave caste from pre-colonial times has placed the paniya

community on the lowest rung among the tribal community itself, and also in the

hierarchy of the caste and class structures. The traditional practice of untouchability kept

a paniyan20 meters away from the others even during the early period of independence.

Now living in colonies in peripheral areas, they rarely interact socially outside their own

colony (Isac, 2014).

Thomas, Taylor, &Bareh in their book Tribal Awakening (1965) points out that, as far

back as the 1960s, many of the tribals who were in isolation till the few decades back,

had been brought into mainstream through modern developments and they are

undergoing all kinds of changes in social, cultural, economic and political spheres; the

paniya community is no exception.

9

1.2 Background of the Study

Julian Huxley, renowned British evolutionary biologist, eugenicist, and internationalist,

in his introduction to his book African View writes, ―Shall we be able to preserve the

savour of difference, to fuse our culture and theirs [native tribes and races] into an

autochthonous civilization, to use local difference as the basis for a natural diversity of

development?‖ (p. 7). If he was speaking from a global viewpoint that included the fate

of indigenous people all around the globe, in India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the first

Prime Minister of Independent India, voiced a similar concern in his foreword to Verrier

Elwin‘s Philosophy for NEFA.

I am not at all sure which is the better way of living, the tribal or own. In some

respects, I am quite certain theirs is better. Therefore, it is grossly presumptuous

on our part to approach them with an air of superiority, to tell them how to behave

or what to do and what not to do. There is no point in trying to make them a

second-rate copy of ourselves… In fact, there would be more peace in the world if

people were to desist from imposing their way of living on other people. (p. vi)

The constitution also took an equal stance on the topic, giving them the special status of

Scheduled Tribes, and including provisions for the protection and development of their

social, economic and cultural life. The constitutional measures for the Scheduled Tribes

in India include Educational, Economic, Public Employment and Political safeguards,

and an agency (National Commission for Scheduled Tribe) to monitor the same (Ministry

of Tribal Affairs, 2017).

The government of India, since the first five year plan, thus formulated policies

pertaining to tribal welfare; this was strongly guided by Nehru‘s insistence on tribals

being able to ―enjoy the advantages of modern medicine, education, agriculture and

economic growth, but certainly not at the cost of the rare and precious values of their

life‖ (Rath, 2006, p. xiv). These special strategies have registered quantifiable

improvement in the socio-economic status of Scheduled Tribes. However, the progress

made by them could not bring them much closer to mainstream society as the wider gap

in the socio-economic status persists (Lal, 2019).

10

The Kerala story is not much different. With its ‗Kerala Model of Development‘ being

praised in the national and international circles, the statistics that compare to the

European and Scandinavian standards seems to have left these tribal populations behind.

If one compares the tribals on the socio-economic or quality of life indicators, it is true

that the tribal groups from Kerala will appear to be far better than many other states, but

when they are compared with the rest of the Kerala society it is interesting that they left

as the least developed within the state. The model, for instance, was severely criticised

when there were starvation and hunger deaths reported from the adivasi colonies of

Wayanad and Palakkad districts and questions were raised regarding ‗where does the

Adivasi of Kerala, as a community, fit in this whole process?‘. Despite a variety of

programs, especially in the education and agricultural sectors, being introduced and

updated for tribal welfare by the state government in recent years, the anticipated

beneficiaries are still suffering with poor development outcomes.

After 2004, the government, on record, has given land to more than ten thousand families

under different programmes and missions; despite this, the number of landless tribals has

only increased in the state. Kerala is known for the highest literacy rate in the country

(93.91%) but as per 2011 census, the literacy rate for the tribals in the state is a mere

72.77%. More than 77680 tribal individuals in the age group between 15 and 59 are

unemployed. Poverty rates are also high; about 2402 families take meals one time in a

day, and amongst them half are agricultural laborers. Only 34,092 families have two

meals a day and the number of family members who are malnourished is 13,960 (Khan,

2012).

The paniya tribe, with their history of slavery, is at an even disadvantaged position within

the tribal community. Being historically landless, and considered by even other tribal

groups as ‗untouchables‘, the paniya tribe are discriminated against even in the present

times. Landlessness and irregular employment place the paniya families in a vicious

cycle of poverty. They are educationally backward compared to other tribal communities

like the Kurichiyas (Isac, 2014). The same study reports that the paniya children are

discriminated against in schools by both teachers and fellow students.

11

Mohindra et al (2010) records the following about the general status of the paniya

community in the present times:

Colonies have poor transportation linkages and are particularly vulnerable to

flooding during monsoons. They have poor housing and living conditions; for

example, 50% of households have no sanitation facilities. paniyas have low levels

of education; 57% of women and 46% of men have never been to school. They

spend a significant proportion of their household income on alcohol and tobacco,

which represent 17% of total expenditure on food consumption. Hygienic

practices common in Kerala are not universally adopted; over a quarter of the

households do not systematically boil their drinking water. Their health needs are

great (e.g. 60% are underweight, 15% are anaemic, and 11% have goitre). The

paniyas have low rates of health care utilization; among those who had

experienced a severe episode of illness, 30% did not use any health service.

Although there are special tribal schemes and programs, the paniyas are less

likely to avail themselves of these, compared to other tribal groups (p. 2).

Perhaps, echoing the same sentiment regarding the plight of these indigenous people are

the observations by Mathew and Shah: ―On a larger canvas, paniyas are perhaps the most

backward of the tribal communities in the state of Kerala‖ (Mathew & Shah, 2018, p.

114).

Several studies point towards the fact that the cultural practices of the paniyas have also

changed drastically over the years. There have been reported changes in their housing,

language, art forms, customs and practices, and even their core belief systems. Their

frequently get together at the moopan‘s house, the happy noises of musical instruments

that could be heard from their settlements during the evenings, the colourful celebrations

that decorated their faith practices, the hand-crafted ornament-making… the list of losses

are very long. The joint families disintegrating into nuclear families, the decreased usage

of their native paniyabhasha, the drastic change from the traditional attire to the

mainstream dressing patterns, the slow drift away from age-old customs and practices…

the changes are endless (Isac, 2014; Varghese, 2010).

12

On the whole, though living on the fringes of the society, the community has come into

contact with the mainstream culture due to increased opportunities in education and

occupational sectors. But not only have they not attained the development envisioned by

Pandit Nehru or the architects of the constitution, they have also lost the cultural heritage

they had preserved over the centuries. What Somashekhar (1997) pointed out two

decades ago remains true in this age too, that the socio-cultural life of the tribals in India

has undergone several changes during the past five decades, but improved only to a

limited extent.

1.3 Statement of the Problem

The indigenous communities, described by the United Nations as ‗keepers of

knowledge‘, have been facing discrimination world over; their cultures are threatened

with extinction (United Nations, 2000). Similar to many other communities around the

globe, the paniya tribal community of Wayanad district in Kerala has a long history of

discrimination; a history that may possibly have been more discriminatory in nature than

many other tribes in the Indian subcontinent. The paniyas, described by the renowned

Indian anthropologist, A. Ayyappan as an ‗ex-slave tribe‘, had been a landless

community, forced into bonded labour by the landlords in Wayanad for centuries. The

British rule aggravated their condition, and independence too did not bring them any

consolation. The much acclaimed ‗Kerala Model of Development‘ has if not ignored, also

failed to include this community in its race to achieve quality of life at par with global

standards.

In spite of the developmental measures initiated by the State and Central governments,

the community has failed to develop beyond a particular point, and the community

wallows in a state of abject poverty and underdevelopment. Added to this, there have also

been reports of their cultural richness – customs and practices, traditional attire and art

forms, unity and oneness of the tribe – being lost over the years. This tribal community

has been unwilling forced to embrace changes, over the years, under the pretext of

unsolicited development, largely imposed by Governments with their agenda and

perception regarding the paradigms of development. This study attempts to travel, trace

and document these unsolicited changes that have dominated their lives over different

13

generations, and also attempts to look at these changes from the perspect ive of the

Paniyas; in a way it tries to do justice to the insiders‘ perspective- an emic - to the whole

story.

1.4 Significance of the Study

This study tries to look at the changes in the paniya tribal community from the

perspective of the community members themselves. Understanding the changes, they

have undergone as a community and their reaction to it from their own perspective is

expected to bring out the reality of the situation; especially regarding their awareness as

to the changes taking place within them. A clear picture as to the current state of affairs

will be significant for the governmental and non-governmental agencies in understanding

the key areas that need to be addressed and accordingly develop the strategies and

approaches while they draft the action plans for programmes and policies. Concrete data,

on the community‘s level of satisfaction or dissatisfaction regarding their present state of

existence, will help these agencies understand what kind of programs or projects are

required to address the issues they are facing. This might also be helpful for the

community itself in understanding the need to preserve and uphold their culture.

1.5 Chapterisation

Chapter 1- Introduction

Chapter 2- Literature review

Chapter 3- Methodology

Chapter 4- Case presentations

Chapter 5- Data analysis and Interpretation

Chapter 6- Findings, Suggestions and Conclusion

14

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction

Indigenous people are considered to be the first inhabitants of any given nation. They are

a group/community who believed that the land did not belong to them but they belonged

to the land, that nature was not a property passed down from the previous generation but

was a loan from the future generation that life was not about conquering but sharing…

But as conquerors from distant lands came in and claimed ownership over land, these

communities were chased off from the lands they had inhabited for generations and

centuries; they became the ‗primitives‘ and ‗natives‘ who were too uncivilized for these

settlers who claimed dominion over their newfound lands. As the settlers cleared lands

and built civilizations, these original inhabitants became forest dwellers. As the

civilizations gave way to borders and nations, these forests were also claimed as

government property, leaving these people at the mercy of the governmental systems that

‗protect and provide‘ for them with reservations and incentives that are in fact theirs by

right.

The World Bank (2019) reports, there are approximately 370 million Indigenous Peoples

worldwide in over 90 countries. Although they make up 5% of the global population, the

indigenous population account for about 15% of the extreme poor. In this context, it is

worthy to note the World Bank observation that while Indigenous Peoples own, occupy,

or use only a quarter of the world‘s surface area, they safeguard 80 percent of the world‘s

remaining biodiversity. They hold vital ancestral knowledge and expertise on how to

adapt, mitigate, and reduce climate and disaster risks. The report continues to state that

given this scenario, it is quite ironic that though much of the land occupied by Indigenous

Peoples is under indigenous customary ownership, many governments recognize only a

fraction of this land as formally or legally belonging to Indigenous People.

State of the World‟s Indigenous People (2009) affirms the previous source; it points out

that, indigenous peoples are custodians of some of the most biologically diverse

territories in the world. They are also responsible for a great deal of the world‘s linguistic

15

and cultural diversity, and their traditional knowledge has been and continues to be ―an

invaluable resource‖ that benefits all of mankind. Yet, indigenous peoples continue to

suffer discrimination, marginalization, extreme poverty and conflict. Some are being

dispossessed of their traditional lands as their livelihoods are being undermined.

Meanwhile, their belief systems, cultures, languages and ways of life continue to be

threatened, sometimes even by extinction.

In addition to removing them from their lands, everything that made them who

they were - their distinct cultural practices, languages, spirituality - was outlawed,

prohibited or erased. . . While at the schools the children were taught or forced to

accept that they, their families and cultures were inferior to European culture and

lifestyle. The children learned to be ashamed of their identity. It has been a

struggle for many individuals and communities ever since to relearn, regain, and

revitalize what was taken. (Indigenous Corporate Training Inc., 2019)

In the Indian scenario, the tribals are considered one of the most vulnerable sections of

our society living in ―natural and unpolluted surroundings far away from civilization with

their traditional values, customs and beliefs‖ (Pradhan, 2015). Globalisation and its effect

on tribal development reads that tribals are ―part of the Indian society, at the same time

they are different‖. The author goes on to point out displacement, land alienation,

problems of indebtedness, endangering of intellectual property rights and extinction of

primitive tribal culture as the major problems faced by the tribal communities in India

today. The article points out that age old exploitation and repression of the tribals have

not only cut them off from the main stream of socio-economic development of the

country as a whole, but also affected their cultural heritage.

Among them, the paniya tribes are the largest of the tribal communities in Kerala, but

remain one of the least developed and disadvantaged groups. They have a history of

slavery and discrimination, and their social and cultural life has also undergone lots of

changes.

16

2.2 Review of Literature

The plight of the indigenous population has been studied extensively over years,

spanning a variety of topics from their material, economic losses to the loss of their

culture and identity. There are several studies on different aspects of indigenous

communities, their losses and changes in their lives, at the international, national and

local levels. The following section explores a few such studies and their findings,

focusing on the changes taken place within the tribal communities, and the effect of these

changes on the communities.

2.1.1 Tribal communities

Semali & Kincheloe, (2011) outlines how the indigenous population of Africa valued

their relationship with the natural environment and how they organized their folk

knowledge of flora and fauna, cultural beliefs, and history to enhance their lives. The

narrative reflects on different aspects of the tribal lifestyle.

One of the aspects discussed was the importance given by the tribe for their language; for

them language was not a mere string of words. They believed that language has power

and it carried lessons. ―The magic of language was reinforced through the games we

played with words; riddles, proverbs and transpositions of syllables or songs‖ (p9). The

lessons were readily illustrated in simple personal life stories, recollections, and

memories, and this formed part of the indigenous education and history. These lessons

provided them with a powerful sense of identity. Knowledge systems about the

traditional institutions of customary law, land tenure systems, inheritance rights, and

rituals, were guarded and preserved not through western writing systems but through

stories, legends, folklore, fairy tales, trickster tales, and in some occasions, petrographic

(rock) art.

The authors explain how the elders never missed an opportunity to teach their children

about the different plants and herbs which were treatments for snake-bites, spider bites,

and many other remedies for headache, stomach ache, and so on. They also warned their

children to remember not to cut certain trees or shrubs for feeding the animals; they

taught them how poisonous and deadly such grass would be to their livestock. All this

17

information was learned effortlessly and stored in memory as a way of survival in a wild

and cruel terrain.

This shows how the tribal people guarded and protected nature as their own home, and

passed on this knowledge across generations. The responsibility to safeguard nature and

to ensure the transfer of this knowledge was passed on from generation to generation

without any fault.

Abrokwaa, (2011) records that African traditional belief systems recognize that life on

earth, particularly human life, is dependent on the resources provided by the

environment. The Earth is constantly referred to as Mother Earth in all traditional African

cultures. The spirit and presence of Mother Earth is the first to be invoked in all social,

religious, and ceremonial gatherings. Specific songs are set aside to honour the Earth and

the environment for providing the daily needs of human beings. They also serve as an

educational resource for the youth in regard to environmental protection and preservation

to ensure the perpetuation of life on earth.

This study in particular, focuses on the indigenous music pattern and styles which is

orally passed on across generations. Consequently, Africans tend to rely on their

memory, and are able to listen and then store detailed and complex information for very

long periods of time.Their performance is in open air, symbolizing the free spiritedness

of the African; and it takes place in an informal atmosphere because African music

requires spontaneous participation from everyone present. The study, in particular, shows

the difference between the African ethnic music and other mainstream music patterns.

Sied, (2014), in his study among the Nao People of Ethiopia writes that every ethnic

group has its own indigenous language and most of it doesn‘t have any manuscript. They

communicate with each other with the medium of their indigenous language and it is

indifferent for the mainstream population.

Rai & Nath (2003) looks at the important role that the Indian tribal community has

played in the conservation of the environment. The study notes that these people have in-

depth knowledge on how to live, in harmony with nature; they possess traditional

18

knowledge which has been of vital importance in conservation, management and

development of the environment.

Plants, for example, are conserved in natural habitat and is being worshipped as home of

god and goddess; crop plants, wild fruits, seeds, bulb, roots and tubers are being

conserved as source of food; plants are conserved in natural habitat in forest to be used as

antidote of snake bite and scorpion- sting by tribal herbal healers, for setting bone

fracture in orthopedic treatment and as medicinal herbs for curing wounds or arthritis, or

as abortifacient (a drug causing abortion) and as cures for menstrual problems; in

abandoned sites of shifting agriculture and in sacred groves of tribals, plants are

conserved, contributing to the conservation of biodiversity. Some of the indigenous

cultivars conserved by these ethnic people are even used in ‗Agricultural Cultivars

Improvement Programmes‘ to increase productivity and incorporate traits for increasing

resistance against different pests and diseases.

2.2.2 Changes that have taken place in the tribal communities

Working Effectively with Indigenous Peoples points out that their relationship with their

land had been, for the indigenous people, the foundation of who they were as a

community; ―the land held their history‖. Over the centuries, not only were they

physically removed from their lands, but everything that made them who they were -

their distinct cultural practices, languages, spirituality - was outlawed, prohibited or

erased. At the schools the children were taught or forced to accept that they, their families

and cultures were inferior to European culture and lifestyle. ―The children learned to be

ashamed of their identity.‖ (Indigenous Corporate Training Inc., 2019)

Semali & Kincheloe (2011) describes how, as the tribal groups started to mingle with the

mainstream population, they were compelled to send the kids to school. The author

recalls his own experience of learning the nature and the ways of his community from his

tribe in his own mother tongue, and suddenly going to school one day where the medium

of language was English; this transition somehow broke the children‘s harmony with the

tribe. The language of education was no longer the language of their culture. The school

considered English as the main determinant of a child‘s progress and it was counted as

19

one of the criteria for promotion to the next level of education. It literally affected the

passing on of Oral literature in the tribe. But the people in time adjusted to these

inevitable changes; they gave importance to learning and thus every child had two

parallel curricula to learn: ―one that provides the skills to function in the traditional

society and another one which imparts the skills to function in the global community‖

(p12).

Abrokwaa (2011) describes the major change that took place in the traditional culture,

especially in the area of music. They were influenced by the colonial missionaries, who

preached vigorously against indigenous African religions and music, particularly

drumming, which they associated with pagan worship. Along with it, they aggressively

promoted European musical art forms among the Africans. One of the reasons for the

hostile attitude toward traditional African music by the colonialists stemmed from the

fact that such music did not fit in the form of Christian worship to which the Europeans

were accustomed, and this led to a

Sied (2014) studied the language shift among the Nao People of Ethiopia; this study

clearly points out the changes that took place in the Nao community in terms of their

language. The Decha district, where the Nao people reside comes under the governance

of Keficho people; this played a high influence on them to learn the Keficho language

(Kefinoono) in addition to their mother tongue. Most of the Nao tribal members have

now become monolingual Kefinoono speakers. The other major factors that influenced

the change in language were schooling (as the medium of instruction was Kefinoono) and

the shift of religion from indigenous belief to Christianity (the churches used the

mainstream languages for instruction).

Ekka (2013) studied the impact of modernisation on the religious customs and traditions

of the tribals residing in Rourkela. The study was confined to the four major tribes,

Kisan, Oraon, Kharia and Mundas, who reside in different settlements in Rourkela and

explored the changes in their social life, and the tribals‘ own perception about these

changes. The study found that tribal customs and traditions have come under pressure due

to contact with the town culture; a consequent change in the attitudes of the tribals in

Rourkela was also reported.

20

As a result of ‗progress‘, the tribals have gone through a variety of changes, in their

relation with land and forests. They were very much dependent on forests for their day-

to-day requirements, including food, shelter, equipment, medicine, and in some cases

even clothes. As long as the tribes were in control of forest and open use of its produce,

they had no difficulty meeting these needs; in return they had conserved the forest which

was their life support system. Now though, it is difficult to find the tribes of Rourkela

engaging in agriculture or cultivation; working in factories and corporate offices have

become the trend. There are a few involved in small scale businesses, and some others

have to be content with daily wage labour.

These tribes‘ indigenous languages have more or less been diluted with the Hindi and

Odisha languages which are commonly used in the state; many tribal communities have

lost their original tongue and today speak these two main languages of the state. They

even encourage their children to abandon their mother tongue and learn Odiya. Those

tribes that made the transition away from hunting and gathering and toward agriculture,

usually as low-status labourers, also found their ancient religious forms in decay and their

place filled by practices of Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, or Buddhism.

The use of traditional crafts and equipment like pots, baskets, mats etc. are almost non-

existent, and the use of herbal medicine is also on the decline; tribal dances though have

been preserved by all the tribal communities; even the children are well versed in these

art forms. There have been positive changes too, like the abolition of the practice of

human sacrifices, and the introduction and encouragement of education.

Somashekhar (1997) and Shyamala (2003) studied the Sugali tribal community of

Anantapur district in Andhra Pradesh. The studies specifically looked at the changes that

have taken place in the community, the factors responsible for this change and the impact

of developmental measures on. Analysing primary and secondary data sources, their

findings state that the socio-cultural life of these tribals underwent several changes during

the past decades, but improved only to a limited extent.

The housing conditions of a majority of the sample households were poor; though 72%

had landholdings a majority of the sample households were land-poor, with no proper

21

irrigation and fertile land. The occupational change indicated a shift from wage

dependence to independent income earning, i.e., from agricultural labour to owner

cultivation, business and service. Both studies showed that the community has shifted

from joint family to nuclear families. ―A decline in the size of family and an increase in

the age at marriage‖ is what the researcher has predominantly noticed in this respect.

Shyamala reports that though there are an increasingly smaller number of joint families,

the kinship ties among the family members are strong. The traditional power structure of

the Sugalis has been weakened due to the introduction of the Panchayati Raj system.

The religious beliefs and customs of the Sugalis have also been undergoing a change

whereby they have increasingly adopted certain elements of Hindu culture in terms of

worship of deities, celebration of festivals and rituals relating to marriage and other

ceremonies. In the rural areas, the parents prefer sons to daughters, though this

discrimination is not found among Sugalis living in towns. The practice of marriage can

be seen to be shifting to Hindu religious practices, followed by Sanskrit rituals like tying

of tali and presence of a Brahmin priest. Economic conditions also play a major role as

traditional marriages require a lot of money and most of the Sugalis feel that this type o f

marriages is outdated and Hindus will degrade them. Traditionally the married women

never wore thali, kumkum on the forehead or toe rings, but of late the Sugalimarried

women have adopted all these Hindu customs. The changes in the marriage practices are

also indicated by a shift from bride price to dowry system and a change in the type of

ornament indicative of marriage worn by a woman. Divorce had been very common

among the Sugalis; it was very easy to obtain divorce and no social stigma was attached

to a divorced Sugali. Widow Remarriage and polygamy were said to have prevailed

freely and it was customary for even divorced women to remarry during the lifetime of

their husband. But the practice of Hindu religion, it seems, has influenced this liberty too.

Gurulingaiah (2016) studied the social mobility and the changes that are taking place

among the KaduGollas in Tumkur district of Karnataka; four hundred sample households

were interviewed with the help of interview schedule. The study concludes that the

culture of the tribal group under study has changed drastically over the years; though a

22

few traditional practices have been retained, they are more or less, moving towards the

mainstream trends.

Traditionally, this community lived in thatched houses made from locally available

material such as coconut leaves; today majority of them have shifted tiled or concrete

houses which are comfortable to live in; these houses are considered the indications of

the inmates‘ status. Both extended and nuclear families are found among them but the

traditional joint family system has been drastically declining. The traditional system of

matrilineal family has been on the decline and patriarchal tendencies are emerging.

KaduGollas in the past were of nomadic nature, wandering half-naked, wearing a piece of

cloth round their waist; traditionally, women did not have the habit of wearing a blouse or

upper garment. Now, their state of nudity has completely vanished, and they have

adopted modern dressing from their neighbouring castes.

Their religious beliefs were characterized by ancestral worship and tribal deities; now,

they have adopted the worship of several Hindu mythological Gods and Goddesses. The

community festivals though are not on the decline. Worship of some animals were

common among them, as they believe that these animals are holy and possess

supernatural powers; cows and are still worshipped in the villages.

Marriage, even today, is rarely a private contract, but involves alliance between families.

Contact with other dominant local caste people has brought in many of the dominant

caste‘s rituals into their marriage rituals. A shift from the traditional practice of bride

price to the dowry system is also noticeable. The marriage ceremonies have shifted from

their settlements to the city halls, and are often presided over by Brahmin priests; few

exceptions are found among the village dwellers. Widow Remarriage is not socially

recognized and approved, but a widower can marry an unmarried girl after performing all

rituals and ceremonies as observed during his first marriage. Among the city dwellers,

adopting family planning methods is one of the growing tendencies among them though

their culture prevents women from adopting family planning methods as they believe that

prevention is against God‘s wishes.

23

Menarche was marked by a 21-day exile from the settlement; anyone going near the girl

or even her shadow was deemed impure. Further, if girls attained puberty, she had to stop

attending school or college. Today, due to spread of modern education and contact with

other castes, the community has come to understand menstruation as a biological process

and have abandoned these notions of impurity, though a few of these remain in lesser

degrees, in the villages.

Traditionally, delivery had to take place outside the settlement -as they considered child

birth to be an ‗evil happening‘- and the mother and child stayed there for three months till

‗purification‘. They never approached the doctor or cooperated with the health

department in this respect, as a result of which infant mortality rate was high among

them. Educational progress, occupational change, influence of neighbouring castes and

efforts of the community leaders, has empowered educated couples to oppose these

taboos, and the women‘s pollution period following childbirth is gradually decreasing.

However, some of the elders still insist on following the old custom.

Most of their traditional system of education is undergoing a change; they are showing

interest in formal schooling. Factors like poverty, lack of facility, bad performance,

restrictions attached with attainment of puberty of girls, lack of guidance etc, are still the

major impediments to spread of education.

From the hereditary occupations of sheep rearing and cattle tending, they have moved to

cultivation of their own lands, followed by secondary occupations like petty business.

Economic co-operation and collective endeavor in the form of community labour and

‗barter- exchange system‘ have almost vanished. Changes are also visible in their food

habits; unlike in the past, when they depended on only ragi and also hunted animals, they

now grow different kinds of food grains for consumption.

They have moved forward from superstitions, and attained progress in many ways, but

have also ended up adopting many evil practices from the mainstream community they

came into contact with. The loss of many cultural practices is one of the biggest losses;

one which they are seemingly unaware of.

24

Zacharius P. Thundy‘s case study on the Kadar tribes of Kerala deals with the religious

changes taking place within the community. The study gives an elaborate introduction on

the loss of the tribal religion among the tribes of India. The article published in the

Cultural Survival Quarterly Magazine in 1981, explains how both Christian missionaries

and Hindu reformers tried to ‗civilize‘ the tribes-people by assimilating them into their

respective religions. In the beginning of the 1980s, the Muslim leaders from the Gulf

countries had also started giving financial support for the purpose of assimilating the

tribesmen into the Islamic community.

2.2.3 Impact of Mainstream on the Indigenous communities

Fordham (1998) suggests that because language is a vessel of culture, its loss can be

harmful to the cultural heritage. Language loss compromises tribal uniqueness and

sovereignty. Moreover, their cultural heritage and identity also gets separated from their

children, preventing them from communicating with elders and from participating in their

language community.

Speaking with reference to the Australian Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islander people,

Bridge (n.d.) elaborates how the loss of language threatens the indigenous community‘s

own existence. ―Language identifies who we are and where we come from. We use the

languages we speak to express all that we feel and know. When we lose a language, we

lose the unique knowledge and perspectives of the people that speak it.‖ For these people

who don‘t see themselves as ‗owning‘ land, animals, p lants or nature, but rather

belonging with these things as equal parts of creation, loss of their land, coupled with the

loss of their language, is the greatest loss that eventually leads to a loss of identity.

Semali & Kincheloe, (2011), explains how the oral literature of the Chagga people of

Tanzania (Swahili or Kichagga languages) stopped existing as the children adopted

English as their medium of learning. The new stories and lessons taught in the school

about foreign lands and culture appeared alien as against the traditional stories about

land, mother earth, water sources, good behavior, respect for elders, environment and so

on, which were passed on as life lessons in the tribal community. The introduction of

fables into schools from outside intentionally interrupted indigenous knowledge. A euro-

25

centric knowledge system, therefore, attempted to replace local practices, history,

language, and cultural values while claiming that such replacement was vital because

many indigenous communities did not have written languages.

The author shares an incident,

Larry [author‘s childhood friend] was well versed in the oral indigenous

knowledge of his community, he never got lost in the forest even at the age of

six… he had extensive knowledge on the medicinal va lues of plants and roots…

When he started going to school, he was labelled as dumb because he couldn‘t

understand the language of instruction… ―How could an individual‖, I asked, ―be

so smart in one context and be deemed so ‗dumb‘ in another?‖ (p14).

Incidents like this brought in lack of confidence and inferiority complex in the lives of

tribal children and discouraged them from receiving education.

Stories, legends, folklore, fairy tales, trickster tales, and in some occasions, petrographic

art were important devices which ensured the survival of the Chagga people and other

societies for many years and it was affected through western education. The indigenous

knowledge and life pattern of the tribal people was affected and manipulated through the

changes brought in their lives by colonization and westernisation.

At the same time Community as Classroom: (Re) Valuing Indigenous Literacy, dealing

with issues in the same community shows that as the children started to attend schools

and explored the modernized pattern of lives, they learned to despise their own parents as

they are old- fashioned and are not up to the level of civilization that they learn from the

schools. The taboos they have received from their family system and the things that they

learn at school confuses them. They don‘t find it important to learn about farming, and

the jobs that were once done by their elders. The two-way education actually doesn‘t help

the children to grow as both of it has drastic differences and leads the child to have no

root in either of the systems (Semali, 2011).

Prakash (2011) reveals what the evolution of modern medicine has done to the set of

traditional medicines and healing practices. The introduction of modern medicine into

26

traditional communities brought down the use of plants and herbs for different

treatments. The narrative also points out how the modern agri-business sciences have

destroyed the traditional soil or agricultural patterns.

Abrokwaa (2011) studies the impact that colonial invasion has brought about on the

African music culture. The Christian religion which viewed their music as pagan resulted

in the loss of this century-old music tradition. The changes in music that came over them

through years of such mainstreaming and conversion also affected the identity,

knowledge, skills and cultural heritage of these ethnic groups.

Sied (2014) writes on the Nao people‘s (Ethiopia) shift from their mother tongue to the

dominant language. The Nao language system was influenced by the neighbourhood

community which was the mainstream group. He states that because language

socialization causes the language with the greater role or position to dominate the weaker

minority language, the Nao language is slowly perishing and being replaced by the

dominant mainstream language. The younger generation has started abandoning the use

of their own language and maintenance of their culture. As a result, the Nao people, who

are already intermixed with the local groups of Kefinoono speakers through intermarriage

and other social practices, feel only a loose or insignificant attachment to their ethnic

identity. Nao as a language and as a culture is no longer being transmitted to and no

longer being absorbed by the next generations.

Ekka (2013) reports that the traditional features of tribal life is gradually changing from

being deeply ingrained in tribal customs and traditions to something that is more

modernised, in a developmental sense, due to adaptation of modern ways of living and

altered life-style patterns. With increased contact with the ‗town culture‘, changes in the

attitude of the people were also reported in the findings of the study.

But the study also points out the positive effects of this contact with the outside world; it

has made education possible, and this education and literacy has helped the tribes to get

themselves better living conditions and has also aided them from being exploited by the

non-tribal groups. The increased number of women being educated and employed from

the community is also proof to the positive impact of mainstreaming on this community.

27

But, as interested and eager as they are to educate their children, lack of income and other

related facilities often become hindrances to achieve their dreams.

The people of the community want their culture to be preserved by the younger

generations, but at the same time, want their children to be educated and literate, to be

competent enough to be a part of the society. Though, with education, the young

generation shows a common trend to move away from the ir culture and practices. Ekka

records that ―a large number of youth belonging to these major tribes of Rourkela wanted

to get modernised with total acceptance of the modern culture‖. This, she reports, is a sad

predicament because ―they are leaving behind their own cultural heritage by adapting and

accepting other cultures‖.

The study concludes that, ―In general only those tribes that remain geographically

isolated in desert, hill, and forest regions or on islands are able to retain their traditional

cultures and religions for longer periods. The developmental measures and policies

supposedly aimed at ‗liberating‘ tribals have led over the years to their loss of cultural

identity, ‗their relationship to land and forest‘ and to themselves.‖

Somashekhar (1997) and Shyamala (2003) record that the urban and industrial

environment has brought about significant changes among the Sugali community of

Andhra Pradesh, specifically in their material culture which has been observed to have

undergone radical changes. The most significant change is their mode of dress; the

younger women discarded their traditional dress and switched over to saree and blouse

like the women belonging to other communities, however, the older women continue to

wear their traditional dress. The unique feature of the traditional dress had been that one

could make out the differences between married, unmarried and widower; the absence of

which can be seen both from the positive and negative angles. Because of the impact of

education, exposure to mass media and increased interaction with other communities,

more and more Sugalis have learnt to speak in Telugu even in their routine conversation

which used to be in their own language earlier. The recreation facilities of the Sugalis

also underwent a marked change from gossipping, songs and dances, playing games and

religious rituals to cinema, radio and television.

28

Positive changes in the community include adoption of family planning (65%),

immunisation of children (33%), a change in the food habits- the main staple food has

changed from lesser quality cereals such as ragi, jowar and bajra to rice- and also in the

attitudes of the tribals towards education. Women have also begun to take active roles in

decision making in the households.

The contact with the mainstream urban culture, in the Sugalis‘ case, has thus brought

about both positive and negative repercussions in the community. The community has

already travelled a long way from their traditional lifestyle and practices; some changes

have liberated them from superstitions and some changes have left them rootless. One

major drawback of both studies lay in the fact that the researchers look at the community

with the assumed view of an expert, qualified enough to judge the changes the

community has gone through; they fail to capture the community‘s own view of the

changes they have undergone.

Pradhan (2015) traces the impact of globalization among different tribes in India. The

study points out that, at the same rate that the culture is being lost to the tribal people, the

market value of their culture is increasing in international circles.

Gone were the days of Shikai, Rita, Pulse powders (Sunni Pindi), neem twigs and

Kumkum. Today they are replaced by shampoos, tiklis, and tooth brush and tooth

paste of hundred and one brands which have swept into remote villages of Andhra

Pradesh... Carrying mineral water bottles has become not merely a necessity but

also a status symbol (p. 177).

On the other hand, ―the Orissa tribal culture became very popular, because of dance,

handicrafts such as wooden and stone products and some other hand made products‖

which have high demand in the global market. The article clearly lays down both the

upside and downside of the developmental process that inevitably brought the tribal

communities in contact with the mainstream culture. The macro view shows the

popularization of the tribal culture, giving a superficial idea that the tribals still savour

and preserve their cultural heritage, when in reality a detailed study reveals how the tribal

29

community is grasping on the marketing of their culture as a last straw to survive in the

competitive world.

Aboriginal Groups in India is a study on the Kadar tribes living on the borders of Kerala

and Tamil Nadu. The study concludes with the following opening lines: ―It is obvious

that the Kadar live on the frontiers symbolically and psychologically as well as

physically. They are caught between two worlds‖. The government's continued

conversion of forests into teak plantations and farm lands has left them starving; the

tubers and roots on which the Kadar people depended for food are getting scarce, there

are fewer and fewer animals to hunt and additionally hunting is prohibited. Transition

from their gathering lifestyle to agricultural practice is difficult without enough farmland

and farming instructors. For rice and clothes, they must depend on the plains people, who

have always exploited the gullibility and helplessness of these tribes-people.

For the Kadar, a complete return to the jungle would mean death from starvation.

Integration into the larger society is their only choice for survival. In the hopes of this

integration, the men keep going out to seek ‗jobs for which they are unprepared‘, the

women try marrying plainsmen so that their children may have a better life. But they

have repeatedly been found unable to cope. The government has built houses for them

but survival becomes a question due to the lack of income.

Full-scale integration, the author says, would inevitably destroy the folk-ways, religion

language, and mores of the aborigines, while the romantic notion of preserving

prospering linguistic and racial enclaves is impractical. A balance must be found between

the two, based on bilingual education for the tribes-people and intensive education of the

larger population to appreciate the minority people among them.‖ (Thundy, 1981)

2.2.4 Paniya Tribal Community

Joseph (2004) explores the importance of folk music in the life of the paniyatribe. His

findings explain how music brought them together and united them in a spiritual way. He

records his observations on witnessing one of their performances: ―They were timid and

shy in the beginning (of the performance) but they turned out to be free and out-spoken in

the end. A group which was tensed and worried due to certain unwanted events became

30

relaxed and peaceful after the performance. They experienced community togetherness

and companionship there.‖ He further points out that the paniya music culture is richer

than those of Adiyas, Kurumbas and Kattunayikars. The music is simple in style but

deeper in emotion, and is not only rejuvenating for the singers and dancers, but also for

the observer or listener; it is a call for all to come out of their own cells and become one

with nature.

Varghese (2010) explains how the life of the paniyatribe has changed with time.

The traditional language paniyabhasha was spoken widely among them. But now they

have switched to speaking the regional languages which are Malayalam and Tamil.

Especially the younger generation is not familiar with their indigenous language. The

primary analysis reveals that only 33% of the people only speak paniyabhasha today.

They had gathered food from forest areas, eating millets, roots, wild fruits and nuts. The

scenario changed as they mingled with the mainstream population; today most of them

buy their food items from the market. Many of the younger generation are unaware of

their traditional forest-based food items such as bamboo seeds, mushrooms, fungi, tubers,

roots and leaves. They also started eating non vegetarian food items; there are only 28%

of them who are vegetarians among them now.

Today, most of them depend on modern medicine and hospitals for medicines and proper

treatments; the traditional knowledge of treatments and medicines has also started to

vanish away. The younger generation is not willing to learn or practice it anymore. The

traditional ornaments such as ole kammal, murula, mukkuthi, chootumani and beaded

chain are not commonly used these days; only the elderly people find it attractive these

days.

Traditionally in paniya religion there is very less worship of images, no extended rituals

and sacrificial systems, no caste system, less knowledge of extended Hindu myths and

philosophy. The study reports that now they are influenced by the religions of the

surrounding communities, with many of them having converted to Hinduism, Christianity

and few to Islam. Today many of them follow a paniya-Hindu religion; with the elements

of both the religions. Traditionally paniyasbelieved in their own gods and goddesses such

31

as Kooli, Kuliyan, Kuttichathan, Malakkari, Mariyamma, Bhatha and KaduBhagavathi;

now they also believe in most of the Hindu gods and goddesses like Krishna, Shiva,

Rama, Vishnu, Kali and Ayyappan. paniyashave their own traditional festivals like

Marikootu, Puttariunu, Kudukkachery, and ValliyurkavuUlsavam; along with it, they

now celebrate several Hindu, Christian and Muslim festivals such as Onam, Vishu,

Christmas, Ramzan etc. Thaiyyam (men dress up in the form of god) was a main item in

all their festival celebrations, but these days it is not that visible. In the traditional villages

they used to have ‗kulithara‘ as a worship place and these days, it has lost its importance.

Many of the traditional customs and rituals related to child birth are not practiced by the

younger generations anymore. Most of the women go to hospital for the delivery, the

place of atukari or pettukarathy (midwife women) are seen seldom. The ritual of

attupundayattu (pre delivery ritual) is not observed by many of the people these days. The

marriage ritual patterns have also changed. These days‘ people register their marriage

based on the given rules and laws. Many conduct their marriage ceremonies in the nearby

temples based on the Hindu rituals and beliefs. The age for marriage has also increased

slightly, for both boys and girls. The dowry system has also been adapted by the tribe and

12.7% of them get married to other tribes, 10% of them get married to the non tribals.

Earlier they were supposed to be married to their tribal people only.

The educational standard is found increasing. According to the analysis of primary data,

38% of the paniya, they have studied up to the primary level. The younger generation of

the tribe is educated and they are very much concerned about family planning. They also

adapted the mainstream law and rule system and they prefer going to the police station or

local politician for the necessary matters and social problems instead of going to the tribal

head ―Muppan‖. As they mingled with the mainstream population, even their choice of

games has changed. The young ones are much more interested in playing volleyball,

football and cricket instead of the traditional games ‗Gotikali‘ ‗Pathukali‘ ‗Kallukali‘

Kabadikali‘.

The occupational styles have also changed. People moved to paid jobs in public and

private organizations. There are significant changes in their economic standards as a

result of which they use modern instruments and implements, live in better houses. In

32

search of better avenues of job and developments many are found migrating to towns and

cities.

The introduction of technology has helped the paniyatribal people to modernize their

lives. They have started accommodating the lifestyle of the mainstream population as

technology has helped them to have an easier life. The arrival of electricity into their

settlement introduced a lot of electrical and electronic machines which replaced several

of their traditional instruments. Now many of them are very much familiar with handling

electrical mixers, grinder, heater, stove, T.V. and Radio in their homes. They also got

used to the usage of telecommunication.

Ulahannan (2018) and Manojan (2018) explain the issues faced by the paniya children

regarding the educational system currently in place.

The children face marked difficulty in understanding the language. The ―paniya‖ tribe

has its own indigenous language and they are not familiar with other languages. The

children find it difficult to understand the mainstream languages like Malayalam,

English, and Hindi etc. As a result, a majority of the tribal students are not able to read

and understand the text books and materials provided by the schools. The curriculum and

syllabus in mainstream schools are framed mainly for non-tribal students. While tribal

students are interested to have the indigenous knowledge in the curriculum, and are seen

to participate more actively discussions on community related topics, the education

system thus lacks in providing improved methods of teaching based on the mental and

cultural standards of the ―paniya‖ tribe; this stops the children from attending school as

they are not able to understand the teachings. If they join also, they lose interest in

education as they are not able to relate to it.

The educational schedule, the school year, daily classes and holidays is organized with

little understanding of tribal cultures. Tribal festivals and celebrations and the seasonal

pursuit of agriculture and gathering are not taken into consideration in planning

educational timetables. All too often teachers hold classes as they would do in cities or

towns, ignoring the daily or seasonal habits of tribal pupils. The younger generation is

confused with the new learning system and the existing traditional system, which makes

33

them unaware of their traditional and cultural forms and patterns. This also stands out as

a major problem which stops children from attending school. Added to this, there is the

parental worry that their children don‘t have the complete knowledge about their

community. For them the indigenous knowledge and values have an exceptional standard

in their lives and it is necessary for every child to be aware of it in order to preserve it and

carry forward. But the younger generation is showing disinterest in learning those

knowledge, practices and values.

Manojan writes extensively about the exclusion faced by these children at schools from

the mainstream population as they are different in their caste, colour and language. This

de-motivates the children from going to the school. Bullying and mocking in the name of

the cultural differences, brings lack of confidence in the children and in most of the cases,

the teachers don‘t show much interest in taking care of the tribal children in the

classrooms. All these experiences and suppressions force the children to quit going to the

school.

2.3 Research Gap

The studies discussed above have looked at the perceived impact on the community, as

presented from the researchers‘ point of view. The above-mentioned studies on

paniyacommunity especially make it clear that the community has undergone tremendous

change in their economic, cultural and social aspects. But none of the above-mentioned

studies have looked at these changes from the community‘s own point of view,

specifically understanding how the people of the community, as actors in this process of

change, perceive and understand these changes. This study aims to look at the changes in

the paniya tribal community through the eyes of the community, over different

generations, to understand how they perceive the changes taking place within and around

themselves.

34

2.4 Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework is the structure that can hold or support the theory of

a research study, i.e., it introduces and describes the theories that explain why

the research problem under the study exists. The following is a brief description and

outline of the important theories pertinent to this study.

2.4.1 Theory of Acculturation

Assimilation

Integration

Marginalisation

Separation

Acculturation is defined by Merriam-Webster Dictionary as ―cultural modification of an

individual, group, or people by adapting to or borrowing traits from another culture‖

(Merriam-Webster, n.d.). John Berry, in his four- fold acculturation model, introduces

four themes, namely Assimilation, Integration, Marginalisation and Separation.

People who consider their culture of origin to not be important and who want to identify

and interact mainly with the new culture are said to be using an assimilation strategy.

People who value their heritage culture and do not want to learn about the new culture are

adopting a separation strategy to acculturation. People who neither identifies with their

heritage culture nor with the new culture are pursuing a marginalization acculturation

strategy. People who seek to maintain their heritage culture and learn from and interact

It is

considered to

be of value to

develop

relations with

the larger

society

Yes

No

It is considered to be of value

to maintain one’s cultural

heritage

Yes No

BERRY’S ACCULTURATION MODEL

35

with the new culture are considered to be using the acculturation strategy of integration,

or bicultural strategy (Truong, 2016).

2.4.2 Cross-cultural Adaptation Theory

Cross-cultural adaptation refers to the process of internal change in individuals so as to be

able to function in an unfamiliar culture. Newcomers learn to make adjustments in their

original cultural habits and are able to attain a level of efficacy in the new environment.

The process of adaptive change involves the deculturation of some of the original cultural

habits and the acculturation of new ones. Both processes occur through communicative

engagements between the individual and the host environment. Long-term and extensive

experiences of cross-cultural adaptation may lead to the individual's assimilation into the

mainstream culture of the host society.

The theory is framed by three boundary conditions:

● the strangers have had a primary socialization in one culture or subculture and

have moved into a different and unfamiliar culture (or subculture),

● they are at least minimally dependent on the host environment for meeting their

personal and social needs, and

● they are regularly engaged in firsthand communication experiences with that

environment

By placing adaptation at the intersection of the person and the environment, the theory

explains cross-cultural adaptation essentially as a process that occurs in and through

communication activities. Underscored in this view is that communication is the

necessary vehicle without which adaptation cannot take place, and that some degree of

cross-cultural adaptation, no matter how minuscule, occurs as long as the individual

remains engaged with the host environment (Kim, 2001: Kim, 2009).

2.4.3 Cultural Identity theory

Cultural identity is negotiated, co-created and reinforced in communication with others

when we socially interact. They are manifestations of social rea lity, and reflect on our

36

unique personal life history and experience. Cultural identity becomes evident through

social comparison. Speakers compare the status position of their own groups to those of

other groups.

Two processes were found: avowal and ascription. Avowal is how one articulates or

expresses his/her views about group identity. It is how one presents oneself to another.

Ascription is how others perceive an individual. It is how one refers to others. Our

identity is constructed as a result of how others view us and how we view ourselves.

Therefore, both avowal and ascription are important (Communication Theory, n.d.).

37

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY

Zacharius P. Thundy (1981), on studying the Kadar tribes of Kerala and Tamil Nadu,

describes the tragic predicament of the tribals as ―caught between two worlds‖- the

tragedy of having been forced to leave their forest homes, but not being able to integrate

themselves into the mainstream society. The researcher, having reviewed a good amount

of literature on similar issues, and in coming in contact with a few members of the tribal

communities in Kerala, was intrigued by the seemingly drastic changes that ha ve swept

over these communities. Most of these available discourses though looked at these

changes objectively; the researcher thus embarked on an attempt to understand not only

these changes, but also the response of these communities to the said changes.

The paniyacommunity, records state, is the largest tribal community in Kerala and

Wayanad district has the largest population of paniyas; slavery and landlessness had

historically placed them at a bigger disadvantage even among the tribal communities,

thus presumably accelerating this problem of being ―caught between the worlds‖. The

researcher thus, decided to make this community her subject of study;after much

deliberation, she decided on multiple case study design, and to better trace the changes

over the years, decided to take an intergenerational approach, recording the diverse views

of individuals across generations.

Case study is defined as ―an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary

phenomenon in depth and within its real-world context especially when the boundaries

between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident‖ (Yin, 2018). ―Multiple-case,

collective case, cross-case or comparative case study, refers to case study research in

which several instrumental bounded cases are selected to develop a more in-depth

understanding of the phenomena than a single case can provide‖ (Mills, Durepos,

&Wiebe, 2010). This study aims to examine three cases, i.e., three families, one from

each paniyasettlement randomly selected from the available number of settlements in

Mananthavadytaluk of Wayanad district.

The researcher decided to base her study in Mananthavady as it is the largest and one of

the central towns in Wayanad. Three paniyasettlements were randomly selected , and one

38

family was interviewed from each settlement. The three selected paniyasettlements have

a common history of displacement from the land they had inhabited for centuries. The

selection of a single family from each settlement was based on an inclusion/exclusion

criteria- the family should have members from a minimum of two generations, with the

oldest interviewed individual being at least 50 years old (in order that they be able to

provide relevant information on changes over at least half a century), and the youngest

interviewed member being at least 12 years old (in order that their cognition is developed

enough to look at a situation and give independent opinions).

In addition to the in-depth interviews with the selected cases, the researcher also uses

observation and key informant interviews as tools for data collection.

A key informant is an individual who provides in-depth, expert information on

elements of a culture, society, or social scene… What further separates key

informants from other main types of interviewees is the ir potential involvement

throughout the various phases of the research enterprise. Key informants and their

expert knowledge and advice not only are a source of data but also can be used to

develop more valid formal survey instruments, provide running commentaries on

cultural events or scenes, aid in the interpretation of study results from more

systematically collected data sources, and help in determining the validity and

reliability of data, to mention a few (Johnson, 2007, pp. 537-538).

The researcher‘s guides in the field, a member of the paniyatribal community,currently

pursuing Post-graduation in Sociology, and the tribal field worker in one of the areas of

the study (not a member of the tribal community) were interviewed as key informants.

Moreover, the researcher as a learner through her iterative journeys back and forth

between the mainstream life (savage) and the indigenous abodes (civilisation) became

aware of the divergence and the disconnect between the way in understanding the inside

views. This is when the understanding on the difference between the etic and emic views

became more conspicuous. The attempt to reach for the emic became a possibility with

the engagement and discourse between her and her indigenous guide. The first

perspective was what the insiders taught the researcher about their culture. This was

documented in the way the researcher understood and subsequently reflected on and

39

discussed with the guide to negotiate a story closer to the inner reality. The analysis and

discussions also feature these iterative discourses between the etic and emic constituents.

Hence the deeper travel and inner search in this study.

3.1 Title of the Study

Mainstreaming and Indigenous Communities: An Inter-generational Case Study on the

paniyas of Wayanad

3.2 Research Question

What are the social changes encountered by the paniya tribal community as actors in

responding to mainstreaming attempts at the macro- level, with due consideration for

intergenerational perspectives?

3.3 Definition of Concepts

Term

Conceptual Definition

Operational Definition

1.

Tribe

A group of people, often of related families, who live

together, sharing the same language, culture, and history,

especially those who do not live in towns or cities (Cambridge Dictionary, n.d.)

Tribe, in the context of this study, refers to the Paniya

community living in Nacholi, Arimala and

Kallara settlements in Mananthavady region of Wayanad. (11.8014° N,

76.0044° E)

2.

Social

Change

Social Change may be

considered as any fundamental alteration in (a) the structure of existing

relationships of a society or parts of a society

(b) the processes or common practices used in everyday life, (c) population composition (for

Social Change in the

context of this research connotes the changes that the paniya community has

gone through in terms of community structure,

institutions, practices, values, lifestyle, livelihood and such other related factor

40

instance, the size of a society or ethnic groups within a community), and

(d) the basic values, ideas, and ways of thinking that prevail in a

society or its parts. In actuality, when significant alteration takes place in one of

these aspects, it is accompanied by change in one or more other

aspects (Parrillo & Naughton, 2008).

that would evolve in course of the inquiry.

3.

Mainstream-

ing

Mainstreaming: ―to incorporate

in the mainstream‖; Mainstream: ―a prevailing current or direction of activity or

influence‖ (Merriam-Webster, n.d.).

Thus, mainstreaming can be generally viewed as incorporating into a prevailing

current of activity or influence.

In the context of this

research, mainstreaming is the process by which an indigenous/tribal

community is being absorbed into the

mainstream society.

Table 1: Definition of Concepts

3.4 Research Strategy

The study is an attempt to dwell deeper into the emic perspectives of the indigenous

people, in this case the paniyas, living in the Nacholi, Arimala and Kallara settlements, in

Wayanad. The research was qualitative and adopted a multiple case study design.

3.5 Sampling Strategy

A family was considered as a unit of study. Three families were selected from among the

paniya tribal community, living in Mananthavady region, in Wayanad. They were

purposively chosen based on a definite criteria - the family chosen representatively was

expected to have members from at least two generations, with one individual being at

least 50 years old, and the youngest interviewed member being at least 12 years old, in

order to facilitate intergenerational discourse about the changes in various themes

41

evolving during the course of the study. The study made use of focus group discussions,

in-depth interviews and key informant interviews on various themes.

3.6 Ethical Considerations

The researcher met with the interviewees through and in the presence of the Guide, who

herself is a member of the community, under study. The areas to be explored were

discussed with the Guide, prior to the interviews, to ensure that the topics were presented

in a cultural context, not in any manner that would not disturb or unsettle the interviewees

in any way. The interviewees were informed about the study as being part working up to

her dissertation; they were informed prior to the interview, that their identities would not

be revealed, and that the interview would be voice recorded for the purpose of

convenience but the recorded voice clip would not be shared with anyone else.

The researcher‘s intention is to understand the community‘s present state of transition in

the context of mainstreaming, and the findings, she hopes, may benefit the community in

understanding the need to and help them in working towards preserving their culture.

The researcher has tried to capture the voices of the peop le with all the emotions they

held, and besides attempted to analyse their opinions with the help of an internal opinion,

i.e., that of the Guide. The researcher has tried her best to avoid any random judgement or

prejudice, and looked at the people with empathy and compassion, trying to understand

the contexts and their responses from their point of view, rather than the mainstream

consciousness, of which the researcher was a part.

3.7 Limitations of the Study

The researcher being an outsider to the community, it was difficult to warm up to the

interviewees in the first place; though the presence of the Guide and the tribal field

worker helped ease the difficulty of the situation. It was sometimes difficult to get the

interviewees to talk freely.

The most difficult were the teenage girls in the community, who refused to even come

out of the houses; they literally hid, away from the researcher's sight, and evaded every

42

question that the researcher asked. It took a lot of effort from the Guide‘s part to gather at

least a part of the required data from them. This has affected the comprehensiveness of

the research data, as the aim was to explore the perspectives of the community on the

changes they have undergone as a tribal group; the researcher could not gather much in

the form of perspectives/opinions from these girls.

The paniya language is similar to Malayalam, and is quite understandable to the normal

Malayalam and Tamil speakers. However, at times, it was difficult to follow the

language, even with the assistance of the Guide‘s and with her translation. The language

barrier might have accounted to the loss of some vital information, especially in terms of

opinion of the elderly population. The researcher took pains to cross-check with the

Guide regarding the researcher‘s comprehension as against the perception of the native

paniyas.

The constraints placed on the researcher by the course timeline and her personal

difficulties rendered it for the researcher to reach a saturation point; there are further

areas that the researcher wanted to discuss and understand with the interviewees (e.g.

concept of marriage, separation and remarriage), which she could not do due to the time

constraints. This has also restricted the research from going deeper into certain issues,

and restricted the research to a peripheral level. Further availability of time might have

helped the researcher to get closer to the teenage girls, and thus, gather more of the

required data in contrast with the senior generations.

43

CHAPTER 4: CASE DISCUSSIONS

Case 1

Nacholi settlement

The researcher and her Guide arrived at Valliyoorkavu after a half hour journey by bus

and auto rickshaw. From here, through the heat and dust of a road construction, we

started on a twenty-minute walk on the Valliyoorkavu-Kammana road, to finally reach

Nacholi, a tribal settlement which has been here for over half a century. The name

‗Nacholi‘ though is not on the map, and can be found mostly in the government

documents on Scheduled Tribes only.

This group of tribal settlers arrived here more than half a century ago from Thalappuzha,

when one of the earliest settlers who had been a bonded labourer to his landlord, craftily

possessed that land and eventually brought his family over, to settle there as a group.

There, the researcher met with Mr. A (the oldest existing member of the settlement) and

his family. Mr. A, was 70 years old based on his pension records. However, A admits that

due to lack of records at the time of his birth, he might be even a decade or so older than

what was recorded. He hails from Thalappuzha, and was born during a time when his

community was working as slaves to the feudal lords in the area. He recalls that they

lived in the forest areas allotted to them by the landlords, and worked in the fields for a

measure of rice at the most; there was no monetary pay.

During those times, they were not allowed to dress like their masters, speak the language

of their masters, cultivate anything for themselves, nor were they allowed access to

education. Mr. A were among the very few, who sneaked off to school outside their

masters‘ watchful gaze; he fortunately completed his 7thStd which was substantial

education in those days. Around the age of 17, when he was studying in fifth standard, he

married Mrs. A (aged a little above ten, but not fifteen), who had no primary education.

They moved together to their present place of residence (or ooru, as it is called), which

had been craftily possessed by the aforementioned member of Mrs. A‘s family, from one

of the landlords. The whole family and the extended family settled down there and slowly

44

grew into a settlement which is now known as the ―Nacholi colony‖ to the common folk

or ―Nacholi Ooru‖ to the inhabitants.

Mr. and Mrs. A had six children; their eldest daughter passed away thirty years ago

during childbirth, one son lives with them, one daughter is living adjacent, while one son

and three daughters live with their families, in town. The researcher interacted with Mrs.

and Mr. A, and their daughter Mrs. B (aged around 40), who lives nearby; their

granddaughter Mrs. C around 30 years, who was visiting her grandparents at the time of

the researcher‘s visit; and their great granddaughter Ms. D (the son‘s daughter- aged 15).

―This (finding four generations of a family together)‖ , Mr. A says, ―is a rarity as

generations of family members do not usually live together like this anymore‖.

When the researcher arrived at their home with a Guide, Mrs. and Mr. A were sitting in

the yard, whiling away their time, with C visiting with them. The Guide introduced the

researcher and the couple soon started comfortably sharing about their life ‗in‘ and ‗after‘

the forest. As the conversation progressed, B joined the group from her home nearby. D

stayed in the background, listening, but hiding or running away at the slightest hint of

involving her in the conversation. All of them, except D were chewing betel leaves

throughout the conversation, and spitting the same in blood-red, occasionally. The Guide

explained that this was typical practice in every tribal household, a remnant of their forest

life. When they went deep within the forest in search of food, and hours went without

any, this practice helped to numb or control their hunger; the practice stayed on even

when they moved out of the forest into these new settlements.

Mr. A was very willing to talk, and shared his experiences and opinions very openly in

almost chaste Malayalam; Mrs. A, though hard of sight and hearing, shared her life

experiences and woes in native Paniya language, which the Guide translated. B was not

very forthcoming, and limited her answers to the questions posed directly to her. C,

although not experienced, was more than willing to share her opinions on the changes

that have come over her community. Both B and C were well-versed in both Paniya

language and Malayalam. D, perhaps given her age, was the most difficult to engage. The

Guide accompanying the researcher, also a member of the Paniya community, tried

talking with her, but to no avail. The family shared that the children are usually shy

45

around outsiders and it is common for them to refuse to talk with anyone outside their

community.

On slavery

Mr. A remembers how his family and community worked for landlords in their paddy

fields, and received a few bales of rice in return. The prevalence of the caste system and

practice of untouchability saw them as outcastes, and they were subject to all the evils

practices on account of this discrimination. Their language to the landlords reflected this

subservience; these people had to address the landlords ―thampuran‖, which means Lord

or King. In addition to this, they couldn‘t even refer to themse lves directly as ―I‖ or

―me‖, instead they used words like ―adiyan‖. When standing in front of their masters,

they had to hunch their shoulders and cover their mouths; they could not speak unless

spoken to. They were not even allowed to go to the market for their needs without the

landlord‘s permission. Historically, this subservience was reflected in their food habits,

clothing, language, the physical distance they maintained with their masters, self-

imposing inferiority and in almost all aspects of their lifestyle and livelihood (explained

in detail in the following sections). The biggest difference between now and then, for Mr.

A, is a release from this slave- like bondage and existence. Then, they were not masters of

themselves, unaware of a bigger world outside of them and how to survive there. They

lived away from the mainstream community, deep in the forest area, and were sometimes

looked down even by other tribal groups.

On spoken communication

Speaking their master‘s language was considered a punishable offense for this

community, and thus, the community spoke among themselves and to their masters in

their native paniya language. The older generations, Mr. A says, use the same language

for communication even today. Mrs. A, for instance, does not know Malayalam and

conversed in paniyabhasha throughout the interview. Mr. A speaks both languages

considerably well, and he claims this is an exception, and says he owes it to the education

he received. The second and third generations use both languages fairly well, and C says

46

this is quite necessary to survive in the social environment they are in (the contact with

their own community as well as the mainstream). Mr. A says the children use paniya

language at home, and Malayalam outside the home; but he says the language she speaks

is ―corrupted‖, that is, it is more of a mixed version of both the languages. A, B and C do

lament the loss of their language, but they also accept it as a necessary change. As much

as B and C would like their children to at least speak among themselves in their native

language, they also want their children to be fluent in the mainstream language to avo id

being alienated from the mainstream.

Another notable change that has occured in relation to this is the naming of the children.

Mr. A‘s generation had names like Karuppen, Manja, Cheera, Ooli etc. and these names

had meanings that pertained to their culture and language. Onward from B‘s generation,

the names have been more or less similar to the mainstream; there have been adaptations

from both Hindu and Christian communities, with names like Shibu, Thulasi in B‘s

generation to names like Anitha, Anju in C‘s generation to names like Aryan, Abhinav,

Saumya in D‘s generation. This changing trend with the name is not a worry for any of

them, as they say that naming a child is a very personal matter that shouldn‘t be dictated

by rules. Mrs. A though says that the names of the old had deep meanings which none of

them seem to realise.

On education

Education was prohibited for them; and Mr. A had to sneak away to school. In the

changed circumstance, they are slaves to none, and their lifestyle and livelihood are

dictated by themselves. They live and function in the mainstream society, and not only is

the market available to them, they also have privileges, however limited, that the

government has granted to them, to ensure that the discrimination of the yesteryea rs do

not follow them. But, in spite of the governmental measures, all of the family members

unanimously agree that the people around them do not see nor treat them as equals; they

still find it difficult to mix in with the mainstream society. C shares that her hope is that

at least her children and the next generation would be able to ―engage better and live a

normal life‖ as part of the society, as they now ―talk more like‖ the general population;

even if they ―look different,‖ if they are educated and capable of getting a good job, they

47

will maybe get the respect of others". Education is now perceived as a fundamental right,

and none of them need ―sneak off‖ to school. C relates that school, during her days,

meant ridicule from fellow students, mainly due to their distinctly different appearance

and language. However, her children do not face the same problem at school. She opines

that this might be because children of the present generation speak Malayalam more

fluently than her generation. But the sad part, as B points out, is "our children do not

realise the importance of education; they are not inclined to education, and the farthest

they go is 10th Standard, and many, like my son, for instance, end up being daily wage

workers".

On occupation

Occupation is a major concern for all of them, as very few are educated past higher

secondary. Mr. A says that most of the men are ―daily wage labourers who spend their

hard earned money on liquor and bring hardly anything home‖, and women are content

with tending to their home and children, though many of them are now going for the

thozhilurappu scheme of the government and providing supplementary income for the

family. Realising these limitations, parents, especially mothers are encouraging their

children to pursue education and secure a good job and future; but the difficulty faced, as

the two middle aged women repeatedly pointed out, was that the children were yet to

realise this.

On housing

In the forest, they had lived in houses constructed using naturally available materials;

bamboo was used to create a frame, on which palm leaves or other such leaves were laid

and secured to form walls and roof. The floor was made of mud and finished with cow

dung. Mrs. A recounts that the house they lived in, made of grass and bamboo provided a

cooling effect that made it very comfortable even during the hottest months of the year.

In general, rains destroyed their dwelling, but then the entire community participated in

reconstructing them again at the end of the season. As against that now, they live in

concrete houses built under the government's housing program. Summer season for Mrs.

A is very difficult in this concrete enclosure as it radiates heat, and so she prefers to

48

spend her time outside in the open air. Mr. A complements her views observing that the

houses in olden times had many advantages; but he opines that ―one has to change with

changing times‖ and adapt to these ―livable‖ concrete houses. He also opined that

government housing schemes are indeed helping them and saving them the difficulty of

reconstruction every year. B and C, their daughters have never lived in the thatched

houses, although they have heard of it from their mothers. They have been living in these

concrete homes as far back as they can remember. They too are grateful for the

government scheme, and the ‗comfort‘ of these modern housing. C dreams of a better

home and living conditions for her children. Though D refused to comment on any of the

topics, the elders told the researcher that the children cannot imagine going back to the

old ways devoid of electricity, television and mobile phones too; without them, they

would be lost. Mr. A painfully laments that the present generation of children are not

even aware of their past; although the older generation doesn‘t demand that they live in

those thatched houses, he wishes that they at least knew how to build them, so that our

ways could be preserved!‖

On rituals

An Ooru consisted of many such katcha houses constituting a circular formation. The

families were very closely knit, and lived more like one big family. With no significant

personal belongings, they were willing to share whatever they had with the other. The

present situation is in direct contrast to this; C observes, ―families are no longer the single

unit that they used to be; occasional fights are common between the families‖. However,

all the families get together and celebrate as one during the festivities.

In the past, during the evening, people from all the houses would gather in front of a

house around a fire, and share old stories and folk songs. This practice does not exist

anymore, and the younger generation is not even aware of such a practice having ever

existed. ―On cold nights, each individual family comes out and sits around a fire‖, Mrs. A

sadly adds, and these moments are the only remnants of a practice that kept the ooru

together for decades, or even centuries.

49

On food production and consumption

Their food habits, during their childhood, included the rice they received in return for

their labour, and tubers from the forest; they never cultivated anything for themselves.

Now, having lost the forest ecosystem that earlier provided for them, and not able to find

stable jobs to earn (due to poor education), their primary means of survival is the

government provided ration. They buy necessary vegetables, and use leaves from the

banks of the river nearby as side dishes. Cultivation on their own has not yet dawned on

them as a possible method to provide for them sustainably.

On attire

Their attire had also been very different from the mainstream, with the men wearing a

mundu that reached only down to their knees. The women had a length of cloth secured

around their waist, reaching down to their knees, and another draped and tied over the

shoulders covering their torso, called urumaal. The shoulders were left bare. Mr. A wears

a mundu and shirt. There was a sash around the waist called aratti. As of now, only

women who belonged to Mrs. A's generation, wear the traditional attire, and that too

along with a blouse that goes beneath the urumaal. B and C share that they would like to

wear the dress, but prefer a nighty or churidar as it feels more convenient. The girls wear

skirts and tops, and boys have switched to T-shirts and shorts. Both the mothers want

their children to dress like the society around them does, as they do not want them to be

ridiculed or alienated due to these different attires. Mrs. A cannot think of shifting to the

new patterns of dressing, but does not oppose her children following those.

On ornaments

Their ornaments used to be handmade, with intricate designs that required careful

learning; these were either from natural material available in the forest, like bamboo

leaves rolled into earrings and fitted with beads or manjadi seeds, or multi-colour beads

woven together to form layers of chains forming a single necklace. These ornaments are

now worn only by old women, who have apparently lost many of those rare, natural

ornaments. Mrs. A for instance, does not wear one, and shows the researcher an old,

damaged chain she has preserved. The bangles worn in those days were colourful, and

50

covered the entire length of their arm, but now most of the women‘s hands are bare

except for a handful of black bangles. C shares how her grandmother (Mrs. A) used to

show her, during her childhood, how to make the chains, carefully interweaving the

beads. But she has forgotten those now. Hence, this handcraft as an art is long lost; she

laments, ―especially because no one wants to wear these ornaments anymore‖.

On Faith and Religious practices

Important ceremonies like marriages and funerals had happened at home. These

ceremonies were marked by their traditional folk practices like singing, dancing, and

storytelling which they call 'vattakkali'. Their musical accompaniments were different

from the classical music instruments used by the mainstream; they made these by

themselves using natural materials found in the forest, such as bamboo and coconut

shells. Mr. A says he used to make these and showed the researcher a few of these, even

playing it for a few minutes. He adds that to understand the beauty of the music, it is

necessary to attend their festivities, when all the instruments are played as an ensemble,

to folk songs and storytelling accompanying it. The celebrations can be found now also,

and the younger generations take part with much interest, but none makes the instruments

anymore; the younger generation is not at all familiar with this traditional art. The

younger generation actively takes part, ―mainly due to the songs and dances, and the

celebratory mood‖, C adds. These festivities used to be in honour of their totems (deities)

, which were embodied in stones and trees of the forest; their faith forced them to view

the forest as a living entity with reverence. Practices such as theyyam were typical of their

celebrations; however, Mr. A recalls, in his days, these rituals could only be conducted

with permission from the landlords. Now, they can decide for themselves when to

conduct these festivities, without seeking permissions.

The community though, soon after settling here, shifted to conventional Hindu ways of

worship, going to temples and taking up their patterns of worship. The prayers and

customs are now dominated by Hindu rituals, and their common festival is also centered

around a „kaavu‟ (a small temple); though the celebrations during these festivities still

include their art forms. Although Mr. A and his family follow the Hindu rituals, such as

going to the temple and celebrating the festivals of the Hindu religion, they hold on to

51

their age-old customs and practices which remain sacred and important till this day. B

admits that she cannot understand why many people have put a stop to traditional

marriage ceremonies at home, and shifted it to the temple and that too by abandoning the

traditional attire and wedding ornaments for ‗set saree‟ or „pattusaree‟ (traditional Kerala

attires of Hindu women in marriage) and „thaali‟ (a pendant in gold, on a thread or gold

chain that the groom ties around the bride‘s neck as an act of solemnising a Hindu

marriage).

The traditional attire for marriages worn by men used to be mundu and shirt, and aratti

and urumaal for women. The ornament the groom tied around the bride‘s neck was a

hand-woven chain, beautifully woven with beads of different colours; the beads were also

intertwined with many coins worth 1 or 2 rupees. Mr. A showed the researcher the chain

he had adorned on Mrs. A‘s neck on their wedding day; two 1 rupee coins remain (from

around the 25 coins that it originally had) on the worn out chain, which he says they ―had

to take out during certain facets of life when they had no other source of money to live

with''.

Mr. A recounts that he had not seen Mrs. A prior to marriage; marriage was a mechanism

to establish a connection between families rather than the two individuals. On the day of

marriage, the groom‘s family, after a night of celebration at their own home, would come

to the bride‘s home in the morning, and, after celebrations with song and dance that

lasted until the evening, would take the bride home with them. His children‘s marriage,

though with all the similar customs, were arranged, after seeking the consent of both the

bride and groom. Mr. A is happy about the ‗new‘ arrangement, and so are his daughters

and granddaughter, as they think that the people who are to live together should be asked

before their life is pledged to someone they had never met in their lives. One thing Mr. A

says he doesn‘t like is the practice of bride price (given by the bridegroom's family to the

bride‘s parents) is slowly being replaced by the dowry system.

One of the most important religious ceremonies and celebrations in the community

happens when a girl comes of age, known in plain Malayalam as

'vayasariyichakalyanam'. The girl was to spend the initial days in an enclosure outside

the home; on the day of the ceremony, the head of the settlement (mooppan) and

52

chemmee (one who carries out the priestly functions in the community) and kayathan (the

priest‘s helper), along with all the members of the Ooru gather at the home, where

vattakkali and other priestly ceremonies would be conducted. This used to be a very

important part of their customs and practices, and a woman was not eligible for marriage,

if she had not had this 'vayasariyichakalyanam' ritual.

This isolation from the family during menses was also strictly followed. The woman was

required to confine herself to a room in the house for seven days, and was not permitted

to interact with anyone, except a female member of the family, who brings her food and

water. After these seven days, she cleanses herself (body, clothes and utensils she used)

and gets back into normal life. Now though, many of the families in the ooru have gone

back on this custom. Though the initial ceremony is conducted in almost all households,

the isolation during the subsequent menstrual periods is not enforced in many families;

the very few who follow this have reduced the number of days of ‗impurity‘ to four or

five. Mr. A and his family cannot understand the reason for people‘s shift from this age-

old custom, as they consider this a divinely instituted custom. Mr. A says he has a ―sixth

sense that tells me when the custom is not practiced. If, for example, I‘m given water or

food touched by a woman on her menstrual cycle, I cannot gulp it down; I feel nauseous.‖

C, his granddaughter seconds his opinion; although the ooru where she was married into

(on the other side of the river), does not observe this custom C claimed that she cannot

eat the food she cooks during her menstrual cycle, which she claims to be a divine gift of

her father‘s sixth sense.

On herbal medicine

They practiced traditional herbal medicines at home. Mr. A claims he was familiar with

many regular plants which could be used for treating mild ailments, and administered

them to his family members in the event of ailments. Mr. A says most of these herbs,

very common in the forest during his childhood, were not available anymore; as a matter

of fact, many of them are nearing extinction. However, none of his children were familiar

with any of these medicinal remedies. B points out that even if they knew it would not

help; ―most of the herbs are affected by the pesticides and insecticides widely in use, that

if used, they would prove lethal for the user‖. Mrs. C adds that none within the

53

community trust these medicines anymore. For that matter, there has been large scale

awareness creation, through ASHA workers mostly, regarding the need to depend on

hospitals in the event of a disease, and to stop depending on traditional medicine. C‘s

mother, for instance, had given birth to her first two children at home; but heavy bleeding

during the third pregnancy had forced her to depend on the hospital, though the hospital

too had not been able to save her from the tumour in her stomach. Mrs. C continues,

―Prenatal care is quite different nowadays. We used to work hard till the day of delivery,

sweeping and working in the fields. Now, the women are asked from the hospital to rest,

during pregnancy and after delivery. We are still healthily running up and about, and

those women are complaining about health problems.‖

The researcher explored with the participants how they would ‗look at themselves and

their present-day culture.

Mr. A, was of the opinion that he preferred the present-day situation in comparison to the

feudal system that robbed him of his dignity. Though they were losing many of their

indigenous customs and practices, he is happy about them being accepted into the

mainstream. In spite of it being difficult for them to survive with the meager income they

make, and the disrespect they encounter, he is optimistic that the situation will slowly

change. He wants their customs and practices to be preserved, and followed into the

future, but is doubtful about that wish being fulfilled. Mrs. A did not have much of an

opinion in this regard.

B says she doesn't know how to comment on that. She is content with life as it is, her

only wish being that her children be able to get a better future, and live comfortably.

Mrs. C says she is ambivalent; ―I know so little about my past, or my ancestors. I would

have liked to know their art forms, ornament making skills, and liked to dress like them

and follow the customs that guided us for generations. But I have to also think about my

children and their future. Also, my husband‘s community is not in favour of our customs

and practices and is already moving away from them. So, I have no time to stop and think

about what I am losing or gaining‖. When asked about the present situation, she says ―we

54

are not accepted by the larger community as equals; we look and speak differently from

them. So, it is difficult. We also don‘t have money or good jobs, which makes it even

more difficult to compete with them and live‖.

D, though she listened to the conversations, sometimes directly and sometimes from

behind closed doors, did not utter a single word during the interview. The Guide says that

this is the condition with most of the school-going students in the community; she had

been like this during her school days. According to her, it is an inferiority complex built

in during the school time, that‘s associated with their language and social status in the

society.

Observations/ Fieldwork Notes

1. Mr. A pointed out that finding four generations of a family together in a home is a

rarity. The researcher noticed, on visiting other homes in the community that as

many as three generations were found in some homes. In fact, Mr. A‘s house also

has only three generations living there; C was visiting only. The Guide says it was

common in the old days to find four or more generations together, primarily due

to marriage at early ages, and secondarily because the families then lived together

and did not move out of their ancestral homes.

2. The practice of chewing betel leaves is more like an addiction in the community;

everyone you meet (except for the youngest generation) has the red stain around

their mouth. The younger ones seem to keep away because they are attending

school, though the Guide says there are many among those who dropped out of

school who have taken to this habit.

3. The language used by the different generations seem to have a relation with the

education they have received; the more the education, the lesser the quality of the

native language. Malayalam being the medium of instruction at school seems to

give them the idea that their language is inferior, leading them to use it less and

less.

55

This also brings in the danger of losing the language altogether, as paniyabhasha

does not have a script.

4. The children of the younger generation seem shy and reluctant to talk to outsiders;

the Guide explains that this is mainly due to two reasons: the first being the

inferiority that they internalise at school, that they are ST (scheduled tribes) who

are the backward groups who need reservations for education and jobs, and the

second being the mixture of Malayalam and paniyabhasha that leaves them

apprehensive of making mistakes in front of a Malayalam speaking outsider.

5. The community, including the oldest members is not completely aware of their

roots; other than the childhood memories they have, the older couple was also not

able to talk in detail about their history and practices. This makes it difficult for

the researcher to understand the changes that have come over the community.

56

Case 2

Arimala Settlement

Niravilpuzha is a journey of one hour from Mananthavady. The trainee, with her Guide,

arrived at Niravilpuzha, to meet Mrs. S, the tribal field worker in charge of the area. After

a fifteen-minute journey by bus, the group started on a half hour trek into the Arimala

tribal settlement. After a fifteen-minute walk through the tarred side roads, S turns into a

mud road which leads into the forest. The remaining fifteen minutes of the trek is through

a forest road, with large trees lining both sides of the uneven road, and the sound of

flowing water somewhere on the left side. A few minutes into the forest, one is able to

see a small river with very little water now, but which S says caused major damages in

the previous year‘s flood.

Arimala is the only paniya settlement within this forest area, which is densely populated

with other Kurichiya settlements. Kurichiya tribal community, S points out, is

agricultural in nature, and is more developed than the paniyas, both educationally and

financially. Walking through the forest area, one is able to see on the left side, along the

valleys of the hills that border the area, banana plantations of the Kurichiya community.

Interspersed among the banana plantations, are other vegetable cultivations, mainly bitter

gourd and asparagus bean (a legume cultivated for its edible green pods containing

immature seeds) which, by the looks of it, had been harvested the day before; there are

individuals of the Kurichiya community in the p lantations, getting the harvested crops

ready for sale.

The paniya settlement the researcher walks into is in dire contrast to this. Bordered by the

banana plantations of the Kurichiya community on the left, and by the forest on the right,

the Arimala settlement with its five families is not even big enough to be called an Ooru.

The four concrete houses are much similar to the Nacholi settlement, obviously

government constructed, with the cemented walls that are not painted, and the rough floor

that is not even properly broomed. The details regarding where they came from before

they settled here is not clear.

57

The first house seemed empty, and S says there is only a mentally unstable and paralysed

old male living there, who is looked after by his sister living nearby. We were greeted in

front of the second house by Ms. Y clad in a fading churidar top, who seems to be around

20 at the most. Ms. X (probably in her teens) in her skirt and top peeps in from within the

house, and a child not more than 2 years of age is sitting on the front verandah. S asks for

someone she is familiar with, and the girls inform us that she has gone into the forest to

collect firewood. As we plan to go into the forest in search of her, Y runs off to bring her

back.

In this gap, the Guide tries to build a bond with X, by speaking in their native language,

and discovers that she had completed her 7th standard, but stopped going to school a year

ago. S, who is working towards bringing back dropouts among the tribal population to

school, asks her if she would like to come and stay at the tribal hostel in Mananthavady to

continue her studies. The girl readily agrees.

Y returned with her aunt Z (aged around 60), who has a stain of betel leaves around her

mouth, and is at present also, chewing a batch of it. S discussed the details of X‘s

education with Z, and her willingness to send her to the hostel, which she says she‘ll have

to discuss with the girl's mother. X and Y are Z‘s sister‘s children; her sister is staying in

a relative home a few kilometers from here, and working at a house nearby. The children

stay with Z; X is married to a man who came to work in the banana plantation nearby.

The child on the verandah is her son. On further enquiry, we realise that the girl knows

nothing much about her husband or his family, except that his home is somewhere in

Thiruvananthapuram.

Z explains that the settlement has five families in four homes; she lives in one home with

her sister and their children, as her children (two girls) had already been married off and

her husband passed away a few years ago. Her brother who is mentally unstable and

paralysed lives in the other house, and she looks after his needs; the ASHA worker

manages his treatment details, and she is not aware of the details of the treatment or the

medicines. Their relatives live in the other three houses.

58

Z was not very willing to talk, but obliged on coercion from the Guide and S. Y was shy,

but talked in bits and pieces about what she knew. X though, was too shy to even come

out from behind the door.

On occupation

Z, who is around 50 years of age, remembers that they had not always lived here, but she

cannot recall where they are from. She was a very small girl when they came to settle

here, and her life has always been centred around this place. Her parents used to work for

the landlords in their paddy fields, and also in the plantations of the Kurichiya

community. With the end of the feudal system, they lost that source of income, and they

began to depend on these plantation works as the only means of income. The males used

to go out from the forest sometimes for daily wage labour. The males in the community

still depend on daily wage labour to earn, and go out of the forest and find labour in the

town and its surrounding places. The women are engaged in the thozhilurappu scheme of

the government, and also work in the Kurichiya plantations. Z works in the Kurichiya

plantation, and occasionally goes for thozhilurappu.

On spoken communication

Z speaks the native paniya language, which the Guide translates for the researcher (the

language is fairly understandable, but the translation makes sure that none of the

information is lost). Y spoke to the researcher in colloquial Malayalam, which she says

she owes to their school education. In case of X, the little she spoke to the Guide, she

spoke in the native language, but she said she used Malayalam at school. In their

settlements though, they speak to each other in their native language. Z is indifferent

about the shift in this pattern, and says there is nothing to comment on. She uses the

language she knows, and that is all there is to it.

On education

Z never went to school; her daughters attended school initially, but eventually dropped

out and were married off (She says they also engage in the thozhilurappu scheme at their

59

places). Y studied until 8th class, and dropped out. Married and tending her child, she

does not go to work. X says she wants to continue her studies, though S suspects that

what she wants to do is get away from home for some reason. The Guide, from her own

experience, asked her if she is ridiculed at school for her looks and accent, to which she

says she is not.

On housing

In the initial years of their settlement, Z recalls that they used to build houses using

bamboo and grass from the forest; later on, the government schemes ensured that they got

a concrete home with electricity, though they have struggled to pay for the electricity

over the years and the connection has been cut off many times. Z doesn‘t know how

those kutcha houses were constructed, and she says she is comfortable in this house. Y

says she is content with the present situation, living in the home they have now; she has

never seen the other type of house and thus says ―I don‘t know if I would have preferred

it over this‖. X was too shy to comment.

On food production and consumption

Their food habits, during their childhood, mainly included the rice they received in return

from the landlords in return for their labor, and tubers they collected from the forest; they

never cultivated anything for themselves. Having lost their forest ecosystem, they still

don‘t cultivate anything in the manner of food; they depend on the government provided

ration, and collect leaves from the plantations around the house to make side dishes for

rice. Apart from collecting ration, and going for the thozhilurappu scheme, they seldom

go out of the forest area. Z says cultivating crops for food has never occurred to her.

On attire

The attire, Z recalls, was typical of every other paniya settlement; the men dressed

themselves in a mundu that reached only down to their knees. The women had a length of

cloth secured around their waist reaching down to their knees, and another draped and

tied over the shoulders covering their torso, called urumaal. The shoulders were left bare.

A sash around the waist (aratti) completes the attire. Z, at the time of the interview, was

60

dressed in what seemed like a mundu, and a stained shirt. On being asked about her

typical attire in the present day, she replied she uses the traditional attire; she had

apparently worn the shirt as she had gone into the forest, and insects were bound to attack

her bare shoulders. X wears a skirt and top, which the Guide says, is typical of the young

girls of the community nowadays. Y wears an unmatching salwarkameez (salwar is a a

pair of light, loose, pleated trousers, usually tapering to a tight fit around the ankles, worn

by women from South Asia typically with a kameez, the two together being a

salwarkameez) without a shawl. The two girls admit that they are not comfortable

wearing the traditional attire, and prefer skirts or salwar. Z though, cannot imagine

shifting to other kinds of dresses; the only concession she allows is a shirt she wears

during work.

On ornaments

Their ornaments, Z says, used to be handmade, with colourful beads expertly interwoven

or natural materials like bamboo and palm leaves. She shows the one she is wearing, with

three layers of beaded chains beautifully interwoven. She says none else in that

settlement has such ornaments anymore; all of those worn by their parents are long lost,

she admits she doesn't know how these were lost. She wears a few black bangles on her

hands, but says that the bangles used in the old days were more colourful (kuppivala) and

covered the whole hand. Mrs. Z neither knows how to make the chains, nor does she

know where those colourful bangles used to come from. She says she is no more

concerned about her ornaments, as there are more important matters like food, electricity

(which has again been disconnected last week due to unpaid bills) etc to worry about.

On faith systems and religious practices

The ceremonies like marriages and funerals were conducted at home. Marriage in the

community still happens at home, though Y‘s did not happen in the traditional way as the

bridegroom was an outsider. The present-day functions mostly happen at the relatives‘

settlement where the girls‘ mother is presently staying, as there are only five families

here. The ceremonies were marked by songs, dances and storytelling; a group ceremony

where everyone joined in for a dance at the end of almost all ceremonies in the

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community was called ‗Vattakkali‘, and this was accompanied by songs and musical

instruments made by the community themselves. At the other settlement, the instruments

are still preserved, though she doesn't know if anyone knows how to make them

anymore. The younger generation, she says, is interested in the music and dance, and

participates actively, but they perform it in their own way, which is at times different

from the way she learnt it in her days. X and Y say they like celebrations with the music

and dance, and look forward to those celebrations. Y shyly admits that she doesn‘t know

if the movements they practice is the right way of doing it.

The ceremony when a girl comes of age is of prime importance in their custom. Without

this ceremony, the girl wasn‘t eligible to be married off. The girl stayed in an enclosure

outside the home till the day of the ceremony, and on the day, the mooppan (the head of

the community) and the thechemmee (the priest) and kayathan (the priest‘s helper), with

the whole community arrived to perform the ceremonies. The girl could enter the house

only after the ceremonies, when the enclosure she stayed in is burned down, and her

belongings are cleansed with cow dung diluted with water. This ―impurity‘ was also

applicable during her menstrual period every month, and she had to stay in a room for

seven days, with minimal contact with the one woman who brought her food and water,

and no contact with the men. This ceremony and custom, Z say, is followed with the

reverence of the ancient days. Y, on repeatedly being asked for an opinion, says that she

has no qualms in obeying the custom; to her, it is a religious custom instituted by the

gods, and thus they ought to follow it without fail.

Z believes these customs were intrinsically tied to their ancient Gods of worship; as far

back as Z can remember, they worshipped Gods in temples, but she says she has heard

from her parents that they used to worship nature. They rarely visit the kaavu outside the

forest, otherwise their devotion isn‘t very functional as far as the researcher could

observe.

Funerals, Z says, used to be conducted at home. The ceremonies were conducted by the

chemmee(one who carries out the priestly functions in the community) and kayathan (the

priest‘s helper), and the body was usually buried in the common place designated for the

whole Ooru. But now, owing to the very little space they have in this settlement, the

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burial takes place in a common burial ground at the other end of the valley of the

mountain bordering their settlement. The ceremonies remain the same.

Marriage ceremonies also remain the same as the old days, with the daylong celebrations

at the bridegroom‘s home culminating at the bride‘s home with the thaalikettu (the groom

tying a chain around the bride‘s neck). The thaali, is a chain of multicolour beads, several

strands of which beautifully blend into a single chain, with coins of 1 or 2 rupee inserted

in between the beads. The marriage used to be, and still is, decided by the parents, and

the bride especially does not have much say in the matter. Bride price is the system

followed within their community instead of dowry, but in some other communities where

their daughters are married off to, the dowry system has emerged as a desirable practice.

On herbal medicine

On the topic of herbal medicine, Z says that she had heard her parents talk about the

plants having medicinal qualities; she also remembers her mother treating her with herbal

medicines when she had small ailments in her childhood. She is not familiar with any of

those, and she doesn‘t know anyone who administers those. They depend on the ASHA

worker or the tribal field workers for their medical needs now, and thus are not concerned

about it.

The researcher finally posed them the question of how they would look at themselves and

their culture in the present day.

Z does not give much in the form of an answer; she repeatedly tells the narrator that

making enough money to satisfy the daily needs is her priority, and she tries hard to make

that happen. The customs and practices of her community, like marriage and

‗vayasariyichakalyanam‘ is important for her, and she wants her children to follow that.

X and Y did not give an answer to the question. X, the Guide says, is exhibiting the

inhibition typical of the teenage girls in the community. She recalls that when S visited

her house for the first time, not only did she not talk, she even tried to escape the meeting

by hiding in the backyard.

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As we leave, S asks the Guide to speak with X and find out if the sister‘s husband is

causing her any kind of harm. She says it's typical for men from distant districts to come

and marry young girls in the community. She had previously come across cases where

these men had a wife and children at his native place. As the girls didn‘t have an adult

around during the day, she doubted that X‘s over enthusiasm on the prospect of moving

to the hostel might be rooted in some solid cause related to this.

Observations/ Fieldwork Notes

1. X, Y and Z did not have many opinions to offer, when asked about how they look at

the changes within their own community. The researcher looked at this in many

angles-

a. They might, as Z says, be caught up in the difficulties of everyday living, to think

about losing their culture or indigenous practices.

b. The researcher personally observed that Z is more or less part of a generation of

the transition period; neither is she aware of the indigenous practices of her

community, nor is she (owing to the lack of contact) aware of the world outside.

This leaves her in a position of not being able to take a perspective or give her

opinion on the changes that happened and is still happening around her.

c. Y seems, to the researcher, to be content with tending to her husband and child,

and doing the household chores. She doesn‘t have dreams or ambitions, and

obviously no contact with the world outside.

d. X and Y‘s lack of opinion also hints at the possibility that the mainstream might

have given at least the younger generation the idea that they are inferior; this leads

them to give less attention to their history and culture. The Guide‘s remark that

she had been teased for her language and appearance at school further leads the

researcher to ponder on this possibility.

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2. Dropouts, S observes, are many in number in the community. She has observed that

this earlier used to be due to the ridiculing by fellow friends and sometimes, even

teachers, at school. But she adds that there is also a lack of awareness among the

people as to the power of education; neither the parents nor the students are thus

interested to pursue education.

3. The language Z speaks is fairly understandable to the average Malayalam speaking

person with considerable knowledge in Tamil, but there are differences in certain

words, and the accent also makes some ideas difficult to understand. The Guide‘s

translation makes sure that none of the information is lost; but the interaction wo uld

have been more fruitful if the language barrier had been non-existent.

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Case 3

Kallara Settlement

The researcher, her guide, and Mrs. S (the tribal field worker in charge of the

Niravilpuzha area), started from the Niravilpuzha junction in the morning; after a fifteen-

minute journey by bus, they walked about half an hour by foot. The bus journey was

halted many times due to road construction; the walk was fairly comfortable, with

asphalted roads and trees on both sides giving adequate shade.

Reaching the Kallara colony (as S addressed it), the group had water to quench their thirst

from one of the houses; this water came from a very small clear stream that ran down

from the mountain nearby. S says the settlement has nineteen houses in total, dispersed

over the valley of the mountain towering above. The researcher visited several houses,

which were actually concrete structures erected by funds from government schemes.

These houses had rough cement floors, and roughly polished cement walls. In these

‗modern‘ structures, the researcher noticed several handcrafted ‗indigenous‘ articles from

the past, still in use; these included brooms, ornaments and mattresses made from natural

leaves.

In one of the houses, we find Mrs. P, aged around 60 years. P sat, clad in the traditional

attire, chewing betel and bearing fresh red stains around her mouth. She also wore

ornaments of olden days on her neck, ears and nose. She lives with her eldest daughter‘s

family. Her second daughter and her child were also living with them at present, as the

former‘s husband had abandoned her some months ago, for reasons they were

uncomfortable discussing. Sitting on the doorstep of her home, she talks about the

traditional practices of old, the changes that had swept over the community, and how she

looks at those changes. Her two granddaughters and grandson joined the group in the

background, listening to the conversation. The eldest granddaughter, Ms. R, who was in

her teenage years, listened very intently to the conversation, giving her opinions

occasionally. The researcher, Guide and Mrs. S joined them on the small verandah, which

was polished with cow dung, as is the whole of the floor of the house.

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On housing

P claims to have ‗lived‘ in this space in the forest for as long as she can remember. In her

childhood, the area had been forest land; over the years, the area was cleared and the

forest gradually shrank. Then, they had lived in thatched houses made of bamboo poles

and palm leaves. When the government housing scheme came, they shifted into these

concrete houses. The floor in her concrete house though, is still polished with cow dung.

She recounts how those kutcha homes of the old, used to be ‗comfortable to live in‘,

especially during the summer months, when the leaves kept the house cool. However, she

in the very same breath agreed that rainy seasons were difficult, as the thatched roofs

leaked and they had to repair it frequently. The present concrete houses are not bad, but

in the summer season, the heat was ‗too unbearable‘ in P‘s opinion.

On rituals

The community used to live in close proximity in the earlier days, or P says it might have

been that they ‗felt closer‘ as then it used to be a thick forest area. She remembers many

families gathering around a lighted fire in the evenings, and recalling traditional folk

stories and songs. The new houses seem to be placed farther apart apparently, and divided

by roads as in towns and villages. In the present day, the settlement thus being spread

over a large area, similar gatherings do not happen anymore. They however gather

together for the ceremonies occasionally, and engage in hours of celebrations.

On spoken communication

P speaks in paniya dialect, which the Guide translated; P says they use the language

within their home and the community. She understands Malayalam, and speaks in faulty

Malayalam, but prefers to use her language; her daughters also know Malayalam, but

within the home they also prefer their native language. The grandchildren use Malayalam

at school, but they are also well versed in the paniya language too.

The names have also changed over the years, from paniya names to mainstream names; P

says her generation had names like Manja, Thoppi, Ooli, Kembi etc. whereas she named

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her children to keep in line with the mainstream, with Hindu names like Gouri, and her

grandchildren‘s names are more in line with the present trend of Abhinav, Kavyaatc.

On education

All of her grandchildren attended the nearby government school except R, the eldest

grand-daughter, who has discontinued her studies due to some health issues. P never went

to school, but her daughters fared slightly better by going to school but dropping out

soon. The children, on the other hand, they report, attended school regularly; a very

significant reason being that their school is within walking distance. R, on being asked if

she would like to continue her studies, does not give a concrete answer, but does not

seem much interested in the prospect of returning to school. The custom, S says, is that

the girls are mostly married off at 18. S says that no person in the settlement has studied

beyond the 10th standard.

Regarding occupation

Though she does not exactly remember the details, P knows her community historically

were labour bonded to the landlords; they had worked in the fields of these feudal

landlords and received nothing in the form of money, perhaps some measures of grains.

As the feudal system came to an end, the men took to daily wage labour with the

‗mainstream‘ smallholding land owners, and also to the Kurichia community in the

vicinity, who had landholdings and a history of agricultural engagement. It continues to

this day. The women engaged in any work they could find, which were similar to the

menfolk, but P knows that they received less than their male counterparts. From her

remarks, the researcher could figure that the wage system that prevailed then remained as

biased against women as now. Her daughters engaged in similar daily wage labour, and

the thozhilurappu scheme. However, in P‘s perception, it offered them some source of

income although this was not stable. P stopped working in recent years, due to her

physical limitations with age.

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On food production and consumption

Their food habits, during her childhood, mainly included the rice they received in return

from the landlords in return for their labour, and tubers they collected from the forest;

they never cultivated anything for themselves. The practice of chewing betel leaves has

been in the community for as long as she can remember; the Guide explains that they had

acquired the practice during those times when they went in search of food in the forest-

this had helped numb the hunger for hours. The practice still exists though, and has

somehow become an addictive practice that they are not able to part with. This house,

like every other that the researcher visited, has a stone vessel used for mashing the

contents together. The food habits, though, have changed; the forest being cleared away

left them dependent on the government provided ration, and the few leafy plants around

the house. P says the food pattern hasn‘t changed very much over the years, except for

the children craving for packet chips and sweets available in the shops in town.

On attire

P wears the traditional attire that the women in the community have dorned for centuries.

This is usually a length of cloth draped around the waist, reaching down to the knees.

Another cloth (urumaal) covers the upper part of the body, one end draped over the right

shoulder, and tied with the other end just above the breast. A sash around the waist

(aratti), P recalls, was used to collect items when they went deep into the forest. The

clothes used to be very colourful in old days; the ones P wears in the present are checked

apparels that men usually use as a mundu. She also has a blouse under the urumaal,

which was absent in the old days.

The men‘s attire used to be simply a mundu that reached down to their knees; the present

day mundu reaches down to their knees. Her granddaughters wear skirts and tops quite in

line with the present-day teenagers in towns, while her grandson wears a shirt and

trousers reaching down to his knees. P says her daughters also do not adorn the trad itional

attire now; they feel it is inconvenient for work, and also more because everyone else in

the community has shifted to churidars and nighties. R says that she likes the attire, but

69

has not tried it on yet; her parents prefer that she wears what other children at school are

wearing.

On ornaments

P has an earring on, made of dried palm leaves rolled and fitted into the unusually big

hole on the pinnae of her ear. She says the women had the practice of wearing such

earrings that made the hole bigger. These earrings used to be fitted with manjadikuru

(lucky red seeds), kunnikuru (rosary pea) or similar other naturally available colourful

materials too. The necklace she is wearing is made of four layers of multi-colour beads

intertwined to form a single chain, the kind worn by many other women of her

generation, living in the settlement. She also has a nose ring made of metal which she

says she received from her mother. There are a few black bangles on her hand, replacing

the large number of colourful bangles she says she once had. The children however do

not wear any of these ornaments. The girls have a number of plastic bangles on their

hands, and simple earrings similar to the ones worn by the women in mainstream culture.

P says her daughters also do not wear the old ornaments; in fact, most of the ornaments

have already been lost. Besides, except for two or three women like her, no one else in

the community knows how to make these ornaments anymore.

On faith and religious practices

P has heard that they used to worship nature, but as far back as she can remember, they

have been worshipping in temples. She has heard that the Valliyoorkavu temple had

actually once belonged to her ancestors, and had been seized from them by the Hindu

upper castes. At present, they sometimes visit the kaavu adjacent to their settlement, and

pray to Hindu deities. But the ceremonies observed in the settlement are from their own

past traditions. The two important ceremonies in the settlement are the events of rites of

passage for pubescent girls, and marriage.

The former function is considered the most important ceremony in a woman‘s life,

without which she is not eligible for marriage. The girl was shifted to an enclosure on the

day she has had her menarche, and she has to stay there for as many days as the bleeding

continues. After this, the ceremony is conducted by the chemme (priest) and his wife,

70

when the girl‘s belongings were cleansed using cow dung water, the small enclosure she

stayed in is burned down and she is allowed to enter back home. The celebrations last

into the night, with vattakali (the whole community and dances rhythmically in a circle,

to the background of songs and musical instruments) being the most attractive event.

Now, the girl lives during the initial days of menarche not in an outside enclosure, but a

room within the house. Now-a-days, the ceremony is not immediately conducted, but

only when the family manages to find enough money to conduct the event. During the

subsequent menstrual periods also, the woman had to separate herself from the other

members of the family. This, R says, is not possible in their case due to the house being

already small for the number of members it houses.

The children all report that they love the celebrations, especially vattakkali; they know

the songs and dance formations and steps, but on being asked to sing a few lines, all of

them shyly refuse. The Guide says the song automatically comes with the beat of the

drum and other musical instruments; according to her, singing it without any

accompaniment destroys the beauty.

Marriage is another important event, with the celebrations at both houses beginning the

day before, and culminating at the bride‘s house with vattakali. The practice of bride

price was existent then; the groom would hand over the bride price to the bride's father,

who would then give the bride‘s hand to the groom as an act of kanyadaan. The couple

then leaves for the groom‘s home with the family members.

P says marriages now are no longer as ceremonious as they used to be. Many families in

the community have shifted, at least to an extent, to Hindu rites for marriage. They go to

the temple, the men in shirt and mundu, and the women clad in set saree (traditional

Hindu attire); the marriage is solemnized by the poojari (priest) in the temple, and by the

tying of thaali (a pendant in gold, on a thread or gold chain that the groom ties around the

bride‘s neck as an act of solemnising a Hindu marriage). The tribal customs and rites

associated with marriage are being observed only by a minority o f the population. The

practice of bride price is also being replaced by the dowry system. P is sad about the

newer generations ‗moving away‘ from the age-old practices of the community to

embrace new practices.

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Funerals,in the old days, seemed to include many days of mourning, and they used to

bury their dead in a common place designated for the settlement. Now, the burial happens

in a common burial ground for the different paniya settlements in the area.

On herbal medicine

P herself has heard of the herbal medicines that were widely used in the community. She

remembers how her mother used it for the family in the event of small ailments. Besides

there were special concoctions for prenatal care also, and deliveries used to happen at

home with or without the help of a traditional birth attendant (TBA) referred to as

vayattatti (midwife). Now, everyone depends on the hospitals for their different medical

needs, and prenatal care especially is taken care of by the anganwadi in the local area.

ASHA workers sometimes visit and attend to their immediate medical needs. R, for

example, has an excess of white discharge (medically known as leukorrhea) due to which

she has stopped schooling; they are seeking treatment in the town‘s hospital. P does not

have any experience in herbal medicines, and also thinks that no one else in the

settlement is proficient or equipped.

The researcher finally posed them the question of how they would look at themselves and

their culture in the present day.

P laments the fact that the younger generation is not much keen on the old customs and

practices like the rites of passage for pubescent girls, keeping away from the family

members during menses or even the marriage rites within the community. She is

especially sad about the marriage ceremonies being avoided for the temple-based

ceremonies. She wishes she had learnt the indigenous medical practices from her

ancestors, as she remembers they used to be quite effective, and she could have used it

for her children and grandchildren. She says she is happy about her children going to

school so that they can get a job and have a better life.

R is very shy to answer, but with repeated interaction, the Guide managed to get her

talking. She likes to go to school, but has not been able to for the past few months due to

her medical condition. She likes the celebrations associated with the practices in the

72

community, but does not have an opinion about the rights and wrongs of the practices;

this has been the practice in the community, and so she follows it is her take on the issue.

Observations/ Fieldwork Notes

1. The adolescent girl, as in the other two settlements, was shy and reluctant to talk.

The researcher recalled the Guide‘s opinion that there is an internalised ‗inferior

psyche‘ that makes them withdraw into themselves.

2. The elders and even the children know the folk songs and stories in the

community, but when asked to share it, they suddenly go silent. The Guide says

this is because, usually they recall these during the celebrations, with the musical

instruments in the background, and everyone joins in. To do it alone in front of

outsiders might be difficult for them.

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Key Informant 1

Ms. G (researcher’s guide)

The researcher's Guide (Ms. G) is a member of the Paniya tribal community, pursuing her

Post graduation in Sociology in a leading institution in the state. She comes from a family

of five, in a government constructed concrete house on the fringes of the forest. The

government policy of ‗free and compulsory education‘ led her to a ttend school during the

initial years; she dropped out when she failed 10th standard. It was during this time that a

tribal fieldworker (Mrs. S) visited her house; G refused to meet with and talk to S, in her

own words, ―I walked and walked around the house, to avoid being caught by her‖. S

though convinced her to continue her studies, and she joined the tribal hostel in

Mananthavady which housed around 50 of them. She went on to complete her higher

secondary and also completed her degree from the tribal co llege, before joining for the

Post Graduation.

She has been with the researcher all through the data collection process, visiting the

settlements, introducing the researcher to the inhabitants, helping to understand the social

and cultural setting of the area, translating the elders‘ communication and offering her

opinions and observations. This is not a single interview, but a collection of all the

conversations and discussions the researcher had with the Guide since the beginning of

data collection.

On her spoken language

The loss of her native language is one of the primary concerns she has voiced all through

the researcher‘s engagement with her. Though they use their native language within their

settlements, G says that the quality of the language has d iminished over the generations.

The younger generation speaks almost faultless Malayalam, but the too frequent use of

the mainstream language has left them with a poor mastery over their mother tongue. She

says she is involved, with few of her friends from the tribal college she attended, in

recording her language (in Malayalam script, as paniyabhasha does not have a script), to

ensure that the language is not lost forever.

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On schooling

Schooling, she says, is responsible for a great many of the cultural changes in her

community. The average paniya child who enters the school system at the age of five or

six, is instructed in Malayalam, while the child is well versed in his/her mother tongue

only. Thus, it becomes important for the parents to either teach the children the

mainstream language before they enter school, or leave the child to undergo the

difficulties of this education. Moreover, the mainstream has a way of looking down at the

paniya children; this is visible in teachers and students alike, and leads to ridicules and

discriminations, as they are different in appearance and language. G says she was herself

subject to these difficulties at school; this inferiority she internalised at school took the

years she spent in the tribal hostel and the subsequent years in the tribal college to

unwire. There she learnt that her community is not inferior to the mainstream; she learnt

her own history and the richness of her culture.

On occupation

G admits that her community‘s occupational pattern has not changed much over the

years. As no significant number of the previous generation completed beyond primary

school education (mainly owing to the language difficulties and discriminations), they

ended up continuing the system of daily wage labour. Only a handful among the whole

paniya population has found their way into government jobs, and these few have shown a

trend of moving away from their community.

On food habits

Adding to the three cases, she says that together with the tubers and leaves from the

forest, fishing and crabbing were also practiced by the paniyas who lived by the water

bodies. Her settlement for instance, contains expert information on different ways of

crabbing; crab is her personal favourite in the list of indigenous delicacies.

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On faith, religious practices and rituals

The Guide says her community still has evening gatherings where they share stories and

folk songs of the old. She says this used to be the avenue of transfer of indigenous folk

culture, and the lack of these in the settlements visited, is a sign of the losing these art

forms slowly. The same applies to the dance forms like Vattakkali; G says the young

generation learns it wrong- the steps she uses are already far different from her parents‘

generation. The religious shift to Hinduism is also not acceptable to G, as she says she

was robbed of her opportunity to know her community‘s original faith practices and

customs.

At the same time, she does not support the superstitious practices that her community has

followed for years; she openly defies the practice of ‗menstrual impurity‘, and gets out of

home, interacts with people within and without her home, and even visits temples during

this time.

The researcher could also detect, from her conversations with G, a new trend of love

marriages in the community; if the families do not consent, the couple elopes and starts

living together. In some cases, the families accept the relation and celebrate the marriage

with a function (but not similar to the customary marriage celebrations in the

community), but there have been cases where families disowned them and haven't

accepted the relation.

There are also instances of husbands leaving their wives for other women, or for

unspecified reasons; the women, G says, continue with life, working and providing for

her family and children. To G, this is the woman‘s statement that she can fend for herself.

But there are instances, she says, where the moopan calls in the family, and asks for the

husband to provide for the children.

Another notable change in the traditional customs is the removal of ‗impurities‘ related to

death and funerals; in earlier days, the family of the deceased had to observe several days

of impurity, which is not observed in most settlements today.

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On attire

The change in attire, for G, is a necessary change, as the traditional attire had been

designed for forest life and they have to change with time, considering the comfort and

likes of the individuals. She herself uses jeans and modern wear interchangeably with

skirts and tops.

On healthcare

G says her culture had been rich with medicinal knowledge, but today, there are fewer

and fewer people with even basic knowledge on this, let alone practice. Though she looks

at the dependence on modern medicine by her people positively, G says a total

dependence on that system, signalling an abandonment of the community‘s medicinal

system is a sad predicament.

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Key Informant 2

Mrs. S (tribal field worker)

The researcher was introduced to Mrs. S by the Guide, in the process of data collection.

She has been a tribal fieldworker among the paniya community for the past 6 years. She

has been actively involved in bringing back tribal drop-out students back to school for the

past few years. Though not a member of the community, she is personally connected with

all the households in the ‗colonies‘ under her survey; they trust and depend on her for a

variety of needs, from handling alcoholic husbands to tackling official issues.

On education

Over her 6 years of being a tribal fieldworker, S has seen a great majority of students

dropping out of school due to a variety of reasons. One major reason that she points out is

that these children do not advance much in studies because there is no one at home

educated enough to help them with their lessons; this leads to the children learning less,

advancing less in studies, and ultimately failing to pass the exams. This becomes more

difficult with higher secondary education, as S has seen these children‘s reservations

landing them in Science streams where the exams have to be written in English, which

makes it increasingly difficult for them. In recent years, tribal fieldworkers, under Kerala

Mahila Samakhya Society (MSK), have managed to get many of these dropouts back to

school through house-to-house fieldwork, organising cultural programmes to encourage

their participation, and awareness programmes among the mothers and children. Earlier, a

child dropping out of school had not meant a great deal to the family, but now the

mother‘s awareness of the need for education makes sure that the child does not miss

classes unnecessarily. For those who are reluctant to, and find it difficult to study,

especially for the drop outs, the tribal hostels play an important role in helping students

focus on their studies. Another reason for a large number of dropouts used to be the

derogatory comments from fellow students, but that too has gone down in recent years

due to the aforementioned activities, as the children are taught to take pride in their

artforms and language, and are now less affected by them. Under the insistence of MSK,

schools have also improved considerably, by including tribal artforms in competition

events, efforts at equal treatment and special attention to weak students.

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On occupation

S also seconds the Guide‘s opinion that occupationally, the community has not gone

forward much; the only ‗different‘ job that has emerged among them, as far as she could

find, was that of ‗hamlet ASHAs‘, who are equivalent to ASHA workers in the

settlements. They are trained to monitor and provide timely assistance for the health of

the people in her survey area, and are attached to the Primary Health Centres.

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CHAPTER 5: ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION

The study focuses on the socio-cultural changes that the community has undergone, and

the perception of the individuals who have themselves undergone these changes. Analysis

is done in two parts -- the first section narrates the changes the community has

undergone, while the second section looks at the perceptions of the community towards

these changes.

5.1 Socio-Cultural Changes

The case discussions revealed mainly eight aspects of changes in the paniya community.

This section looks at these eight aspects across the three cases, in a four-layered analysis-

the first layer dwells on the accounts of the interviewees in the three cases; the second,

adds to this from the key informant interviews; the third, presents the researcher‘s

observations and opinions, and the fourth level corroborates these with existing literature

on the theme under discussion.

One of the most important changes that have come over the paniyacommunity, is that the

community has been liberated from the bonded labour under the landlords. This can be

considered a starting point for all the subsequent changes that came over the community.

Under the feudal system, they were tenants on their masters‘ land, receiving no monetary

reward for the work they did, and lived off the forest produce. The abolition of the feudal

system and subsequent criminalisation of slavery can be considered the root of many

major changes in the community.

A from Case 1 recalls his memories from childhood regarding the difficulties of slavery,

denying their community the right to education and even proper attire. They were

subservient to these ‗masters‘ and could not even address themselves by their names. Z

from Case 2 and P from Case 3 also recalls that their parents had told them about these

times of slavery, but they do not have firsthand experience or information regarding the

slavery their immediate ancestors were subjected to.

A relates that the direct changes brought about by the abolition of slavery includes

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● access to education

● freedom in the choice of attire

● freedom of speech and expression; specially to address oneself by name instead of

the feudal self-deprecating, self-stigmatising ‗adiyan‟

● increased mobility

The indirect effect of these vestiges of slavery is even vaster. In A‘s words,

―Then, we were not masters of ourselves; we were unaware of a bigger world

outside and how to survive there. Now, we can decide what (and how) to speak,

what to wear, when to worship (practices like theyyam required the landlord‘s

permission) and we can also educate ourselves.‖

Z related the abolition of slavery with the displacement from their place of residence. She

remembers she was born in another space within the then-dense forest, but was forced to

shift to the present place of residence during her infancy. For P, slavery is a story of the

past that she has heard from elders in the community, and thus does not have opinions on

the topic.

The researcher‘s Guide agrees with A regarding the impact of slavery-abolition. To her,

this is the single most important change that has happened to her community over the

past half century, the one central change on which all the other changes are based.

Coming out of bondage, to her, marked ―being humanised‖ and being allowed to live

with a sense of dignity.

The following are the most important changes that the researcher could identify within

the community.

1. oral communication

2. occupation patterns

3. infrastructure

4. religious practices and rituals

5. food production and consumption

6. attire and ornaments

7. health care and practice

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5.1.1 Changes in oral communication

The cases interviewed specifically show marked differences in the language pattern of the

community members. The elders claim that, in their heydays, they used paniyabhasha,

their indigenous language for communication between themselves, and the contact with

the outside world being minimal; this continued to be the medium of communication for

many years. As the forests were claimed by settlers and converted to mainland, or the

community was forced out from forests to mainland due to the sheer necessity of

survival, the community came into considerable contact with this mainstream

Malayalam-speaking population. Those who came into frequent contact with the

mainstream community learned the mainstream Malayalam language; and by and by,

learning it had become an unavoidable necessity as there was presumably no other way to

communicate with the Malayalam-speaking mainstream population they lived alongside

and had to interact with, for their survival.

Mrs. and Mr. A‘s (Case 1) conversation styles reveal this initial transition- Mr. A who

came into direct contact with the mainstream, and completed his 7 th standard, spoke

almost fluent Malayalam, while Mrs. A struggled to even understand the language. It is

evident how Mrs. A, who seldom went out of her settlement, neither got exposed to nor

was forced by necessity to learn the mainstream Malayalam language. Mrs. Z (Case 2),

having lived in the forest area most of her life, and worked mostly in the adjacent

Kurichiya settlement, knows the bare minimum of Malayalam necessary to interact with

the townspeople where she goes occasionally for household needs. Mrs. P (Case 3) on the

other hand, has lived closer to town and had to interact more with mainstream community

for work and household requirements; thus, she is better versed in Malayalam than Z, but

not as much as Mr. A as he had seemingly more contact with the mainstream.

The next generation was born into this environment, and compulsory school education

brought these children into direct contact with Malayalam language; the school

curriculum, the teachers and their classmates used Malayalam, and these children were

ridiculed by other children for the ‗strange‘ language they spoke. This implied inferiority

transmitted in their interactions. The generation, though most of them dropped out of

school after the primary level, painstakingly learnt to speak both languages; they learnt to

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use the paniya language within their community, and Malayalam while engaging with the

mainstream population. C (Case 1) recalls how her language was ridiculed by other

children at school, and this affected her schooling to a great extent; on the one hand, this

restricted her interactions at school, while rendering her reluctant to return to school

every day.

This language transition intensified with the next generation of children. With bilingual

parents, they found it easier than the previous generation to grasp both their mother

tongue and mainstream language. Those parents, who realised that their child needs to

know the language of the educational system to survive in the mainstream, encouraged

them to learn Malayalam. The three families interviewed state that the children are ‗well–

versed‘ in their indigenous paniyabhasha. C (Case 1)‘s experience with mainstream

education, influenced her decision to make sure that her children would know better

Malayalam than her, so that school would become a better place for them; cases 2 and 3

hint at a similar strain as the children at both settlements speak fluent Malayalam, and

report that they were never ridiculed by their classmates. The children though, still use

their indigenous language within the community.

This brings to light a very important factor that is intertwined with the change that has

occurred in the community‘s spoken language. The education and literacy levels in the

community have clearly improved over the decades. Mr. A says they were denied the

right to education by their feudal masters, and he had to sneak off to school. Mrs. A, Mrs.

P and Mrs. Z never went to school, but their daughters completed at least primary

education, and their granddaughters are currently in high school. C (Case 1), as

mentioned before, recalls going to school and getting ridiculed by classmates for her

‗strange‘ appearance, language and attire. School had been difficult for her as she

struggled with learning in a language she was not at all acquainted with, and led to her

dropping out after primary education.

The present generation of children from the three cases had been sent to school with

varying levels of parental interest. Case 1 shows a very practical understanding of the

role of education in improving the social standing of the community. B and C repeatedly

affirm their interest in sending their children to school, so that they may be ‗better

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educated‘ and find jobs, thus make a better living for themselves‖. But the children, they

sadly state, are not much interested in this regard. B points to her son as an example; he

had dropped out after 10th and is working as a daily wage labourer at present. Case 2

shows a slightly different trend; X has been staying away from school for around a year,

but her family is not much interested in sending her back. The girl shows an interest in

continued schooling, but S (the tribal field worker) doubts that she might only be looking

for a way out of home. Further attempts at discussing education or the future failed with

X as she was too shy to talk. Case 3 shows R who has been staying away from school for

a few months due to medical conditions; she says that she wants to return to school and

continue her studies.

The elders in the settlements with a history of education have realised the role that

education plays in their personal and community development. Mr. A, Mrs. B and Mrs. C

form three generations of schooling; they have seen the difference that education brings

in terms of occupation and subsequent economic development. The elders in Cases 2 and

3, with a single generation of educational history, do not seem to realise the change that

education might bring about. The children, in all the three cases, are still far from

realising the pivotal role that education plays in their development.

The Guide explains that the discrimination at school, hinted by C in Case 1, was

prevalent in schools during her school days, and she suspects the children in the

interviewed cases, might be facing at least subtle forms of discrimination; she doesn‘t

understand why they do not admit to it. She recalls her own experience at school as very

difficult; she had been teased by her classmates, numerous times, for not being able to

speak pure Malayalam. This gave her the impression that her mother tongue is inferior to

the mainstream Malayalam language, but however she tried she could not master the

other language as proficient as her classmates did. Further, the medium of instruction

being Malayalam made it difficult for her in the initial years to understand what was

being taught in school, the resultant under performance again cemented the fact that they

were indeed inferior in every way. The discrimination at school had also led her to

believe that her community was ‗underdeveloped‘ and ‗primitive‘, and the mainstream

community was superior to theirs; this made her reluctant to stand confident in the

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presence of an outsider.

Many years later, in the tribal hostel where she completed her higher secondary, it took

time to affirm to herself the fact that her language and art forms are indeed not inferior,

but unique and important in itself. It was S who had persuaded her to join the tribal hostel

at which was at Mananthavady then, and there that she learned the value of her culture,

and the equal importance of education. But she sadly recalls that the language she uses

now has lost its purity; the paniyabhasha her grandmother uses is slightly different from

her- to the regular user, there are notable differences- there are words and expressions

that have changed, and the lack of script makes preserving the language even harder. The

schooling system, both the curriculum and the environment, even the art forms that

highlight the mainstream alone, in her opinion, is biased agains t her community. Her

years at the tribal hostel and college, she recalls, helped her regain the self-esteem she

had lost during her school days.

Over her 6 years of being a tribal fieldworker, S has seen a great majority of students

dropping out of school due to a variety of reasons. One major reason that she points out is

that these children do not advance much in studies because there is no one at home

educated enough to help them with their lessons; this leads to the children learning less,

advancing less in studies, and ultimately failing to pass the exams. This becomes more

difficult with higher secondary education, as S has seen these children‘s reservations

landing them in Science streams where the exams have to be written in English, which

makes it increasingly difficult for them. In recent years, tribal fieldworkers, under Kerala

Mahila Samakhya Society (MSK), have managed to get many of these dropouts back to

school through house-to-house fieldwork, organising cultural programmes to encourage

their participation, and awareness programmes among the mothers and children. Earlier, a

child dropping out of school had not meant a great deal to the family, but now the

mother‘s awareness of the need for education makes sure that the child does not miss

classes unnecessarily. For those who are reluctant to, and find it difficult to study,

especially for the drop outs, the tribal hostels play an important role in helping students

focus on their studies. Another reason for a large number of dropouts used to be the

derogatory comments from fellow students, but that too has gone down in recent years

85

due to the aforementioned activities, as the children are taught to take pride in their

artforms and language, and are now less affected by them. Under the insistence of MSK,

schools have also improved considerably, by including tribal artforms in competitio n

events, efforts at equal treatment and special attention to weak students.

The researcher could notice, across the four narratives, what the seemingly innocent act

of a child can do to the psyche of a whole culture. The ridicules aimed at their language

at school, though C did not recognise it then, had affected them at a deeper level that

years later, C decided it is more important for her child to learn the mainstream language

than their mother tongue. As A says, there is a factor of necessity in it; the children‘s

education, occupation and subsequent livelihood creation depends on their ability to

survive in the mainstream, and they have no option but to give in to these pressures. The

notable issue is that the education system itself is ‗mainstream‘ in its nature; the

language, the content, the art forms, the teaching style- they are all alien to the paniya

child who enters the mainstream school. Contrary to the Guide‘s intuition, the children

from the three cases might in fact be stating the truth about the good treatment at schools,

as S explained the changes that the schools have undergone in this regard in recent years.

This positive environment at school has thus ensured a large number of paniya students

pursuing education beyond SSLC and higher secondary. But one notable change the

researcher could observe is that the quality of the native language has decreased over the

generations, which was affirmed by the Guide also in talking with the children.

Several studies across the globe have shown how mainstream education brings about

change in the spoken/oral language of tribal communities, and the loss of language in

turn brings about a loss of identity.

Fordham (1998) suggests that because language is a vessel of culture, its loss can be

harmful to the cultural heritage. Semali & Kincheloe (2011) explains how language is the

carrier of culture; with traditional knowledge - folklore, values and customs, medicinal

knowledge- being transmitted through oral literature, loss of language leads to a complete

loss of culture; the authors clearly outlines how education in the mainstream English

language destroyed the indigenous culture of Africa. Ekka (2013) shows the tribes of

Rourkela abandoning their native language for the mainstream Odiya, Somashekhar

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(1997) and Shyamala (2003) reports the Sugalisa of Andhra Pradesh are using more and

more Telugu language than their native tongue, Sied (2013) reports the younger

generations of the Nao people of Ethiopia moving more and more away from their

language and culture due to the influence of the mainstream Keficho language

(Kefinoono). The paniyas are also showing a similar trend; the community has become

bilingual, and the children are slowly losing the original quality of their native language;

this might lead towards a loss of the language altogether, especially as the language does

not have a script.

5.1.2 Changes in occupation patterns

The end of bonded labour under the feudal system had left the paniya men and women to

seek jobs to sustain their families. The three cases show that the labour related

engagements haven‘t changed much over the years. The men and some women took up

daily wage labour (mainly work in the paddy fields that they historically engaged in, and

also in banana plantations, and any other work they could find), and with the

government‘s thozhilurappu scheme became a way in which the women‘s contribution to

the household income increased. In Case 1, B and C express their hope that their children,

with increased education, will find themselves able to secure better jobs and better

income. In the other two cases, the elders don‘t seem much aware of the possibilities;

they obviously want their children to live a better life, but are not much aware of what

can be done.

The Guide reports that a few members from the community have managed to secure

government jobs with the little education they possess. S points out that the awareness

classes for mothers and children have brought about changes in attitudes, and there are

also some new job creations as in the case of some of the paniya women having been

appointed ‗hamlet ASHAs‘, wherein members from within the community are appointed

as ASHA workers to take care of the health needs of the community.

The researcher could surmise that the job pattern within the community has not changed

much over the decades. Similar communities in other parts of the nation have shown

better occupational changes; The Sugalis of Andhra Pradesh, for instance, have shifted

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from agricultural labour to owner cultivation, business and service, the KaduGollas of

Karnataka have shifted from the heredity occupations of sheep rearing and cattle tending

to cultivation of own lands, followed by secondary occupations like petty business

(Somashekar, 1997; Shyamala, 2003; Gurulingaiah, 2016). The awareness classes given

to mothers and children, on the importance of education and occupational change, over

the past half-a-decade, are sending more children to school but the results are yet to

show.

5.1.3 Changes in infrastructure

Marked changes in housing are visible in all the three cases. Mrs. and Mr. A (case 1)

recounts the kutcha houses they used to live in during their childhood, so does P and Z

from Cases 2 and 3 respectively. Now all the families in the three settlements the

researcher visited, live in concrete homes constructed under the government housing

scheme. With the exception of Case 3 where the floor of the concrete house was polished

with cow dung, all the other houses have completely shifted to this new way of housing.

The interviewees are somewhat comfortable in these new houses, though the elders in

Cases 1 and 3 remember the comfortability of the eco-friendly houses of old, especially

during the summer months. Mrs. A (Case 1) recalls that though the rainy season was

difficult in these houses, the rebuilding of these houses after the rains brought the whole

settlement together. The art of making those houses, with bamboo poles and naturally

available leaves seem to be lost, as none of the interviewees (except Mr. A) know this

anymore, and consequently the newer generations are not taught this art.

The Guide says that some paniya communities in other parts of the district still live in the

naturally constructed homes, but most of the settlements she has been to have seen this

shift to concrete houses. The researcher could see that the government housing scheme

aimed at providing them with a permanent shelter, but the ways of living harmoniously

with nature were lost in the process. A similar shift in housing can be seen in tribal

populations around the nation; Gurulingaiah (2016) has reported a similar shift among the

KaduGollas of Karnataka, but he hasn‘t explored the effects of the same.

The roads that have been constructed in these areas is also a notable change; as P (Case

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3) says, the settlement now seems farther dispersed than earlier, ―maybe because there

are roads separating us from each other‖. The forest areas have more or less been cleared

and roads (mostly asphalt roads) connect these settlements to the nearest towns. The

Arimala settlement (Case 2), is in the forest department‘s protected area, and thus is

connected to the main road by a mud road accessible by two wheelers or jeep. In rainy

seasons, this road becomes impassable, and S reports that there have been demands to

make this road more ‗usable‘; she adds that this road is the only obstacle that keeps

people from further exploiting the forest and its people. But from the researcher‘s point

of view, this has kept the community isolated; they are unaware of what is happening

outside their settlement. This brings forward a dilemma; should these communities be

isolated and kept away from the mainstream to protect their culture, or should they be

5.1.4 Changes in faith, religious practices and rituals

A marked difference can be seen in the rituals that had held the community together; the

daily and weekly gatherings in front of their houses, when folk songs and stories of the

old were recalled and passed on to the next generation, are no longer observed. Case 1

reveals that not only have these rituals been abandoned, but the unity of the settlements is

also under question. Case 2 does not reveal any such ritual; the settlement only has five

houses, not enough to count as an ooru,and so also, they do not have a ‗mooppan‘ (head

of the settlement). Case 3 also recounts the whole settlement gathering around a fire in

the evenings and passing time singing and storytelling. These weekly or sometimes even

daily gatherings have disappeared altogether, and except for the families gathering

around a fire in their own courtyard, on cold nights, nothing remains to even recall the

memory of those times.

The Guide says that rituals similar to the old practice of evening gatherings are still

existent in her settlement, and as a child, it provided her an opportunity to learn the folk

stories of her community. To her, this is also one factor that brings them together and

helps maintain the unity of the settlement. The common celebrations and customary

practices like marriage and menstrual ceremonies ensure that the traditional artforms like

―Vattakkali‖ are familiar to the children, but the folk songs and stories are handed down

through the generations through household interactions and rituals such as these.

89

Added to the disappearance of these rituals, it is evident from the three cases that they are

no longer clearly aware of their own faith system; Mr. A (Case 1) says they used to

worship trees and stones in the forests, and Mrs. Z and Mrs. P recalls having heard from

their parents that they used to worship nature, but none of them are able to give precise

information on their deities. Their families have been worshipping in Hindu temples for

as long as they can remember, and they have passed these on to their children also. Their

faith and prayers have shifted to Hindu ways of worship, though the old ceremonies in

the community continue to be observed.

The most important ceremony, the three cases show, is that of a girl coming of age;

contrary to the old days when the girl had to stay in an outside enclosure till her bleeding

ceased, they are now allowed inside the home, but in most cases, are supposed to remain

confined to a room. Case 1 shows the family still adamant on keeping the girl separate

from the other members during her menses every month (though C says her the

settlement she was married off to does not follow any of these customs), Case 2 also

follows the same old custom, Case 3 shows a difference, not because of leniency in the

traditional custom, but due to the less availability of space at home. Case 3 also points out

that unlike olden days when the girl couldn‘t reenter the house without the said

ceremony, the ceremony is now postponed for an indefinite period, i.e., when the family

finds enough money to conduct the ceremony.

The religious practice of menstrual ‗impurity‘, she says, is being opposed by many

children now-a-days, and is on the decline on a large scale in the community.

The cases show that marriage ceremonies have also changed from the traditio nal paniya

marriage to Hindu religious rites. The replacement of the traditional paniya marriage

attire by the mainstream attire of set saree, the Hindu thali taking the place of the tribal

ornaments, the practice of kanyadaan or bride price being replaced by the dowry system,

marriage ceremonies being shifted from the bride‘s home to the temple, solemnisation of

the marriage by the Hindu priest instead of the tribal priest, are all similar changes noted

across the three cases. But the celebrative ceremonies associated with marriage, like

‗vattakali‟ (a form of tribal dance played in a circle) still take place in all the three

settlements at the bride‘s and groom‘s house on the night before marriage. The whole

90

community takes part in these celebrations, and this brings together the memories of the

old days at least for the time being. The children are especially enthusiastic about these

celebrations, share the elders in the three communities; they know very well the songs

and dance forms of the community, and with the musical instruments in the background,

they take part enthusiastically. These musical instruments are very important for these

celebrations, says Mr. A (Case 1). He knows how to craft and play these, but admits it is

an almost lost craft, as not many in the community know how to make these anymore.

Mrs. Z (Case 2) says the larger settlement she belongs to has these instruments, though

she does not know if anyone knows how to make them anymore. The third settlement has

the instruments, but P does not know if anyone makes them anymore.

In Arimala settlement (Case 2), a different kind of marriage could be found; Y is married

to a labourer who came to work in the nearby Kurichiya cultivation- the family does not

know any of his whereabouts, except that his house is in Thiruvananthapuram. S says this

is a pattern that is seen in many settlements now, whereby labourers from outside (from

the ‗General‘ community, as S puts it) come for work, befriend young girls and marry

them; in some cases, S has seen that the man leaves without notice, and in most of these

cases they had another family back at home. According to her, these men are finding ‗a

place to stay without boarding fee, and the added bonus of a woman to satiate his sexual

needs‘

The Guide adds that in recent years, love marriage has also increased in the community;

there are instances where the couple run off together and start a family of their own. In

some cases, families reconcile at a later point and officially conduct the marriage

function, sans the traditional celebrations; there are cases where the families do not

reconcile at all.

The marriages in the community, S says, were not typically registered, but repeated

interventions by the fieldworkers have ensured at least a slight change in the situation.

Legal divorce does not happen in the community, but there are numerous cases of

husband leaving his wife and children; S says these women get on with life, taking care

of their children, and in time are found to move in with other men if chance presents so.

The Guide says there are very few settlements where moopan instructs the husband to

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provide for the family if the wife remains single.

Another important ceremony in the community is funeral; funerals and mourning used to

be a lengthy process, with the ‗impurity‘ lasting for many days. Each settlement had a

place of burial, but now Cases 2 and Case 3 show that their settlement areas restrict them

so much that they use a common burial ground shared by many settlements in the area.

The Guide shares that this is the situation with many settlements; the other major change

is the lack of observance of ‗impurity‘ among the relatives of the deceased.

Most of the reviewed literature on tribal communities have shown this shift from

traditional religion to mainstream faith practices; Sied‘s (2014) study among the Nao

people of Ethiopia shows that a shift in language which was widespread among the

community had the spread of Christianity as one of the root causes, as the medium of

prayer and worship was in the mainstream language. Abrokwaa (2011) indicates that the

mass conversion to Christianity among the African tribal groups was one of the major

reasons for the loss of their music culture. Ekka (2013) records the tribes of Rourkela

filled by practices of Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, or Buddhism. Thundy (1981) shows

the Kadar tribes of Kerala and Tamil Nadu being ‗civilised‘ by the Hindu and Christain

missionaries through conversion; the Muslim community had also started similar efforts

around the time of his research. In all these cases, the tribal ways of worship have slowly

disappeared from the community. The paniya community is also showing such a trend;

the rituals are already becoming less frequent, and the practices like menstrual impurity

are being opposed by the younger generation; only the celebratory ceremonies remain in

the settlements. In the near future, as educated children move out of the settlements in

search of jobs, these practices may also disappear.

5.1.5 Changes in food production and consumption

Food habits have not changed much over the years; the few staffs of rice they received

from their landlords were supplemented by tubers and leaves from the forest. Across the

three cases, the government provided ration is now supplemented by leaves naturally

available around the house, and vegetables bought from the market. P (Case 3) says the

only change that has come over the community‘s ‗taste‘ is the children‘s craving for

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packet chips and sweets available in town. The same could be observed by the researcher

in Cases 1 and 2, with the few empty plastic packets of chips scattered in the courtyard.

The Guide adds to the food pattern, by pointing out that the settlements close to water

bodies had practiced fishing and crabbing; they have unique techniques of crabbing, and

crab is one of the main delicacies in her settlement. Meat has also been a part of their diet

then and now.

It intrigues the researcher that with fertile land available to them (however small the area

of land is) these people have not considered the possibility of cultivating for themselves,

and saving the extra expense of buying vegetables. Thundy (1981) explains that the

Kadar tribes of Kerala and Tamil Nadu, from being hunter gatherers find it difficult to

shift to being agricultural, especially without farmlands for the same.

5.1.6 Changes in attire and ornaments

The change in attire across generations is directly visible even for an outsider. The elder

women in the community are clad in the traditional paniya attire, while the middle-aged

women prefer churidars and nighties, and the young girls can be seen in skirt-and-top.

Across the three cases, the older women are not ready to part with their traditional attire,

but there are slight changes for them too. If in the earlier days, they were comfortable

being bare-shouldered, in Cases 1 and 3, the women have added a blouse to cover their

shoulders. Though Z (Case 2) hasn‘t added this, she uses a shirt on top of her attire when

she is engaged in work. The middle-agers state that the traditional attire restricts their

work, and thus, they have shifted to the ‗more comfortable‘ attires worn by the

mainstream. For the children, as Case 1 points out, this is more of an issue of not being

seen as strange, and their dress helps to blend in with the others.

The Guide looks at this as a necessary change, as the traditional attire had been designed

for forest life and they have to change with time, considering the comfort and likes of the

individuals.

The ornaments of old were handcrafted by the women, and included beaded necklaces,

earrings made from natural leaves and seeds, and bangles made of glass. Not all these

ornaments could be found with the three elderly women across the tree cases; A (Case 1)

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has saved a necklace from her past, Z (Case 2) is wearing a similar necklace, P (Case 3)

has a similar necklace and an earring made of palm leaves; the glass bangles have been

replaced by plastic ones in all three cases. The younger generations do not wear any of

these ornaments anymore; they have shifted to mainstream, machine made ornaments.

The art of ornament making is not handed over through generations anymore; C (Case 1)

says she had learnt bits and pieces from her grandmother during childhood, but she has

forgotten those lessons.

The Guide says it is difficult to even find surviving models of these ornaments, let alone

the idea of learning how to make them.

5.1.7 Changes in health practices

The practice of herbal medicine had been prevalent in the community, admits the elders

from the three cases, but it is close to non-existent now. Mr. A (Case 1) says he used to

administer these to his family, and still knows some of these herbal treatments, but the

many plants have since disappeared, and even the remaining plants have been poisoned

with pesticides that they are not fit to be used as medicines. Z and P (Case 2 and 3

respectively) remember their mothers using medicines made from plants, but they didn‘t

learn the nuances of the tradition from them. Childbirth also used to happen at home,

with or without the help of Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs), but now the trade is

non-existent as everyone depends on the mainstream medical system. Though there are

‗hamlet ASHAs‘ as mentioned by S, they are trained in the mainstream modern medical

care, and do not have knowledge about the traditional health care in their own

community. C (Case 1) says they used to physically work hard before and after delivery,

but are still free from any health issues, in contrast to the rest prescribed by modern

prenatal care. P (Case 3) says they had special concoctions for prenatal care, and birth

was a household affair, as opposed to the present scenario where the anganwadi and

ASHA worker monitor the woman from pregnancy till birth. For Z (Case 2), ASHA

worker is a positive presence, as she ensures that her brother (who is mentally ill)‘s

medicines and treatment are properly taken care of.

94

The Guide and S affirm the fact that more and more of them are starting to depend on the

health system for the treatment of their ailments. The mainstream labels this as progress

and development, but the richness of their medicinal culture is being lost in the process.

Semali&Kencheloe (2011) points out this loss as being brought about by the loss of

language; the oral transmission of medicinal knowledge comes to a stop with the less

frequent use of native language by the elders, and the loss of rituals that brought the

community together.

The above discussed changes have been summarised in Table 2

No. Changes Case 1 Case 2 Case3

1 Spoken

Communication

▪ Monolingual to

Bilingual

▪ Monolingual to

Bilingual

▪ Monolingual to

Bilingual

2

Occupation

Patterns

▪ Bonded labour to

Daily wage labour, thozhilurappu

▪ Bonded labour

to Daily wage labour, thozhilurappu

▪ Bonded labour to

Daily wage labour, thozhilurappu

3

Infrastructure

▪ Naturally constructed kutcha houses changed to

concrete houses constructed under government scheme

▪ In place of the natural forest

atmosphere, asphalt roads now lead to the settlement

▪ Naturally constructed kutcha houses

changed to concrete houses constructed under

government scheme

▪ House is still in the forest, with a mud road difficult

to access

▪ Naturally constructed kutcha houses changed to

concrete houses constructed under government

scheme; floor is still polished with

cow dung

▪ In place of the natural forest

atmosphere, asphalt roads now lead to

the settlement

4 Faith, Religious

Practices and

Rituals

▪ Loss of common rituals in the

community

▪ Marriages shifted to Hindu rituals, only

▪ Woman married off outside the

community

▪ The concept of menstrual

▪ Loss of common rituals in the

community

▪ Marriages shifted to Hindu rituals

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to an extend

▪ The concept of menstrual ‗impurity‘

still prevails

‗impurity‘ still prevails ▪ The concept of

menstrual ‗impurity‘ has been

reduced

5

Food

Production and

Consumption

▪ Rice remains staple diet

▪ Tubers replaced by vegetables and

leaves

▪ Rice remains staple diet

▪ Tubers replaced by vegetables and

leaves

▪ Rice remains staple diet

▪ Tubers replaced by vegetables and

leaves

6

Attire

▪ Elder women still wear traditional attire

▪ Middle aged women shifted to

churidars and nighties

▪ Girls wear skirts

and tops

▪ Elder women still wear traditional attire

▪ Middle aged women shifted to

churidars and nighties

▪ Girls wear skirts

and tops

▪ Elder women still wear traditional attire

▪ Middle aged women shifted to

churidars and nighties

▪ Girls wear skirts

and tops

7

Ornaments

▪ Most of the old ornaments are lost,

except for a damaged necklace; wears a set of plastic bangles

and metal earring

▪ Wears a necklace of the

old; not in possession of any other ornament

▪ Wears a necklace of multicolour

beads, an earring made of palm leaves; recalls glass

bangles of olden days, but wears

plastic bangles

8

Health

Practices

▪ Have knowledge about herbal medicine, but not

practicing

▪ Depends on

mainstream health care system for medical needs

▪ Do not have knowledge about traditional herbal

medicine

▪ Depends on

mainstream health care system for

medical needs

▪ Do not have knowledge about traditional herbal

medicine

▪ Depends on

mainstream health care system for medical needs

Table 2: Perceptual changes noted within the paniya community

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The researcher could identify marked changes in the trend of spoken language; the

paniya community is now bilingual. Though this change can be viewed as an overall

effect of the community‘s contact with the mainstream, the role of education in this

transition is unavoidable. The paniya children are subjected to the mainstream education

pattern being followed in mainstream schools; the medium of instruction being

Malayalam, makes it difficult for the five or six-year-old child being introduced into the

school system, who is used to the paniya language being spoken at home. Though the

children speak the paniya language at home, the quality of the language might be affected

by this bilinguality.

The relation of language and education is not linear; the lack of mastery of the medium of

instruction makes it difficult for the paniya students to learn at par with the Malayalam

speaking mainstream children. The above narratives show that the discriminations at

school is also not limited to language. The compelling necessity to either go with the flow

or be left behind, forces the paniyas to let their children be subjected to this unjust

system.

The researcher could notice no marked changes in the occupation pattern of the

community; from bonded labour, they have shifted to wage labour, but the work remains

the same, be it in the paddy field or plantations. The women used to work in the old days;

some continue doing the same with wage labor, others depend on the thozhilurappu

scheme. The changes brought about by education are yet to be revealed.

Their lifestyle has undergone tremendous change, from housing to attire to food patterns.

Houses are not only different from the traditional patterns, but the art of traditional house

construction is on the verge of being completely lost. The traditional attire and ornaments

will most probably be lost with the passing away of the older generation of women.

Tastes of the younger generation are already shifting towards the mainstream.

Many of the traditional rituals and customs have already been lost and others are in the

process of being lost, some due to the loss of the traditional ooru structure, and others due

to the adaptation of mainstream religious practices; only remaining component are the

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artforms like vattakkali which continues to be performed by the community on special

occasions.

A few other notable contradictions that the researcher has noticed over the course of the

study includes

The government documents and the local vocabulary labels the tribal settlements

as ‗colonies‘ while the paniyas refer to their settlements as ooru. Cambridge

Dictionary defines colony as ―a group of people with a shared interest or job who

live together in a way that is separate from other people‖. Dictionary.com defines

the term as ―any people or territory separated from but subject to a ruling power‖.

Thus, the use of the term ‗colony‘ ascribes a deliberate separateness or inferiority

to the said group of people, creating a divide between the mainstream and the

paniya population.

The interviewees used the term ‗mooppan‘ to denote the head of the settlement;

this too saw discrepancies among them, as some opine that the oldest man in the

settlement is the mooppan, while others say it is a hereditary position. Some

literature records that the colony head was called ‗chemmee‘, but the interviewees

say that ‗chemmee‘ is the name by which the priest in the community is called.

5.2 Community Perception

The perceptions of the community towards these changes taking place around and within

them are seldom explored.

Case 1 shows a mature understanding of the changes taking place; they are aware of the

changes in language, attire, health practices, lifestyle and their culture in general. Though

it is heartbreaking to see their culture being lost in pieces, they share that this is their only

option towards a better future for the coming generations. They understand the social and

economic divide that separates them from the mainstream, but hopes that education and

subsequent progress in the occupational field can help them lessen this divide and be a

part of the mainstream. But Mr. A and Mrs. C are upset with the community‘s shift from

the traditional customs, and cannot understand why these have to be abandoned by the

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people in their rush to development.

Case 2 seems unaware of the changes that have taken place in the community; to Z,

nothing is more important than keeping the family fed and clothed. She doesn‘t see that

her community‘s culture is slowly being erased, nor does she understand that education

or a better occupation can change her social standing. This woman is too caught up in the

worries and difficulties of daily life that loss of heritage or culture is not really her

primary concern.

Case 3 shows a lament of the older generation; P is sad about the customs and ceremonies

of the community that are being repeatedly avoided by the younger generations. She

recalls the colourful celebrations of the old, and laments its loss. Still, though she doesn‘t

really understand the impact it can create, she is happy about her children going to school

so that they can get a job and have a better economic status. She seems unaware of the

low social status they have in relation with the mainstream; or it might be that her psyche

has internalised the slave consciousness that accepts the present social system as the

norm.

Understanding these three cases within the framework of Berry‘s Acculturation theory,

Case 1 can be vaguely placed within the ‗integration strategy‘ of acculturation, whereby

the effort is to become a significant part of the mainstream culture without losing their

cultural values and customs. But looking at the other two cases, it becomes difficult to

place them within this framework; the reality is that these people are not even aware of

such a process of change happening in and around them. Changes are indeed occurring in

their culture, but driven by the necessity of life to provide for their families, they are not

aware of these changes happening to themselves and to their community in general. This

brings out a limitation of Berry‘s acculturation framework; he does not provide

provisions for acculturation that happens out of sheer necessity, as in this case.

The adolescent girls the researcher met with at the three settlements were very reluctant

to talk. The Guide tried repeatedly to get them to talk with her, but in vain. The Guide

relates that she too had faced the same introvertness in her adolescence; her interactions

at school and with the mainstream society had convinced her that her community was

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inferior to the mainstream society, and this had led her to withdraw into a cocoon. They

have been too influenced by the mainstream that they have internalised the inferior

perception of the mainstream as what they are.

5.3 Theoretical Framework

Berry‘s Acculturation theory

Berry‘s Acculturation Theory presents a four-fold model; he postulates that when two

cultures come in contact, the possible strategies followed by the people in the culture are

Assimilation (people who consider their culture of origin to not be important and who

want to identify and interact mainly with the new culture), Separation (people who value

their heritage culture and do not want to learn about the new culture), Marginalisation

(people who neither identifies with their heritage culture nor with the new culture), or

Integration (people who seek to maintain their heritage culture and learn from and

interact with the new culture).

In Case 1 of this study, the respondents are well aware of and admits to the changes that

have occurred to themselves, and points out that they do value their culture and are trying

their best to preserve what they can, but resort to the practice of the mainstream ways due

to two main reasons, the first being the better practices in that culture, and second being

the need to survive. In the other two cases studied, the respondents admit to the changes

happening around, but are not dwelling on the cause or effect of these changes; to them

the more important concern is their livelihood and day-to-day sustenance.

Understanding these three cases within the framework of Berry‘s Acculturation theory,

Case 1 can be vaguely placed within the ‗integration strategy‘ of acculturation, whereby

the effort is to become a significant part of the mainstream culture without losing their

cultural values and customs. But looking at the other two cases, it becomes difficult to

place them within this framework; the reality is that these people are either not even

aware of such a process of change happening in and around them or are forced to let go

of their culture due to the constraints that the questions of livelihood and survival places

before them. Changes are indeed occurring in their culture, but driven by the necessity of

life to provide for their families, they are not entirely aware of these changes happening

100

to themselves and to their community in general. This brings out a limitation of Berry‘s

acculturation framework; he does not provide provisions for acculturation that happens

out of sheer necessity, or when the people are forced into change, as in this case.

Cross-Cultural Adaptation theory

Cross-cultural adaptation refers to the process of internal change in individuals so as to be

able to function in an unfamiliar culture. Though it is generally used in case of migrants,

the researcher finds that it is very much true in this case too, where a community which

had lived in isolation comes into direct contact with the mainstream. The theory explains

that the change in the individual involves the deculturation of some of the original

cultural habits and the acculturation of new ones, occurring through communicative

engagements between the individual and the host environment.

The Cross-Cultural Adaptation theory seems to explain the transitions happening in the

three cases; the process of internal change in individuals postulated by the theory is

evident in the studied cases. The theory requires that the strangers have had a primary

socialization in one culture or subculture and have moved into a different and unfamiliar

culture (the primary culture of the paniya community being placed into contact with the

mainstream culture), they are at least minimally dependent on the host environment for

meeting their personal and social needs (the paniyas are dependent on the mainstream for

basic needs like food, occupation, education), and they are regularly engaged in firsthand

communication experiences with that environment (the community engages with the

mainstream on a daily basis, especially with occupational needs).

In the three cases discussed, the researcher could find a process of adaptive change that

involves the deculturation of some of their original cultural habits and the acculturation

of new ones; to co-exist with the mainstream society, the tribal society had to let go of

some elements of their own culture like their traditional attire, faith systems, medicinal

practices etc, and adopt some of the corresponding elements of the mainstream culture.

The theory further states that newcomers learn to make adjustments in their original

cultural habits and are able to attain a level of efficacy in the new environment, which

can be hoped for in the case of the paniyacommunity, but if the process of deculturation

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and acculturation progresses at this rate, this ‗attainment of efficacy‘ might occur at the

cost of the paniyas losing their culture.

Cultural Identity Theory

The theory of cultural identity puts forward that one‘s cultural identity is negotiated, co-

created and reinforced in communication with others when we socially interact; this

identity, the theory says, becomes evident through social comparisons. For a child,

his/her own cultural identity is realised and reinforced, first in his/ her immediate social

interaction i.e., family and then the next immediate school environment. The use of the

mainstream language alongside the native language or mother tongue is confusing

enough for the child; the school environment of ridicule and discrimination, where the

language of instruction is the mainstream language, artforms are those prominent in the

mainstream, and the recorded and learnt history is that of the mainstream‘s exploits, the

child internalises an inferiority that makes them withdraw into themselves, and lead to

hiding from the mainstream eyes. Here both avowal (how one presents oneself to

another) and ascription (how others perceive an individual) leaves the average paniya

child inferior.

This explains the withdrawal and inferiority of the adolescent girls in the three cases. As

the three cases point out, the average adolescent who is continually exposed to the

mainstream ways end up understanding own culture, and subsequently, own self as

inferior to the other. The ascription received from school environment leaves the

adolescent with a decreased value of oneself, and thus results in the replication of the

same in case of presenting oneself to others (avowal).

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CHAPTER 6: FINDINGS, SUGGESTIONS AND

CONCLUSION

6.1 Introduction

―… Caught between two worlds‖ best describes the tragedy of indigenous people having

been forced to leave their forest homes, and not being able to integrate themselves into

the mainstream society. The present study titled ―Mainstreaming and Indigenous

Communities: An Inter-generational Case Study of the paniyas of Wayanad‖ is an

attempt to capture the socio-cultural changes that the paniyas encounter with every

attempt by the state and the administration at large to mainstream them. The central

research question looked at ‗the social changes encountered by the paniya tribal

community as actors in responding to mainstreaming attempts at the macro- level, with

due consideration for intergenerational perspectives‘.

The study adopts a multiple case study design; three family units belonging to the paniya

tribal community of Wayanad happened to be the unit of study. The study pursued a

purposive selection strategy, with a family being selected as a unit of study based on the

following criteria - the family should have members spanning a minimum of two

generations; there should be at least one individual at least 50 years of age, and with the

youngest member being at least 12 years old, in order to facilitate intergenerational

discourse regarding their divergent perspectives on social change as they perceived it.

The researcher used in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, non-participant

observation, and key informant interviews with the help of semi-structured interview

guides. The data generated was subject to thematic analysis and the following were the

findings arrived at.

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6.2 Findings

The major findings from the study make it evident that, as a result of mainstreaming of

the paniya community, there are marked changes happening within the community. The

major salient findings are listed below:

1. Oral communication: the community interviewed in this study has moved from being

monolingual (paniyabhaasha) to bilingual (paniyabhaasha and Malayalam) It was

observed in general that the quality of paniyabhaasha, their first language is diminishing

down the younger generations. There were also fewer takers for paniyabhaasha

2. Infrastructure: the traditional nature-friendly thatched- leaf roofs and mud-walled housing

pattern has given way to heat-trapping concrete houses constructed most by the

government schemes, and asphalt roads have divided the once closely knit settlements.

3. Faith and religious practices: the community has abandoned their traditional nature

worship (totems) for organized religious practice under the Hindu faith. A good many of

the community members undertake their traditional forms of worship to the present

temple worship.; brahminical practices such as menstrual (impurity) restrictions adhered

to within the households, though not as strict as in the old days. However, their traditional

marriage ceremonies and funeral rites are becoming less prevalent. Rituals such as

vattakali and singing together that once kept the community together, and ensured the

continued existence of the traditional art forms are also on the decline.

4. Attire and ornaments: the traditional attire is now worn only by the older generation. But

this might disappear altogether in a few decades; their traditional hand-woven ornaments

are being discarded, and the art of making them seems to be lost altogether.

5. Health practices: the traditional medicinal knowledge of the community is no longer

being practiced by the community members anymore; this is due to lack of accessibility

and availability of medicinal plants, due to the cash cropping and more specifically due to

the increased use of pesticides. Further, the present generation has neither the idea nor the

motivation to keep the traditional knowledge and medical practices alive. The community

104

members have abandoned traditional medicine in favour of mainstream health systems to

meet their health needs.

6. Traditionally, the community had been engaged in bonded labour that involved

agricultural work; though out of bondage, they still do agricultural work on daily wage

for the mainstream society. There are a handful of government employees to hint at a

possible change in the pattern.

7. The staple diet of the community, then and now has been rice (then they received it from

their landlords, now through the government provided ration); the tubers they used to

gather from the forest has now been replaced by vegetables available in the market.

As on hindsight, it was interesting to reflect on how the community, to an extent,

remained oblivious to the drastic changes they were undergoing; these changes, as the

researcher sees it, happens in the course of mainstreaming, wherein the minority paniya

community strives hard to survive in the midst of the mainstream majority. For the

people within the community who are aware of it, these changes are an unavoidable

necessity, without which they cannot afford to survive in the mainstream society. To

them it was a matter of their existence, hence their identity or the possibility of asserting

it did not matter; life took a precedence over identity. Could it be that the paniyas were

made to feel inferior about their identities in contrast with the dominant and superior

culture as practiced by the trends fostered in by globalisation?

6.3 Avenues for Social Work Interventions

Education seemed to be a primary factor moderating many changes – both desirable and

undesirable – within the paniyas. The mainstream education system is not

accommodative of the indigenous needs. The medium of instruction, the art forms and

sport events, the curriculum being taught, are all different from the indigenous heritage

and practices, and a large proportion of the paniya children grow up on a make-belief

imposed by modern education and its proponents, making them believe that their

community and culture were inferior to the mainstream.

105

There are efforts at helping the paniya children to understand the value of their cultural

heritage, and thence revive it. But on the contrary, there have been close to no conscious,

concerted efforts in making the mainstream realise that they are not superior to these

indigenous communities, who have been the original inhabitants of this land and in

possession of indigenous wisdom and traditions that are largely sustainable and nurturing

for the planet and its civilisations. So, the two possible measures may be to:

● sensitize the mainstream as to the value of indigenous culture and wisdom, through

the popularisation of tribal art forms, revival of tribal medicinal knowledge etc and

● policy level intervention in developing a curriculum for history, culture and medicine

that is inclusive of the indigenous history, arts, wisdom and practices, besides their

language

The medicinal knowledge of the indigenous community is being lost; if efforts are not

made to preserve these, the loss of a very powerful discipline of healing will be lost on us

forever. National and regional governments on the African continents recognize the

traditional healers as partners in health service provisions; there is professionalization of

indigenous healing in these interventions (Mpofu, 2011). A similar step can be taken

from the part of the state or central governments, to ensure that the mainstream health

system can work hand in hand with the indigenous medicine in the health sector

The occupational graph of the paniyacommunity has not seen any notable change in the

past decades; the lack of educational qualifications is usually pointed out as a reason for

this. There should be efforts:

● to ensure skill improvements through appropriate skill training programs, and

● to encourage unskilled labour within the community

The areas of the paniyaculture being rapidly lost are their language, medicinal

knowledge, art forms and craft forms. Due to the lack of a script to record these in

writing,

● efforts should be made to record this knowledge in all possible ways especially digital

technology, with the help of inside knowledge from the community itself

106

Looking at these possibilities from a social work perspective, the following interventions

are suggested;

● At the school level,

o case work: to help the average paniya child adapt to the mainstream school

atmosphere; understanding the background of the children- economic, social,

family, educational- helps the school authorities to cater to their needs

accordingly

o group work: to provide the paniya children an opportunity to collectively tackle

and overcome their similar struggles, by learning from and supporting each other;

this can also pave way to conservation of indigenous knowledge, especially the

language, artforms and medicinal knowledge

o community organisation: information gathered from the case work and group

work avenues can aid in taking efforts (from the part of the school authorities, in

connection with the government mechanisms in place) to sensitize the community

on the need for education, and then the different possibilities within the system,

especially regarding the proper utilisation of reservation in terms of education and

occupation

● At the academic level, social workers can intervene with

o research: into the indigenous language, artforms and medicinal practices can be

done by the social workers and also provide support and guidance to the

community members who are interested in the same.

● At the community level, social workers can intervene in different areas ranging from

o education

o occupation

o preservation of culture

6.4 Scope for future studies

The role of the education system in the development of any individual is crucial, and

especially so for the paniya children attending the mainstream. Though this factor has

been identified in this research, the ways in which this association takes place, and the

107

areas where changes in the system can help make their future brighter warrants deeper

attention and study.

The changes in the community have broadly been explored, but the economic

sustainability of the community, issues within the families like alcoholism, single

motherhood, the concept of family and sexuality, etc. have not been explored. These all

can be further explored, and used to help the community‘s betterment.

The traditional knowledge of the community regarding sustainable living, in harmony

with nature is very endearing and relevant in the present context of climate emergency.

The interviewees involved in this study did not have in-depth knowledge on this topic. It

would be benefitting to do large-scale research in this regard, so that the mainstream

community can learn from this traditional minefield of knowledge.

The change in attitude of the community, especially the educated younger generation,

could not be explored in depth due to the time constraints placed by the academic

schedule; this attitudinal shift can be further explored to understand the need to and ways

for conserving this rich cultural heritage.

6.5 Conclusion

The paniya community has undergone changes over the past decades; to group these into

positive and negative would be unreasonable, as only time will tell which changes

benefited them and impacted them negatively. The community, caught up in the need for

survival, is not able to identify the changes or hold onto their culture. The above-

mentioned steps can be taken to ensure that this community, instead of being ‗caught

between the two worlds‘, find a way to consciously ‗integrate‘ themselves into the

mainstream, upholding their culture, and their worth and dignity, and yet, being an

integral part of mainstream society.

108

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