КОЛАБОРАЦИОНИСТИЧКА ШТАМПА У СРБИЈИ 1941–1944

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К њ и г а 1

Уредник библиотеке: Дејан Мастиловић

Уређивачки одбор: академик Љубодраг Димић проф. др Мира Радојевић проф. др Милош Ковић

Мирослав Алага-Богдановић

Рецензенти: проф. др Мира Радојевић

др Драган Алексић др Милан Терзић

ISBN 978-86-6309-098-9

КОЛАБОРАЦИОНИСТИЧКА ШТАМПА У СРБИЈИ 1941–1944

Приредио др Александар Стојановић

ФИЛИП ВИШЊИЋ Београд, 2015.

SUMMARY

Freedom of journalism and information, and public speech in general, is

limited in totalitarian societies and in states with authoritarian regimes. News broadcasting in them often does not even aspire to objectivity or to serve the public, but is rather a prop of the authorities and means of spreading propaganda and ideological messages. Broadcasting of news in totalitarian states is under political control and ideological influence, and more often than not it represents an intermediary in transmitting political messages of the government to the gov-erned. A comparative analysis of the press and the state propaganda in totalitari-an systems of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in 1930s and 1940s showed that these systems, although based on opposed ideological premises, actually abused the press and the media for political propaganda, manipulating the popu-lace and haranguing against political and other (racial, class, national) opponents and foes.

War propaganda accompanied warfare from times immemorial, but it be-came full-fledged only in 20th century with the development of mass media and increased possibilities of psychological warfare. In a way, WWII represented a turn-point in terms of nature and scope of war propaganda, which acquired total character under the conditions of total war. In most territories occupied by the Axis powers, population was exposed to minutely organized war propaganda of the occupiers, as well as to ideological and repressive influences on freedom of expression and of information that the occupiers exercised with the aid of col-laborationist administrations. The occupied Serbia 1941–1944 was in no way an exception to this rule.

After the victory in the co-called April War, contrary to the law of nations, Nazi Germany declared the end of the state and legal subjectivity of the King-dom of Yugoslavia and started introducing a number of military, political and economic measures aimed at integrating the „South-East“ into Hitler's „New Europe“, as a kind of New World Order. The Serbian people found itself in the middle of this process and were one of its major victims. Through redrawing of borders hundreds of thousands of Serbs became victims of the genocide in the Independent State of Croatia, in Kosovo and the Metohija and in areas under Bulgarian occupation, whereas the territory under control of the German military commander in Serbia was declared the actual „Serbia“. In this territory that cor-

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responded with some modifications with the territory of the Kingdom of Serbia before the Balkan Wars 1912–1913, Nazi Germany introduced a severe regime of occupation. It presupposed limitation of freedom of movement, abolition of political life in the country, intensive economic exploitation, imposition of racial laws, persecution of ideological undesirables and establishment of total control over news broadcasting and public speech in general. The German „Propaganda Department South-East“ (Propaganda Dept. S) was a blanket institution of multi-farious and very ramified censorship in the occupied Serbia between 1941 and 1944. This occupational institution issued permits for plying the journalist pro-fession, but also for other public activities: for operation of theaters, cinemas, cabarets, variety shows and their repertoires. Through a number of special ord-nances the „Propaganda Department S“ was able to censor all printed matters in Serbia, and the very possession of printing machines was subject to the occupy-ing authorities’' approval. From the first until the last day of occupation of Ser-bia the occupiers strove (and to a large degree succeeded) to have full control of all publicly broadcasted information. How far the wish to prevent free flow of information went is proven by the ordnance on killing all homing pigeons in the occupied territory. Writing, publishing and disseminating contents not approved by the occupying authorities entailed criminal responsibility and was punishable by prison, sending into a concentration camp in Serbia or in Germany, and in some cases even by death. The collaborationist administration was obliged to harmonize its censorship with orders and interests of the occupiers, which con-tributed to total control of the flow of information and to all intents prevented publication and public circulation of any subversive content.

The collaborationist administration in Serbia was set up with the aim of res-toration of public administration and normalization of life in the country, but over time, especially since the beginning of the uprising in summer 1941, it changed its nature and degree of authoritarianism. The administrative apparatus of the Council of Commissaries headed by Milan Aćimović was replaced by the so-called „Government of National Salvation“ headed by Milan Nedić in late August 1941. Although it too was politically heterogeneous and comprised members whose political affiliation varied from conservative to far-right and fascist, the main ideological tack of the Nedić government was hard-boiled anti-communism. Under conditions of total war and deterioration of the situation of the occupiers, Nedić's government increasingly diverged from the kind of col-laboration admissible by the law of nations and turned into an authoritarian re-gime that tended to control all aspects of life of the population. Human rights and freedoms, already curbed by war, were gradually pared down and the op-pressive character of the regime was best shown in persecution of politically undesirable individuals and groups (while the occupiers were the most responsi-ble for racial, i.e. anti-Semitic persecution).

The character of the occupation and collaborationist system influenced news broadcasting and the press in Serbia 1941-1944 too. Publishing and editing of newspapers, and plying the journalist trade in general were possible only for

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persons who obtained the requisite permit from the occupiers and their collabo-rators. There could be no Jews, free masons, leftists, liberals or anglophiles among them. Most of the pre-war news agencies and newspapers ceased to exist and were replaced by new organs edited in accordance with the laws and stand-ards set by the occupation authorities. Dailies „Opštinske novine“, „Novo vreme“ and „Obnova“ usually devoted front pages to communiqués of the Ger-man Supreme Command and news of the German agencies. They treated the successes of the Axis armies or social and economic systems of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in most laudatory terms. The central part of the newspapers usually dealt with ordnances of the collaborationist administration, useful infor-mation and reports from the country, and some space was also devoted to cul-ture, sports and entertainment. Unlike the „Opštinske novine“ and the Novo vreme“, the „Obnova“ tended from the beginning to be an ideological daily which was manifest in its contents in which political and ideological topics fea-tured prominently. Periodicals such as the „Srpski narod“, the „Srpski radnik“ and the „Srpsko selo“ had a distinct ideological component. To a large degree this held true for the „Prosvetni glasnik“ and the „Srpska scena“ too, although they primarily represented professional mouthpieces of education and culture. Completely ideological in its content and „combative“ in character was the paper of Dimitrije Ljotić's extreme right-wing movement the „Zbor“, „Naša borba“ that appeared between September 1941 and September 1942. This party paper had almost no informative content, and its pages were usually devoted to adver-tising the policy of the Zbor“ and its leader, as well as to vulgar anti-Semitic, anti-Masonic, anti-democratic and anti-communist propaganda – usually couched in pamphlet-like esthetics and inflammatory rhetoric that were meant to stir the basest passions with the audience. The editors of the satirical and humor-ist paper the „Bodljikavo prase“ also counted on sensations and provoking reac-tions. The paper made fun of the Allies, the partisans, the Yugoslav émigré gov-ernment in London and King Peter II in cartoons, fictitious dialogues and letters, while depicting the everyday life in the occupied Serbia in humorous and satiri-cal manner.

Being aware of vulnerability of their own position and unpopularity with the people, the Serbian collaborationists tried to win over the population for some of their political goals with press and propaganda. The task of the collabo-rationist press was to transmit integrally or in part the messages and the atmos-phere of public appearances of the collaborationist leaders, as well as to support the efforts of the collaborationist government with editorials and with reproduc-tion of texts from foreign newspapers. Prime Minister Milan Nedić played a prominent role in this process. He communicated in a specific way with the masses (by talking in a folksy way), which was aimed at creating a false impres-sion of a direct communication and mutual understanding between him and the majority of the people in the occupied Serbia. Nedić was exceedingly suggestive in his addresses and apt at transmitting the message he wanted to communicate in an extremely simplified and appealing way. This enabled him to influence

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broad masses of the population. Because of that his speeches on the radio and at rallies were extensively covered in the press and he himself published dozens of texts during the occupation. They are dominated by anti-communist propagan-da, as well as by Nedić's vision of the „New Serbia“: a cooperative, ultra-conservative society based on values of extreme Serbian nationalism and per-verted images of Serbian past and tradition. The collaborationist press also pub-lished speeches and newspaper articles by other collaborationist officials. The Minister of Education Velibor Jonić, chiefs of the State Propaganda Department Lazar Prokić and Djordje Perić, and the mayor of Belgrade Dragi Jovanović stand out with the number of the articles they penned.

Since security was one of the priorities of the German occupation authori-ties in Serbia, considerable attention in the collaborationist press and propaganda was devoted to the collaborationist armed forces. Through the press the Serbs were called upon to join the armed detachments of the „Serbian government“ because in that way they would „save the country from anarchy, devastation and starvation“. The media covered military festivities such as reviews, march-pasts and celebrations with many illustrations and photos, while considerable space was also devoted to those „who had fallen for the Fatherland“. The „Naša borba“ had a regular section for the volunteers of the „Zbor“ movement and their strug-gle against the communists was also covered extensively in the „Obnova“ and the „Srpski narod“. One of the main collaborationist armed formations, the Ser-bian State Guard, even had a professional and propaganda journal of its own, the „Glasnik Srpske državne straže“. It seems that despite intensive propaganda that was meant to make popular the armed forces under command of Milan Nedić's government, the esteem they enjoyed with the population of the occupied Serbia was not increased and that more young men joined the enemy formations: the chetniks and the partisans.

Unlike the members of collaborationist armed units who were depicted in the press of the occupied Serbia as national heroes and martyrs, their enemies – the partisans – were depicted as „bandits“, „foreign scum“ and „mindless de-structive force“. The matrix of anti-communist propaganda, the gist of which was to picture every segment of communist ideology and activities of the com-munist movement as nefarious for the Serbian people and to portray its adher-ents as national renegades from the society, was formulated during summer and fall 1941 and it did not change significantly until the liberation of Serbia. Parti-san fighters were depicted as criminals and murderers in the service of Stalin, the USSR and the Commintern, whose main goal was to destroy Serbia and eve-rything that was national in it. The collaborationist propaganda especially stressed non-Serbian origin of the partisans' leaders and pointed out that „the Jews and Gypsies“ were fighting for liberation of Serbia. Even when the upris-ing had been quenched and most of the partisans brutally suppressed, anti-communist contents did not disappear from the pages of the collaborationist papers and they remained there until liberation

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The collaborationist press devoted much attention to national policy of Nedić's government. It presupposed erasing all Yugoslav traditions and the „return of the Serbs to Serbiandom“. Toeing the occupiers' and collaborationists' line that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had ceased to exist by the defeat in the April War and that it had been irrevocably deleted from the political map of Europe, the collabo-rationist press criticized intensively almost all achievements of Yugoslavism and ardently served the goal of creating the „New Serbia“ and of imbedding it in the „New Europe“. Supporting the change of „spiritual orientation“ and „internal re-form“ it extensively criticized the alienated intelligentsia, and „deca-dent/degenerated“ art, becoming thus the tool of the collaborationist regime in the process of changing the overall social value system. The collaborationist press played an especially active role in revision of artistic achievements and in setting artistic trends in keeping with ideology of the occupiers and their collaborators. The most prominent in this was the ideological weekly „Srpski narod“. The editor of the magazine, Minister of Education, Velibor Jonić, was one of the most active creators of educational policy of the „Government of National Salvation“. His vision of education presupposed integral education „in national spirit“ from ele-mentary school to the University with the goal of creating an „ideal type of Serbi-an lad and lass.“ Topics connected with education of the young were exceedingly present in the ideological and professional press throughout the period of occupa-tion: the inter-war educational policy that had created „alienated“ and „un-national“ intelligentsia was criticized and instead of general (broad) education, expert and practice-oriented education was championed. The press devoted special attention and much space to the Belgrade University, since one expected this insti-tution to be the shining example of collaborationist educational reforms. Pompous celebrations of St. Sava's Day in Serbian schools as well as a number of festivities on occasion of reopening of the University, were covered in the collaborationist press (and in propaganda in general) in a way that was both affected and ill-suited to the then prevailing circumstances.

An important role in education of the young was played by work that was one of the most beloved and the most frequent topics on the pages of collabora-tionist papers. The topic of work in the Serbian press 1941–1944 was dealt with in the context of economic renewal, economic cooperation with Nazi Germany and of creating a new socio-economic model based on ideological tenets of the Serbian collaborationists. Through newspaper articles and transmission of politi-cians' statements the press contributed to glorification of work as an ideological value: work for the benefit of the community was to be the main yardstick to measure the value of an individual, but also of a people in the new European order. Although the press under occupation wrote about work both as an abstract and as a quite concrete notion, this writing was always a function of German political and economic interest in the occupied Serbia. Because of that forced or mandatory labor in mines or factories was rarely written about, and then in most cases in succinct informative form, whereas authors had much more latitude and freedom when writing about the National Service for Renewal of Serbia. Adver-

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tizing volunteer labor in Germany had special space in the collaborationist press that assumed the role of the main public promoter of military and economic goals of the occupiers.

Anti-Semitic contents were present on daily basis in all media, and there-fore in the press too, throughout the occupation of Serbia. They often had eco-nomic, religious or political background and anti-Semitism featured also in the context of anti-Masonic and anti-communist propaganda. The goal of anti-Semitic propaganda was dehumanization of the Jews as integral part of Nazi strategy of their total annihilation in the spirit of the so-called „final solution“. On the whole, the collaborationist anti-Semitic propaganda was demagogic, vulgar, primitive and tailored so as to awake strong disdain, disgust and fear of the Jews. On the pages of the collaborationist press the Jews were blamed for all difficulties of the inter-war period, secular exploitation of the Serbian people, destruction of its national consciousness and defensive capability, the putsch of March 27, 1941 and the communist uprising, as well as for reprisals of the occu-piers in fall 1941. The „Zbor“ newspaper „Naša borba“ stood out by vulgarity of its texts. By publishing vitriolic anti-Semitic articles with political and economic backgrounds, as well as by publishing lists of the Jews and free masons, it actu-ally overtly called for their lynching and destruction.

Serbian women also had to bear the brunt of collaborationist propaganda. The ideology of the collaborationist regime assigned to them the role of mother and housewife, and it basically held ultra conservative and anti-modernist views on emancipation of Serbian women during the inter-war period. Bitter rhetoric against women and female emancipation was especially present during the first months of occupation. It went so far as to blame women for weakening of defen-sive power of the country as well as for the social and military breakdown. When Nedić personally opposed this rhetoric, the press imposed self-abnegation, sufferance and obedience on women, whereas certain fear of women and of in-crease in their social role led to negation of the need for emancipation, and rapid spread of misogyny and anti-feminism in public discourse. Female partisans came especially under fire. The collaborationist press had only the most abusive words and condemnation for them. At the same time, the collaborationist regime strove to reach the women and win them over for its policy: the so-called „fe-male pages“ featured in the illustrated magazines „Dom i svet“, „Kolo“ and the „Bodljikavo prase and several numbers of women's magazine „Naša žena“ were published. However, the research so far has shown that Serbian women were not willing to follow the regime that reduced their existence to that of a spouse, a housewife and a mother, limiting their personal freedom and baring the way for their personal proclivities and ambitions.

Sport, as an irreplaceable part of everyday life in Serbia even during the occupation in WWII, also had a place on the pages of the collaborationist press. Sport sections of daly newspapers, as well as the sports paper the „Novo vreme – sport“ launched in August 1942, were edited by prominent sports journalists who had achieved international renown already during the inter-war period. The

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interest in sports topic was great and most newspapers devoted between half a page and full page to the sports section. Dailies reported mostly on football, especially on matches played in Belgrade, whereas permanent correspondents reported from the province. Apart from football, it was reported on boxing, horse-races and volley-ball, cycling, swimming, athletics and other sports. Daily newspapers also served as official mouthpieces of some clubs and sport associa-tions, since they were no longer able to publish their own magazines. Political circumstances and the pressure of the occupying and collaborationist authorities were reason that considerable space in sports sections was taken by the so-called „new sport policy“. Its main initiator was Velibor Jonić and its mission was to reform sport completely in keeping with the German sports model and to put effectively all sportsmen, sports clubs and associations under government con-trol. Great demand for detailed sports news during the occupation could be part-ly satisfied only by the „Novo vreme – sport“ that gathered the leading sports reporters from all collaborationist papers.

The question of POWs was almost constantly present in public of the occu-pied Serbia during WWII, which influenced reporting of the collaborationist press about them. In the interest of the occupiers and their collaborators an ideal-ized picture of life and work of captured Serbian officers was presented to the populace. Every day the public was being convinced of the good intentions of the German military administration and its efforts to secure favorable living conditions for Serbian POWs in camps. By stressing the importance of the POW question, both the POWs and the occupiers were exposed to propaganda pres-sure. The goal of the government was to have part of the POWs liberated and included in the struggle against the communists, as well as to gather support for collaborationist policy among the POW. On occasions of returns of groups of POWs to Serbia the press reported about „magnificent welcomes“ and „touching meetings“ of the POWs with their families, but also with the representatives of the government. The relation to POWs that was quite pragmatic in reality was romanticized in the collaborationist press with the clear goal of stressing the national and social component in the activities of the Nedić government.

A special place in the build-up of the Nedić personality cult, the legend of the „Serbian mother“ and „Father of Serbia“, had reporting of the collaboration-ist press on caring for Serbian refugees. It is undisputable that both the Council of Commissaries and the Government of Milan Nedić did a lot to take in and provide for a large number of Serbian and Slovenian refugees who sought shel-ter in the occupied Serbia before crimes and numerous dangers to which they had been exposed in all parts of Yugoslavia. The collaborationist press did not write about vicious persecutions of the Serbian people and about the reasons that impelled the refugees to come to Serbia, but it became an active partner in a plethora of humanitarian activities undertaken in order to aid the refugees. Lists of people who had donated for the refugees as well as constant appeals to collect aid and news on humanitarian organizations of the collaborationist administra-tion were published on pages of Belgrade newspapers. Special attention of the

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public was focused on the problem of refugee children, caring for who was de-picted as the supreme act of patriotism and national consciousness. This was leveled at Serbian women in particular, who were strongly criticized anyway. Although the collaborationist authorities and humanitarian associations tried hard to provide for refugee children and achieved remarkable results, propagan-da insisting on improving the situation of the refugee children sometimes went beyond good taste. Frequently one could read that refugee children fared better in adoptive families or with new parents than they had done before the war, which could hardly be true. Continuous keeping the refugee problem before the eyes of the Serbian public had, apart from the humanitarian one, also a more pragmatic purpose: providing for the refugees was indisputably the only really positive achievement of the Serbian collaborationists. Thus it was no wonder propaganda made so much of it.

The collaborationist press in the occupied Serbia between 1941 and 1944 was one of the main tools of imposing the will of the occupiers and their local collaborators, the instrument of pacification of the country and of ideological influence on the Serbian society. Thus it would be wrong to regard it outside of the context of WWII and a totalitarian regime such as the collaborationist ad-ministration in Serbia and to compare it with the press in peacetime. Compara-tively regular publication of various sorts of organs, from dailies to illustrated and entertaining magazines, from professional organs to ideological weeklies created the illusion of a variegated landscape of collaborationist press. However, in most cases various papers wrote about the same events and in the same vein, curbed by self-censorship of editors and strict censorship of the native and occu-piers' administrations. The collaborationist press in the occupied Serbia could not, nor did it aspire in any significant degree, to objectively inform amidst a total war it had found itself in. According to the Belgrade newspapers from those times, Germany was victorious on all fronts, Serbia was successfully recovering from the war and was developing dynamically, but just how strong the censor-ship was is proven by the fact that even Nedić's speeches were corrected and bowdlerized before publication. Larger space for their own articles in the press was allotted only to prominent members of the collaborationist administration, as well as to few other persons who shared the occupiers' ideological views and cherished sympathies for their war aims.

When analyzing the collaborationist press between 1941 and 1944 a careful observer knowledgeable of the wartime situation will not overlook the fact that a subtitle political struggle between several mutually inimical groups of collabora-tors was waged on the pages of the Belgrade newspapers. The leader in this was „Naša borba“ that, by criticizing work of some collaborationist institutions (e.g. Commissariat for Prices and Salaries) strove to spur resignations or dismissals of officials so as to replace them by members of the „Zbor“. The editorial board of the „Naša borba“ on which also prominent extreme right-wing politicians close to the Bigots' Movement (such as Dr. Dimitrije Najdanović and Dr. Djoko Slijepčević) sat insisted that all parts of the Serbian people and its elite had to

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join in fight without quarter against communism. For that reason they attacked especially the Holy Synod and the bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church be-cause of their public refusal to involve the Church in the civil war – what will be dealt with later on, i.e. in the upcoming volumes of this series of monographs. Other papers, like the „Obnova“ also occasionally published texts or „enquiries“ on malfeasances in the collaborationist administration, whereas the „Opštinske novine“ was actually banned for having severely criticized false reporting of the „Novo vreme“ on the situation at the Belgrade market-places. Nevertheless, all these cases were exceptions in the seamless reporting in favor of the occupiers and the Serbian collaborationist administration that was muzzled by censorship and political pressure.

The post-war Yugoslav authorities, but also the public in Great Britain and in USA, had unequal criteria when judging the activities of individuals in the Serbian collaborationist press and propaganda. The revolutionary wave in Serbia after liberation in October 1944 that lasted until spring 1945, swept numerous journalists of Serbian collaborationist papers, but other public figures too – such as actors of humorist theaters and speakers of the Belgrade Radio. Editors of some papers soon felt the brunt of the new authorities: the editor of the „Srpski narod“ and Minister of Education, Velibor Jonić was sentenced to death at the process against General Draža Mihailović and executed. The same fate overtook Joca Tanović, the section editor in several collaborationist newspapers, as well as Bogdan Simić, the editor-in-chief of the „Opštinske novine“ at the time they had been turned into the official gazette of the Belgrade commune. The editor of the „Obnova“ and the manager of the State Archives Milan Jovanović Stojimi-rović was sentenced to a long prison term he sat in the Sremska Mitrovica peni-tentiary: the same was the fate of Radenko Tomić, the editor of the „Ponedel-jak“, Dragi Stojadinović, the manager of the „Novo vreme“ and Milutin Mića Dimitrijević, the editor of the „Kolo“ and the „Bodljikavo prase“, an author and co-proprietor of humorous theaters. The prominent writer for several collabora-tionist newspapers and deputy editor-in-chief of the „Srpski narod“, Miloš Mi-lošević, committed suicide – probably for fear of facing revolutionary judiciary. Timely flight from the country and surrender to the Allies saved lives of several editors and prominent collaborationist journalists, mostly of those close to the „Zbor“. Stanislav Krakov, editor-in-chief of two most important collaborationist papers, the „Obnova“ and the „Novo vreme“ fled to Austria and from there to Switzerland where he peacefully spent the rest of his days. Ratko Parežanin and Dr. Dimitrije Najdanović, editors of the „Naša borba“ also escaped justice, alt-hough their paper had embodied the most primitive pro-fascist propaganda and was the hub of radical anti-Semitism. They were protected by the British mili-tary authorities: the commission of brigadier Fitzroy McLean and his close asso-ciate Stephen Clissold decided that Parežanin and Najdanović had not taken direct part in war-crimes, and that they would not have a fair trial in Yugoslavia. After that, they were assigned DP status and allowed to settle down in Western Europe. The first editor of the „Novo vreme“, Predrag Milojević, suffered no

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grave consequences for his wartime activity: after several years of isolation he made a triumphant come-back into Yugoslav journalism and was made foreign correspondent and commentator of the „Politika“. The American Bibliographical Society put him in the „Almanac“ of 500 most influential people in the world in 1995. Comparative analysis shows that those editors and journalists of collabora-tionist newspapers who first fell into the hands of the liberators suffered most, whereas those who were turned over to the Yugoslav judiciary later on, got away with prison sentences and were in many cases eventually pardoned. Although the British cruelly punished their own citizens who took part in pro-Nazi propa-ganda (as proven by cases of William Joyce (Lord Haw-Haw) and John Emery), in the atmosphere of Cold War, for pragmatic and partly for ideological reasons, they were willing to turn the blind eye on transgressions of prominent Yugoslav collaborationists.

The possibilities of deeper and more complete knowledge and understand-ing of history of Serbia in WWII are tightly intertwined with further research of the collaborationist press. This monographs, as well as previously published works have just scratched the surface of this complex and intriguing historio-graphical topic. Future research will deal primarily with the relation of the col-laborationist press to the Allies, Nazi Germany, the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Gypsies and numerous elements of every-day life in the occupied Serbia between 1941 and 1944, making a significant complement to the knowledge the Serbian historiography has at its disposal today. The final aim of these research-es is to make a complete, clear and yet nuanced and ideologically unbiased pic-ture of Serbia's history in WWII. In-depth qualitative analysis of contents of newspaper articles coupled with pointing out to quantitative manifestations when possible and expedient will continue to be the basic methodological approach to study of the Serbian collaborationist press in the 1941–1944 period.

CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији – Народна библиотека Србије, Београд

070.431(497.11)"1941/1945"(082) 316.774(497.11)"1941/1945"(082) 659.3/.4"1941/1945"(082) 32.019.5(497.11)"1941/1945"(082) 94(497.11)"1941/1945"(082)

КОЛАБОРАЦИОНИСТИЧКА штампа у Србији 1941-1944 / приредио Александар Стојановић. - Београд : "Филип Вишњић", 2015 (Београд : "Филип Вишњић"). 450 стр. : илустр. ; 25 cm. - (Библиотека Други светски рат / ["Филип Вишњић"] ; књ. 1) Тираж 500. - Стр. 7-16: Предговор / Александар Стојановић. - Стр. 405-412: Закључак / Александар Стојановић. - О ауторима: стр. 447-450. - Напомене и биб-лиографске референце уз текст. - Summary. - Библиографија: стр. 427-444. a) Информисање - Србија - 1941-1945 - Зборници b) Масовне комуникације - 1941-1945 - Зборници c) Политичка пропаганда - Србија - 1941-1945 - Зборници ISBN 978-86-6309-098-9 COBISS.SR-ID 218183436