japanese researchon andean prehistory - j-stage

Japanese Society of Cultural Anthropology

NII-Electronic Library Service

JapaneseSociety of Cultural Anthropology

Japanese Review of Culturat AnthropolDgy, vol.3, 2002

Japanese Research on Andean Prehistory

ONuKI YoshioThe Little World Museum of Man

Abstract

The study of Andean prehistory by Japanese anthropologists began in 1958 when the first

scientific expedition was carried out. The principal objective ofthis project was research on the

origins ofAndean civilization. The project has continued for over 45 years, and many Japanese

specialists have partieipated in it. They have not only excavated more than ten archaeological

sites in Peru, but have also made many contributions to the advancement of Andean

prehistorM both in data and theory, This article summarizes the history of this research in

relation to theoretical trends in the discipline, and ends with some comments about the

relationship between the researchers and the local people.

Key words: Andean archaeology; Peruvian prehistory; Formative period; Kotosh; Kuntur

Wasi; origins of civilization; Andean civilization; Chavin

The Beginning

In 1937, [Ibrii Ryuzo (1870-1953) was sent to Brazil as a cultural envoy by the Japanese

government. After completing this mission, he made a trip to Peru and Bolivia to become

acquainted with the many archaeological sites and materials to be found there. There is no

doubt that he was fascinated by prehistoric Andean civilization, and he began to find out about

it by visiting archaeological sites, by meeting Peruvian and Bolivian archaeologists, and also by

reading seme of the literature available at that time. He met Julio C. [[bllo at an excavation at

the Cerro Sechin site, on the Central Coast of Peru, after which he visited Chan Chan on the



JapaneseSociety ofCultural Anthropology

58 ONuKIY]shio

North Coast, Here he got to know Rafael Larco Hoyle, and learned about the dispute betweenthese two pioneers ef Peruvian archaeology over the origins ofthe Andean civilization.

After returning te Japan, he lectured and wrote articles on the pre-Hispanic cultures of

Peru and Bolivia ([[brii 1976a, b, c). In a lecture at Kobe in 1938, he stated:

Japanese archaeologists, anthropologists, historians, and linguists have never had an

interest in the American continents, while those who are engaged in trade and commerce

have already established close ties with Latin Ameriea, and today they are holding an

exhibition, Ybt, we have little knowledge about the Inca or Mexican empires, Nobody in

the Imperial University of [fokyo is interested in these matters. When I was an assistant

in the University, we had a few opportunities for contact with South America, but sinceour superiors and others used to say that it had ne relation to Japan, we put aside

studying it ([Ibrii 1976b).

After the Second World War, the Imperial University of 7]bkyo was renamed the University

of Tbkyo, and in 1954 it estab]ished a new Department of Cultural AnthropologM separate from

the existing Department of Anthropology in the Faculty of Natural Sciences, and the

Department of Archaeology in the Faculty of Letters. Ishida Eiichiro (1903-1968) took over as

chairman, and Izumi Seiichi, Sono [Ibshihiko, Obayashi Taryo, [[brada Kazuo, and, a little later,

Nakane Chie, joined the stafll

One result was that Izumi Seiichi (1915-1970) had the opportunity of going to Brazil fbr

the first time. He had never imagined going to South America before, because he graduatedfrom the Imperial University of Seoul in Korea and had carried out fieldwork as a secial

anthropologist in Korea and Manchuria until 1945. He was forced to leave Korea and returned

to Japan, along with many other anthropologists and archaeologists working in Korea and

China, including Ishida Eiichiro, Egami Namio, Imanishi Kinji, and Umesao Tadao. Because

their new jobs were confined to Japan, they probably shared a similar nostalgia for the life theyexperienced on the Asian mainland. Izumi therefore accepted without hesitation a chanee

offered by UNESCO and the Ministry of Foreign Afftiirs to go to Brazil, first in 1952-53, and

again in 1956. The purpose of the second visit was a sociological survey of Japanese

immigrants in Brazil.

Like [[brii, Izumi went from Brazil to Peru, where he met Amano Ybshitaro (1898-1982),

who had gone to ]ive in Peru a few years previously Amano was a businessman who ran a

trading firm in Panama before the Pacific War, After internment in a concentration carnp in the

USA, he was eventually sent back to Japan. He was another of the Japanese who longed to goabroad again after the war, He managed to get to Peru, and opened a business in Lima. He hada great interest in ancient pre-Hispanic cultures in Peru and began to collect archaeological

materials.

Each night, most possibly over whisky and pisco, Amano talked enthusiastieally te Izumi

about the fascination of Andean civilization, and convinced him to set up a preject in Peru.




Japanese Research on Andean Prehistory 59

Izumi went to Harvard University in 1956 and joined a seminar run by Gordon R. Willey to

learn about Andean archaeology, Returning to Japan, he made a start on his Andean studies

project, asking Ishida to participate. Egami Namio, a speeialist in the archaeology and ancient

history ofEast and Central Asia, had organized an expedition to Mesopotamia and had already

started archaeological excavation in Iraq, The bold idea ofa comparative study of the origins of

the civilizations in the Old and New Worlds provided a rationale fbr the enterprise,

Ishida Eiichiro, the first director of the University of Tbkye Scientific Expedition to the

Andes, wrote in the preface of his report:

the plan of an Andean expedition materialized soon after the Iraq-Iran Archaeological

Expedition of the University of [[bkyo started in 1956. As the Iran-Iraq prQject centinued

with the excavation of Neolithie village sites in search of the origin of the most ancient

civilizations of the Old World, we also became very interested in the birth and formation of

the New World civilizations, and consequently in the cemparative study of the origins of

two civilizations (Ishida 1960: 407),

The expedition carried out research from July te November in 1958, visiting more than

200 sites in Peru, from Tumbes to Tacna in the coastal region and from Cajamarca, Callejo'n de

Huaylas and Hutinuco to La Paz in Bolivia in the High Andes. Excavations on a small scale

were carried out at Tumbes on the North Coast, and at the Las Haldas site in the Central

Coast. After this wide-ranging general surveM Izumi decided to carry ovt intensive research at

a site called Kotosh.

Excavations at Kotosh, 1960, 1963 and 1966

Kotosh is located near the modern city of Huanuco in the upper Huallaga basin, in the

North-Central Highlands of Peru, at an altitude of 1,950 meters above sea level. The first

excavations at Kotosh began in July 1960, and ended in early October, The members of the

archaeological research team were Izumi Seiichi, Sono [Ibshihiko, Watanabe Naotsune, [[brada

Kazuo, Sadasue Takaji, and Onuki Ybshio.

The results of the excavations can be briefly summarizedas fo11ows:

1. Stratigraphical excavations of a sequence of overlapping stone constructions distinguished

six phases (called `iperiods"

at that time). They were, in ascending order, the Kotosh Mito,

Kotosh Wairajirca, Kotosh Kotosh, Kotosh Chavin, Kotosh Sajarapatac, and Kotosh

Higueras phases.

2, Pottery of the Kotosh Chavin phase showed a strong resemblance to that of Chavin de

Huantar. This site was considered to be the earliest ceremonial center, with a temple



JapaneseSoclety ofCultural Anthropology

60 ONuKI Ybshio

structure, of the cukure which formed the matrix for the later development and

diversification of Andean civilization.

3. The two phases befbre the Kotosh Chavin phase had pottery which was very diflbrent from

this, but which was also well made and definitely pre-Chavfn. The principal technique of

decoration was the "post-coction'i

(i.e. after firing) inlay of color pigrnents in incised lines

or spaces.

4. The earliest phase, the Kotosh Mito phase, was pre-ceramic, though a building with fine

stone architecture was discovered, Part of the construction had plastered floor and walls,

and a well-made plaster relief representing two crossed arms was found on the face of the

wall, Izumi named this structure the "[rbmple

of the Crossed Hands."

Figure 1. The Temple of the Crossed Hands, Kotosh, excavated in 1963 {Photo: Onuki Y.).

The report was published, making a deep impression on other specialists in the USA and

Peru (Izumi and Sono 1963). Parallel to Kotosh, small-scale excavations were carried out at the

Pechiche and Garbanzal sites in the suburbs of TUmbes, on the North Coast of Peru (Izumi and[[brada 1966).

A second season of excavations was carried out in 1963 by an archeological team

consisting of Izumi, Sono, [Ibrada, Onuki, Matsuzawa Tsugio, Kano Chiaki, [rbmoeda Hiroyasu,

and Miyazaki Yasushi, They were joined by three Peruvian students from Ayacucho UniversitM

Mario Benavides, Enrique Gonzalez Carr6 and Augusto Cruzat. A third season took place in

1966, in which the panicipants were Izumi, [Ibrada, Masuda Shozo, Onuki, Matsuzawa, Kano,




Japanese Resoarch on Andean Prehistory 6i

[[bmoeda, Miyazaki, Fojii Tatsuhiko, Lorenzo Samaniego R

results can be summarized as fo11ows:

oman, Arturo Ruiz, and others, The

1. The chronolog:y tentatively established in 1960 was corroborated through wider

excavatlons.

2, The [[bmple of the Crossed Hands was thoroughly exposed and a second relief of crossed

hands was discovered in sit" on the temple wal]. The state of preservation of the temple

was so good that a lot ofdata about the architecture was obtained.

3, It was revealed during the excavation of this temple that another temple had been

constructed on top of it. The [[bmple of the Crossed Hands had been buried very carefu1]y

with sand, gravel and soil and then a new temple, named the [[bmple of Small Niches,

constructed over it. The exeavation of this latter temple clarified the details of the process

of construction. First, the area of the temple was marked out, and then a hearth was built

with fiues as ventilation ducts or chimneys, Ashes were seattered around the hearth and

then soil was put on the ashes to prepare the fleor. Then the outer walls and other parts

were built, and finally the surfaces of the walls and fioors were ceated with white plaster

to create the new temple,

4. 0verlapping constructions belonging to the same phase were found in the area to the

north of the [femple of the Crossed Hands, and the same prQcess of construction was

observed.

5, Construction with a platform and plastered rooms was a]so found dating from the Kotosh

Chavfn phase, A discontinuity was noticed between this phase and its predecessors in the

characteristics of both arehitecture and pottery.

6, Small test excavations were carried out in other sites in Huanuco area: Shillacoto,

Paucarbamba, Wairajirca, Piquimina, and Sajarapatac.

The results were published in

(1995) and Matsumoto (1999, 2001).Izumi

and [[brada (1972), Onuki (1993, 1994), Tsurumi

The Significance of the Kotosh Project

In the early 1960s, it was generally thought that the so-called Chavin culture had givenrise to such representative elements of civilization as agriculture, pottery, textiles, gold and

silver metallurgM domestication of animals, monumental architecture, and sophisticated art

and religious beliefs. Chavin de Huantar was thought to be the most venerated ceremonial

eenter, as well as the starting point for Chavin culture and its diffUsion. It was also thought

that there had been no monumental masonry before the Chavin period, and the pre-Chavin

period was described as the "Archaie"

period in which hunting, collecting and fishing were the

predorninant modes of subsistence, with an incipient form of plant cultivation as a supplement.




62 ONLTKI Ybshio

FinallM it was believed that there were no ceramics or woven textiles, although cotton was

cultivated for twined textiles.

The excavations at Kotosh established beyond dispute the existence of two phases of

pottery that anteeeded Chavin culture. Furthermore, they made it clear that there was an even

ear]ier phase with sophisticated stone architecture, probably with a religious function, and

that these bui!dings belonged to the pre-ceramic Arehaic period.

Izumi stated on various oceasions that the findings at Kotosh showed the importance of

temple-centered activities as the prime mover for the foundation of a civilization, contrary to

the generally accepted notion of cultural evolution in which the process of civilization began

with surplus food production which generated non-agricultural activities, including specialized

religious institutions involving the labor-intensive construction of temples (Izumi and

Matsuzawa 1967).

Izumi and Matsuzawa (1967) also laid special emphasis on the process of temple building,

especially the positioning of one temple on top of another, which they named "temple

entombment."

The facts were as Izumi described, but some theoretical issues remained to be investigated

further: the reasons why temples were constructed so early in the Central Andes; the role the

early temples played in the development of the civilization; and the significance of temple

entombment in social and cultural development.

Research in 1969 and 1975

The next expedition was divided into three teams, The first team, consisting of Kano and

Miyazaki, excavated Shillacoto in Huanuco where they found a series of ceremonial

architectures similar to those at Ketosh dating from the pre-ceramic Kotosh Mito phase.Furthermore, they discovered a tomb constructed of sophistieated stone masonry during theKotosh Wairajirca phase and reused during the Kotosh Kotosh phase, with sets of fine potteryand stone objects from both phases (Izumi, Cuculiza and Kano 1972; Kano 1979).

The second team, consisting of Matsuzawa and Ueno Takeshi, assisted by Izumi's son

Takura, excavated Las Haldas near Casma on the Central Coast. The excavations revealed the

exact form and size of a circular sunken court, the stratigraphy of the site, and the fact that

almost all the constructions visible on the surface were not pre-ceramic, as had generally been

thought, but were associated with pottery (Matsuzawa 1974, 1978).

The third team, consisting of Onuki and Fq]'ii, carried out a general survey in the

Cajamarca, Callej6n de Huaylas, and Conchucos regions, and then chose one site, La Pampa,

Ancash, for a test excavation. It became clear that the site was a large complex of mounds and

plazas, rnany of whieh seemed to belong to the Chavin culture. The exeavation discovered

pottery frem two phases, the later phase yielding pottery fragments of the so-called Chavinstyle (Onuki and Fujii 1978).





La Pampa was excavated again in 1975 under the direction of [rbrada Kazuo together with

Onuki, [Ibmoeda, Fujii, Kato Ylisutake and Ushino Tsuyoshi. [[brada had reorganized Andean

archaeology in Japan after the sudden death ofIzumi Seiichi in 1970 (Tbrada 1979; Kato 1976),

two other pioneers, Ishida Eiichiro and Sono [[bshihiko, having previously died in 1968.

After carrying out a survey of the surface in various parts of the Northern Highlands,

Onuki became interested in the ecological aspects of the Formative period. He published an

article about the relationship between the distribution of sites and the environment during this

period, and suggested that the main sites tended to be found in warmer areas, unlike later

periods (Onuki 1967). This study was the basis fbr his later work on Andean ecologM which will

be discussed below.

Huacaloma and other Sites in Cajamarca 1979-1989

[[brada Kazuo (1928-1987) organized a team for a new preject to continue the study of the 'Formative period, which had been interrupted by the death of Izumi. The new projeet chose a

site in the Cajamarca valley, In 1978 [[brada and Onuki made a short-term surface survey

around the city ofCajamarca together with the Cajamarca-born archaeologist, Rogger Ravines,

who introduced them te the site of Huacaloma, Many pottery fragments with post-coction

painting in incised lines were fbund on the surface at Huacalorna, They decided to carry out

intensive excavations there to clarify the develepment of the Formative period in the

Cajamarca valleM a fertile and mild environment in which the Cajamarca culture had existed

over a long period. The members of the team in the first season in 1979 were [Ibrada, Onuki,

Kato, Ushino, Matsumoto Ryozo and Seki Yinji.

Huacaloma is loeated close te the city of Cajamarca in the bottom ofa valley 2,650 meters

above sea level, At first the site seemed to consist only ofa rather small mound, but it soon

beeame clear that the Huacalema site, narrowly defined, consisted of two mounds. More

broadly defined, it included three mounds and a wide pJaza-like flat area surrounding them.

The team used the narrower definition of two mounds, and began to excavate a trench about･ 50

meters long and 2 meters wide extending from the southern to the northem mound.

The excavations continued over five seasons, in 1979, 1982, 1985, 1988 and 1989, with

about three months of work in each season, Beside Huacaloma, the team also excavated other

sites such as Layz6n, Kolguitin, Huacariz, Amoshulca and Wairapongo, all located in the

Cajamarca basin, not far from Huaealoma.

The Huacaloma site was large, deep, and very complicated. Although not all of the results

of the excavations have yet been published, some of them are included in a series of articles

(e.g. [[brada and Onuki 1982, 1985, 1988; Terada 1985a, b; [Ebrada and Matsumoto 1985;

Matsumoto 1993, 1994; Onuki 1989; Kato and Seki 1985; Seki 1993, 1994, 1998a, 1998b; and

Seki and Sakai 1998). The principal results of the investigation were as fbllows:




64 ONu- Ybshio

1, A well-defined chronology was established through stratigraphical excavations and

detailed analysis was carried out ofmore than 300,OOO pottery fragments, principally from

Huacaloma fbr the Formative period, and from other sites for the later phases.

2, The Formative period was divided into fbur phases: Early Huacaloma(EH), Late

Huacaloma (LH), Early Layz6n (EL), and Layz6n (LZ), The long chronology of Cajamarca

culture was divided inte five phases: Initial Cajamarca(IC), Early Cajamarca (EC), Middle

Cajamarca (MC; subdivided into three sub-phases), Late Cajamarca (LC), and Final

Cajamarca (FC). The FC phase was the phase which saw the expansion of the Inca empire.

3. The EH phase has the oldest pottery in the Cajamarca valley and the findings corroborated

the antiquity of the Pandanche pottery that Peter Kaulicke (1981) had already proposed,

4. In the LH phase, the EH architecture was buried in thick yellow soil (3-5 meters) and the

resulting large elevated platfbrm was used for ceremonial constructions. This platfbrm

had three-stepped retaining walls on the four sides with a stairway on the western side as

its main access, The platfbrm was rebuilt at least three times during the Late Huacaloma

period.

5. Pottery of the LH phase had post-coction inlay decoration and showed a strong

resemblance to the pottery of Pacopampa to the north of Cajamarca, while a small

quantity of stirrup spout bottles and other vessels showed links with Cupisnique pottery

from the North Coast.

6. The EL phase was at first only tentatively proposed, but was definitely established later.

It was learned much later that the pottery from this phase shared many characteristics

with that of the Copa phase at Kuntur,Wasi.

7, Before our excavatiens at Huacaloma, these three early phases had been considered one

phase, named "[Ibrrecitas

Chav(n" (Reich]en and Reichlen 1949). The three phases have

now been clearly separated, both through stratigraphy and through the classification of

architecture and pottery

8, The LZ phase is a new phase defined by us, and it is now clear that many sites on the

hilltops in the Cajamarca basin were first built during this phase. Probably the most

important finding is that camelid domestieation took place in this phase.

9. The LZ phase was included in Cajamarca culture by Reichlen and Reichlen, but it is now

established that it was a separate culture. This was corroborated by our excavations, not

only at Huaca}oma, but also at several other sites.

10. The excavations at the site of Layz6n revealed a rare type of ternple building firom the LH

phase, Here the bedrock had been exposed and worked into stepped terraces, with stairs

directly cut into the rock. This was partly destroyed, and the stairway closed, during the

LZ phase, and a different complex of cerernonial, and possibly administrative, buildings

was constructed,

11. The search fbr the Formative period in Cajamarca resulted in an unexpected by-product,

the establishment of the chronology of Cajamarca pottery. This is now divided into five

phases ([Ibrada and Matsumoto 1985).





Some Theoretical Issues

The accumulatien of data, obtained through both intensive and systematic exeavations,

eombined with excellent teamwork, has made it possible for us to provide an overview oC and

fbrmulate hypotheses about, the Formative period of Andean civilization.

One problem left unanswered since the time of the Kotosh excavations was the

significance of the pre-ceramic temple. A noticeable feature of Huacalema is the repeated

process of temple construction, The earliest temple platfbrm of the Late Huacaloma phase was

destroyed and a new series of retaining walls was constructed around the older one, creating a

new platform with larger dimensions, The maximum dimensions were reached with the

construction of a third platform, This characteristic reminded us of the superimposed temples

of the Kotosh Mito phase, The habit of censtructing a new temple above an older one has been

called "temple

entombment" by Izumi and Matsuzawa (1967). Since then, the term has been

applied to various examp]es of ceremonial architecture dating from the Archaic and Formative

periods (see fbr instance Shimada 1981; Shimada, Elera and Shimada 1982).

Onuki, on the other hand, has proposed the term "renewal"

(renovaci6n in Spanish),

because the objective of burying the temple was not to entomb it, as if it were dead, but to

provide a new, enlarged, and sometimes raised platform fbr building a new temple (Onuki1993, 1994), This renewal had an impertant efft]ct, setting in train a whole series of other

aetivities, although they may have been unaware of this at that time. [Ibmple construction

required the accumulation of food and drink, which stimulated the search for more productive

cultigens and technologies, Enlarging a temple required a greater labor fbrce, accelerating

population growth. A larger population required greater fbod production and more efficient

systems of social control, [[b justify the renewal, the temple had to provide its congregation

with a more refined and sophisticated cosmology and rituals, together with their material

representations. Thus, temple renewal, even though it began on a small scale, triggered a

series of technological, social and cultural innovations, As a result, communities that practiced

it became more open to innovation, more productive, and more efficient. Thus, temple renewal

played a very important role in the socio-cultural dynamics of the Formative period. In this

sense, Izumi's comment that "In

the beginning was the temple" takes on real meaning (Izurni

1966). [[bmple renewal became the fbcus of new knowledge and eultural innovation.

Onuki's interest in the ecological aspects of the Formative period continued and he

published some articles about it on the basis ofnew data and findings at the Formative sites in

the Sierra and on the coast. The warm, dry intermontane habitat of the ),unga zone was

important in the Formative period (Onuki 1982, 1985, 1992), and Onuki proposed that in the

final Archaic and early Formative periods cultivated plants of tropieal origin were the most

important for agriculture. Onuki is inclined to see a relationship between subsistence during

these periods and trepical Iowland agriculture: there is a possible relationship between s]ash

and burn agrieulture in the tropical forest and the erection of new buildings on a layer of ashes,




66 ONuKI Ybshio

as in the temples of Kotosh or the houses of the Early Huacaloma phase, The repousse

decoration of a gold nose ornament from Kuntur Wasi may derive from a myth involving twins

and a monster that is widely distributed from Venezuela to southeastern Peru, and this also

suggests a relationship between these areas (Onuki 1998, 1999).

Excavations at Kuntur Wasi: Chronology

As knowledge and data continued to accumulate, the relation between Cajamarca and

Kuntur Wasi became a special concern. It had long been believed that Kuntur Wasi, not far

from the Cajamarca basin, was a regional center of the Chavin culture which had expanded

firom Chavin de Huaiitar, There were several stone sculptures there that shared stylistic

characteristics with those at Chavin de Huantar.

We happened to hear about a new site, Cerro Blanco, loeated on the same mountain crest

and only about a kilometer from Kuntur Wasi, and so we carried out excavations there. Here,

the chronological order of phases was similar to that of Huacaloma, The lowest level of

occupation was the La Conga phase, with pottery a]most identical to that of the Early

Huacaloma phase. The pottery of the fbllowing phase, Cerro Blanco, was similar to that ef the

Late Huacaloma phase, while that of the final occupation, the Sotera phase, was identical to

Figure 2. A gold nose ornament from Kuntur Wasi, 1989 <Photo: Yoshii Y.).




Japanese Research on Andean Prehistery 67

that of the Layz6n phase (Onuki and Kato 1995), According to the short report on the

excavations carried out by Pablo Carrera et al. in 1946 (Carrion Cachot 1948), there was no

abundance of Chavin-like pottery at Kuntur Wasi. Curiously, the characteristic fragrnents of

pottery scattered abundantly on the surface at Kuntur Wasi, which resembled the pottery of

the EL phase in Cajamarca, were not fbund at Cerre Blanco, even though it was so close to

Kuntur Wasi, These sites must have been contemporaneous at some point during the

Formative period. So what is the relationship between Kuntur Wasi and other sites like Cerro

Blanco and Huacaloma? We felt an urgent need to excavate Kuntur Wasi, and the Kuntur Wasi

project began in 1988, only one year after the sudden death of [Ibrada Kazuo. We never thought

during the first season that the excavations would continue se long and that we would become

so deeply involved with the lecal people, local politics, the construction of a museum, and the

work on the restoration and conservation of the site, Here I review briefly the most important

points, fbr a fu11 history of Kuntur Wasi would run to several hundred pages (see also Onuki

2000).

In the first two seasons, in 1988 and 1989, we were able to reach some conclusions about

the chronology ef Kuntur Wasi, The first occupation took place in the Idolo phase, identical to

the Cerro Blaneo phase that shared many characteristics with the Late Huacaloma phase in its

ceramics. It seems that the area used for construction was limited to the summit of the hill,

which had been flattened. Platforms and plazas with subterranean drainage channels were

built, the floors were prepared with white plaster, and the plastered walls were sometimes

deeorated with reliefs of mythical beings,

The second phase was the Kuntur Wasi phase. The summit was surrounded with stepped

retaining walls constructed with huge stones. It faced north, with the central stairway as the

main access. On the summit area, three platforms were built, arranged in the form of a letter U

(the "U

[[bmple") opening to the north, Stone sculptures were set in various places on the

summit. The pottery was most similar to the Cupisnique style of the North Coast, very

different frem that of the Idolo phase. The most impressive findings were the tombs containing

luxurious gold objects, such as large crowns, nose ornaments, ear ornaments and ear spools,

These gold objeets were richly decorated with jaguar and serpent motifs, using a repouss6

technique.

The third phase was the Copa phase, during which other parts of the summit area were

modified, During this phase, several special tombs with gold omaments were constructed. The

pottery lost many of its figurative representations ofjaguars, serpents and eagles, and these

motifs were replaced by incised geometric designs.

The fourth phase was the Sotera phase, during which the religious complex belenging to

the two preceding phases was completely destroyed, Sotera pottery and the evidence ofcamelid

demestication eoincide with those of the Layz6n phase of the Cajamarca basin.

This chronologtcal sequence was established and defined through intensive excavation

and detailed analysis ofthe pottery associated with each layer and style ofarchiteeture. On the

basis of this chronologyl it is now possible to locate Huacaloma, Cerro Blanco and Kuntur Wasi '



JapaneseSociety ofCulturalAnthropology

68 ONuKI Ybshio

together in a general chronological framework, This chronology suggests the relatively lateappearance ofCupisnique elements in the Northem Highlands, as we see in the Kuntur Wasi

phase which lasted between 800 and 500 BC, according to a series of non-calibrated C14 dates.

It is also probable that part of the Late Huacaloma phase was contemporaneous with the

Kuntur Wasi phase, and that the latter did not extend to the Cajamarca basin in its fu11 form,

while the EL phase at Cajamarca closely resembled the Copa phase at Kuntur Wasi, which

lasted from about 500 to 250 BC.

TheSignificance of Kuntur Wasi

The excavations at Kuntur Wasi have led to rnany advances in Andean archaeologM

especially the study ofthe Formative period. Some of the most important of these are as fo11ows:

1, The chronology thus established as described above indicates that Cupisnique artifacts

are earlier than those from Chavin de Huantar, and this agrees with the earlier C14 dates

of several Cupisnique-related sites such as Huaca de Los Reyes, Purulen, GaragaM and

Figure 3.A stirrup spout bottle from Kuntur Wasi,1996 (Photo: Yoshii Y.).





Cardal.

2. TWo phases, Kuntur Wasi and Copa, were definitely distinguished, both stratigraphically

and materially This helped us to identify many stirrup spout bottles in the Cupisnique

style, and eventually to reconsider the traditional chronology based on stylistic

characteristics. The theory that Kuntur Wasi was constructed under the influence of

Chavfn de Huantar has also been reconsidered and rejected (Inokuchi 1998; Tsurumi

1998; Onuki 2001a, 2001b).

3. At Kotosh, a discontinuity was noted between the pre-Chavin pottery tradition and Kotosh

Chavin potterM and a similar kind of discentinuity in ceramic style was noticeable between the

Kuntur Wasi phase and the Idolo phase, the latter being stratigraphically earlier. The

Kuntur Wasi phase appeared rather abruptly together with pottery and gold objects, and

the construction of a new complex of ceremonial buildings after the demolition of the

preeeding architecture of the Idolo phase. This may suggest that the Kuntur Wasi phase

was intrusive at the site of Kuntur Wasi, with a close affinity with Cupisnique ceramic and

gold objects, It is probable that the burial bundles containing gold and fine pottery found

under the platforms were brought to Kuntur Wasi from somewhere in the Cupisnique

heartland, or its vicinity in the coastal region, at the start ef the construction of the

architectural complex.

4. It has been suggested that almost all the ceremonial centers Qf the early Formative period

in the coastal region were abandoned after 800 BC, according to the C14 dating of Huaca

de los Reyes, Garagay, Cardal, etc, and it seems that the Kuntur Wasi phase also began

around 800 BC. Considering this fact, the dating ofother sites such as Chavin de Hu6ntar

and Huacaloma, and the sequence at Kotosh and other sites around Huanuco, it may be

said that these notable highland centers with Chavin-Cupisnique characteristics

flourished after the abandonment of the coastal centers, There is no evidence of significant

coastal centers or activities dating from the period during whieh the highland centers were

most active. This has led me to propose the "coastal

blank hypothesis" (Onuki 1993, 1994,

2001b>. It will require further interdisciplinary researeh and data to test this.

5. 0nce a sequence ofphases from the earliest sedentary people with pottery to the end ofthe

Formative period in the Cajamarca highlands is established, that is to say from the EH

phase to the LZ phase, it is pessible to forrnulate various hypotheses about the societies

and cultures of the Formative period, as in the book edited by Kato and Seki (Kato and

Seki, eds. 1998), although they have not yet been fu11y tested, For example, there are the

changes relating to temples, In the earliest phases temples were built and maintained in

each sedentary community, as seen in Huacaloma, Kolguitin, and Chondorco during the

EH and LH phases. Later, another type of temple appeared which acted as a regional

center, as we see in Kuntur Wasi or Layz6n. This change must have been related to

changes in society and economM although these await further study Seki (1998e) has

discussed changes in the use of rnaize during the Formative period in relatien to social

change,




70 Ots-uKI Ybshio

6, According to another hypothesis put forward in the same book, Kato suggests that temple

renewal ceased when the temple of Kuntur Wasi adopted stone sculptures and the temple

at Layz6n was carved out of the rock, This kind of consolidation of images in stone, Kato

says, may have reduced the speed of change in cosmology and reinforced the authority of

an elite group that controlled wide-ranging networks of communication and exchange

(Kato and Inokuchi 1998).

7, The discovery of gold objects was one of the mest important resu]ts of the excavations at

Kuntur Wasi. There were two groups of tombs there containing gold objects. One belonged

to the Kuntur Wasi phase and the other to the'Copa phase. This division of the tombs and

the associated materials into two phases is very important, for it makes it possible for us

to study the evolution ofgold metallurgy, The gold objects from Kuntur Wasi are the only

gold artifacts from the Formative period that have been recovered in excavations strictly

controlled by archaeologists (Onuki 1997; Onuki, Kato and Seki, eds. 2000).

8. The results of investigations from Kotosh to Kuntur Wasi have led us to propose a new

chronology fbr the Formative period, dividing it into five sub-periods: Initial, EarlM

Middle, Late and Final. Another bold proposal is that the final phase of the Archaic period

should be included in the Initial Formative period (Kato and Seki, eds. 1998; Onuki 2001b).

The Kuntur Wasi Museum and the UNESCO PrQjeet

In 1989, the second season of excavations at Kuntur Wasi, three tembs with gold

omaments were found under the central platform of the U [Ibmple. Since the first season in

1988, there had been a rumor in the nearest town, San Pablo, that the Japanese team had

taken everything they had fbund to Cajamarca CitM including several pieces ef gold. The local

people, especially the political opponents of the local government, felt somewhat uneasy at

these rumors. The mayor of San Pablo had to show his authoritM even in cultural matters, He

came to Kuntur Wasi with a group of supporters and insisted that all the materials excavated

should be deposited at the town hall. We had been working on the excavations with the

villagers from a small village at the foot of the Kuntur Wasi site. They all knew that no gold

pieces had been found and that almost all the materials that we had taken to Cajamarca were

pottery fragments. Many of the villagers were on our side, but the authority of San Pablo town

was greater, so we decided to leave the materials at the town hall.

The discovery of gold caused renewed interest in Kuntur Wasi, and this time we had to

leave the materials in the town hall once again. However, at the end of 1989, the mayor lost an

election, and a new mayor took office. Prior to this, the village people had taken the so-called

"treasure

of Kuntur Wasi" and hidden it in the village. In 1990, they handed it over to us, but

the problem of where to keep it arose once more at the end of the season. After consulting both

the National Institute of Culture (INC) and the village people, we took it to Lima to deposit in

the Nationa] Museum. This transfer itselfcreated problems but we promised that sorne day we





would build a museum in the village to keep and exhibit the treasure.

The treasure was eventually allowed to go to Japan fbr exhibition, and it remained there for

almost three years, while it was exhibited in a dozen plaees. We eventually succeeded in

collecting around US$300,OOO dollars for the museum, including a small amount from the

Japanese government, and the Kuntur Wasi Museum was built and inaugurated in October

1994.

The village people established a nonprofit association, the Cultural Association of Kuntur

Wasi, to take care ef the museum, and the Japanese team donated the museum to the

Association. The INC ocacially recognized the museum and authorized the custody there of the

excavated objects, including about 200 pieces of gold. The local government of Cajamarca built

a small police statien at the site, and provided a subsidy to construct a drainage system. The

Japanese government provided a further subsidy to the museum and a Japanese newspaper

ofTered a centribution in exchange for another exhibition held in 2000-2001. With this aid, the

Cultural Association built a surrounding wall fbr the museum, enlarged the hall, and repaired

the police station by the rnain gate. In November 2000, the village, together with the rnuseum,

received electricity

In short, the archaeological excavations, which began with purely scientific objectives at

Kuntur Wasi in 1988, also brought about changes in the life of the village. Over the course of

time, during which they stayed in the village for three months every year, the archaeologists

got to know the local people, which made it easy to establish relationships of mutual trust, The

peeple began to understand the importance of the archaeological investigations, and this

helped restrain illegal ]ooting, even after the spectacular finds of: gold objects. The fame of' the

site and the museum in the wider world increased feelings oflocal pride, and sense that the site

should be protected from looting. The tourists are starting to arrive, though they are still very

few in number.

In response to the need fbr restoration and preservation of the site, UNESCO initiated a

Figure 4, The restored fagade of Kuntur Wasi, 2002 (Photo: Onuki Y.; composed by Tsurumi E.).




72 ONuKI Ybshio

three-year project, using the Japanese trust fund. They agreed that the project team should

inc]ude the members of the Japanese archaeological team that had been working at Kuntur

Wasi since 1988. The UNESCO tearn began the work of restoration and preservation in 2000.

By October 2002, the work was nearly complete, restoring the imposing facade of the sanctuary

and the sunken court, together with stairways with stone sculptures on each of the four sides.

There is no doubt that this restoration work will help increase the interest of the local people in

the site and its history; and will eventually centribute to the preservation of their cultural

heritage, as well as promoting tourism, which is expected to contribute to the prosperity and

well-being of the village and San Pablo town.

From 1988 to 2002, Onuki, Kato, Seki, Inokuchi, Sakai Masato, and Walter [Ibsso were the

core members of the team, together with Elmer Atalaya since 1996, Ybunger Japanese and

Peruvian archaeologists and students have been participating in the work with these core

members. The project has inve]ved over 3e archaeologists and students, and over 1,OOO

workers, mainly from Kuntur Wasi village, including many women working in the Iaboratory

As a rough estimate, the total weight of pottery fragments excavated is around 80 tons, and all

of them are marked so that it is pessible to know when and where each was excavated. Almost

the whole cost of the research has been covered by Japanese government grants-in-aid for

overseas scientific research from the Ministry of Science, Culture and Education,

Other Research

A Japanese television companM TBS, planned to finance the archaeological investigations

of Shimada Izumi to commernorate the 40th anniversary of the start of the project. Shimada

took over as director of the team which carried out the excavations at Huaca de Loro near

Batan Grande in the Lambayeque plain on the north coast of Peru. In 1991, the spectacular

tomb of SieAn was discovered with its rich gold ornarnents and other high quality objects. The

materials and results from this project (1990-1996) are now on exhibition at the Museum of

Sican in Ferrefiafe, Lambayeque. This Museum was built with the financial aid ofTBS and the

Japanese government, and was inaugurated in 2002.

There are a large number of publications by Shimada Izumi on Andean archaeolegy and

his contribution to theoretical issues is also considerable, but I do not discuss them here,

Theugh Shimada Izumi was born in Japan, he received his high scheol and university

education in the USA, and I consider that his work should be counted as part of the United

States contribution to Andean archaeology

In the 1990s, some diversification could be seen among the Japanese archaeologists.

1. During three seasons from 1996 to 1998, Matsumoto Ryozo organized the [[bkai University

Scientific Expedition to the New World, and carried out excavations on the site at

Campamento de Paredones near Chongoyape in the lower Chancay valley in the




gapanese Research on Andean Prehistory 73

Department of Lambayeque in northern Peru. This site belongs to the Late Intermediate

period and the excavations yielded 174 pieces of arsenic copper artifacts and other data for

the study of the relations between socio-cultural development and copper metallurgy

(Ybkoyama, Matsumoto, and Carri6n 1999),

2. Ybkoyama, Matsumoto, and Carri6n began a survey of the Callej6n de Huaylas in 2002.

3. Seki excavated the La Bomba site in the Jequetepeque valley (Seki 1997) and rnade an

extensive general survey in the Cajamarea basin in 2001 and 2002,

4. Sakai Masato carried out a field survey in Chan Chan and published a unique

interpretative study of the process of growth of Chan Chan (Sakai 1998), He found that

the line from the highest point of Chayhuac Palace to Cerro Blanco CWhite Mountain)

crosses the line from the same point to Cerro Prieto (Black Mountain) at right angles. The

positions of other palaces, mausolea and shrines were determined in relation to these

lines. His interpretation of the architectural chronology of these structures is very

convincing. He directed a general survey of Formative period sites in the lower parts ef

Reque, Zafia, Chaman, Jequetepeque and Chicama valleys and excavated the Lirnencarro

site over three seasons, from 2000 to 2002.

5. Inekuchi, Tsurumi, and Matsumoto carried out a general survey of the Huanuco basin in

2001 and documented many sites dating from the Formative period (Inokuchi at al. 2002).

In 2002, they carried out excavations at Sajarapatac. After 40 years, new light is about to

be shed on the Formative period in the Hutinuco area once more.

6. Watanabe Shinya, Elmer Atalaya and Juan Ugaz excavated a very impressive site at

Tantarica, in the Province of Contumazti, Cajamarca, in 1999 and 2000, while Watanabe

and Ugaz excavated Santa Delia near Encafiada, Cajamarca, in 2001, These two sites are

thought to belong to the Fina] Cajamarca period, and the results of archaeological

excavations, eombined with ethnohistorical data, will give us new insights into the so-

called Cajamarca kingdom or Cuismancu kingdom at the outset of the Inca expansion,

7, Odaira Shuichi carried out a survey ofa new Inca site, Mullupuncu, in southwestern

Ecuador, and hasjust begun intensive excavations (Odaira 1998).

8. Doi Masaki began fieldwork in Ayacucho in 2002,

9, Shibata Koichiro earried out a small excavation at Cerro Blanco in the Nepefiavalley. This

site was known by [[le11o who excavated the south wing of the U [[bmple. Shibata excavated

a part of the central platform and found at least two levels of activity associated with

different complexes of pottery. The publication of the details and mQre excavations are

awaited,

A number of younger students in various universities in Japan now have an ardent

interest in the study of New World archaeology, and several younger Japanese scholars are

going to Mesoameriea. The Japan Society fbr Studies of Aneient America (Sociedad Japonesa

de Estudios sobre la Am6rica Antigua) was organized in 1997 and began to publish an annual

report with the title Amtirica Antigua in 1998, Although there are few tenured posts fbr




74 ONuKI Ybshio

specialists in New World archaeology, young people are still plunging into this fascinating field.

In general, Japanese specialists are trained in Japan in the basic methodology of

archeological fieldwork, and Japanese excavation of a site is canied out over several seasons,

In many cases, the fieldwork, whether general surveys or intensive excavations, is carried out

by a team of several members who divide the tasks between them. Befbre coming to conclusions

or fbrmulating new hypotheses, they wait until they obtain sufficient data, They prefer to

present data first, with detailed descriptions and illustrations. This approaeh is also foundamong European archaeologists, and we believe that this is the way to produce really

substantial and reliable data,

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N 工工一Eleotronio 　Library 　

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