herodotus’ use of greek poets and poetry

Herodotusrsquo Use of Greek Poets and Poetry

By Emma Fotino

GREE 5V01

December 23 2014

Professor Dr Richard Parker

P a g e | 1

We call Herodotus the father of history He lived in the 5th

century a time when research

and critical analysis of the past began to take hold of the Greek world While the epic poetry of

Homer and Hesiod still had a strong hold over the minds of the Greek people as the truth of their

historical and heroic past they included myth into their stories Even by looking at the nature of

Herodotusrsquo chosen title ἱστορία we can see that Herodotus was interested in more than just

telling a fanciful story The word ἱστορία means lsquoan inquiryrsquo or lsquoa learning by inquiryrsquo

indicating that he intended to undertake a more critical analysis and systemized compilation of

Greek history The fact remains however that before Herodotus ldquoas memorizers of old stories

and versifiers of good new ones [poets] functioned in a society without writing as an important

repository of stories about the past whether it be in Thebes or Troyrdquo1 As a result Herodotus

makes use of these sources throughout his history This paper will set out to examine how

Herodotus uses these poets and how he feels about them as reliable sources

While Herodotus is dubbed by us as the father of history he was not the first travel or

prose writer How and Wells in their seminal commentary on Herodotusrsquo Histories assert that

there are four witnesses that indicate that Herodotus was obligated to previous prose-writers2

These witnesses are Ephorus Dionysius of Halicarnassus Porphyry and Suidas and they argue

that Herodotus borrowed heavily from Charon Xanthus Hellanicus and Hecataeus But

Herodotus never mentions any prose writer by name except for Hecataeus (6137) when he cites

discrepancies between what Hecataeus writes and what the Athenians say The references that

are prominent and frequent are of poets (there are at least 18 poetic mentions) Since Herodotus

seems to have also relied on word of mouth through informants without revealing many names it

1 Ford Andrew 2006 ldquoHerodotus and the Poetsrdquo PrincetonStanford Working Papers in Classics Princeton

httpswwwprincetonedu~pswpcpdfsford090606pdf Pg 1 2 W W How and J Wells 1949 A Commentary on Herodotus With Introduction and Appendixes Volume I

Toronto Pg 22

P a g e | 2

is uncertain how much Herodotus was actually influenced by these earlier prose writers How

and Wells note that Herodotus was too prominent a figure and ldquomany would have been eager to

point out his obligationsrdquo3 Therefore they also argue that Herodotusrsquo minor mention of

Hecataeus and his frequent use and referencing of various poets is a literary representation of

the fifth century which ldquomarked the transition from a public education on poetry to one in which

prose began to assume almost an equal share in culturerdquo4

The importance that poetry held in terms of education and history cannot be understated

As John Marincola notes poetry (in its many varieties of genres) had dominated discourse for

centuries The poet was involved in city life and used his poetry to teach Marincola writes

ldquoThat the poet was primarily a teacher was assumed in the intellectual revolution of the sixth

century when writers such as Heraclitus and Xenophanes began to question and criticize Greek

traditions by focussing especially on Homer and Hesiod ndash sometimes even using poetry in their

own attacksrdquo5 It is no wonder then why poetic references both overt (with naming and citing)

and subtle (Homeric echoes and poetic vocabulary) dominate Herodotusrsquo history

But how does Herodotus make use of these poets and their works in his inquiry There

seems to be more than one way that Herodotus both cites and uses his poetic references Andrew

Ford for example asserts that ldquoa number of Herodotusrsquo poetic references serve no historical

purpose but seem designed to show his broad and sophisticated culturerdquo6 In a society that valued

intellectualism knowledge and lsquohigh culturersquo it is understandable why this argument would be

made In fact there are various sections within Herodotusrsquo work in which he does seem to use

3 W W How and J Wells 1949 A Commentary on Herodotus With Introduction and Appendixes Volume I

Toronto Pg 27 4 W W How and J Wells 1949 A Commentary on Herodotus With Introduction and Appendixes Volume I

Toronto Pg 22 5 John Marincola 2006 ldquoHerodotus and the Poetry of the Pastrdquo The Cambridge Companion to Herodotus Ed

Carolyn Dewald and John Marincola Pg 13 6 Andrew Ford 2006 ldquoHerodotus and the Poetsrdquo PrincetonStanford Working Papers in Classics Princeton

httpswwwprincetonedu~pswpcpdfsford090606pdf Pg 4

P a g e | 3

his knowledge of the poetic tradition both simply to promote his broad knowledge and also to

validate his arguments In 652 for example Herodotus writes that the Spartans say that

Aristodemus not his sons obtained the land they now possess but he prefaces it by asserting

that ὁμολογέοντες οὐδενὶ ποιητῇ (ldquoagreeing with no poetrdquo) with this story Instead of presenting

the differing story (or stories) Herodotus uses this as an opportunity to tell the reader that he is

familiar with the entire poetic corpus How and Wells also make a similar observation in their

commentary writing that ldquoit is interesting to note [Herodotusrsquo] claim to speak from complete

knowledge of Greek poetsrdquo7 Herodotus essentially repeats himself by making a similar claim in

book 2 In this book Herodotus argues that Aeschylus wrote that Artemis was the daughter of

Demeter based on an Egyptian myth that ldquoApollo and Artemis were (they say) children of

Dionysus and Isis and Leto was made their nurse and preserver in Egyptian Apollo is Horus

Demeter Isis Artemis Bubastisrdquo8 Herodotus then adds that μοῦνος δὴ ποιητέων τῶν

προγενομένων this stance was not held by all poets before him Again How and Wells note ldquothe

confidence with which [Herodotus] speaks of lsquoall preceding poetsrsquordquo9

This type of referencing of ldquoall poetsrdquo perhaps serves two purposes education was of

great importance to the ancient Greeks and it was something that separated the upper and lower

classes It was also essential to exhibit onersquos excellence within intellectual culture According to

the Suda Herodotus was τῶν ἐπιφανῶν one of the notable or renowned men of Halicarnassus10

This attribute points to an upper class position It is also said that Herodotus was the cousin of

7 W W How and J Wells 1949 A Commentary on Herodotus With Introduction and Appendixes Volume II

Toronto Pg 83 8 Herodotus Histories 2156 Translations by A D Godley


Toronto Pg 245 10

Suda (Herodotus)

However Jessica Priestley indicates that this phrase could instead imply that he was a distinguished author rather

than an elevated social status See Jessica Priestley 2014 Herodotus and Hellenistic Culture Literary Studies in

the Reception of the Histories Oxford Pg 20

P a g e | 4

Panyasis a soothsayer and epic poet from Halicarnassus11

Therefore one purpose of Herodotusrsquo

exclamations of broad poetic knowledge serve to display his high culture and perhaps familial

connections This in turn legitimizes his inquiry by indicating to his readers (or listeners) that he

is well versed in the history of the regions of Greece and Asia Minor Indeed poetry was viewed

as historical literature and up until the emergence of prose it was the only means of recording

said history

But Herodotus does not just use his myriad of poetic references to promote himself

There are instances within his text when he uses a certain poet (sometimes not even referencing

their work) to place a person or event geographically or temporally For example in book 1

Herodotus discusses how Gyges killed Candaules with the help of Candaulesrsquo wife after

Candaules forced Gyges to watch her disrobe He notes that Gyges is mentioned in the verses of

Archilochus of Paros κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον γενόμενος (ldquowho lived around the same timerdquo)12

The fragment in question may be fr 22 in which Archilochus asserts ldquoI have no interest in the

matters of Gyges rich in gold nor has jealousy yet grasped me nor am I indignant at the works

of the gods and I do not love great monarchy For these things are far from my eyesrdquo13

This is

the only poem we have from Archilochus that mentions Gyges outright but other than that the

subject matter is not related If this is the poem that Herodotus is referencing then he seems to

have been using Archilochus to place the life of Gyges in the early to mid-seventh century14

H

Lloyd-Jones and Jenny Strauss Clay do not agree with the temporal placement argument Citing

11

Suda (Panyasis)

Jessica Priestley also asserts that this connection with Panyasis may not be entirely correct See also J Fairweather

1974 ldquoFiction in the Biographies of Ancient Writersrdquo Ancient Society Vol 5 Pp 231-75 12

Herodotus Histories 112 13

Self-translated 14

Campbell agrees with the generally accepted argument by Jacoby that the dating of Archilochus from c 680 to c

640 because he was a contemporary of Gyges who was king of Lydia from c 687 to c 652 See David A

Campbell 2003 Greek Lyric Poetry A Selection of Early Greek Lyric Elegiac and Iambic Poetry Bristol Classical

Press London Pg 137

P a g e | 5

the relative pronoun τοῦ καὶ Ἀρχίλοχοςhellipἐπεμνήσθη they argue that Herodotus must have been

referencing a specific poem since ldquoif Herodotus were in the habit of making the historianrsquos life

easier by such helpful synchronisms we should know more of the chronology of the events with

which he dealsrdquo15

While Clay does attempt to argue that fr 23 may be the poem from which

Herodotus obtained the story of Gyges it is very difficult to prove as the poem is highly

fragmentary and both Gyges and Candaules (as well has his wife) are not named16

Even if

Herodotus is referencing a specific poem the act of mentioning the fact that Gyges and

Archilochus lived at the same time does serve to locate the events mentioned in a chronology

Ford indicates that there are two other instances when Herodotus uses the names of poets

to locate a historical figure in time though this motivation seems less obvious than with the

Archilochus reference In book 5 Herodotus discusses the Cyprian revolt indicating that

Onesilus as well as the king of the Solians Aristocyprus son of Philocyprus had died in the

revolt He then notes that when Solon of Athens came to Cyprus he extolled Philocyprus ldquoin a

poem above all other tyrantsrdquo17

There does not necessarily have to be a reference to Solon here

since the person with whom he is a contemporary is not prominent in this anecdote Philocyprus

is the father of a man who died in the Cyprian revolt which the story is about As a result it

leads one to assume that the purpose for which Solon was mentioned was to provide a time

frame for the revolt Hornblower writes that there are some doubts concerning the claim that

Solon was a contemporary of Philocyprus saying that ldquoSolon could not have legislated at Athens

15

Hugh Lloyd-Jones 1953 ldquothe Gyges Fragment A New Possibilityrdquo The Cambridge Classical Journal Vol 2

Pp 36-43 Pg 39 See also Jenny Strauss Clay 1986 ldquoArchilochus and Gyges An Interpretation of Fr 23 West

Quaderni Urbinati dr Cultura Classica Vol 24 No 3 Pp 7-17 Pg 11 16

Clay does go into more detail with this argument asserting that the Amazon of the Aegean (the female subject of

the poem) is Candaulusrsquo wife and the speaker of the poem is Gyges He also notes that the ldquoEtym Gud offers an

etymology of tyrannos connecting the word specifically with Gyges and citing Archilochus as its sourcerdquo It is also

pointed out that the word tyrannis makes its first appearance in fr 22 the poem discussed above So Clay posits that

if Archilochus only used this word in contexts involving Gyges then we can attribute a Lydian subject matter to this

poem See note 14 17

Herodotus Histories 5113

P a g e | 6

as early as the 590s (the traditional date) if he was a friend of the father of a man killed as late as

4987rdquo18

But Hornblower suggests that because Solon travelled after his reforms there is no

actual impossibility which is a sound argument especially given the closeness of the two dates

The third reference that serves as a chronological signpost is from book 2 in which

Herodotus mentions Sappho twice by name This also serves as a geographical signal The

context of the reference is a story about Rhodopis who was brought to Egypt freed and left

behind by Charaxos Sapphorsquos brother Herodotus does not credit Sappho with the story but

mentions at the end of the passage that Sappho ἐν μέλεϊ Σαπφὼ πολλὰ κατεκερτόμησέ μιν

(ldquobitterly attacks him in one of her poemsrdquo)19

There is no indication that Sappho attacks

Charaxos for this act in particular and as a result we cannot attribute the source of this story to

Sappho It is uncertain whether or not the names of Sapphorsquos brothers were well known in

antiquity so stating that Charaxos was a brother of Sappho and that he is mentioned in one of

her poems serves as a temporal sign for the reader In fact How and Wells note that two

explanations are given for the origin of the story of Rhodopis in 2134 in which it is said that she

built a pyramid First that Nitocris of Manetho actually built it and it was just attributed to

Rhodopis and second that it was adapted from a popular Arab story20

Perhaps the story of

Rhodopis and Charaxos stems from the same origin(s) It should also be noted however that

fragments 5 and 15b of Sappho are said to be about Charaxos (though he is not named) In

fragment 5 she wishes for her brother to come back home unharmed In fragment 15b she

writes ldquoKypris may she even find you sharper and not let Doricha speaking say this as she

18

Simon Hornblower 2013 Herodotus Histories Book V Cambridge University Press New York Pg 297 19


W W How and J Wells 1949 A Commentary on Herodotus With Introduction and Appendixes Volume I

Toronto Pg 232

P a g e | 7

comes a second time into desired loverdquo21

Doricha is actually another name for Rhodopis These

two poems both talk about a nostos and a woman named Doricha (Rhodopis) And in a newly

discovered poem from this year (2014) dubbed ldquoThe Brothers Poemrdquo the subject again is

Charaxos and we finally see Sappho mentioning her brothers by name These three poems

therefore lend credence to the argument that perhaps Herodotus used Sappho as more than just

a temporal tool But since Herodotus only mentions her in passing both times in relation to her

brother her role as a poet serves as a chronological anchor

There are instances when Herodotus does reference a poet hisher poem and how the

subject matter of that poem informs his knowledge about the story that he is telling In book 4

Herodotus relates stories involving Aristeas First he is mentioned in the history of the

Cimmerian flight from the Scythians In the story that is held by both Greeks and foreigners

alike says Herodotus the Cimmerians fled along the coast and made a colony where Sinope is

now located The Scythians followed until they came to the Median land and therefore

undertook an active attack But Aristeas says that it was as a result of a domino effect The

Issedones were pushed out by the Arimaspians the Scythians by the Issedones and the

Cimmerians ὑπὸ Σκυθέων πιεζομένους ἐκλείπειν τὴν χώρην (ldquowere pressed by the Scythians to

leave their countryrdquo)22

Therefore οὐδὲ οὗτος

συμφέρεται

περὶ

τῆς

χώρης

ταύτης

Σκύθῃσι (ldquothis

does not agree with the Scythian account about this countryrdquo)23

His trend thus far of merely

mentioning a poet without much more detail cannot be applied here

Herodotus is now engaging with this poet as a researcher of history would currently In

fact he presses even further with Aristeas by delving into a story about Aristeas himself ndash a story

21

Self-translated 22



P a g e | 8

that sounds fantastical and full of mystery24

But why does he do this Herodotus is engaging in a

more critical look at history and geography as recorded by the poets because he is not satisfied

with what has been reported about what lies beyond Europe in the west Prior to this in book 3

Herodotus mentions the mythological Eridanus River which begins in central Europe He has an

issue with its prominence writing ldquoI cannot speak with assurance for I do not believe that there

is a river called by foreigners Eridanus issuing into the northern sea where our amber is said to

come from nor do I have any knowledge of Tin Islands where our tin is brought fromrdquo25

But

most importantly he asserts that the very ldquoname Eridanus betrays itself as not a foreign but a

Greek name invented by some poet nor for all my diligence have I been able to learn from one

who has seen it that there is a sea beyond Europerdquo26

This is the first instance we have seen

Herodotus question the validity of what is claimed by the poets and he tells us that he would

rather rely on the word of αὐτόπτεω (one who has seen itan eye witness) And therein lies his

issue with Aristeas Because even though he uses him as a source comparing and contrasting his

story about the Cimmerians and Issedones he does not see Aristeas as a securely reliable source

He writes that even though Aristeas did not claim to go beyond the Issedones τὰ κατύπερθε

ἔλεγε ἀκοῇ (ldquohe spoke by hearsay of what lay northrdquo)27

It seems that although Herodotus has

great reverence for the poets of the past he cannot fully credit them with reliability unless either

he himself sees it or if the poet claims to have discovered the information from an eye witness ndash

24

Herodotus Histories 414-16 The purpose of this story is to give background to Aristeas who claims to have

been as far as the Issedones According to the stories that Herodotus has heard at Proconnesus and Cyzicus Aristeas

is said to have died at a fullerrsquos shop but when the fuller went to get help he was informed by a man from Artace

that he had met Aristeas on his way to Cyzicus and therefore he could not be dead When they arrived back at the

fullerrsquos there was no body Seven years later Aristeas appeared at Proconnesus where he wrote the poem The

Arimaspea And then he vanished again And then two hundred and forty years after that Aristeas showed up in

Metapontum telling them to set up an altar to Apollo with a statue of him beside it as per the wish of the god This

is why as Herodotus says there is a statue bearing the name of Aristeas in the market place 25




P a g e | 9

his use of αὐτόπτεω and ἀκοῇ indicate this This is why Herodotus delves into the anecdote

about Aristeasrsquo complicated history because it has such an air of mystery just like the unknown

lands of which he speaks

Perhaps this is why in book 3 Herodotus references Anacreon in his discussion of

Oroetes and the tyrant Polycrates of Samos Like other sections of Herodotusrsquo work the mention

of the poet seemingly has no real importance attached to his inclusion in the story being

relayed In this instance Herodotus mentions that Oroetes sent a herald to Samos who arrived

seeing Polycrates reclining in the company of Anacreon28

Nothing more is said about the poet

and there are no mentions of his poetry What purpose does this brief and fleeting mention serve

Anacreon was famously a member of Polycratesrsquo and later Hipparchusrsquo court And if we are to

believe Strabo ldquothe whole of his poetry is full of [Polycratesrsquo] praisesrdquo29

The poetry of

Anacreon then would have been filled with first-hand knowledge of the political events and

opinions concerning Polycrates and Samian politics He would have αὐτόπτεω Mentioning

Anacreon could then serve to ground Herodotusrsquo assertions in bases of fact since his source

would have been seen as reliable And while some argue that Anacreonrsquos poetry was concerned

with love and wine ldquoabove allrdquo30

in symposiastic contexts (with no overt mentions of

Polycrates) parties and symposiums were not just events of drink and excess but political and

public discourse as well31

Reliability asserts itself again in other sections in which Herodotus questions commonly

held beliefs while referencing poets The contexts of these stories are geography like with

28


Strabo Geography 14116 30

David A Campbell 2003 Greek Lyric Poetry A Selection of Early Greek Lyric Elegiac and Iambic Poetry

Bristol Classical Press London Pg 314 31

Patricia A Rosenmeyer 1992 The Poetics of Imitation Anacreon and the Anacreontic Tradition New York Pg

13

P a g e | 10

Aristeas and mythology First on the subject of the circumambient ocean Herodotus writes that

lsquothe opinionrsquo about the ocean is uncertain and needs no disproof How and Wells argue that this

lsquocertain opinionrsquo is a clear reference to a definite person (Hecataeus) but he ultimately credits

the poets with this invention when he writes οὐ γὰρ τινὰ ἔγωγε οἶδα ποταμὸν Ὠκεανὸν ἐόντα

Ὅμηρον δὲ ἢ τινὰ τῶν πρότερον γενομένων ποιητέων δοκέω τὸ οὔνομα εὑρόντα ἐς

ποίησιν ἐσενείκασθαι (ldquofor I know of no Ocean river and I suppose that Homer or some older

poet invented this name and brought it into his poetryrdquo)32

In Homerrsquos Iliad when he describes

the shield of Achilles he does speak of the ocean encircling the shield33

Similarly further along in the book Herodotus calls into question commonly held

knowledge about the gods and reveals his concern about poets as sources He muses about

when and from where the gods came to be whether they had always existed and how they

appeared in form He then adds that Hesiod and Homer who flourished not more than four

hundred years earlier than him οὗτοι δὲ εἰσὶ οἱ ποιήσαντες θεογονίην Ἕλλησι καὶ τοῖσι θεοῖσι

τὰς ἐπωνυμίας δόντες καὶ τιμάς τε καὶ τέχνας διελόντες καὶ εἴδεα αὐτῶν σημήναντες (ldquoare the

ones who taught the Greeks the descent of the gods and gave the gods their names and

determined their outward formsrdquo)34

This is an interesting assertion for Herodotus to make

because it reveals the conflict that characterizes his work The subject of much of archaic poetry

(especially Homer and Hesiod) is divine mythology and these godsrsquo interaction with humans At

the beginning of book 2 he asserts that his work will not concern the affairs of the gods but of

humans (ἀνθρωπήια πρήγματα)35

Paul Niskanen writes that Herodotus does not want to go

beyond telling the names of the gods and that he displays ldquoa somewhat skeptical attitude

32

Herototus Histories 223 33

Homer Iliad 18607-8 34



P a g e | 11

concerning what can humanly be known about themrdquo36

And this is one of the difficulties

Herodotus has with his poetic sources ndash they are the only suppliers of lsquorecorded historyrsquo as it

were up until this point but it is problematic for Herodotus who prefers eyewitness accounts

While the passage above does reveal Herodotusrsquo feelings on the limited reliability of the

archaic poets who may invent stories (the gods the ocean around the earth and the Eridanus)

the passage also reveals how much he still relies on the poets as a chronological map as it were

which aligns with his use of Sappho and Archilochus He ends the passage with οἱ δὲ πρότερον

ποιηταὶ λεγόμενοι τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν γενέσθαι ὕστερον ἔμοιγε δοκέειν ἐγένοντο τούτων τὰ

μὲν πρῶτα αἱ Δωδωνίδες ἱρεῖαι λέγουσι τὰ δὲ ὕστερα τὰ ἐς Ἡσίοδόν τε καὶ Ὅμηρον ἔχοντα ἐγὼ

λέγω (But the poets who are said to have been earlier than these men were in my opinion later

The earlier part of all this is what the priestesses of Dodona tell the latter that which concerns

Hesiod and Homer is what I myself sayrdquo)37

The fact that Herodotus keeps being drawn back to

the poets perhaps is why How and Wells argue that he does not have any doubts about the

ldquohistoric reality of the events described by the poetsrdquo38

This may be the case with certain instances in which Herodotus uses these poets as

authorities on a piece of information An example would be when Herodotus discusses the

differences between animals in cold versus warm countries ndash in hot countries horns grow quickly

on lambs whereas in cold countries they hardly or never grow For this Herodotus uses a

scientific and lsquoverifiablersquo method of discovery and at the end also notes that Homer μαρτυρέει

δέ μοι τῇ γνώμῃhellip ἐν Ὀδυσσείῃ (ldquoattests to my opinion in the Odysseyrdquo)39

It is interesting to

note that after this he provides a direct quote from the Odyssey Further he asserts that Homer

36

Paul Niskanen 2004 The Human and the Divine in History Herodotus and the Book of Daniel London Pg 93 37



Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12

attests to lsquomy opinionrsquo So Herodotusrsquo use of poetic sources is more overt (rather than a fleeting

reference to lsquosomersquo poem by an author40

) because it supports an already held opinion by the

author since it is something supported by scientific inquiry

While Herodotus does question the reliability of some of his poetic sources his

admiration and respect for the poets is overwhelmingly apparent all throughout his Histories

According to Emily Baragwanth and Mathieu de Bakker poetic material and vocabulary are

pervasive41

His inclusion of messages from the Delphic Oracles in verse is also evidence of his

ties to the poetic world His referencing and quoting of poetic inscriptions in Boeotian Thebes is

telling especially since he specifies twice that they are ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ (in hexameter)42

Finally

the body of work itself as a whole has echoes of poetic traditions from different genres the

author as narrator using direct speech like Homer (though he is not omniscient) his focus on

κλέος of the Greeks and the ἀκλεᾶ of the barbarians is purely Homeric but he also set out to

attribute great deeds to both Greeks and non-Greeks Marincola asserts that this ldquoderives from

poetry but represents a broadening of and challenge to narrower lsquopoeticrsquo and parochial

conceptions of what is worthy of glory and renown He has not rejected a poetic notion so much

as harnessed it to a different purposerdquo43

What we also see in Herodotus are motifs from Greek

tragedy44

It is no wonder why Longinus says that Ἡρόδοτος Ὁμηρικώτατος ἐγένετο Herodotus

40

See Solon (Herodotus Histories 5113) Musaeus Bacis Lysistratus (Herodotus Histories 896) Archilochus

(Herodotus Histories 112) Sappho (Herodotus Histories 2135) 41

Emily Baragwanth and Mathieu de Bakker 2012 Myth Truth and Narrative in Herodotus Oxford Pg 51

John Marincola who points out lines in Herodotus that have direct parallels or echoes in Homer Artemisia telling

Xerxes to ldquoput away in your heart this thing alsorsquo (868 γ1) which is a reference to the Iliad 1297 and Herodotus

31410 is akin to the Iliad 2260 See John Marincola 2006 ldquoHerodotus and the Poetry of the Pastrdquo The

Cambridge Companion to Herodotus Ed Carolyn Dewald and John Marincola Pg 14 42

Herodotus Histories 559-61 43

John Marincola 2006 ldquoHerodotus and the Poetry of the Pastrdquo The Cambridge Companion to Herodotus Ed

Carolyn Dewald and John Marincola Pg 18 44

Jasper Griffin 2006 ldquoHerodotus and Tragedyrdquo The Cambridge Companion to Herodotus Ed Carolyn Dewald

and John Marincola

See also Suzanne Said 2002 ldquoHerodotus and Tragedyrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to Herodotus Ed Egbert J Bakker

Irene J F De Jong Hans van Wees Boston

P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45

But Herodotus altered the presentation of these different motifs to fit his

own genre of work As a result his Histories is a symbolic indication of the emerging popularity

of prose in the fifth century BC and beyond Prose can stand on its own but its style is indebted

to the poetic tradition

The same can be said for the use of poetry as a repository of history and as a tool for

education and intellectualism Like his contemporaries and those before him Herodotus revered

the poets of his past and present He often believed in what they recorded But Herodotus also

implements the new style of critique and inquiry (ἱστορία) to question claims within their works

His Histories is inspired by the poets and their poetry but his work was written in a time of

change (poetry to prose) and thus the way he deals with his poetic sources is conflicted and

indicative of that period As a result the way that Herodotus puts these poets to use the most is

by implementing them as a temporal map But this should not detract from their importance Just

like the ubiquitous presence of the gods in Homer Hesiod and tragedy the Greek poets are

omnipresent within Herodotusrsquo Histories

45

Longinus De Sublimitate 133

P a g e | 14

Index of Poets and Poems in Herodotus Histories

PoetPoetryPoem Location

Aeschylus Hdt Histories 2156

Aesop Hdt Histories 2134

Alcaeus Hdt Histories 595

Anacreon Hdt Histories 3121

Archilochus Hdt Histories 112

Arion Hdt Histories 123

Aristeas Hdt Histories 412-16

Bacis Hdt Histories 896

Boeotian Thebes in Hexameter Hdt Histories 559-61

Egyptian Astrology by Greek poets Hdt Histories 282

Eridanus (invented by poets) Hdt Histories 3115

Homer Hdt Histories 2115 253 428 557

Lasus Hdt Histories 76

Lysistratus Hdt Histories 896

Musaeus Hdt Histories 896

Ocean surrounding the world (by Homer) Hdt Histories 223

Olen Hdt Histories 435

Phrynicus Hdt Histories 621

Pindar Hdt Histories 338

Sappho Hdt Histories 2135

Simonides Hdt Histories 5102 7228

Solon Hdt Histories 5113

On the Lacedaemonians Hdt Histories 652

P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources

Baragwanth Emily and de Bakker Mathieu 2012 Myth Truth and Narrative in Herodotus

Oxford

Campbell David A 2003 Greek Lyric Poetry A Selection of Early Greek Lyric Elegiac and

Iambic Poetry Bristol Classical Press London

Clay Jenny Strauss 1986 ldquoArchilochus and Gyges An Interpretation of Fr 23 West Quaderni

Urbinati dr Cultura Classica Vol 24 No 3 Pp 7-17

Fairweather J 1974 ldquoFiction in the Biographies of Ancient Writersrdquo Ancient Society Vol 5

Pp 231-75

Ford Andrew 2006 ldquoHerodotus and the Poetsrdquo PrincetonStanford Working Papers in

Classics Princeton

Griffin Jasper 2006 ldquoHerodotus and Tragedyrdquo The Cambridge Companion to Herodotus Ed

Carolyn Dewald and John Marincola Cambridge

Hornblower Simon 2013 Herodotus Histories Book V Cambridge University Press New York

How W W and Wells J 1949 A Commentary on Herodotus With Introduction and

Appendixes Volume I Toronto

------------------------------- 1949 A Commentary on Herodotus With Introduction and

Appendixes Volume II Toronto

------------------------------- 2007 A Commentary on Herodotus [EBook] Ed Chuck Bennet

Accessed December 10 2014 httpwwwgutenbergorgfiles2414624146-

pdfpdfSession_i d =c99448f88d4642710eec70e45 32c5ab517a5f703

Lloyd ndashJones Hugh 1953 ldquothe Gyges Fragment A New Possibilityrdquo The Cambridge Classical

Journal Vol 2 Pp 36-43

Marincola John 2006 ldquoHerodotus and the Poetry of the Pastrdquo The Cambridge Companion to

Herodotus Ed Carolyn Dewald and John Marincola Cambridge

Niskanen Paul 2004 The Human and the Divine in History Herodotus and the Book of Daniel

London

Priestley Jessica 2014 Herodotus and Hellenistic Culture Literary Studies in the Reception of

the Histories Oxford

P a g e | 16

Raynor Diane J and Lardinois Andre 2014 Sappho A New Translation of the Complete

Works Cambridge

Rosenmeyer Patricia A 1992 The Poetics of Imitation Anacreon and the Anacreontic

Tradition New York

Said Suzanne 2002 ldquoHerodotus and Tragedyrdquo In Brillrsquos Companion to Herodotus Ed Egbert

J Bakker Irene J F De Jong Hans van Wees Boston

Primary Sources

Herodotus 2001 Histories Tr A D Godley Cambridge

Homer 2004 Iliad Tr Robert Fitzgerald New York

Longinus 1907 De Sublimitate Ed William Rhys Roberts Cambridge

Strabo 2006 Geography Tr Horace Leonard Jones Cambridge

P a g e | 1

We call Herodotus the father of history He lived in the 5th

century a time when research

and critical analysis of the past began to take hold of the Greek world While the epic poetry of

Homer and Hesiod still had a strong hold over the minds of the Greek people as the truth of their

historical and heroic past they included myth into their stories Even by looking at the nature of

Herodotusrsquo chosen title ἱστορία we can see that Herodotus was interested in more than just

telling a fanciful story The word ἱστορία means lsquoan inquiryrsquo or lsquoa learning by inquiryrsquo

indicating that he intended to undertake a more critical analysis and systemized compilation of

Greek history The fact remains however that before Herodotus ldquoas memorizers of old stories

and versifiers of good new ones [poets] functioned in a society without writing as an important

repository of stories about the past whether it be in Thebes or Troyrdquo1 As a result Herodotus

makes use of these sources throughout his history This paper will set out to examine how

Herodotus uses these poets and how he feels about them as reliable sources

While Herodotus is dubbed by us as the father of history he was not the first travel or

prose writer How and Wells in their seminal commentary on Herodotusrsquo Histories assert that

there are four witnesses that indicate that Herodotus was obligated to previous prose-writers2

These witnesses are Ephorus Dionysius of Halicarnassus Porphyry and Suidas and they argue

that Herodotus borrowed heavily from Charon Xanthus Hellanicus and Hecataeus But

Herodotus never mentions any prose writer by name except for Hecataeus (6137) when he cites

discrepancies between what Hecataeus writes and what the Athenians say The references that

are prominent and frequent are of poets (there are at least 18 poetic mentions) Since Herodotus

seems to have also relied on word of mouth through informants without revealing many names it

1 Ford Andrew 2006 ldquoHerodotus and the Poetsrdquo PrincetonStanford Working Papers in Classics Princeton

httpswwwprincetonedu~pswpcpdfsford090606pdf Pg 1 2 W W How and J Wells 1949 A Commentary on Herodotus With Introduction and Appendixes Volume I

Toronto Pg 22

P a g e | 2


























P a g e | 3























Toronto Pg 245 10

Suda (Herodotus)




P a g e | 4







said history










This is




H


11

Suda (Panyasis)




Self-translated 14




Press London Pg 137

P a g e | 5








Even if















15









poem See note 14 17


P a g e | 6


4987rdquo18






















18




Toronto Pg 232

P a g e | 7





















περὶ

τῆς

χώρης

ταύτης







21

Self-translated 22



P a g e | 8









But














24












P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 2


























P a g e | 3























Toronto Pg 245 10

Suda (Herodotus)




P a g e | 4







said history










This is




H


11

Suda (Panyasis)




Self-translated 14




Press London Pg 137

P a g e | 5








Even if















15









poem See note 14 17


P a g e | 6


4987rdquo18






















18




Toronto Pg 232

P a g e | 7





















περὶ

τῆς

χώρης

ταύτης







21

Self-translated 22



P a g e | 8









But














24












P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 3























Toronto Pg 245 10

Suda (Herodotus)




P a g e | 4







said history










This is




H


11

Suda (Panyasis)




Self-translated 14




Press London Pg 137

P a g e | 5








Even if















15









poem See note 14 17


P a g e | 6


4987rdquo18






















18




Toronto Pg 232

P a g e | 7





















περὶ

τῆς

χώρης

ταύτης







21

Self-translated 22



P a g e | 8









But














24












P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 4







said history










This is




H


11

Suda (Panyasis)




Self-translated 14




Press London Pg 137

P a g e | 5








Even if















15









poem See note 14 17


P a g e | 6


4987rdquo18






















18




Toronto Pg 232

P a g e | 7





















περὶ

τῆς

χώρης

ταύτης







21

Self-translated 22



P a g e | 8









But














24












P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 5








Even if















15









poem See note 14 17


P a g e | 6


4987rdquo18






















18




Toronto Pg 232

P a g e | 7





















περὶ

τῆς

χώρης

ταύτης







21

Self-translated 22



P a g e | 8









But














24












P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 6


4987rdquo18






















18




Toronto Pg 232

P a g e | 7





















περὶ

τῆς

χώρης

ταύτης







21

Self-translated 22



P a g e | 8









But














24












P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 7





















περὶ

τῆς

χώρης

ταύτης







21

Self-translated 22



P a g e | 8









But














24












P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 8









But














24












P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 9













The poetry of











28






13

P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 10

























32





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 11

























36




Toronto Pg 193 39


P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 12








pervasive41




Finally









tragedy44


40












and John Marincola



P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 13

was most Homeric45















45


P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 14


























P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 15

Bibliography

Secondary Sources


Oxford






Pp 231-75


Classics Princeton
















London



P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





P a g e | 16


Works Cambridge


Tradition New York



Primary Sources





herodotus’ use of greek poets and poetry

Documents