greek magical amulets. the inscribed gold, silver, copper, and bronze lamellae. part i: published...

238
ABHANDLUNGEN DER NORDRHE1N-WESTFALISCHEN AKADEM1E PAPYROLOGICA COLONIENS1A Vol. XXII/1 DER ‘ISSE\SCHAFTEN Sonderreihe PAPYROLOGICA COLONIENSTA 1-lerausgegeben von der Nordrhein-\\estfilischen Akademie der Wissenschaften ]\/1}ICJ\L J 1\ITJI.1E 4 ’T 1 S in \Terbindung mit der Universität zu Köln Vol. The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper, and Bronze Lamellae Part I Published Texts of Known Provenance Text and Commentary by Roy Kotansky WESTDEUTSCHER VERLAG

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AB

HA

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ES

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AL

ISC

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DE

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ER

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E\S

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AF

TE

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Sonderreihe

PA

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LO

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ieder

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1\ITJI.1E4’T1

Sin

\Terb

indung

mit

derU

niv

ersitätzu

ln

Vol.T

heInscribed

Gold,

Silver,C

opper,and

Bronze

Lam

ellae

Part

IP

ublishedT

extsof

Know

nP

rovenance

Text

andC

omm

entaryby

Roy

Kotansky

WE

ST

DE

UT

SC

HE

RV

ER

LA

G

InZ

usam

rnen

arbeit

mit

der

Arbeitsstelle

fürP

apyru

sforsch

ung

imInstitu

tfür

Alterru

msk

unde

derU

niv

ersitätzu

lnL

eiter:P

rofesso

rD

r.R

einh

old

Merk

elbach

Das

Man

usk

ript

wu

rde

vonder

Kiasse

fürG

eisteswissen

sehaften

am24.

Novem

ber

1993

indie

So

nd

erreihe

derA

bh

and

lun

gen

aufg

eno

mm

en.

Der

Westd

eutsch

eV

erlag1st

emU

ntern

ehm

endee

Verlag

sgru

ppe

Bertelsm

annIn

ternatio

nal.

©1994

byW

estdeu

tscher

Verlag

Gm

bH

Op

laden

1-lerstellung:W

estdeu

tscher

Verlag

Dru

cku

nd

bu

chb

ind

erische

Verarb

etrun

g:

Len

gerich

erH

and

elsdru

ckerei

Prin

tedin

Germ

any

ISS

N0944-8837

ISB

N3-531-09936-1

jI(H!

ax

For

my

wife,

Jeanne

Die

Deutsche

Bibliothek

—C

IP-E

rnhcrtsau

fnah

mc

Kotannky,

Roy:

Greek

magical

amulets

theinscribed

gold,silver,

copper,and

hro

n,e

lamellac

textand

com

men

taryby

Roy

Kotanskv

llnZ

asamm

cnaeb

e,tm

itdcr

Arbeirsstcllc

fürP

apvrusforschungim

Institutfüe

Altertum

skundcdee

Ln

iversitat

cxK

oln

l.—

()pladenX

estdt.

\‘erl.,(A

hhandlungeeder

Rheinisch-W

estfIlischenA

kademic

der\V

issenschaftenS

onderreih

eP

apyro

logica

Colisniensia

Vol.

22)N

F.:R

hcinisch-Westfilische

Akadcm

reder

Wisscnschattcn

<D

ütseld

orf>

:A

bhandlungender

Rheinisch-\V

estfiilischcnA

kademie

der

Wissenschaften

/S

onderreiheP

apyrologicaC

oloniensa

Pt.I.

Published

textso

fknow

np

rosen

ance.

—1994

ISB

N3-531.009936-I

PR

EF

AC

E

This

bookhas

itsorigin

ina

1988U

niversityof

Chicago

doctoral

dissertationsupervised

underP

rofessorH

.D

.B

etzof

theD

epartment

of

New

Testam

entand

Early

Christian

Literature.

But

asidefrom

thegeneral

arrangement

ofthe

textsand

bibliography,any

resemblance

between

the

thesisand

thepresent

corpusnow

provesalm

ostim

possibleto

descry.

Entirely

newreadings

havebeen

incorporated,dates

assigned,and

the

Com

mentary

thoroughlyrevam

ped.A

lso,this

volume

containsonly

those

previouslypublished

textsw

hosespecific

provenancesare

known;

publishedm

aterialsof

unknown

provenance,as

well

asunpublished

pieces

—w

hosenum

bercontinues

togrow

—are

reservedfor

asubsequent

volume.

Hebrew

andA

ramaic

textsare

alsoom

itted.1

Itw

asfurther

felt

expedientto

postponeany

introductorystudy

ofthe

originand

background

ofthe

magical

lainellaeuntil

thefull

publicationof

thetexts

themselves.

For

suchintroductory

matters

asthose

treatedin

thefirst

volume

ofm

y

Chicago

dissertation,the

readeris

kindlydirected

tothe

surveyfound

in

thefourth

chapterof

Magika

Hiera

(edd.C

.A

.F

araone&

D.

Obbin

k).

2

Inrepaying

thanksfor

much

helpreceived

inthe

courseof

thestudy

ofthe

magical

lamellae,

Irun

therisk

ofom

ittingthe

names

ofcolleagues

andfriends

who

haveprovided

assistancein

onew

ayor

anotherover

the

courseof

theyears.

SoI

limit

myself

hereto

acknowledging

thosew

ho

havebeen

ofparticular

supportduring

my

stayhere

inG

ermany:

Thom

as

Corsten,

Klaus

Maresch,

Com

eliaR

ämer,

R.

W.

Daniel,

D.

Hagedorn,

H.

J.T

hissen,W

.B

rashear,and

David

Jordan(A

thens).M

oresp

ecifi

cally,D

avidJordan

providedm

uchhelp

byw

ayof

bringingnew

textsto

1Fo

rthese

see,J.

Naveh

&S.

Shaked,A

mulets

andM

agicB

owls

(Jerusalem&

Leiden,

1985);and

now,

ide,n,M

agicSpells

andF

ormulae

(Jerusalem,

1993)—

thela

t

tertitle

havingjust

appearedas

thisbook

was

goingto

press(and

henceit

couldnot

be

usedin

theC

omm

entary).

2Roy

Kotansky,

“Incantationsand

Prayers

forS

alvationon

InscribedG

reek

Am

ulets,”in:

C.

A.

Faraone

&D

.O

bbink,M

agikaH

iera.A

ncientG

reekM

agican

d

Religion

(New

York

&O

xford,1991),

pp.107-137.

viiiP

reface

my

attentionand

supplyingsom

ephotographs;

Bill

Brashear

inB

erlinread

throughthe

manuscript

inits

entiretyand

caughtm

anyoversights

thatw

ouldsurely

haveescaped

my

notice;H

.J.

Thissen

cheerfullyprovided

possiblereadings

ona

number

ofE

gyptiannam

es;D

.H

agedornand

R.

Daniel

were

consultedfor

palaeographicalm

atters;and

Cornelia

Röm

er,K

lausM

aresch,and

Thom

asC

orstengave

much

adviceon

sundrym

atters

—besides

making

my

stayhere

inC

olognea

more

pleasantone.

None

ofthe

above-named

personscan

beheld

accountablefor

anythingexpressed

ornot

expressedin

thisvolum

e;I

amfully

culpablefor

anyshortcom

ingsit

may

stillcontain

butequally

claimresponsibility

forw

hateverin

itm

ightbe

founddeserving.

Ishould

liketo

extendm

ygratitude,

inparticular,

tom

yhost

andsupervisor

atthe

Universjtät

zuK

öln,P

rofessorR

.M

erkelbach.H

eis

theone

who

firstkindly

undertookthe

projectof

seeingthe

bookto

publica

tionand

haspatiently

guidedm

ethrough

toits

completion.

The

many

recomm

endationsand

insightsof

histhat

Ihave

takenover

havesurely

upgradedthe

finaloutcom

eof

thebook.

So,too,

hashe

perhapsrightly

criticizedsom

eof

my

interpretationsas

beinga

bittoo

venturesome.

Ifin

some

casesI

havestubbornly

heldto

my

own

pointof

view,

itshould

inno

way

detractfrom

thefull

statureof

theim

provement

thathis

ideashave

come

tobear

uponthe

endproduct.

This

studyw

ouldnot

havebeen

made

possiblew

ithoutthe

generousbacking

ofthe

Alexander

vonH

umboldt

Stiftungw

hichfunded

my

researchhere

inC

olognefrom

1990-1991and

againfrom

1992-1993.T

heF

oundationalso

contributedgenerously

towards

thecost

ofthe

book’sproduction.

Finally,

Ishould

liketo

conveym

ym

ostsincere

expressionof

tenderlove

andkinship

with

my

wife,

Jeanne,w

hothough

miles

away

duringthe

courseof

thisdifficult

year,constantly

offeredthe

most

uplift

inginspiration

towards

thecom

pletionof

thisproject.

To

herI

lovinglydedicate

thisvolum

ein

specialgratitude

forher

imm

easurablesupport,

gladdeningencouragem

ent,and

constantlove

duringm

ystay

inG

ermany.

Cologne,

October,

1993

TA

BL

EO

FC

ON

TE

NT

S

Preface

vii

Explanation

ofSigla

xiii

Introductionxv

Table

ofT

extsxxi

List

ofIllustrations

xxv

List

ofPlates

xxvii

Text

andC

omm

entary1

1‘L

ord

ofth

eGod’

1

2Jew

ishL

iturgicalF

ragments

inG

reek3

Excursus:

‘Being’

and‘E

xcellentL

iving’in

theC

ontextof

Death

10

3F

ragment

froma

Rom

ano-Celtic

Tem

ple13

4A

mulet

with

Magic

A&

yoc16

5M

agicN

ames

(Fragm

ent)22

6M

agicS

igns24

7A

nA

mulet

fora

Group

ofL

itigants25

8G

allo-Rom

anoA

mulet

for.lustina

31

9A

Magic

Square

ofV

owels

41

10‘Se,nesilam

44

11T

win

Am

uletsagainst

Hailstorm

46

Appendix:

Inscriptionfrom

SidiK

addou52

12M

agicN

ames

(Fragm

ent)54

13A

ntaura,the

Migraine

Dem

oness58

14‘S

abaorh’72

15‘A

blaanalba’73

16‘lao’

andM

agicN

ames

(Fragm

ent)76

17M

agicN

ames

(Latin)

77

18T

he‘R

omulus’

Am

ulet(for

Elephantiasis)

81

19A

muletic

Text

(Unread)

89

20F

ragment

ofan

Am

ulet91

21A

mulet

with

Capsule

93

22M

agicSigns

andL

etters

R.

Kotansky

XT

ableof

Contents

23A

Magical

Underw

orld‘T

otenpafi’95

24A

Dem

onSent

toJulia

Cyrilla

9725

Am

uletto

Expel

anE

vilS

pirit101

26T

heF

ourA

rchangels104

27A

Late

‘Orphic’

Underw

orldA

mulet

10728

AV

ictoryC

harm113

29A

Magical

‘Tim

eG

od’118

30A

Magic

Aó-

1oç

(forG

out?)121

31A

nA

mulet

forA

fflictionof

theE

yes124

32T

heP

hylacteryof

Moses

126A

ppendix1:

Kth

148A

ppendix2:

The

New

Fragm

entof

Aquila

14933

Jewish

Am

uletw

ithA

ngel-Nam

es155

34M

agicSigns

andN

ames

16735

Liturgical

Exorcism

169E

xcursus:L

iturgicalE

xorcism,

Solomon,

andM

agicL

arnellae174

36‘K

ingo

fK

ings’on

anA

mulet

fromPontus

181E

xcursus:‘K

ingof

Kings,’

Mithridates,

andP

ontus196

Appendix:

The

áP

LaK

OP

ofM

ithridates200

37T

riangularF

ormation

of153

Vow

els202

38P

rotectionfor

Phaeinos

fromD

emons

20639

“SaveE

uphiletos!”211

40A

phrodite’sN

ame

forF

avorand

Success216

41H

ouseA

mulet

ofJohn

andG

eorgia220

42E

gyptianM

agicN

ames

23243

Fragm

ent(M

agicN

ames)

23444

Votive

Fragm

ent235

45C

hristianA

mulet

forH

ealthand

Favor

23646

Protection

againstS

orceryand

Dem

ons239

47A

nA

djurationof

Pan

tobato

r245

48A

nA

mulet

fromE

mesa

24849

Magic

Nam

esor

Cipher

25750

Magic

Text

26251

AJew

ish‘E

xorcism’

ofthe

Wom

b265

52T

heG

reatA

ngelicH

ierarchy270

Tablet

ofC

ontentsxi

53C

hristianA

mulet

forO

phthalmia

301

54A

strologicalM

agicalF

ragment

306

55M

agicL

ogos310

56A

Jewish

Liturgical

Fever

Am

ulet312

57A

Magic

Invocationfor

Epilepsy

andH

eadache326

58V

ictoryC

harmbefore

theG

overnorof

Arabia

331

59A

Fever

Am

ulet347

60A

XapL

r4YtO

Y

Excursus:

‘To

Grant

‘Eiraç&

po&oicr

beforethe

King’

356

61A

Nubian

Conception

andF

ertilityC

harm361

62A

Magic

‘Sword’

369

63‘M

arearrnar’374

64T

hreeD

ivineA

ngels375

65A

Gold

Am

uletfor

Abbagaza

377

66A

Silver

Am

uletfor

Abbagaza

379

Appendix:

Opai-cô

.,381

67A

nE

xorcismfor

aY

oungG

irl383

68F

ragment

ofa

Christian

Liturgical

Exorcism

387

Indexes391

1.G

reekW

ords

II.L

atinW

ords401

III.P

ersonalN

ames

403

IV.

Topographical

andG

eographicalW

ords404

V.

Magic

Deities,

Greek

Gods,

Biblical

Figures,

andA

ngel-Nam

es405

VI.

Magic

Words

andL

ogoi410

Plates

417

Explanation

ofSigla

andO

therC

onventions

[1L

acunain

tablet

(a13’yô)R

esolutionof

anabbreviation

(a)N

ormalization

ofspelling

(occasional)

<>

Correction

of

anom

ission

{}

Modern

deletion

Text

inrasura

afryb

Text

placedbetw

eenlines

(r(3U

ncertainreadings

(damaged

letters)

Traces

ofunreadable

lettes

[---]U

ncertainloss

oftext

IU

ncertainnum

berof

letterslost

[Ca.3-4]

Estim

ateof

lostletters

Il-IllA

.D.

=Second

orthird

centuryA

.D.

Il/IllA

.D.

=L

atesecond

toearly

thirdcentury

A.D

.

1,10=

Am

uletand

linenum

berin

thisC

orpus

Lit.

Literature

inbibliographical

section,arranged

chronologically(though

theeditio

princeps,or

apreferred

edition,m

aybe

named

first).

Burger

1966:104

=B

ibliographicalreference

inaccom

panying‘L

it.’(by

yearand

date)

PGM

=Papyri

Graecae

Magicae.

Die

griechischenZ

auberpapyriI-IT,

ed.K

.

Preisendanz.

2nded.,

A.

Henrichs

(Stuttgart,

1973-1974),cited

bypapyrus

number

andline

(Arabic

numbers

indicateC

hristiantexts

atend

ofvolum

eTI).

Suppi.M

ag.1,11

=R

.D

aniel&

F.M

altomini,

Supplementum

Magicum

(Suppi.M

ag.1,

II)(P

apyrologicaC

oloniensiaX

VI.1-2;

Opladen,

1990,1992),

citedby

papyrusnum

ber(=

‘no

.’)and

line.

INT

RO

DU

CT

ION

The

presentw

orkseeks

tofill

agap

inthe

corporaof

ancientG

reek

magical

texts—

textstraditionally

categorizedby

thevariety

ofw

riting

materials

(media)

onw

hichthey

arew

ritten:papyrus,

gemstones,

lead

(thetabellae

defixionurn),1

andthin

platesof

preciousand

non-precious

metals

(lainellae).2

Of

these,only

thelast

categoryhas

not,until

now,

beenpreviously

collectedinto

acorpus

norfully

researchedas

adistin

c

tivebody

ofm

agicalliterature

inits

own

right.

The

objectsstudied

inthis

corpusm

aybe

definedas

protective

magical

texts(cjw

XctK

rpL

ct)3

engravedon

small

andvery

thinsheets

or

plaquesof

metal

foilw

itha

sharpw

ritinginstrum

ent,viz,

abronze

stylu

s.4

The

objectsw

erem

ostoften,

butnot

always,

rolledup

andw

orn

1D.

R.

Jordanhas

donethe

most

inrecent

yearsto

illuminate

thelead

tablets.H

e

plansan

eventualcorpus;

seehis

‘ASurvey

ofG

reekD

efixionesN

otIncluded

inthe

SpecialC

orpora,”G

reek,R

oman

andB

yzantineStudies

26(1985),

pp.151-197.

Avery

usefuland

engagingstudy

isto

berecom

mended

inJohn

G.

Gager,

Curse

Tablets

and

Binding

Spells frotn

theA

ncientW

orld(N

ewY

ork&

Oxford,

1992)—

aw

orkthat

came

tom

yattention

toolate

forit

tobe

giventhe

fullattention

itdeserves

inthis

Corpus.

2Oth

erpossible

media

thatpreserved

magical

textsin

theancient

world

—parch

ment,

linen,w

ood,bone,

wax

tablets,gypsum

,carved

stone,vanous

engraved

instrulnenta,and

soon

donot

directlyconcern

usin

thiscorpus,

thoughthey

too

merit

specialstudy.

3These

inscribedm

agicalam

ulets,or

lamellae,

areregularly

referredto

as

“phylacteries”in

thescholarly

literature.T

hem

aindraw

backin

usingthis

termis

that

‘phylactery’is

easilyconfused

inm

odernparlance

with

thetraditional

Jewish

tefillin—

thephylacteries

carryingB

ibleverses

worn

asfrontlets

bypious

Jews

sinceancient

times.

Our

modern

usagederives

wholly

fromthe

vituperativeuse

foundin

Matt.

23:5.T

he

word

simply

means

“protectiveam

ulet”and

doesnot

translateany

known

Sem

itic

counterpart.F

urthermore,

gSvXcxirnptov’

saysnothing

ofthe

material

onw

hichit

is

actuallyw

ritten(a

papyrusam

uletcan

alsobe

calleda

“phylactery’).U

nfortunately,the

word

thatthe

magical

handbooksthem

selvesuse

todescribe

magical

latnellae—

a“leaf”

(i.e.,of

gold,etc.),”

(áT

aX

ov

,X

circ,K

TX

.)—

doesnot

indicatethe

magical

purposeor

aimof

theobject;

itsfunction

islearned

fromthe

context.

4The

hailstoneincantation

inthis

corpus(11)

isthe

exception;it

isa

slightly

larger,heavy

bronzeplaque

thatw

asset

upin

afield

ratherthan

athin

foilstrip

rolledup

andw

ornon

theperson.

The

olderpublications

ofthis

piece,in

labellingit

alam

ina(or

lainella),brought

tom

indthe

usualm

etalphylacteries.

Only

with

therecent

acquisition

ofa

photograph(P1.

III)w

asit

possibleto

seethat

thepiece

isnot

alam

ellain

thetrad

i

tionalsense

ofthe

word.

The

piece,nonetheless,

belongsin

thiscorpus,

asits

textis

hardlyto

bedifferentiated

fromthe

othersand

certainlyis

nota

partof

thelonger

hail

stonespells

engravedonto

largerm

arbleslabs

(see,e.g.,

Com

mentary

Appendix

to11).

xviIntroduction

aspersonal

amulets.

Preciousm

etal(gold

andsilver)

was

favoredover

thebaser

forms

(copperand

bronze),but

thereis

notusually

adiscernible

reasonfor

thechoice

ofone

metal

overanother.

Tin

isalso

named

inthe

sources,but

nospecim

ensthat

Iknow

ofhave

beenidentified

assuch

(metallurgical

testingis

rarelyconducted

onthese

objects).L

eadw

asalso

usedfor

theoccasional

inscribingof

magical

amulets,

bothlate

Christian

prayersor

exorcisms

andearlier

Greek

incantations(of

Hellenistjc

date),but

theseare

rare.5

But

theancient

handbooksand

othertestim

onjado

notseem

tospecify

leadfor

writing

amulets.6

Hence,

thefew

protectiveam

uletsinscribed

onlead

arenot

includedin

thepresent

corpus,but

will

bediscussed

ina

subsequentZ

usamm

enfassung.

The

textsand

comm

entarybroadly

followthe

format

laidout

inthe

recenteditions

ofm

agicalpapyri

made

availableby

R.

Daniel

&F.

Maltom

ini,S

uppletnentuinM

agicurnI-lI

(1990-1992),published

inthis

same

series(see

above,p.

xii).A

lthoughI

alsorely

heavilyon

thew

orkof

my

predecessors,alm

ostevery

textof

lengthcontains

newreadings

thathave

beencontrolled

fromeither

aphotograph

orfrom

autopsy.N

earlyall

piecesare

accompanied

byfigured

drawings,

usuallym

adefrom

thephotographs,

thoughoccasional

illustrationsm

odifiedfrom

previouspublications

arealso

used.A

sm

anyphotographs

aspossible

havebeen

included,regardless

oftheir

condition,and

Igladly

creditthe

many

individualsand

institutionsw

hohave

generouslysupplied

prints;a

fewim

portanttexts,

however,

Introductionxvii

carryneither

agood

photonor

areliable

drawing,

apossible

shortcoming

thatcould

hardlybe

avoided.Som

eearlier

editionsnever

properlydo

cu

mented

theirtexts,

andm

anyinstitutions

andm

useums

cannotrespond

to

requestsfor

photos.In

particular,the

newreading

of32

(with

afragm

ent

ofA

quila)has

hadto

relyentirely

onB

rea’sedition

made

nearly40

years

ago,but

Ihave

littlereason

todoubt

thesoundness

ofhis

textand

amco

n

fidentthat

notm

uchcan

bedone

toim

provethe

readingas

printedhere.

Photographs

ofinscribed

metal

surfacesare

atbest

difficultto

read,but

I

havenonetheless

chosennot

tofollow

thehabit

ofexcluding

platessim

ply

becausethey

canbe

onlypoorly

read.A

plateof

lesserquality

may

be

betterthan

noneat

all,especially

ifit

hasnever

beenpublished

before,

andthe

readercan

atleast

gainan

ideaof

thetablet’s

shapeand

condition.

One

shouldnote

thatdraw

ings(and

photographs)are

usually

enlargedand

donot

indicatethe

tablets’true

sizes;for

theseone

should

consultthe

dimensions

givenw

iththe

initialdescription

ofeach

piece.

The

figureddraw

ingsare

notintended

tobe

usedas

asubstitute

forthe

examination

ofthe

actualobjects

orgood

photographs.F

acsimiles

serve

onlyto

complem

entthe

genuineobject

andas

aguide

forletter-form

s.I

donot

claimthe

practicedhand

ofan

ancientscribe,

andm

istakesor

unintentionalm

isrepresentationsare

inevitable.

Many

ofthe

textsare

assigneddates

forthe

firsttim

e;other

dates

arealso

suggestedfrom

archaeologicalcontexts,

onomastics,

andother

historicaland

geographicalconsiderations.

Ashort

tableof

dates,like

that

foundin

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppi.M

ag.II,

p.363,

isgiven

below.

As

boththe

more

recentlypublished

papyriand

theam

uletsin

thiscorpus

show,

many

magical

textscan

nowbe

assignedto

relativelyearly

periods

(Ca.

secondcentury

B.C

.to

earlyfirst

A.D

.).7

7Th

isshould

come

asno

surprise,seeing

thatthe

corpusof

leaddefixiones

covers

thew

holeof

theperiod

fromthe

late6th

centuryB

.C.

tothe

endof

antiquity!M

atters

would

hardlybe

differentfor

protectiveam

ulets.H

ence,there

isno

intrinsicreason

why

magical

amulets

cannotbe

early-or

pre-Rom

anin

date;certainly

theearliest

Egyptian

magical

textsw

ouldhave

beenw

idelytranslated

fromD

emotic

intoG

reekunder

the

Ptolem

ies.It

shouldbe

notedthat

theearliest

datedtext

inD

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppi.

Mag.

II,no.

70(assigned

IT-IB

.C.),

isno

magical

textas

traditionallyunderstood,

but

some

kindof

descriptionfor

moulding

divineor

‘magical’

figures.T

heother

two

early

examples,

Suppi.M

ag.II,

nos.71

(IB

.C.)

and72

(Augustan)

areboth

magical

formularies,

asis

theearly

collectionof

incantationsgiven

inP

GM

XX

(1B

.C.).

F

5See

D.

R.

Jordan,,4thenische

Mitteilungen

95(1980),

p.227f.,

who

givesa

use

fulsurvey

ofw

hatkinds

oftexts

were

inscribedon

lead.W

ereserve

fora

subsequentstudy

asim

ilarsurvey

ofthe

sortsof

ancienttexts

written

ongold

andsilver.

There

alsoa

comprehensive

‘Testim

onja’of

ancientreferences

will

hegiven,

asw

ellas

acloser

studyof

theim

portantprecursors

tothe

magic

latnella:the

Egyptian

andP

unic-Phoerucian

amulets,

the‘O

rphic-Dionysiac’

tablets,the

‘Ocipuct-type’

lamellae,

theP

yrgigold

tablets,and

soon.

6L

eadw

asintentionally

preservedfor

them

oreaggressive

of

them

agicalo

pera

tions(the

writing

of&

yw-ycsI,

KaT

c1ÔC

IYJL

Ot,

lovespells,

curses,and

other‘m

alevolent’spells

ofthe

defixionurntabellae).

Although

thedistinctions

between

‘kindly’and

‘unkindly’m

agic—

between

thew

ritingof

agold

versusa

leadentablet

—do

sometim

esblur,

theancient

sources,and

presumably

thepractices

thatw

eredependent

uponthem

,seem

keenlym

indfulof

thedifferences.

Early-M

idI

B.C

.:48

IB.C

.:39

Augustan:

28

IA.D

.:36

IB

.C./1

A.D

.:36,

51

I/ITA

.D.:

2,10,

13

IIA

.D.:

7,11,

20,24,

29(E

arly),31,

40,42

Il-IllA

D.:

27,32,

37,38,

60,62,

65,66;

46(Il/lIT

A.D

.)

IIIA

.D.:

4,12,

14,15,

16,17,

34

Ill-TV

A.D

.:1,

23,33,

35,54,

55,56,

61

IVA

.D.:

8,18,

52,58,

68

TV-V

A.D

.:3,

41,47,

49,50,

57;26

(TV/V

A.D

.)

V-V

IA.D

.:45

The

‘curve’that

thistable

suggestsis

remarkably

closeto

thelist

givenin

Daniel

&M

altomini.

The

datesof

magic

texts,as

aw

hole,seem

topoint

toan

initial‘renaissance’

ofE

gyptianm

agicin

Ptolem

aictim

es,probably

manifesting

itselfin

theform

ofthe

inauguralpublication

ofD

emotic

andG

reek‘hieratic’

texts.T

hisis

followed

bya

periodof

nas

centbut

sustainedgrow

thfrom

the1st

centuryB

.C.

throughthe

1stcentury

A.D

.,during

which

time

theform

ularies—

with

theirow

ndeveloping

‘vocabulary’of

magic

—cam

einto

existenceand

beganto

prescribethe

useand

manufacture

ofm

agicalam

ulets.T

heproduction

ofinscribed

amulets,

whether

onpapyrus

orgold

leaf,m

usthave

beenseen

ascom

petingsom

ewhat

with

them

oretraditional

remedies

ofthe

root-cutters

andherbalists,

remedies

which

ofcourse

continuedto

playa

rolethroughout

laterantiquity.

Then,

beginningin

the2nd

centuryA

.D.,

we

seea

reallyform

idableexplosion

inthe

outputof

magical

literature,an

explosionthat

alsobrings

thefirst

greatinfusion

ofm

agicgem

sinto

thecom

mercial

market.

This

periodalso

witnesses

thehigh

productivityof

inscribedpapyrus

andm

etalam

uletsthroughout

theR

oman

world.

Itis

Introduction

interestingto

notethat

some

ofthe

earliestam

uletsof

thiscorpus

were

foundin

rather‘outlying’

areasof

theR

oman

world;

relativelyfew

of

themcom

efrom

Egyp

t.8

Fromthe

2ndcentury

on,a

sustainedw

aveof

magical

beliefsand

practicescarries

them

anufactureof

amulets

intotheir

Blutezeit

with

thecom

pilationof

thegreat

magical

formularies

ofthe

3rd

and4th

centuries.It

isduring

thisperiod

thatthe

magical

literature

becomes

‘canonized’—

itsterm

inologybecom

ingquite

technicallyfixed

andstandardized.

Thereafter,

inthe

5thand

6thcenturies

we

seea

slow

butsteady

dropoff

anddecline

inthe

qualityof

writing

andoverall

productivityof

amulets

ingeneral.

The

lamellae,

itseem

s,are

becoming

replacedby

anew

seriesof

bronzesuspension-am

ulets:m

ostlya

special

categoryof

Solom

onicam

uletsprobably

widely

usedby

thenow

nominally

Christian

population.

xviiiIntroduction

Chronological

Table

ofthe

Am

ulets

xix

81n

thiscorpus,

only59

and60

come

fromE

gypt(O

xyrhynchus).T

wo

unpublishedpieces

inC

ologne,a

silver‘Solom

onic’exorcism

andanother

silveram

ulet

forgout,

alsocom

efrom

Egypt

andw

illbe

publishedjointly

byR

.K

otanskyand

D.

R.

Jordan.A

silverlam

ella,preserving

along

Aram

aicincantation

with

onlyseveral

linesof

Greek,

isalso

saidto

come

fromT

ellel-A

marna.

Itis

publishedin

R.

Kotansky,

J.N

aveh,&

S.S

haked,“A

Greek-A

ramaic

Silver

Am

uletfrom

Egypt

inthe

Ashm

olean

Museum

,”L

eM

uséon105

(1992),pp.

5-26,but,

beinglargely

Aram

aic,is

notincluded

inthis

Corpus.

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TA

BL

EO

FT

EX

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buracum(Y

ork,E

ngland).Y

orkshireM

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JVA

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2G

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old.W

oodeaton,Islip

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ioleanM

useumTv-vA

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4G

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elduba(K

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Germ

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5S

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oloniaA

grippina(C

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nr.29.1804

Rom

an

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adischesL

andesmuseum

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8S

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11B

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vignon,F

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uséeC

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v.E

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Mondragon

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[Lost]

IIA

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12G

old,S

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astraR

egina(R

egensburg,G

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derS

tadt

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13S

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ltenburg-Petronell,

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Eisenstadt,

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A.D

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15G

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arnuntum(A

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IA

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16S

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17G

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[Lost]

IIIA

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18S

ilver.T

ricciana(S

agvar,H

ungary).B

udapest,M

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19G

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[Location

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Rom

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22G

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23G

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Muzeul

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26G

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27G

old.R

ome

(Italy).L

ondon,B

ritishM

useum,

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Paris,

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29G

old.C

iciliano(Italy).

Rom

e,M

useoN

azionaleR

omano

30G

old.B

rundisium(B

rindisi,Italy).

Museo

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Provinciale,

‘F.R

ibezzo’

31G

old.N

earP

icenum(R

ipeSan

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Italy).[L

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32C

opper.A

krae(P

alazzuoloA

creide,S

icily).S

yracuse,M

useo

Nazionale

33B

ronze.M

azzarino,S

icily.Syracuse,

Museo

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mv.

no.

82071Ill-T

VA

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34S

ilver.C

oloniaA

rchelais(A

ksaray,N

ide.

Turkey).

Istanbul,A

rchaeological

Museum

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v.71.125

IIIA

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35S

ilver.A

ntiocheiaC

aesarea(Y

alcac,T

urkey).A

nkaraA

rkeolojiM

üzesiIll/T

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36S

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misos

(Sam

sun,T

urkey).B

russels,M

uséesR

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rtet

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1322IB

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37G

old.E

phesus(S

elçuk,T

urkey).B

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taatlicheM

useen,M

isc.8957

11-111A

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38G

old.A

mphipolis,

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London,

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Il-IllA

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39S

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eroea(V

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acedonia).[L

ost]I

B.C

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40G

old.T

hessalonjka(S

aloniki,M

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unsthistonschesM

useum,

mv.

Nr.

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B260

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41G

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42G

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reece).P

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43G

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44G

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Antrurn

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ocationunknow

nR

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45G

old.L

aodiceaad

mare

(Latakia,

Syria).

Jerusalem,

Private

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AD

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46S

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leppo,S

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ost]Il/Ill

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47G

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piphania(H

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Copenhagen,

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Table

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extsX

xiii

48S

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Early-M

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[Lost]

mV

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50G

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a’albek,L

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TV-V

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London,

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Paris,

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111-mV

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Paris,

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t.S

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ermitage

Museum

68S

ilver.C

yprus.P

aris,B

ibliothèqueN

ationale,F

roehnerno.

1212

IT-Ill

A.D

.

Ill-TV

A.D

.

IIA

D.

Rom

an

IV/V

A.D

.

Il-IllA

.D.

(Bibliothèque

Augustan

Early

IIA

.D.

Rom

an

IIA

.D.

Archeologico

Il-IllA

.D.

no.285a

Rom

an?

IVA

.D.

TV-V

A.D

.

ILL

US

TR

AT

ION

S

iA

mulet

1(F

romphoto).

2

2A

mulet

2(A

fterP

eers,m

odifiedfrom

photo)4

3A

mulet

3(F

romautopsy)

14

4A

mulet

4(A

fterS

iebourg)17

5C

apsulew

ithouter

tube+

innersection

(After

Grim

m)

17

6A

mulet

5(F

romphoto)

23

7A

mulet

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stillrolled-up

showing

lettersfrom

backside)

23

8A

mulet

6(A

fterF

remersdorf)

24

9A

mulet

7(F

romphoto)

26

10A

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8(M

odifiedfrom

Espérandieu,

Longuem

ar,L

ottner)33

11A

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9(A

fterK

opp)42

12A

mulet

10(A

fterJoffroy)

45

13A

mulet

12(F

romphoto)

56

14A

mulet

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romphoto)

56

15A

mulet

13(F

romphoto)

60

16A

mulet

14(F

romphoto)

72

17A

mulet

15(F

romphoto)

73

18A

mulet

16(F

romphoto)

75

19A

mulet

17(A

fterL

ambeck

[al&

After

vonK

arajan[b])

79

20A

mulet

18(F

romphoto)

83

21A

mulet

19(F

romphoto)

90

22A

mulet

20(F

romphoto)

92

23A

mulet

21w

ithC

apsule+

amulet

rolled-up(F

romphoto)

93

24A

mulet

22(A

fterT

ocilescu)94

25A

mulet

23(F

romphoto)

95

26A

mulet

24(A

fterR

ussu)98

27A

mulet

27(A

fterM

arshall)108

28A

mulet

28(F

romphoto)

115

29A

mulet

29(F

romphoto)

120

30A

mulet

30(A

fterC

omparetti)

122

31A

mulet

31(A

fterS

ilveri-Gentilom

)124

32A

mulet

32(A

fterj

131

xx

vi

Illustrations

33A

mulet

33(F

romphoto)

157

34A

mulet

34(F

romphoto)

157

35A

mulet

35(F

romphoto)

171

36A

mulet

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romphoto)

184

37A

mulet

37(A

fterG

reifenhagen)205

38A

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fterM

arshall)207

39A

mulet

39(F

romphoto)

212

40A

mulet

40(F

romphoto)

216

41A

mulet

41(F

romphoto)

221

42A

mulet

42(F

romphoto)

232

43A

mulet

43(A

fterM

arshall)234

44A

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44(A

fterG

uarducci)235

45A

mulet

45(F

romphoto)

236

46A

mulet

46(A

fterM

outerde)239

47A

mulet

47(A

fterB

ülow-Jacobsen)

246

48A

mulet

48(F

romphoto)

250

49A

mulet

49(A

fterM

outerde)258

50A

mulet

50(F

romphoto)

263

51A

mulet

51(F

romautopsy)

+C

apsule(A

fterL

enormant)

266

52A

mulet

52(F

romphoto,

a-c)277,278,279

53A

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53(A

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iebourg)302

54A

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54(A

fterM

arshall,m

odified)307

55A

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55(A

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am)

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56A

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56(A

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otansky)315

57A

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58(A

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otansky)334

58A

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59(F

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59A

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Am

ulet61

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odifiedfrom

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61A

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romautopsy)

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Am

ulet65

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photo)378

63A

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66(F

romphoto)

38064

Am

ulet67

(From

photo)383

65A

mulet

68(F

romphoto)

389

No.

3,C

ourtesyof

theA

shmolean

Museum

,O

xford

No.

2,C

ourtesyof

theN

ationalM

useumof

Wales

No.

11,(A

),C

ourtesyof

Musée

Calvet,

Avignon

No.

13,C

ourtesyof

G.

Schlag,B

urgenlandischesM

useum,

Eisenstadt

No.

[4,C

ourtesyof

G.

Schlag,B

urgenländischesM

useum,

Eisenstadt

No.

[8,C

ourtesyof

National

Museum

,H

ungary(and

David

Jordan)

Courtesy

ofthe

British

Museum

,L

ondon

(Front),

Courtesy

ofthe

Bibliothèque

Nationale,

Paris

(Back),

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ofthe

Bibliothèque

Nationale,

Paris

(Front),

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ofM

uséesR

oyauxd’A

rtet

d’Histoire,

Brussels

(Back),

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ofM

uséesR

oyauxd’A

rtet

d’Histoire,

Brussels

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ofthe

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Museum

,L

ondon

Courtesy

ofthe

Kunsthistorisches

Museum

,V

ienna

Courtesy

ofthe

National

Museum

,A

thens

(Top

Detail),

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ofthe

National

Museum

,A

thens

(Bottom

Detail),

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ofthe

National

Museum

,A

thens

(Detail),

Courtesy

ofthe

National

Museum

,A

thens

(Detail),

Courtesy

ofthe

National

Museum

,A

thens

No.

42,C

ourtesyof

theB

ibliothèqueN

ationale,P

ans

No.

45,C

ourtesyof

JeffreySpier,

London

No.

47,C

ourtesyof

Kit

Weiss,

theN

ationalM

useum,

Copenhagen

No.

48,C

ourtesyof

Museum

ofA

ntiquities,L

eiden

No.

52,C

ourtesyof

Musëe

duL

ouvre(and

David

Jordan)

No.

54,C

ourtesyof

theB

ritishM

useum,

London

No.

55(B

ackonly),

Courtesy

ofM

uséedu

Louvre

(andD

avidJordan)

No.

56,C

ourtesyof

Zev

Radovan

andthe

IsraelA

ntiquitiesA

uthority

No.

58,C

ourtesyof

G.

Vikan,

The

Walters

Art

Gallery,

Baltim

ore

No.

58(B

ack),C

ourtesyof

G.

Vikan,

The

Walters

Art

Gallery,

Baltim

ore

No.

59,C

ourtesyof

theInstitut

fürA

ltertumskunde,

Cologne

No.

60,C

ourtesyof

theInstitut

fürA

ltertumskunde,

Cologne

No.

61,C

ourtesyof

Archaeological

Museum

,C

airo

LIS

TO

FP

LA

TE

S

PlateI.

No.

1,C

ourtesyof

Peter

Hall,

Yorkshire

Museum

,Y

orkshire

No.

27,

No.

28

No.2

No.

36

No.

36

No.

38,

No.

40,

No.

41,

No.

41

No.

41

No.

41

No.

41

Plate1.

PlateII.

PlateIII.

PlateIV

.

PlateIV

.

PlateV

.

PlateV

I.

PlateV

I.

PlateV

I.

PlateV

II.

PlateV

III.

PlateIX

.

PlateIX

.

PlateX

.

PlateX

I.

PlateX

II.

PlateX

III.

PlateX

IV.

PlateX

V.

PlateX

V.

PlateX

VI.

PlateX

VII.

PlateX

VIII.

PlateX

IX.

PlateX

X.

PlateX

XI.

PlateX

XII.

PlateX

XIII.

PlateX

X1V

.

PlateX

XV

.

PlateX

XV

I.

xxviiiL

istof

Plates

Plate

XX

VII.

No.

65,C

ourtesyof

Musée

duL

ouvre(and

David

Jordan)

Plate

XV

II.N

o.66,

Courtesy

ofM

uséedu

Louvre

(andD

avidJordan)

Plate

XX

VIII.

No.

68(F

ront&

Back),

Courtesy

ofthe

Bibliothêque

Nationale,

Paris

TE

XT

AN

DC

OM

ME

NT

AR

Y

1‘L

ordof

theG

ods’

Fig.1.

Plate

I

EB

UR

AC

UM

(York),

England

IIIIV

A.D

.

The

Yorkshire

Museum

H.

1.8cm

.;W

.2.8

cm.

(nom

v.num

ber)G

oldlam

ella

Lit.

C.

Welibeloved,

Eburacum

,or

York

underthe

Rornans

(York,

1842),p1.

17,

no.15

(fasc.,p.

131);idem

,Y

orkshireP

hilosophicalSociety’

Proceedings

1(1855),

p.

95;J.

Kenrick,

Yorkshire

PhilosophicalSociety

Proceedings1

(1855),p.

106(fig.);

E.

L.B

arnwell,

“The

Carnarvon

Talism

an,’A

rchaeologiaC

ambrensis,

ser.4,

vol.10

(1879),pp.

99-108(fig.),

esp.p.

103;0.

C.

Hom

e,R

oman

York.

The

Legionary

Headquarters

andC

oloniao

fE

boracum(L

ondon,1924);

An

Inventoryof

theH

istorical

Monum

entsin

theC

ityo

fY

ork,I:

Eboracum

,R

oman

Yo,*

(London,

1962),p.

133,no.

139(add.

lit.);p1.

65,no.

139(photo);

R.

Collingw

ood&

R.

P.W

right,R

oman

Inscrip

tionsof

Britain

(Oxford,

1965),vol.

1,pp.

236-237,no.

706(fasc.);

G.

C.

Boon,

Excavations

andD

iscoveries.2.

Rom

an,”B

ulletinof

theB

oardof

Celtic

Studies

21

(1964),pp.

96-99(p1.

ib,

2),esp.

p.99;

Eve

&John

R.

Harris,

The

Oriental

Cults

of

Rom

anB

ritain(E

PR

O6;

Leiden,

1965),p.

94;M

.H

enig,R

eligionin

Rom

anB

ritain

(London,

1984),pp.

184-188;

R.

Kotansky,

“AS

ilverP

hylacteryfor

Pain,”

J.Pau

lG

etty

Museum

Journal11(1983),

p.173;

P.Salw

ay,R

oman

Britain

(Oxford,

1981),p.

689.

The

tabletw

asfound

in1839

outsidethe

walls

ofR

oman

York

(Eboracum

,E

buracuin),on

thesouthw

estside

ofthe

river(at

thesite

of

thefourth-

centuryA

.D.

bathhouse),

when

workers

cutaw

ayan

archway

ofthe

wall

inthe

buildingof

theO

ldR

ailway

Station.Y

orkw

asa

legio

n

aryfortress

andcolonia

thatbecam

elargely

abandonedat

theend

ofthe

fourthcentury.

On

thesite,

ingeneral,

Welibeloved

1842;G

.F.

Wilm

ot,

art.“E

boracum,”

inR

.Stillw

ell,ed.,

TheP

rincetonE

ncyclopediao

f

Classical

Sites(Princeton,

1976),p.

290f.

The

amulet

preservesa

lineof

magic

XP

KT

PC

followed

bya

singlevox

magica.

The

shorttext

indicatesnothing

asto

itsspecific

pur

pose;how

ever,since

itw

asfound

atthe

siteof

abathing

facility,it

may

havebeen

depositedin

ahotroom

(LiroiccyI’urpa)

asa

love-spell(cf.

7).

The

tablethad

beenfolded

once,horizontally,

inthe

middle.

21

‘Lord

of

theG

ods’

I

1M

agicS

igns

2‘Fvsl3evvovO

1M

agicSigns:

These

charactêresparallel

asim

ilargroup

inK

otansky(1983:

169-178,above

‘Lit.’),

alsow

iththe

magic

name

cFv6f3eivovO(see

below).

Evidently

thesesym

bolsin

bothplaces

actas

asort

ofcryptogram

,probably

forthe

magic

name,

Phnebennouth,

itself.S

everalof

thesym

bolsseem

toapproxim

ateG

reekletters;

cf.A

.S.

Hunt,

“AG

reekC

ryptogram,”

Proceedings

of

theB

ritishA

cademy

15(1929),

pp.1-10.

The

initialsym

bolH

isrem

iniscentof

theabbreviation

forirp(ôç)

used,for

example,

insuch

phrasesas

irp(6ç)rv

psrô

v,

andso

on;cf.

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppi.M

ag.Ii,

no.88,

1,6(app.

crit.).24v.3&

pvovO:

The

name

correspondsto

Egyptian,

p3nh

(n)n3

ntr.w,

“The

lordof

thegods.”

SeeC

rumand

Murray’s

notein

R.

Col

lingwood

&R

.P.

Wright

1965:237;cf.

PG

MX

XX

VI.43f.:

7r8cOa

vyovyt

(‘He

isPtah

thehealthy,

thelord

ofthe

Abyss,’

soR

.R

itner,in

H.

D.

Betz,

Greek

Magical

Papyri

inT

ranslation[2nd

ed.C

hicago,19921,

p.270,

n.2);

onC

hnoubisgem

stones,cf.

A.

Delatte

&Ph.

Der

chain,L

esintailles

inagiquesgréco-égyptiennes

(Paris,

1964),nos.

77,78.

81,etc.:

(vctct/3tç)/3t61v9,

I3tevvov9(vel

sini.);C

.B

onner,S

tudiesin

Magical

Am

ulets(A

nnA

rbor,1950),

p.57,

who

refersto

U.

Kopp,

Palaeographia

Critica

(Mannheim

,1829),

vol.IV

,p.

158,rn

z7

lrT2

,“bound

bycharm

s.”T

henam

ealso

occurson

asilver

lamella

inthe

Getty

Museum

(alsoto

appearin

vol.II):

R.

Kotansky,

“AS

ilverP

hylacteryfor

Pain,”

J.P

aulG

ettyM

useumJournal

11(1983),

pp.169-178,

p.172,

lines1-4:‘4’ve,I3.svvou,

Fvl3Evvvov9,

o1uoLw

gv13vvov9.

2Jew

ishL

iturgicalF

ragm

ents

inG

reek

Fig.2.

Plate

Ii

The

goldcharm

was

foundin

1827during

theexcavations

ofthe

housecalled

Cefn

Hendre

(seem

apin

Haverfield

1910:83;W

heeler

1923:14,fig.

1),located

outsideof

thesouthernm

ostcorner

ofthe

Rom

an

fortat

Segontiurn.

The

house,of

alate

date,w

assituated

atopa

Rom

an

cremation

cemetery

thatlay

southeastof

thefort

alongthe

southsideof

Lianbeblic

Road.

The

cemetery

yieldedthree

burialurns

in1922

(1stcent.

A.D

.),as

well

asevidence

ofother

gravesites,though

nosystem

atic

excavationsw

erecarried

out.O

nthe

phylactery’sdiscovery.

Wheeler

states,“It

may

havecom

efrom

agrave,

but,though

therew

ascertainly

a

cemetery

onthis

sideof

thefort,

nodetails

ofthe

discoveryof

thegold

plateare

known”

(p.129).

According

toB

oon,the

sitehad

beenoccupied

fromthe

periodsca.

75-140A

.D.;

ca.210-300

A.D

.;and

Ca.350-390

A.D

.,after

which

time

them

ilitarygarrison

was

withdraw

n.L

etter-forms

suggestthat

thistablet

belongsto

theearliest

period;it

probablycam

e

SE

GO

NT

IUM

(Caernarvon),

Wales

Cardiff,

National

Museum

ofW

ales

(nom

v.num

ber)

Fig.1

I/IlA

.D.

H.

10.4cm

.;W

.3.05

Gold

lamella

Lit.

Mr.

Paigrave,

Quarterly

Review

37(M

arch,1828),

p.488;

J.0

.W

estwood,

,4rchaeologiaC

’amhrensis

3(1848),

pp.361-363;

A.

W.

Haddan

&W

.S

tuhbs,C

ouncils

andE

cclesiasticalD

ocuments,

vol.1

(Oxford,

1869).p.

40,no.

7;E.

Hdbner,

InscriptioflesB

ritanniaeC

hristianae(B

erlin&

London,

1876),p.

80,no.

215:W

olf

Wilhelm

Graf

Baudissin,

Studienzur

semitischen

Religionsgeschichte,

vol.1

(Leipzig,

1876),pp.

187ff.;E

.L

.B

arnwell,

‘The

Carnarvon

Talism

an.”A

rcheologiac’atnhrensis,

ser.4,

vol.10

(1879)99-108

(fig.);F

.H

averfield,“M

ilitaryA

spectso

fR

oman

Wales.”

C’vm

,nrodorianS

ocietyT

ransactions(1908-1909)

119101,pp.

85-86(fig.

8);C

.R

.P

eers,

Proceedings

of

theSociety

of A

ntiquarieso

fLondon,

ser.2,

vol.31(1

919),

pp.127-131

(with

W.

J.H

emp);

Sir

Mortim

erW

heeler.“S

egontiumand

theR

oman

Occupation

of

Wales,”

YC

’v,n,nrodor33

(1923),pp.

129-230;R

.C

ollingwood

&R

.P.

Wright,

Rom

an

Inscriptionso

fB

ritain(O

xford.1965),

vol.1.

p.144,

no.436;

G.

C.

Boon,

Bullein

of

theB

oardof

Celtic

Studies

21(1

964

),pp.

96-99;E

.H

arris&

J.R

.H

arris,T

heO

riental

cults

of

Rom

ainB

ritain(L

eiden.1965),

p.93f.,

no.1;

M.

J.V

ermaseren,

inJ.

R.

Hin

nells,ed.,

Mithraic

Studies(M

anchester,1971),

p.447,

note4;

M.

Henig,

Religion

in

Rom

anB

ritain(L

ondon,1984),

pp.184-188.

42

Jewish

Liturgical

Fragm

ents2

Jewish

Liturgical

Fragm

ents5

fromthe

cemetery.

The

originalam

uletis

keptin

storagein

thelocal

town

Council

ofC

ardiff,w

itha

replicaon

displayin

theSegontium

Museum

,C

ardiff.The

textpreserves

aJew

ishliturgical

formula

written

inG

reekle

tters

andincluding

acurious

mixture

ofnorm

alG

reekphrases,

some

ofw

hichappear

tohave

beenm

arginalglosses

insertedinto

thebody

ofthe

text.O

ccasionallyw

ordsare

squeezedin

between

linesor

onthe

right-hand

margin.

There

isalso

some

punctuationbetw

eenm

agicnam

es.

Adônai

Elôaie

Sabaôth,

Eie

Esar

Eie,

Soura

Arbartiaô,

being,being,

being,

livingexcellently,

Elliôn

Hannôra

Hagibbôr

Baillalaam

ôthB

arouchA

ththa

OubarO

UZ

Houdêcha

everO

lam-leôlam

Akkram

arachamari

Am

orimP1m

b-

zanaT

houth(m

agicsigns).

Protect

me,

Alfianus.

1-3‘A

ôwvae

‘EX

wcre

alathO

:’EX

waI

occursin

35,1;38,22

(‘EXoe),

41-44(‘EX

wetv);

theother

two

divinenam

esare

usuallyfound

with

‘Mw

.H

ere,though,

thethree

names,

ratherthan

representingthe

triad‘Icw

a(3

aO

‘A&

wai,

correspondto

theH

ebrewphrase

“Lord

God

ofH

osts.”C

f.,e.g.,

Hosea

12:6:T

Irl’,

wa-yhw

h‘ëlO

hassb

ã‘ôt,

where

thedivine

Tetragram

maton

would

havebeen

conven

tionallypronounced

ádOnai.

Our

textprobably

derivesfrom

Jewish

liturgy(see

belowon

lines14f.).

3-4etc

cuap

ete

:etO

euapeted.

pr.T

heseletters

were

not

previouslyidentified

correctly;etc

cuap

etcrepresents

atransliteration

of

thecom

mon

magical

phraseV

]tZ

7]‘],

‘ehye‘äer

‘ehye,“I-am

-

who-I-am

”(E

xod.3:14)

foundin

Hebrew

andA

ramaic

magical

texts;see

J.N

aveh&

S.Shaked,

Am

uletsand

Magic

Bow

ls(Jerusalem

&L

eiden,

1985),esp.

p.49:

A2:10;

A3:2f;

A11:1;

12:6,40,etc.;

cf.Jerom

e,

Epistula

XX

V,7f.

(ed.H

ilberg),p.

219(on

theten

names

ofG

od):Sex-

turneser

ieie,quod

inE

xodolegitur:

quiest,

misit

me;

Jerome,

De

Psalmo

CX

LV

I,5(ed.

Morin),

p.329:

diciturE

serIaia.

4uovpct:

The

readingcorresponds

tothe

Hebrew

imperative

of11D

(swr)

i.e.,V

11,

(sarah);generally,

“toturn

aside(in

one’sdirection)”

perhapshere

inthe

sense,“com

eover

here”(as

inR

uth4:1),

ratherthan

“turnaside”

(e.g.,harm

,or

evil);how

ever,in

connectionw

iththe

next

word,

we

suggest“turn

asidethe

wrath

ofG

od”(below

,lines

4f.).

D.

Martinez,

P.M

ichiganX

VI

(Atlanta,

1991),p

.2

8,4

5provides

apossible

parallelfor

thenam

esin

lines3f.,

above:a&

vatctt

wctp

uvp

ta,

which

suggeststhe

readinga&

wat

at

tuap

<at>

uvp

ta(w

ithat

tuapat,

again=

]‘]

1tI7rl’rx

).

4-5ap

l3cx

prtaw

:A

probablevariant

ofthe

magic

deity‘A

pf3a8taw,

“fourfoldY

ahweh”

(=m

n’37

1,

i.e.,arbac

lao[Y

HW

H],

referringto

thefour

lettersof

theholy

Tetragram

maton);

cf.C

ollingwood

andW

right1965:144.

Fauth,

Oriens

Christianus

67(1983),

pp.65-103,

givesa

1‘A

&w

aIe‘E

Xw

aiea1

3a-

wOetc

euap

et

4e

uovpaap/3cxp-

rtaw&

v&w

,i’&

‘vK

a

‘Xç’

eXX

twvtv

8vw

pa

‘y’yt/3-

f3wp

f3atXX

a

Xaatw

913a-

pov

aOO

aov

12ap

ou

oij

xa

cxetw

XcrIL

Xe

wX

aL‘A

KK

PctIL

a

paxapapt

aL

o

16pt.t

‘4’a

iava

9ouOX

III(m

agicsigns)

(magic

signs)

(magic

signs)

20(m

agicsigns)

(magic

signs)

(magic

signs)&

a

çbI’XaT

24tte,

‘AX

cbta

(\)E

N1k)p

>‘\

.‘J>.AO

X\J

PL

(p

14\

45

1\

&\-

>2

t\

pat,.Fig.

2

I

62

Jewish

Liturgical

Fragments

2Jew

ishL

iturgicalFragm

ents7

thoroughanalysis

of‘A

p/3a8taw;

thenam

e,how

ever,is

alsospelled

xf3

pa8

ta,(&

Bpcrta,)

which,

with

theheretofore

unexplainedtheta/tau,

givesus

perhapsa

differentH

ebrewreading,

areading

thatfits

thecontext

here.B

iblicalH

ebrew‘ebräh,

“wrath,”

when

occurringin

construct

(=“w

rathof

x”)provides

thenecessary

terminative

-Tisuggested

bythe

transliteratedG

reek:V!71’

3T37

(cebratY

HW

H[=

Iaô]),

i.e.,“the

wrath

of

theL

ord.”T

heprecise

phraseoccurs

inthe

Bible:

T1I

1T

1bayôm

‘ebratyhw

h(=

lao),“in

theday

ofthe

wrath

ofthe

Lord”

(Zeph.

1:18;

Ezek.

7:19);sim

ilarly,Isaiah

9:18;13:13

gives,m

n’

b’ebratlao

Sab’ot,“w

iththe

wrath

ofthe

Lord

ofH

osts”(=

lao

Sabaôth).

Hence,

thecom

binedw

ordsuoupcr

&pf3crpnctci

nowgive

us,

“Turn

aside,0

wrath

ofthe

Lord.”

5-7&w

&w&

v(v

KaX

&ç):

Collingw

oodand

Wright

1965:144point

toE

x.3:14

(LX

X),

‘Eythi1u

tb

,p,

andsuggest

thatthe

words

alludeto

theliving

God,

“Who

was,

Who

is,and

Who

shallbe”

(cf.further

NT

Rev.

11:17;16:5,

etc.,b

&w,cxi

bv

icilpxóheP

oc;B

auer-Arndt

Gingrich-D

anker,A

Greek-E

nglishL

exiconof

theN

T[C

hicago,1979],

s.v.def.

le).T

hew

ordsp

pp

would

thenseem

torepresent

a

somew

hatim

preciseG

reekgloss

onthe

transliteratedH

ebrewof

ete

eocxp

ete,a

glosssim

ilarto

theapparent

&el

wX

ajX

ec,Xcr

inline

13f.below

.

The

presenceof

Greek-H

ebrewglosses

insertedw

ithinthe

readings

ofan

amulet

foundin

Rom

anB

ritainpoints

toa

manuscript

ofan

older

andm

oredistant

textualancestry.

Originally,

interlinear(or

marginal)

glossesm

usthave

beenpreserved

inthe

magic

formulary

thatincluded

thisparticular

amulet.

Alater

scribecopied

theseinterlinear,

glossed

pp’q

putaT

cxdirectly

backinto

thetext

ofthe

amulet

proper.

5-7(cw

&w&,v)

&v

KcrX

cç:

icaXthç

(readK

crXôc)

Collingw

ood&

Wright.

We

notedabove

thepossible

connectionof

&w&w

vw

ithE

xod.

3:14.B

utw

hatare

we

tom

akeof

theodd

phrase&

,vicaX

thç,and

howis

thisto

beread

with

thetriple

&iv

’s?C

onceivably,“living

excellently”m

ayagain

referto

theH

ebrewG

od,a

godw

hois

oftendescribed

onam

ulets

asO

ebç&

w;

cf.51,8f.;

52,80;65,1;

67,2f.(but

neverw

ithiccrX

óç!).O

nthe

otherhand,

theexpression,

seems

ratherto

echoa

philosophicalor

funeraladage

andm

ayhave

beenused

asan

amuletic

formula

referringto

thebearer

ofthe

charmitself

(see‘E

xcursus,’below

).

8-10X

Xtø

v&

vvwpa

&yt13l3w

p:T

heseseem

inglym

agicor

divine

names

areagain

Hebrew

written

inG

reekletters.

The

whole

corresponds

rmn

p’737,celyôn

hannôrahhaggibbO

r,“E

lyonthe

terrible,the

mighty.”

Cf.

Deut.

10:17:‘‘1

W’

7K

hã’ëlhaggadol

hag

gib

borw

hannOrãh,

“thegreat,

them

ighty,the

awesom

eG

od”(sim

ilarly,

Neh.

9:32;P5.

47:2).In

J.N

aveh&

S.Shaked,

Am

uletsand

Magic

Bow

ls(Jerusalem

&L

eiden,1985),

A1:8,

thearchangel

Ishmael

iscalled

“thegreat,

mighty,

andterrifying”

(7’rrfl

1W.

7X77t7’,

p.40f.).

Jerome,

Epist.

XX

V,6

(Com

mentary

above,line

3),interprets

‘Elyon’

asthe

fifthnam

eof

God:

Quintum

elion,quem

nos‘excelsum

dicimus.10-11

3crtXX

cXctcqu.*8

(readperhaps

BeX

XctX

acrcO):

We

havehere

more

probabletransliteration

ofH

ebrew.

BatX

Xa

may

representthe

deity

Ba’al

orB

e!(see

below),

buta

more

typicalH

ebrewexpression

isperhaps

forthcoming

inn?r,

ballaylch,“in

thenight,”

orbalaylah,

“at

night.”A

ndalthough

theSem

itic-soundingX

actuøOrem

indsone

ofsuch

magic

names

asX

aaXat

(57,7),here

theending

might

representTV1?,

môt

(inconstruct

andsuffixal

forms):

“death;pestilence”

—or,

perhapsbetter

Ti71,

“theD

eath/Pestilence,”

toachieve

thealpha

in-aitw

O;

cf.also

Ti1&7,

lämât,

“todie,”

andsim

ilarform

s.H

ence,the

whole

phrasem

ight

be,“in

thenight

of(the)

Death/P

estilence.”F

orthe

connection,note

the

magical

bowl

inC

.D

.Isbell,

Corpus

ofthe

Aram

aicIncantation

Bow

ls

(Missoula,

1975),8:5

thatdescribes

a‘m

ightydestroyer’:

“...

andyou

donot

kill...

eitherduring

thenight

(‘7’½

,blyly’)

orduring

theday”

(p.35).

Baillalaam

Oth,

then,is

adestructive

nightdem

on.

Another

possibilityfor

theB

atXX

aXcicijc9

isA

ramaic

X75

7Z

,7

37

Ti1?,

Bacal

lêlä

’ham

Ot,

“Lord

overthe

Pestilence/D

eath”—

a

seemingly

betterinterpretation

inthis

liturgicalcontext.

11-15l3cvpovx

aO8a

ovf3crpovoL&

,>cx&

eøX

crtX

ewX

crt:T

he

Hebrew

equivalentis

thw

z7

t17

nin

ni

p’i

nm

p,

“Blessed

artthou

andblessed

bethy

gloryforever

andever,”

asnoted

inthe

editioprin

ceps.T

heG

reekinterpretation,

&eI,

“always,”

“ever,”next

toits

Hebrew

equivalentsuggests

thata

copyistw

orkedfrom

aversion

suppliedw

ith

glossesindicating

them

eaningof

theH

ebreww

ords(see

above,C

om

mentary,

lines5-7).

LI,

82

Jewish

Liturgical

Fragm

ents2

Jewish

Liturgical

Fragm

ents9

The

transliteratedH

ebreww

ordsprobably

derivefrom

Jewish

liturgy.A

tleast

asim

ilarblessing

formula,

TTiK‘ri,

brwk

‘th,occurs

in

a“H

ebrewprayer”

preservedin

theso-called

Kreuzauffindungslegende

citedin

A.

M.

Kropp,

Ausgew

ahlteK

optischeZ

aubertexte(B

russels,

1931),B

d.II,

no.X

XV

II,pp.

81-85(

Leiden,

Anastasi,

no.9),

p.81,

who

givesG

reekparallels

mainly

fromK

.W

otke,“D

iegriechische

Vor

lageder

lateinischenK

reuzauffindungslegende,”W

ienerS

tudien13

(1891),pp.

300-311,p.

307.T

herelevant

portionof

theG

reek(according

toK

ropp)reads:

pe

r’i)v4

x,v

vai.’roii

r‘E

3pcrf&&

aXéicrc,

evXójL

voç

KaL

Xé’y

voirw

çatp

aaK

PLIL?1IL

LX

aJcblla&

vc43p

aX

ct

ate

&O

X4

aO

vT

tOu130

00

Ka9

aa3

ovcx

aX

øt

8KL

cxpa9auLw

avth

3aX

,FC

TX.

(Wotke’s

textis

slightlydifferent,

andan

attempted

analysisof

the

underlyingH

ebrewgiven

byJaffé

inthe

notesis

largelyunreliable).

Another

magical

texton

wood

givesnearly

thesam

eH

ebrewliturgy

thoughw

rittenin

Coptic

(bari2chchattai

adônaielôei);

seeS.

Pernigotti,

in:R

.P

intaudi&

P.J.

Sijpesteijn,edd.,

Tavolette

ligneee

cerateda

van

e

collezioni(P

apyrologicaF

lorentina18;

Florence,

1989),no.

13:T

esto

magico,

pp.59-69,

lines5f.,

who

notesthe

parallelin

Kropp,

cited

above.F

urther,J.

Naveh

&S.

Shaked,A

mulets

andM

agicB

owls

(Jerusalem&

Leiden,

1985)A

3:18has

IK

rx

pin

,b,w

k‘th

‘dwnnw

,“B

lessedare

youour

Lord”

(p.51);

further,A

15:23f.;B

12b:

sec.X

.O

nother

possibleinstances

ofH

ebreww

rittenw

ithG

reekletters,

cf.C

.B

ruston,“U

netablette

magique

expliqueepar

l’Hébreu,”

Revue

Archéologique,

ser.5,

vol.10

(1919)28-30.

14-15cX

c4LX

XaJL

:O

nw

Xa,

cf.the

word

inthe

expression

øX

a3,ip

ci

(4,2);A

.Jacoby,

Archiv

furR

eligionswissenschaft

28(1930),

p.278

(and“N

achtrage,”p.

285),including

otherparallels

alsoequivalent

toH

ebrew;

J.N

aveh&

S.Shaked,

Am

uletsand

Magic

Bow

ls(Jerusalem

&L

eiden,1985)

A1:12;

B8:II,IV

,etc.

The

Greek

andH

ebrewequivalents

ofthe

whole

oflines

1-15can

thusbe

givenas

follows:

A&

ipcrtcCXWcXL

af3crc,,8

tc

e,a

puovpa

ap/3

crpn

aweX

Xtw

i’àvvw

pa

àyy

t/33

wp

f3aiAX

aXaa,w

Oia

po

ux

aOO

cxov3apou

o&

xa

wX

aX

ewX

a

rni’

ZV

17T

D‘rT

R‘1l7t

flX

‘rl*K

‘IX

D?W

thwrIYrlrT

,,,,rir

-p,

nT

th‘‘

,i’i

rri,

p’y

‘Adonay

‘ê1Oh

hass?bã‘ot

‘ehye‘O

er‘ehye

sdrãhC

ebratYH

WHtetyon

hannôrãhhaggibbO

rba’aI

lela

’ham

ôtbarâk

‘attaübarâk

hôdekahO

la,n

la-<ôlam.

“Lord

God

ofH

osts,I-am

-who-I-am

,turn

asidethe

wrath

ofY

HW

H,

0

God

Most

High,

theT

errible,the

Mighty,

Lord

overD

eath(‘1),

blessedbe

Thou

andB

lessedT

hyG

loryforever

andever.”

15-16aK

KpajcvpaX

cruapt:T

heusual

formof

thism

agicw

ordis

axpaaX

aP

PL

;G

.Scholem

,Jew

ishG

nosticism,

Merkabah

Mysticism

,

andT

almudic

Tradition

(2nded.,

1965),A

pp.B

.,pp.

94-100has

posited

anoriginal

Aram

aic‘7?

+1j737,

“uproot(or

eradicate)m

agicspells”

(lit.

“nets,traps”)

forthis

word.

Here

thespelling

ofthe

word

hasan

addi

tionalpa

(dittography?).It

isim

portantto

pointout,

moreover,

thatthe

‘Hebrew

’prayer

ofthe

Kreuzauffindungslegende,

citedabove

preservesa

similar

word

atKpa

aic

p7.

16-17a,1optp:

PossiblyH

ebrewfor

Am

orites(or

Em

orites),a

peoplesynonym

ousw

ithm

agicalpractices;

seeP

GM

IV.3011:

euc.pt

(identifiedby

L.

Blau,

Das

altjudischeZ

auberwesen,

Jahresberichtder

Landes-R

abbinerschulein

Budapest,

1897-98[B

udapest,18981,

p.112,

n.1,as

‘VX

,“A

morites”).

More

generallythe

name

canbe

Hebrew

for

“speaker’s;interpreters”

(“enchanters”?)—

areference

tom

agicians,not

tothe

Talm

udicA

moraim

.

17O

ovO:

The

godT

hoth.F

orits

contexthere,

seeG

.M

ussies,

“InterpretatioJudaica

ofT

hot-Herm

es,”Studies

inE

gyptianR

eligion,

Dedicated

toP

rofessorJan

Zandee

(Leiden,

1982),pp.

89-120.

23-24&

crc

XaT

Te:

4C’X

arr,ed.

pr.

(At

theend

ofthe

previous

line,one

canclearly

seethe

initial&

a-,previously

readas

magical

signs).

The

useof

theplural

imperative

shows

thatthe

divinenam

esaddressed

areunderstood

asa

hostof

deities,and

notjust

theone

(Hebrew

)G

od.

The

presentim

perative,as

well

asA

ttic-T

T-,

israre

inthe

magic

papyri.

25-26‘A

X4navóv:

The

name

isa

Latin

cognomen

Alfianus,

mean

ing,“belonging

to(the

gens)A

lfius.”See

I.K

ajanto,T

heL

atinC

og

nomina

(Helsinki,

1965),pp.

32-35;p.

140(six

men,

onew

oman

attested

inC

IL).

The

absenceof

them

atrinealform

ulais

typicalof

amulets

before

thesecond

centuryA

.D.

102

Jewish

Liturgical

Fragm

ents

Excursus:

‘Being’

and‘E

xcellentL

iving’in

theC

ontextof

Death

We

havesuggested

abovethat

thecurious

participial&

,v,ccrX

&,ç,

with

itsdistinctively

alliterative&

p&

wi.w

,m

ayrefer

tothe

livin

gG

od.’O

nthe

otherhand,

theadverb

KcX

X&

,çis

hardlyappropriate

asa

theologicalcategorization

ofG

od(even

theadjective

KclX

oçw

ouldbe

anunusual

des

criptionfor

God).

Living

excellently,’w

eargue,

describesthe

moral

characterof

thebearer

ofthe

charmitself

andappears

topreserve

aphilosophical

clichéborrow

edfrom

popularand

learneddiscussions

overthe

theme

ofdeath

andm

ortality.Such

athem

ew

ouldhave

beenappropriate

fora

protectiveam

uletthat

must

havealso

servedto

providefor

theneeds

ofthe

bearer’safterlife.

The

precisephrase

&w

iccxX&

.,ç(and

closeequivalents)

inphilosophi

calcircles

aims

tocom

municate

properor

nobleliving,

with

specialreference

toliving

the“blessed

life”(

i&ao

vic

)—

however

thatconcept

might

bedefined.

Plutarch,

tocite

anim

portantexam

ple,inform

sus

thatA

lexanderthe

Great

learnedfrom

hisnatural

fatherhow

toconduct

hislife

atthe

mundane,

workaday

level;but

itw

asonly

fromhis

philosophical

mentor,

Aristotle,

thathe

learnedhow

trulyto

live—

howto

livem

ost

“excelle

ntly

”(ci,g

&‘

,Ksip

oP

thv&

,v,

&i

TO

L’T

OP

6K

cIXW

C,

Plutarch,

Alex.

8.4,3f.).Sim

ilarly,Polybius,

too,tells

howA

ntigonusnot

only“lived

excellently,”but

alsohow

evenin

deathhis

goodliving

providedfor

thefuture

needsof

hiskingdom

andoffspring:

‘AP

TI-y

ovoç

y&

pK

cxX

cicp

èvj

irpoáur

Tñc

re1auL

X8icc

ct

roi

irrt6ôçcti’ro

,

Kcx

Xw

çe

TO

PI3tov

p.T

c1

XX

cT

TcP

rpoevo9

rp6çr

AX

ov

7re

pl

7C

PT

WV

rUn)rp

/fLaT

C)P

(Hist.IV

.87.6).

Itis

theslow

butinevitable

resolutionof

lifeinto

deaththat

shapesthe

naturalenvironm

entfor

thecontem

plationof

what

excellentliving

trulyconstitutes.

Sometim

es,how

ever,good

livingw

asnot

enough:though

Agesilaus,

theSpartan

king,w

asdeem

edpious,

hebelieved

thatliving

one’slife

(evenif

lived‘excellently’)

couldnever

inspiretrue

happiness;only

thosew

hodie

gloriouslyare

reallycounted

ble

ssed:

crL

ttc

yt8

oIc

,jpiiv

,voIv

To

fL6P

KcrX

ØC

WP

Tcx

c•oirc,

ev&

YL

fLoP

aç,

Tovç

eV

KX

eøç

TeT

8X

8V

T?7

KoT

cç51

J/1

cK

ofp

Iovç

(Xenophon,

Ages.

11.8,4f.).

Hence

inantiquity

thepossibility

ofachieving

happinessor

of‘liv

ingexcellently’

couldperhaps

onlybe

welcom

edw

itha

growing

senseof

E2

Jewish

Liturgical

Fragm

ents11

pessimism

;an

appreciationfor

life’sm

eaningis

directlyproportionate

to

thedim

inutionof

itslongevity.

Only

inthe

waning

yearsof

life—

when

onecould

hopefullystill

provide‘good-living’

forstate

orfam

ily(as

Antigonus

did),or

pauseto

casta

lingeringglance

backat

alife

nobly

lived(as

Plutarchof

Alexander),

ordie

insom

enoble

fashion(as

Agesilaus

would

haveit)

—can

truehappiness

beachieved.

How

eudairnoniacould

bestbe

fulfilledvaried

fromsocial

stratum

tosocial

stratum,

andfrom

onephilosophical

schoolto

another.B

utfor

ourconcerns,

itis

worthw

hileto

observethat

anow

nerof

acom

mon

cric

ripu

wdescribed

‘&w

KcX

â,ç’could

havebeen

justas

concerned

abouthappiness

asa

philosopher-king;for

among

allcollective

groupsof

society,w

hetherrich

orpoor,

theinevitability

ofdeath

lurkedconstantly

inthe

minds

ofthose

who

feltpow

erlessover

thecaprices

ofFate.

Either

throughthe

onsetof

oldage,

thedebilitating

effectsof

alingering

infirmity,

orthe

fearof

some

life-endangeringm

ishap,the

dreadof

dying

became

onedom

inantm

otivationbehind

thew

ritingof

amulets

inthe

ancientw

orld.D

idA

lfianus’sam

ulethave

hisow

n8iô

ato

vIa

inm

indin

citingthe

phrase&

wiccX

&ç?

Would

suchan

axiomas

‘livingexcellently’

havebeen

usedof

thebearer

ofa

protectiveam

uletas

asort

ofapotropaic

device?Faced

eitherw

itha

life-threateningdisease

orconfronted

with

the

passingof

youth,a

wearer

ofan

amulet

might

havefound

some

comfort

insuch

anaxiom

aticsaying,

especiallyif

itsuse

hadbecom

epreviously

fixedin

afuneral

contextfrom

which

itcould

havebeen

easilyextracted.

Indeed,uses

similar

tothe

participial&

,vand

vof

ouram

uletcan

be

foundin

prescribedfunerary

settings,suggesting

thatthe

phraseson

the

Caernarvon

phylacteryw

eredirectly

borrowed

fromcom

monplace

sepul

cherslogans

andform

ulas.

Asurviving

family

mem

ber,in

engravingan

epitaphfor

his

deceasedkin,

seems

toenvision

hisow

nm

ortalityin

claiming

them

onu

ment

forhis

own

futureburial:

MiK

KaX

M’qvo[qS]IX

ouk

rVT

&’L

KaL

TV

cv.iroiiyvvau

âK

X8vrcrpc1L

17RL

UV

K8

TO

AV

rI/1LO

PcY

VB

UT

17

6P

.

XaE

pe,“M

ikkalosson

ofM

enophilos,w

hilestill

alive,has

erectedthe

tomb

for

himself

andhis

wife

Cleopatra,

who

lived25

years.F

arewell!”

(T.

Corsten,

ed.,D

ieInschrzften

vonA

paineia[B

ithynienund

Pylai];

[1K

32;B

onn,19871,

no.107

(italicsm

ine;cf.,

similarly,

ibid,no.

142).T

he

122

Jewish

Liturgical

Fragm

ents

participial&

,v,like

itsoccurrence

onour

amulet,

emphasizes

thefact

thatthe

owner

isstill

aliveas

heprovides

forthe

after-lifeneeds

ofhis

lovedones.

Ina

similar

way,

aninscription

fromT

ikve,

Macedonia

(dated102-

103A

.D.)

givesm

uchthe

same

butalso

connectsthe

participlesv

and&

,vin

aw

ayrem

iniscentof

thevery

usefound

onour

phylactery:àto

pv

gs,

T(i)

cr&X

çb,iccu

E8

1c0

vP

&?

Tq,

irarp

tK

CEI.Y

6K0vv(3çt

i-flu

irpi

Kat

ctv

r,àiro

iqu

allp

eIuoç

KT

içèK

€1

vo

uirvp&

çK

at

8KT

&fl

i.5Ic.wro

vç’,“F

orD

ionysus,his

brother,and

Secundus,his

father,and

Secunda

hism

other,and

forhim

self,Prim

ushas

made

[thisepitaph]

fromhis

[brother’s]tom

b[?]

andfrom

hisow

nexpenses,

while

hew

asalive

andliving.

Year

56”(T

extfrom

SEG

32[1982],

no.655,

with

H.

W.

Pleket’s

comm

entary,p.

194).T

heseexam

plesfrom

philosophicaland

funerarycontexts

provideenough

comparative

material

tosuggest

thatthe

notionsof

‘living,’‘being

alive,’and

‘livingexcellently’

alludedto

onour

amulet

probablyderive

fromfixed

funeralslogans

thathave

beenadapted

foran

amuletic

—and

thenpost-m

ortem—

application.O

neis

imm

ediatelyrem

indednot

onlyof

the‘O

rphic-Dionysiac’

goldlam

ellae,but

especiallyof

thelate

Hel

lenisticgold

leavescarrying

theengraved

funeraryadage,

O’ip

ut

(b3ev

a)obe5eç

&8civcxroç

(“Take

courage,N

N,

nobody’sim

mortal”);

seeR

.K

otansky,“Incantations

andPrayers

forSalvation

onInscribed

Greek

Am

ulets,”in

Faraone

&O

bbink,edd.

Magika

Hiera

(1991),p.

115f.,nn.

56-59,p.

131(for

references).A

lthough“alive

andliving

excellently,”the

imm

inenceof

deathm

usthave

seemed

realfor

Alfianus,

eventhough

theam

ulet’sspecific

purposein

merely

reading&

aXX

aréis

hardlytransparent.

Any

diseasethat

requiredthe

writing

ofan

expensiveam

uletw

aspotentially

life-endangering,and

itis

justas

difficultnot

toim

aginethat

&v

K0!X

&iç-

was

meant

forthe

bearer,as

itis

unlikelyto

believethat

godcould

belabelled

asone

“livingexcellently.”

Although

theperils

anddangers

ofeveryday

liferepresent

onepossible

concernin

thew

ritingof

theC

aernarvonam

ulet,protection

fromdeath

itselfand

fromthe

woes

tobe

encounteredin

theA

fterlifem

usthave

alsobeen

inbornin

them

anufacturingof

thischarm

.A

number

oftexts

inthis

corpusalso

seemto

addressthe

perilsand

dangersof

theafterlife.

Clearly

anancillary

fun

ction

ofthese

talismans

servedto

providetheir

bearersw

ithextended

3L

atinF

ragment

froma

Rom

ano-Celtic

Tem

ple

Fig.3.

Plate

1

Woodeaton,

Islip(O

xfordshire),E

ngland

Oxford,

Ashm

Olean

Museum

(nom

v.num

ber)

Lit.

R.

P.W

right,‘R

oman

Britain

in1969,”

Britannia

1(1970),

p.305,

i

(fig.11);

cf.L

’Année

Philologique

1971(1974),

p.78,

no.212.

This

fragment

ofa

goldam

uletw

asfound

around1968

atthe

siteof

aR

omano-C

eltictem

ple,located

northof

Woodeaton,

4-5m

ilesfrom

Oxford

(seeR

.G

oodchild&

J.K

irk,“T

heR

omano-C

elticT

emple

at

WoodeatO

n,”O

xoniensia19

[1954],pp.

15-37).E

xcavationsfirst

con

firmed

in1952

theexistence

ofa

small

rectangulartem

plew

ithina

temenos

enclosure.R

esearchersdistinguish

two

temple

periods:the

first

datingto

theR

oman’s

initialoccupation

ofthe

sitein

the1st

century

A.D

.,and

thesecond

afterthe

middle

ofthe

secondcentury;

however,

surfaceexcavations

haveyielded

coins,pottery,

andsom

em

inorvotive

offerings,w

iththe

coinfinds

beingm

ostabundantly

representedin

the

Constantinian

issues,but

taperingoff

considerablyby

theT

heodosian

period.O

uram

uletis

perhapsto

beplaced

inthis

laterperiod.

The

amulet

may

havebeen

avotive

offering,or

apiece

ofan

amulet

accidentallylost

(Goodchilcl

&K

irk1954:27).

Only

acorner

pieceof

what

must

havebeen

alarger

rectangleis

preserved(only

theright

margin

isapparently

original).A

lso,it

hasnot

beenpreviously

notedthat

the

tabletseem

sto

havebeen

inscribeda

secondtim

ein

antiquity:som

eextra

letter-forms

were

scratchedonto

thegold

surfacew

itha

sharperstylus

acrosssom

eof

thepreviously

written

textand

intosom

evacant

areas.

These

proposedadditions

we

havetranscribed

abovein

italics.A

lso,the

fewpreserved

letter-forms

seemto

bew

rittenin

Latin

characters,not

Greek,

asgiven

inthe

firstedition.

IV-V

A.D

.

H.

1.9cm

.;W

.3.0

cm.

Gold

lamella

protectionin

thegrave.

143

Latin

Fragm

ent3

Latin

Fragm

ent15

1M

agicsigns:

The

‘characters’that

resemble

archaicG

reektheta’s

arem

agicsigns

(notG

reekletters)

andare

discussedby

Kubinyi

(see18),

where

herefers

toA

.A

udollent,D

efixionurnT

abellae(P

aris,1904),

p.lxxiii

(=‘the

circleof

Ananke’),

andto

Th.

Hopfner,

Griechisch

Agyptischer

Offenbarungszauber

(Am

sterdam;

repr.1974),

vol.1,

p.539

[p.2221,

§819(=

asym

bolof

theE

arth).K

ubinyifurther

compares

R.

Wünsch,

Sethianische

Verfluchungstafeln

ausR

orn(L

eipzig,1898),

Taf.

12(S

.13;Z

.14);16

(S.14

&16;

Z.5);

17(S.19;

Z.4);

22(S.31

A);

24(S

.35;Z

.6);29

(S.40;Z

.3);cf.

alsoP

GM

VII.202,209;416;420;

A.

Delatte

&Ph.

Derchain,

Les

intaillesm

agiquesgréco-égyptiennes

(Paris,

1964),no.

512(rev.);

C.

Bonner,

“AM

iscellanyof

Engraved

Stones,”

Hesperia

23(1954),

no.28.

2-3[---A

D]Q

NA

DO

NA

E:

Itis

alsopossible

toread

here[---

AID

ON

A,

with

Wright

(thereading

isquite

uncertain);how

ever,the

letter-form

sare

Latin,

notG

reek(so

ed.p

r.)—

afact

consistentw

iththe

tablet’sw

esternprovenance:

the‘A

’s’are

drawn

without

medial

bars,and

the‘D

’of

AD

ON

AE

,is

notthe

usualG

reekdelta;

cf.the

third-centuryA

.D.

leadtablet

fromH

adrumetum

(A.

Audollent,

Defixionum

Tabeilae

[Paris,

1904],no.

286;and

noteJ.

S.Fox,

The

JohnH

opkinsT

abeilaeD

efixionurn[B

altimore,

1912],p1.

8;col.

10)for

similar

letter-forms.

AD

ON

AE

alsoseem

sto

representthe

expectedL

atinspelling;

Greek

spell

ingof

thisdivine

name

isusually

A&

wat

orA

&w

e(=

at)

,not

Aôovcte

(ifG

reek,as

printedin

Wright).

49S

S-T

IT:

As

suggestedabove,

some

ofthese

letters,particularly

the‘four-barred

S,’w

erescratched

acrossthe

surfaceof

thetablet

with

a

finerw

ritinginstrum

ent.Such

‘barredS’s’

—usually

three,not

four—

arech

aracteflstuiY

foundon

theso-called

Chnoubis

amulets;

seeC

.

Bonner,

Studiesin

Magical

Am

ulets(A

nnA

rbor,1950),

pp.52,

58,59,

162;H

.M

.Jackson,

The

Lion

Becom

esM

an(A

tlanta,1985),

pp.74ff.

Forthe

threebarred

versionon

papyri,see

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppi.

Mag.

1,p.

27(fig.).

Wright

1970:305

(fig.)does

notnote

inhis

drawing

thecross-bars

thatintersect

the‘S’-form

s.T

hesignificance

ofthe

‘T’sand

‘E’s’that

followis

undetermined.

5E

EE

E:

cf.D

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppl.

Mag.

I,no.

68,3:e&

ee;

further,in

thiscorpus,

41,21;58,3;

62,5.

6A

traceof

anA

orsim

ilarletter.

[---mag

ic]

sign

svac.

[----]AD

ON

AE

M1

\20

7\J;NeL

4[---]

(magic

sign)Y

(sign)S&

5&TTT

/

[]

(magic

sign)E

EE

E

Fig.3

4A

mulet

with

Magic

Afryoc

17

GE

LD

UB

A(K

refeld-Gellep),

Germ

anyF

ormer

collectionE

.M

olenaar,K

refeld(lost)

(nom

v.num

ber)

The

goldtablet,

foundin

agold

tubularcapsule

(6.0cm

.x

8.0cm

.),w

asunearthed

onJanuary

4,1897

atthe

Rom

ancam

pof

Gelduba,

nearm

odernK

refeld(betw

eenD

üsseldorfand

Duisburg).

On

thesite,

seeI.

Paar

&C

.B

.R

üger1971:242-239.

The

amulet

came

froma

skeletalgrave

datableto

them

iddleof

the3rd

cent.A

.D.

basedon

coinfinds

(asm

allcopper

coinof

Hadrian

andone

ofA

ntoninusPius),

styleof

jewelry

(aniron

ringand

goldnecklace),

plusdatable

glassw

are(G

rimm

1969:129,

note1,

with

additionalreferences).

Igive

belowSiebourg’s

text(w

ithhis

column-num

beringin

parentheses),w

ithindicated

changesin

theC

omm

entary.

-.

.I

4A

mulet

with

Magic

Aó’yoç

Figs.4

&5

IIIA

.D.

H.

5.7cm

.;W

.8.4

cm.

Gold

lame/la

Text

(givenle

fttolg

ht)

(AE

HIO

TQ

),w

pW

Te7r[a

iP[7]

tj40ø

YovOoou]A

vacat

EHraJ6L

I3?7X

cjctpo.u[7]

Itao

.’-q

ou

ta8v[?l

o1raP

XoV

Xt0

a[oL

]

Tcm

,84pt’,ravX

vpo.’

I2345678910

Lit.

M.

Siebourg,

“Emgnostisches

Goldam

uletaus

Gellep,”

Bonner

Jahrb

üch

er103

(1898),pp.

123-153(w

ithadd.

notein

C.

Brockelm

ann,B

onnerJah

rbüch

er104

11899],pp.

192f.);M

.S

iebourg,A

rchivfü

rR

eligionswissenschaft

10(1907),

pp.398f.;

R.

WU

nsch,A

rchiv.furR

eligionswissenschafl

12(1909),

p.26;

A.

Riese,

Das

Rheinische

Ger,nanien

inden

antikenInschriften

(Leipzig

&B

erlin,1914),

P.364,

no.3617;

H.

Lehner,

Bonner

Jahrbucher129

(1924),p.

62f.;W

.N

eusse,D

ieA

nfangedes

Christentum

sim

Rheinlande

(2ndA

ufi.1933),

pp.52,

89;A

.O

xé,D

ieH

eimat

13(1934),

p.137;

F.F

remersdorf,

2ZB

erichtder

Rornisch-G

ernwnischen

Kom

mission

1937(B

erlin:D

eutschesA

rchaologischesInstitut,

1939),p.

39;D

.M

.R

obinson,C

lassical

and

Mediaeval

Studies

inH

onoro

fE

.K.

Rand

(New

York,

1938),p.

246,no.

6;cf.

G.

Holm

qvist,K

unstprobleme

derM

erowingerzeit

(Stockholm

,1939),

p.127,

n.57;

p.157,

n.140;

G.

Grim

m,

Die

Zeugnisse

agyptischerR

eligionund

Kunstele,nente

imR

O,nischen

Deutschland

(EP

RO

12;L

eiden,1969),

pp.129-131,

no.13;

M.

J.V

ermaseren,

inJ.

R.

Hinnells,

ed.,M

ithraicStudies

(Manchester,

1971),p.

447,n.8;

G.

Zuntz,

Persephone

(Oxford,

1971),p.

280.IlseP

aar&

Christoph

B.

Ruger,

“Kastell

Gelduba.

Forschungs-

undG

rabungsberichtebis

1969,”B

eitrageru

rA

rchaologiedes

RO

rnischenR

heinlands,2

(Rheinische

Ausgrabungen

10;B

onn,3

vols.1968-1972

[1971]),pp.

242-339;esp.

p.335,

no.4.

Fig.4

(Siebourg)

Fig.5.

Capsule

(outertube

+insertable

innersection)

(Grim

m)

184

Am

uletw

ithM

agicA

fryoc

The

tablet—

nearlysquare

inshape

—contains

aseries

oflines

written

verticallyfrom

topto

bottom,

ratherthan

horizontallyas

inco

n

ventionalw

riting;furtherm

ore,a

singleline

ofvow

elsis

written

alongthe

topm

arginin

largerletters.

The

two

outervertical

columns

areseparated

fromthe

otherseven

byruling-lines.

Another

linefalls

outsideeach

of

these,apparently

with

unidentifiedand

untranscribedletters

orcharacters

atopeach.

Siebourg1898:131

identifiesthe

whole

configurationas

a

naiskos,w

iththe

columns

ofletters

representingpillars.

The

photographprinted

inSiebourg

isdifficult

toread,

hencehis

drawing

probablyprovides

thebest

survivingrecord

ofthe

piece,w

hich,

however,

haslong

beenlost;

however,

alead

tabletfrom

Aschm

unên

(Herm

oupolisM

agna)published

afterSiebourg,

inM

.N

orsa,O

maggio

al

IVconvegno

delclassicisti

tenutoa

Firenzedal

18a!

20aprile

del1911

(Florence,

1911),pp.

2-26,no.

5(3rd-4th

cent.A

.D.),

andm

ostrecently

re-editedw

ithcom

mentary

inD

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppi.

Mag.

I,no.

42,pp.

132-153,provides

thebasis

fora

newreading

ofthe

Gelduba

gold

lamella:

thenew

magical

formula

(Xóyoç)

thatm

akesup

thew

holeof

our

goldtablet

occursin

lines41-43

ofthe

Aschm

unênlead

tablet(D

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppi.

Mag.

1,p.

136,lines

41-43;com

m.,

p.l49f.).

To

my

knowledge,

thislogos

isheretofore

attestedonly

inthese

two

texts.T

he

versionof

theform

ulaon

theA

schmunên

tabletreads

asfollow

s(lines

41-

43):41

...

Oüif3apaiicw

uere

LX

aan/3

Xapath

,iIac,

tov

42a

6tniowacto

v,i

rcw

xovx

Oacu

ou6o

EwO

4’n

7rexcv13PE

cgepP

3apcbcpcry

y?7ç

wX

afJ,,p&

,.

43oira’ucxue

Ouj3cw

u9wtaçS&

t,o

v8oov.

Despite

thefact

thatthe

photographof

theG

eldubapiece

givesus

littleto

goon,

them

agicallogos

ofthe

leadtablet

suggestsnew

readings

forthe

tinygold

amulet.

These

newreadings

arediscussed

below.

1(T

op,horizontal

row):

AE

H1

0T

ci:In

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppi.

Mag.

1,42,

line42

(P

SI

1.28),the

sevenvow

elsoccur

inthe

middle

ofthe

logos.O

nthe

goldtablet,

eachvow

elssits

atopone

orm

orevoces

tnagicaew

rittenin

acolum

nfrom

topto

bottom.

Each

vowel

andits

co

r

respondingvertical

name

probablyrefers

toone

ofthe

sevenplanets.

In

addition,tw

oseparate

verticalseries,

marked

offby

lines,are

written

on

theleft

andright

andare

notplaced

beneaththe

vowels.

For

asim

ilar

4A

mulet

with

Magic

Aó’yoc

19

enclosingor

borderingof

magic

vocesby

theseven

vowels,

notethe

Cop-

tictext

London

Ms.

Or.

5525lines

116ff.in

A.

M.

Kropp,

Ausgew

ahlte

KoptiS

Che&

te(1931),

Bd.

1,p.

20,116-120.

2(F

arleft

column):

(‘1)(Siebourg,

Kol.

1:

aip

o11’1

The

Aschm

unênparallel

readsw

Xaz

f3øpwuccxv.

Aflat

tenedom

egacan

beseen

inboth

Siebourg’sfacsim

ilieand

photograph

(abovethe

leftcolum

nin

frontof

thevow

el-series).F

urther,the

letters

readby

Siebourgas

oTPN

probablycorrespond

tothe

urciv

inthe

Aschm

Uflêfl

text.T

hereis

spacefor

ana

between

irvon

thefacsim

ile.

The

firstpart

ofthe

formula,

oX

a,

representsth157

(“ever”);see

2,13(C

omm

entary).T

hatalso

leaves13øpc,o87rav

opento

apossible

Hebrew

orSem

iticinterpretation,

butlittle

isforthcom

ing.B

iblical

Hebrew

“cistern;”i.e.,

entranceto

Sheol,“abode

ofthe

dead,”

would

seemto

beappropriate

forthe

netherworld

contextfrom

which

this

formula

seems

toderive

(theA

schmunên

tabletis

anry

wy

summ

oning

underworld

deities);cf.,

e.g.,D

.R

.Jordan,

“Defixiones

froma

Well

Near

theSouthw

estC

ornerof

theA

thenianA

gora,”H

esperia54

(1985),

pp.205-255;

esp.p.

236,§1,

lines1-6:

4opaap

I3ai3apcbop3agf3

aui,

Kparatè

&T

?TV

T;

G.

W.

Elderkin,

“Tw

oC

urseInscriptions,”

Hesperia

6(1937),

pp.382-395;

esp.p.

384,1:...

I3o

pa:

f3opj3

op:

/3ap[3a4opflcr(3at:ic

para

thT

u(jç;

seefurther,

PGM

IV.204

(j3opo)

in

thecontext

ofT

yphonas

an‘earthquake

deity.’

The

often-occurringcom

binationsof

suchsyllables

as(3c*,p,

i3op,i3

ap

,j3cxl3ap,

4x,p,op,

4op13a,

thoughinterpreted

asnothing

otherthan

‘barbarian’vocables

(óvôictraf3

ap3ap

tKc),

may

indeedplay

ona

hostof

Semitic

cognatesrelating

eitherto

variousentrances

andopenings

(caves,pits,

wells,

springs,and

thelike)

—that

is,m

ythiclocations

providingaccess

tothe

netherworld

—or,

tosplitting,

breaking,or

smashing

open

suchopenings:

2,

bô’,“to

open”(“to

enterinto;

split”);2,

b’r,“to

open;”lR

,baë’r,

“well,,

spring;”2,

ba’b,“entering,

door;gate;”

l,

bôr,“w

ell,cistern”

(alsoas

entranceto

Hades);

WD

, per,“to

openw

ide;”1l,

prr,

“toshake”

(specificallyused

ofearthquake

activityin

Isaiah24:19:

yi

riiiri

-ne,

“...

theearth

issplit

through”).T

hus,for

example,

3ipc,&op

canm

eanputatively

“toshake

thepit”

(=th

eabode

ofthe

dead;a

grave).Inany

eventthe

languageis

appropriatefor

summ

oningunderw

orldpow

ersin

aggressivem

agic.

204

Am

uletw

ithM

agicA

ó7oc

3(F

arright

column):

n&

,uouO

.(Siebourg,

Kol.

9:cO

c,uov9).T

heA

schmunên

texthas

tauovO

oov,hence

thetraces

indicatedS

iebourg’sfacsim

ileon

theright

ofthe

upperom

egam

ayactually

cor

respondto

t.

Further,

ifthe

tablet’sbottom

edgew

erelost

—it

bob

irregularlycut

—then

we

couldperhaps

supplyO

[oov].4O

øm

ayrepresent

Egyptian

Ptah(or

Phre,as

below?).

ovOis

probablyhere

notSothis,

theD

og-Star

(Sirius)usually

associatedw

ithIsis

(seeH

.D

.B

etz,G

reekM

agicalP

apyriin

Translation

[2nded.

Chicago,

19921,p.

131,n.

71),but

ratheranother

name

reflectingSem

iticearthquake

activity:t,

sat,m

eans“to

shake;”cf.

alsoP

GM

IV.3011-3013:

uwO

,...

pcrø

Ot

...O

a.

‘Vow

el’-colunms:

4(B

eneaththe

a):eu8tX

ct,t

(Siebourg,K

ol.2:<

y>eu

8tX

c).S

iebourg’sdraw

ingindicates

anextra

gam

nw

beforethe

secondepsilon.

Are

theretraces

ofprevious

writing?

The

Aschm

unênparallel

readscJeL

8cT

8L

Xcr,4

’.

5(B

eneaththe

s):u8v/3

apap[apy17ç]

(Siebourg,K

ol.3:

cu8v’yepj3ap4ctp).T

heparallel

textfrom

Aschm

unênhas

uvv/3

ctpS

apay

yijç.

Again,

itappears

thatthe

lastletters

ofthe

name

hadbeen

clippedoff

thebottom

ofthe

tablet.6

(Beneath

the):

aut/3

Xuapyut

(Siebourg,K

ol.4:

uao

et

BñX

ctpu)

appearsto

match

thecrcyutl3,jX

uapa/6w

)of

theA

shmunên

tablet.Siebourg’s

o-apoum

aybe

am

isreading,and

thenam

em

ayhave

extendedin

thebottom

portionof

thetablet

(nowlost).

Inthe

groupof

letters,the

name

B,jX

(Bel,

orB

aal)can

beread

(cf.P

GM

IV.1010:

13&XB

XB

oX;

IV.1031:

B,X

;cf.

XIX

a.42).B

rockelmann

1899:192identifies

inthis

name

Old-B

abyloniansassi

bêlsar

sami,

“Sun,lord,

kingof

heaven.”7

(Beneath

theL):

‘I&w

qov

ta8

v[...]

(Siebourg,K

ol.5:

‘Icca.,‘qov

tcr8v).T

hereading

ofthe

Ashm

unêntext

differssom

ewhat:

‘Icww

ovtcvO

ui6jc,.T

hesedifferences

canbe

accountedfor

byseeing

themas

ancientcopyists’

errors,m

odernm

istakesin

readings,or

both:on

Siebourg’s

drawing,

the‘qov

couldalso

beread

•tg

ov

(matching

thew

ov

ofthe

Ash

munên

text),if

oneinterpets

theinitial

epsilonas

aiota

restingright

ontop

ofa

sigma;

however,

thisseem

sunlikely

sinceSiebourg’s

firstseven

letters,Iaw

e,ov,form

aneat

permutation

ofthe

seven-vowels

with

the

4A

mulet

with

Magic

Afryoc

21

divinenam

e‘lA

O.’

Further,

thedifferences

between

Gelduba’s

LctV

and

Ashm

unênsuy9v

canbe

easilydiagnosed

(thetam

istakenfor

epsilon).

The

Gelduba

tabletprobably

alsocontained

some

(lost)letters

afterthese

vowels.8

(Beneath

theo):

Havxovxt

Oauu[ovi

(Siebourg,K

ol.6:

flaX

OU

XL

0a).

The

parallelreads

irctvxo

vx

tOctciuou

(seeD

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppi.

Mag.

IP

.15

O).

This

relativelyuncom

mon

magic

name

alsooccurs

in42,1,

where

itis

identifiedw

ithE

gyptianp3-n-kkw

,“he

of

thedarkness.”

Cf.

also38,4;

PG

MV

II.480(cf.avxoxtrac

inX

III.922).

9(B

eneaththe

v):

oO4)p?7

hrav

xv

p(?)

(Siebourg,K

ol.7:

&,O

‘t’pij

travX

[?]u.’).

Ashm

unênhas

Grim

m1969:13

1

understandso.’O

Sóthis(sim

ilarly,D

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppl.

Mag.

I,

p.147)

andPhrê

asa

bohairicvariant

ofthe

name

ofR

a(cf.

A.

Delatte

&

Ph.D

erchain,L

esintailles

inagiques[Paris,

1964],p.

323,no.

475and

Index,s.v.,

p.359).

10(B

eneaththe

w):

O[w

]j3ctppc3ctv(Siebourg,

Kol.8:

O,3X

tcrcrl3av).

This

isthe

bestw

ayto

interpretthese

traces:w

hereone

expectsthe

c,,,

thereis

aspace

onthe

Gelduba

tablet;obviously

theletter

was

effacedor

unreadable.Siebourg’s

lambda

isa

comm

onm

istakefor

alpha;and

the

two

verticalstrokes,

written

onthe

facsimile

asif

theyw

ereiota’s,

could

berem

nantsof

rho’s.T

hism

agicdeity

isdiscussed

furtherat

17,5f.(cf.

also‘Index

V,’

s.v.).

Lit.

F.F

remersdorf,

“Inschriftenauf

römischen

Kleingerat

ausK

öln,”27.

Bericht

derR

omisch-G

ermanischen

Kom

mission

1937(B

erlin:D

eutschesA

rchäologischesInstitut,

1939),p.

39,no.

13,T

af.5,2-3;

G.

Grim

m,

Die

Zeugnisse

agyprischerR

eligionund

Kunstelem

enteim

RO

mischen

Deutschland

(Leiden,

1969),P.

172,no.

66;pp.

44f.

The

tabletw

asfound

in1929

(Grim

m1969:

172)in

acem

eteryon

Jakob-StraBe

inK

ölnam

ongthe

contentsof

Grave

148.It

hasbeen

rolledup

sixor

seventim

es;but

dueto

thecondition

ofthe

tablet,only

thefirst

fivelines

ofthe

textcould

bephotographed

andread.

These

linescontain

onlya

fewG

reekand

Latin

lettersor

xapcxK

rpec.

Despite

thetext’s

relative

unimportance,

thepiece

isincluded

becauseit

was

foundin

anattested

gravesite.A

notherpiece

foundin

Köln

isfurther

describedby

Frem

ersdorf1939:39f.:

Emzw

eites,au

f gleicheA

rtzusam

mengew

ickeltes,in

-wei

Teilezerbrochenes

Silberbiechist

mit

derSig.

Niessen

(mv.

8674a)in

denB

esitzdes

Waliraf

Richartz-M

useu,ngekotntnen.

El,,

Versuch

zurA

ufrollungund

Lesung

istnoch

,,icluerfolgt.

Seefurther

6.

1(M

agicsigns

anddraw

ing)

2W

OO

NO

I

34*

?OL

U.

(magic

signs)

5’J

LL

i\‘

I5

Magic

Nam

es(F

ragment)

Figs.6

&7

5M

agicN

ames

CO

LO

NIA

AG

RIP

PIN

A(K

öln),G

ermany

Röm

isch-Germ

anischesM

useum,

Köln

mv.

Nr.

29,1809

23

Rom

anP

eriodH

.0.45

cm;

W.

4.95cm

.Silver

lamella

Fig.6

a

Fig.7

(lamella

stillrolled

upshow

ingletters

fromthe

backside)

6M

agicSigns

7A

nA

mulet

fora

Group

ofL

itigants

Lit.

F.F

remersdorf,

“Inschriftenauf

römischen

Kieingerat

ausK

öln,”2Z

Bericht

derR

Om

isch-Ger,nanjschen

Kom

mission

1937(B

erlin:D

eutschesA

rchäologischesInstjtijt,

1939),P.

40(A

bb.6,4)

(with

adescription

byK

.P

reisendanz);H

.L

ehner,“O

rientalischeM

ysterienkulteim

römischen

Rheinland,”

Bonner

Jahrbiicher129

(1924),p.

63,n.

2;G

.G

rimm

,D

ieZ

eugnisseägyptischer

Religion

undK

unstelemente

imR

ömischen

Deutschland

(Leiden,

1969),pp.

172f.;no.

67;C

IL,vol.

13,no.

10026,13.

rn

LQ

jFig.

8

The

piecew

asreportedly

foundat

agrave-site

inC

olognein

1902(G

rimm

1969:172).T

helam

ellahad

apparentlybeen

tightlyrolled

up,but

nocapsule

hassurvived.

On

theancient

siteof

Cologne

ingeneral,

see0.

Doppelfeld,

art.“C

oloniaA

grippinensis,”inR

.Stiliw

ell,ed.

Princeton

Encyclopedia

of

Classical

Sites(Princeton,

1976),p.

231f.

(with

add.lit.).

The

textcom

prisesonly

threelines

ofsym

bolsand

magical

xapaK

rpec,

ofunknow

npurpose.

One

may

compare,

forexam

ple,P

GM

IV.

2705f.:uX

aK

Tpto

vdc

iréraXop

&p-yupour

vfe

(-T

This

silverlam

ellaoccurs

atthe

endof

anotherprescription

forw

riting

aprotective

charmagainst

demons

(PGM

IV.2695-2704),

tobe

writ

tenon

atablet

oflim

ew

ood(tX

ôp

tpo

v).

Fig.9

RE

NA

NIA

(Badenw

eiler),K

r.M

üllheim/B

aden,G

ermany

IIA

.D.

KarlsrU

he,B

adischeSL

andesmuseum

H.

4.7cm

.;W

.6.0

cm.

mv.

Nr.

C625

Silver

lamella

Lit.A

.W

iedemann,

“Die

gnostischeS

ilbertafelvon

Badenw

eiler,”B

onner

jaJ,rbüther79

(1885),pp.

215-234;U

.F.

Kopp,

l’alaeographiaC

ritica(M

annheim,

1829)III/iv

898

,pp.

388ff.;W

.F

roehner,Sur

uneam

ulettebasilidjenne

inéditedu

Musée

Napoleon

III(C

aen,1867),

p.16;

F.X

.K

raus,N

assauischeA

nnalen9

(1868),p.

128;Fi4hrer

durchdie

Groflherzoglichen

Vereinigten

Samm

iungenzu

Karisruhe

(1881),

p.53,

Nr.

625;idem

,D

iechristlichen

Inschnftender

Rheinlande

1,(F

reiburgi.

B.,

1890),pp.

7-9,N

r.13;

M.

Siebourg,B

onneriahrbucher103

(1898),p.

135,no.

6;p.

139(cf.

4);H

.L

eclercq,art.

“Am

ulettes,”D

ictionnaired’A

rcheologiechrétienne

etde

Liturgie,

I/u(1907),

p.1837

(fig.37);

E.

Wagner,

Fundstdttenund

Fundeim

GrofiherZO

gtumB

adenI.

TeilD

asB

adischeO

berland(T

ubingen,1908),

p.168,

Abb.

12;J.

Oehler,

Monatsschrzftftr

Geschichte

undW

issenschaftdes

Judenru,ns53

(1909),

p.449,

no.215;

R.

Wünsch,

Archivfl4r

Religionsw

issenchaft12

(1909),p.

26;C

ILX

III

2/1,no.

5338,p.

65(w

ithprey,

lit.);cf.

A.

Delatte,

Le

Musée

BeIge

17(1913),

p.329;

A.

Riese,

Das

Rheinische

Germ

anienin

denantiken

Inschriften(L

eipzig&

Berlin,

1914),p.

364,N

r.3618;

H.

Leclercq,

art.“E

nchantement,”

Dictionm

iired’A

rcheologie

chrétienneet

deL

iturgieV

/i(1922),

p.38;

H.

Lehner,

‘Orientalische

Mysterienkulte

im

römischen

Rheinland,”

Bonner

Jahrbücher129

(1924),p.

63;P.

Perdrizet,

“Am

ulette

grecquetrouvée

enS

yrie,”R

evuedes

Etudes

Grecques

41(1928),

p.82;

Maria

Bersu,

Germ

aniaR

omana.

EmB

ilder-Ailas,

5:K

unstgewerbe

undH

andwerk

(Bam

berg,1930),

p.29;

p1.46,3;

K.

Preisendanz,

“Mercussa,”

RE

29.H

albbd.(1931),

col.1017;

J.-P.

Frey,C

orpusInscriptionum

Judaicaruni,I

(Rom

a,1936),

no.674;

W.

Schleierm

acher

in:H

.M

ylius,D

ierO

rnischenH

eilthermen

vonB

adenweiler.

Mit

Beitragen

von

E.

Fabricius

&W

.Schleierm

acher(R

ömisch-G

ermanische

Forschungen

12;B

erlin,1936),

p.130;

G.

Zuntz,

Persephone(O

xford,1971),

p.282,

no.1;

G.

Grim

m,

Die

Zeugnisse

agyprischerR

eligion(L

eiden,1969),

pp.212f.,no.

128(l’af.

73,2);R

.K

otansky,in:

Faraone&

Obbink,

edd.M

agikaH

iera(O

xford,1991),

p.121;

p.136,

n.104.

The

silverphylactery

was

foundin

1784in

theruins

ofthe

Rom

an

Baths

atB

adenweiler,

thoughthe

archaeologicaldocum

entationhelps

little

indeterm

iningthe

dateof

thepiece

orthe

circumstances

ofits

finding.

Wiedem

ann(1885:

215)describes

thediscovery

ofthe

amulet

asfollow

s:

Die

hiergefundenen

Münzen

erstreckensich

ohnegrO

ssere

Unterbrechung

vonC

’laudiusbis

aufC

o,nmodus;

dannfanden

sich

tnehrereStucke

vonC

onstantindetn

Grossen,

undhierdurch

ward

die

Fig.8

CO

LO

NIA

AG

RIP

PIN

A(C

ologne),G

ermany

Röm

isch-Germ

anjschesM

useumK

ölnm

v.N

r.1167

Rom

anPeriod

H.

2.8cm

.;W

.5.3

cm.

Gold

lamellaI

6813

Antaura

13A

ntaura69

demon

who

crows

likea

cock,bellow

slike

abull

orcow

,neighs

likea

horse,etc.

(R.

Kriss

&H

.K

riss,V

olkglaubeliii

Bereich

desIslam

,vol.

2,W

iesbaden,1962,

p.112);

cf.,further,

Testam

entof

Solomon

XI.

1:K

cxiIcX

8vaa

iráXtv

7rcxpXO

Eivi/L

oT

epa

&rL

fLô

vta

ica

‘X0e

__

__

__

__

__

Xécw

ópOóç.Sim

ilardem

onic-animal

attributes,also

with

thedescriptive

ç,occurs

ona

specialclass

ofbronze

pendants,for

which

see,e.g.,

C.

Bonner,

Hesperia

20(1951),

p354,

no.51:

Xtjâç

ue8

rL

p1

P.

cY.7peO

epw

cz’.

/X<

o>

8K

aTec1cx’y8v

TLw

çX

VK

0çau

&u

e;

TI

øç

KO

pK

0&

’XX

KaT

cX’JrtY

Vtç;

riç

Xéw

vp

pw

tç(I9pxetc);

TL

Tcx

up

K8

pT

tLç;

TLL

)3pcX

K(,)V

eiX

Ioin

;ri

c.’ç7r{cr}p&

ocK

vp&78;

“Hunger

sowed

you,air

harvestedyou,

veindevoured

you.W

hydo

youm

unchlike

aw

olf?W

hydo

youdevour

likea

crocodile?W

hydo

youroar

likea

lion?W

hydo

yougore

likea

bull?W

hydo

youcoil

likea

serpent?W

hydo

youlie

down

likea

tame

creature?”Perhaps

thelast

nshould

bedeleted

andK

1X

U8

(=K

oIJw

fuca)

explainedas

anim

perative:“L

iedow

nlike

atam

ecreature!”

Aparallel

textin

C.

Bonner,

Studiesin

Magical

Am

ulets(A

nnA

rbor,1950),

p.217

hascç

àpvIovK

oLuou,“go

tosleep

likea

lamb.”

Note

further,B

arb,Syria

49(1972),

p.346,

note2

(who

givesonly

apartial

readingof

arelated

amulet).

The

parallelsto

thisform

ulafound

inW

.D

rexler,Philologus

58(1899),

pp.594-615,

citedabove,

sometim

esinclude

theopening

formula,

iwrépa

eXcv

ijteX

avw

iév,,

aform

ulathat

isparalleled

by,and

hencesom

ehowco

nnected

to,the

Mt.

Sinaiexorcism

citedabove.

Though

thedescription

ofdem

onicout-cries

andshouts

iscom

mon

inthe

demonology

ofthe

ancientw

orld(see,

further,on

lines8f.),

itis

perhapsim

portanthere

tounderstand

why

Antaura

islikened

tothe

particularanim

alnoises

of.X

a4oçand

13o1ç.Sym

pathetic,like-w

ith-likeanalogies

imply

thatthe

roaringbull

anddeer

simply

referto

thepain

associatedw

ithheadache;

inthis

spell’sparticular

context,how

ever,w

elook

forprofounder

culticassociations

forthe

two

animals.

The

deeror

hind(X

c4oç)

was

sacredin

particularto

theE

phesianA

rtemis.

The

coinsof

thecity

regularlypicture

thehind

with

thegoddess,

andthe

greatinscription

fromthe

Greek

theaterat

Ephesus

describesm

akinga

goldstatue

ofA

rtemis

attendedby

two

silverhinds:

“A

pre

3èx

pv

ueo

!...

icalcri

rpl

cwrv

&pyipeot

ecx4,ot5

o(H

.W

ankel,ed.

Die

inschnftenvon

Ephesos,

Ia(Inschriften

griechischerStädte

aus

Kleinasien,

Bd.

11,1;B

onn,1979,

no.27,

158f.;p.

179f.);see,

in

general,T

h.S

chreiber,art.

“Artem

is,”in

W.

H.

Roscher,

Ausfuhrliches

LexikOn

dergriechischen

undrO

mischen

Mythologie

Bd.

I(L

eipzig,1884-

1886),col.

565.Sim

ilarly,the

bullor

coww

asalso

associatedw

ith

Artem

is;cf.

Schreiber,

op.cit.,

col.566f.

(on“A

prtç

TcxvpoirôXoç;

oviró

Xoc,

etc.).T

hus,A

ntaura’sshouting

likean

Xcr4oç

and(3oi)ç

inten

tionallyalludes

tocult

animals

ofthe

Ephesian

goddess.

8-9v

rx

cYi’T

f“A

preuç‘E

4eu[Ia]:F

orsim

ilarconfrontations

in

historiolaebetw

eena

rescuingsaint

anda

personifiedaffliction,

seeA

.

Vassiliev,

Anecdota

Graeco-B

yzantina(M

oscow,

1893),p.

333,if.:

bpK

IU

L&

,T

aaK

aO

apT

alri’ev

jLcY

Ta,

Kara

Faf3

ptfjX

TO

P

aç)7

iPT

7W

8V

T7)i3

aoK

aPL

cXK

aJ)p

IaJe

PaI’ri,

KT

X.;

similarly,

idem,

p.337

(citedbelow

).T

heterm

sira

vr6

c,,

àra

vr6

.s,as

shown

inthe

paral

lelsdiscussed

above,are

formal

descriptionsof

encountersw

ithdem

ons

(cf.also

thetechnical

nounsrc

vT

a,

cr7

ravT

rLa).

As

mentioned,

the

storyof

theG

erasenedem

onsim

ilarlydescribes

thedem

on’sfirst

encounterw

ithJesus:

eiOéøç

&nP

T’q

ueu

[var.vr,7vT

7oev]avT

cpK

&pO

pøiroçv

i’icrt

a6cp

m,

(Mark

5:2);cf.

Luke

8:27:

nvT

?JcY€V

aip

rtçeK

riç

róXeci,ç,

xwv

tóvta

;M

att.8:28:

U1fl7P

T7Jt7aV

ciU

T,

iioatio

itóp.iw

ot.

Like

theA

ntauraw

ithA

rtemis,

the

demoniac

approachesJesus,

shouting(vaK

pcaç).

9“A

prq

tc‘E

4o[Ia]:

Though

thecult

ofE

phesianA

rtemis

was

widely

diffusedthroughout

theM

editerranean,in

magical

textsshe

onlyappears

with

thechthonic-lunar

attributesof

Hekate

andSelene

(cf.,e.g.,

PG

MIV

.2523,2816,

2720f.,2818f.;

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppi.M

ag.I,

no.49,

40,72,etc.);

sheis

neverreferred

toas

‘Ephesian’

inthe

magic

papyrior

defixiones.See,

ingeneral,

Th.

Hopfner,

“Hekate-S

eleneA

rtemis

undV

erwandte

inden

griechischenZ

auberpapyriund

aufden

Fluchtafeln,”

Pisciculi.

Franz

JosephD

olgerdargeboten

(Münster,

1939),

pp.125-145;

idem,

Archly

OrlentdlnI

13[1941],

pp.167-200.

On

Artem

isof

Ephesus:

R.

Fleischer,

Artem

isvon

Ephesos

undverw

andteK

ultstatuenaus

Anatolien

undS

yrien(L

eiden,1973);

G.

H.

R.

Horsley,

New

Do

cum

entsIllustrating

Early

Christianity,

IV(M

acquarieU

niv.,1987),

pp.77-

82;T

h.S

chreiber,art.

“Artem

is,”in

Roscher,

Lexikon

(Leipzig,

1884-1886),

Bd.

I,cols.

588-93.

7013

Antaura

13A

ntaura71

Despite

thepaucity

ofm

agicaltexts

naming

Artem

isof

Ephesus,

thegoddess

must

havebeen

particularlyesteem

edas

apatroness

ofm

agic,if

therich

narrativeof

Acts

19is

anyindication.

Inthat

chapter,reports

ofpeculiar

magic

episodesseem

tocoalesce

aroundthe

cityof

Ephesus:

theaccount

tellsof

healingsperform

edw

ithm

agiccloths

andaprons

ofthe

Apostles,

ofaborted

attempts

atexorcism

byitinerant

Jewish,

ofthe

burn

ingof

alibrary

ofm

agicbooks,

andof

thecity-w

ideriot

overthe

saleof

silvervotive

temples.

10-12‘A

vraipcx,ro[I1

inrc-ytc;Lg

rôiu

Kp[&

vL

v],

—(A

rtemis

speaking)—

“Antaura,

where

areyou

going?”—

(Antaura

speaking)—

“To

thehalf-part

ofthe

skull.”Previous

editionsread

andinterpreted

thisas

‘Av

rapa,

ro[iJ

irci-ytetç(leg.

r6’y

tc)rà

,uK

p[

6vL

v],

“Antaura,

where

areyou

bringingthe

migraine?”,

basingthe

interpretationon

theparallels

ofthe

laterversions.

The

Carnuntum

laineila,for

example,

closelyfollow

sthe

sequencein

Reitzenstein

1926:177(cited

above,‘L

it.’)

—o

Kuptoç

ijt&w

‘IuaI3çX

pwrbç

cy

ie7rev

crir,’2

LU

?rCyetç,

rãtFqJoI)Lov,

irX

.;“W

hereare

yougoing,

Headache,”

(orpossibly,

“Where

areyou

takingyour

Headache,”

etc.).H

owever,

itshould

bepointed

outthat

theearlier,

andprobably

original,text

ofthe

tabletdoes

notactually

callA

ntauraherself

rôitK

pvL

ov,

asw

efind

inthe

latertexts.

Antaura

seems,

rather,to

bringor

carryw

iththe

wind

thisaffliction

ofm

igraine.In

thelater

versions,w

esim

plyfind

apersonified

‘Migraine’

—the

Headache

itself.T

hesom

ewhat

differentinterpretation

ofthe

Carnuntum

tabletm

akesclearer

senseif

thesequence

isinterpreted

asa

terse,quick

exchangeof

words

between

Artem

isand

Antaura.

The

initial7ro[u]

inrci-ytç?is

Artem

is’question

toA

ntaura.B

utw

hatim

mediately

fol

lows

isno

longerA

rtemis,

butrather

Antaura

speaking:iç

(leg.dc)

rb?flL

tKpav

tv,

“(Iam

going)into

theleft

partof

theskull.”

The

laterv

ersions,

inno

longerreferring

toan

‘Avrap

ain

theirtextual

tradition,m

usthave

beenforced

toalter

orreinterpret

thetext

thatreads

,roii&

1r-yetç,TO771U

LK

PtPL

OP,

where

itseem

sto

bea

vocative,or

anaccusative

(which

would

make

littlesense).

Furtherm

ore,the

longlist

ofcom

plaintsthat

standdirectly

afterToil

i1rc

-yetç

inPradel

1907:267f.,cited

above,m

akebetter

senseif

understoodoriginally

asdescriptions

ofw

hatsort

ofafflictions

theM

igraine-demon

causes.In

otherw

ords,there

hasbeen

a

changeof

speakers:the

demon

isnow

supposedto

bespeaking,

though

theindication

ofa

changeof

speakershas

beenlost.

This

makes

thethird

sentenceof

thesilver

amulet,

[t]

oi[,c]ic

v[

...

1refer

againto

Artem

is;it

forms

apart

ofthe

injunctionagainst

theH

eadache(see

below).T

houghthe

changeof

speakersis

notindicated

inthe

dialogueon

theC

arnuntumtablet,

itis

clearlyso

intendedand

understood;cf.,

e.g.,

A.

Vassiliev,

Anecdota

Graeco-B

yzantina(M

oscow,

1893),p.

331,25-

27:T

peIç&

yyeXot

&iró

pouv

Toil

tv&

TO6poç

póv

roc

TOeilta

1pWT

?7OcV

VcW

TO

TO

t)cLTePX

V,

ulLa;

&IréPX

OIL

O!L

eicro

ilçv

iobç

TW

P

9pc,irow,

KT

X.,

“Three

angelsw

eregoing

throughM

t.Sinai

when

theyfound

Rheum

andasked

it:‘W

hereare

yougoing,

Rheum

?”‘I

amgoing

intothe

Sonsof

men,’

“etc.T

heoverall

question/answer

stagingis

sup

ported,as

well,

bythe

examples

ofthe

longerversions.

The

expression(e)ic

TO7,Iu

Kpav

tPon

thetablet

describesthe

actualplace

tow

hichthe

wind-dem

onw

antsto

go:“in

tothe

half-skull.”T

henoun

heresw

itchesfrom

thenotion

ofan

affliction(i.e.,

migraine),

tothe

bodilypart

where

theaffliction

resides.F

orsim

ilarsem

anticcorrelations

between

partof

thebody

andailm

entof

thesam

ebody-part,

noteD

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppl.

Mag.

I,p.

89(on

KpóT

aoç)w

ithreference

toR

.S

tromberg,

Theophrastea.

Studienzur

botanischenB

egriffsbildung(G

Ote

borg,1937),

pp.188-190;

V.

Langholf,

SyntaktischeU

ntersuchungenzu

Hippokrates-T

exten(W

iesbaden,1977),

p.104f.;

etc.13

[tJoil[IL

e]içT

v[

...

1:T

heparallel

inPradel

1907:267f.(above)

reads,f3Xére,

i.r-y

e8L

roi”5oilX

óvto

u,

LX

XL

letryeT

eK

at

ulrcryeTe

etc

Ta

ct’y

pta

Op?7

KcX

lav

ef3,7

T8

etcT

avpovK

dlXrX

77V,

KT

X.,

anaccount

thatrecalls

theG

erasenedem

oniacin

Mk.

5:1-20;M

t.8:28-34;

Lk.

8:26-39.T

houghthe

textis

herebroken

off,A

rtemis

must

havesim

ilarlydirected

theH

eadacheto

goelsew

here,as

inthe

medieval

ver

sions.Left

edge:...

6&

7raXX

a-y&v

(Betz

1966:604):&

iraX

Xa’y

ai,

“deliverances”,“reliefs,”

would

bean

appropriatereference

toattacks

ofm

igraine;how

ever,the

readingcannot

beconfirm

edfrom

presentphotographs

ofthe

piece,w

hichseem

toshow

[...]e

..

.

14S

abaothFig.

16.P

lateJV

15A

blatanablaFig.

17

CA

RN

UN

TU

M(A

ltenburg-Petronell),

Austria

Eisenstadt,

Burgenlandisches

Landesm

useumm

v.N

r.SW

4739a

IIIA

.D.

H.

3.5cm

.;W

.5.0

cm.

Silverlarnella

CA

RN

UN

TU

M(A

ltenburg-Petronell),

Austria

Museum

Carnuntinum

(nowlost)

(nom

v.num

ber)

H.

2.8cm

.;W

.4.7

cm.

Gold

lamella

1‘A

f3Xaravcrf9X

a

2f3X

é7rc.,

3(M

agicsigns)

KPffI

The

circumstances

ofthe

discoveryof

thispiece

aregiven

above,13.

Sincethis

silverlam

ellaw

asfound

with

13,the

headachespell

againstA

ntaura,it

was

probablyw

rittenfor

thesam

esam

em

edicalcom

plaint.1

Magic

signs:Sim

ilarto

alphabeticcharacters,

thesem

agicxopcxrpeç

forma

sortof

triangleor

‘winged’-form

ation.2

crl3crc,9:T

hescribe

leftout

thefinal

andthen

wrote

itin

abovethe

0.T

hiscom

mon

magic

name

isusually

andcorrectly

identifiedw

iththe

Hebrew

name

ofgod

saba’ôt,(G

odof)

“hosts,”though

itis

notclear

whether

‘hosts’refers

tow

arriors,stars,

orangels;

P.P

erdrizet,R

evuedes

etudesgrecques

41(1928),

p.79

[see57,

‘Lit.’],

suggestsa

secondaryetym

ologyw

iththe

Hebrew

word

for“seven,”

.eba’,i.e.

-ià

-yp&p.ara;

see,further,

on2,

2f.

1‘A

/3Xcxravcx/3X

ct:T

hatis,

x/X

a<

vcr>rcxvcrX

l3a,if

spelled

normally.

Apparently

asyllable

hasdropped

out,the

usualtheta

written

with

T(L

atin),and

thepalindrom

icending

X3a-ending

isw

ritten-/3X

a.

23X

éirc,:T

hew

ordsx9X

aravaI3Xa

i3Xéirw

canbe

interpreted

severalw

ays:“0

Ablatanabla,

Isee;”

“Isee

Ablatanabla;”

or,sim

ply,

“Ablatanabla.

Isee.”

Inaddition,

itis

alsopossible

toread

thetext

as

13Xárw

(v),“A

blanathanalba(is)

watching!”

The

f3Xiirw

-formula

is

Lit.

(For

fullreferences,

seeabove

13):A

.A

.B

arb,D

erR

Om

ischeL

imes

inO

sterrejch16

(1926),p.

64f.;no.

47;(T

af.1,2);

A.

Betz,

Wiener

Studien79

(1966),p.

604f.;no.

12;cf.

0.

Weinreich,

Archiv

für

Religionw

issenschaft24

(1926),p.178;

E.

Sw

oboda,C

arnuntum(G

raz-Cologne,

1964),p.

205f.

1(M

agicsigns)

29

3a9

a’c’O

IIIA

.D.

Lit.

(For

generalbibliography,

see13):

A.

A.

Barb,

Der

RO

mische

Li,nes

inO

sterreich16

(1926),p.

55,no.

45(T

af.1,4);

A.

Betz,

Wiener

Studien79

(1966),p.

605,no.

14(add.

lit.);cf.

0.

Weinreich,

Archivfür

Religionsw

issenschaft24

(1926),p.

178,no.

12;A

.A

.B

arb,in

A.

Mom

igliano,ed.

The

Conflict

between

Paganism

and

Christianity

inthe

Fourth

Century

(Oxford,

1963),p.

121;and

idem,

Jedermann

Heft

3

(1933),pp.

26-33.

Fig.16

Fig.17

7415

Ablatanabla

probablyborrow

edfrom

funeraryepigram

s,a

sloganthat

occursin

variousform

son

monum

entschiefly

fromA

siaM

inor.D

iscussionand

textscan

befound

inL

.R

obert,H

ellenicaX

III(Paris,

1965),“A

ppendice6:

Voyez,”

pp.271-273;

idem,

“Surune

epitaphechrétienne

deP

hrygie,B

AE

HE

,”R

evuede

Philologie,

1944,pp.

53-56;repr.

inL

.R

obert,O

peraM

inoraSelecta,

III(A

msterdam

,1969),

pp.1419-1422

(cf.p.

1651).O

nem

ayconsider

thefollow

ingexam

plesdiscussed

byR

obertas

representative:1

)B

XáT

èó

àv

cq

tvth

uacv

nb

Oávaroç

ir&utv

‘qrL

au

Te.

ex€u8e[ro

]v8eôv

6rw

ç1a9T

€àrô

r&w

&,1cxpT

L&

,v,“...

But

letthe

readersee

thatdeath

hasbeen

preparedfor

everyone!Pray

togod

thatyou

might

behealed

fromyour

sins!”—

theconclusion

ofa

Christian

funeraryinscription

fromA

siaM

inor.T

ext:W

.H

.B

uckler,W

.M

.C

alder,&

W.

K.

C.

Guthrie,

Monum

entaA

siaeM

inorisA

ntiquae,IV

:M

onuments

andD

ocuments

fromE

asternA

siaand

Western

Galatia,

p.11,

no.33,

line7f.;

L.

Robert,

Hellenica

XIII

(Paris,1965),

p.272.

2)T

Ice’,

13Xére

KC

X1

TOP

OP

UC

,“W

hoeveryou

are,se

eto

ow

hatis

awaiting

you!”From

anepigram

fromSm

yrnaw

arning,as

well,

ofthe

inevitabilityof

death.T

ext:G

.Petzl,

Die

Inschrflenvon

Smryna,

I(Inschriften

griechischerStãdte

ausK

leinasien23;

Bonn,

1982),p.

263,no

558,2f.

3)

fXeirc1

,pO

Tt

icat

tT8cx

yetv

set,

i3Xeirtç

rOi-e’X

oc,

“Seeingthat

evenyou,

too,m

ustdie,

contemplate

yourend!”

Text

fromL

.R

obert,H

ellenicaII

(Paris,

1946),p.

104,n.

1.In

eachof

theseexam

ples,the

l3Xiiretv-slogan

invitesthe

passerbyto

contemplate

theinevitability

ofdeath.

Similar

concernsin

funeraryco

ntexts,

butfrom

adifferent

perspective,are

discussedin

theC

omm

entaryon

2:‘E

xcursus.’Som

ewhat

differentis

theuse

ofI3

XélI-8

tvon

funeraryepithets

aimed

atseeking

vengeanceand

usuallyinvoking

theSun:

‘HX

tel3X

áire.T

heclassic

example

isan

epitaphfrom

Phrygia

thatreads

inpart:

xepai3oX

oiratoç,“H

Xte

3X

sIre(L

.R

obert,H

ellenicaIII

[Paris,1946],

p.271).

That

is,if

thedeceased

diedby

‘naturalcauses,’

thatw

asdecried

byfate;

butif

bym

urder,then

aw

arningaccom

paniedthe

unknown

perpetrator,w

hereverhe

may

be:“H

eliostake

notice!”—

i.e.,‘the

Sunis

always

watching

you!’B

utas

15A

blatanabla75

Robert

hasrightly

noted,in

severalexam

plesof

suchform

ulas—

forexam

ple,a

ratherbanal

epithetthat

simply

endsu’,u

dptv

•b

ptç

O(e)é

—there

isno

indicationof

vengeanceat

all.Such

inscriptionsoften

preservelittle

more

thana

tokencitation

ofthe

formula.

AC

hristianepithet

fromP

hrygiaconcludes

simply

I3Xé7r8,

atext

thatprovoked

Robert

toobserve:

“Ainsi

laforinule

i3X

re,dans

sabrièveté,

suffita

indiquerle

sensde

cesfonnuies

traditionnelles”(L

.R

obert,H

ellenicaIII

[Paris,

1946],p.

272;text,

p.271,

with

additionalreferences).

These

‘traditionalform

ulas’—

whether

appealsto

thesun,

warnings

topassers-by,

orcries

toG

odto

‘oversee’the

deceased—

derivefrom

theform

ulaiclanguage

ofG

reekepigram

s.A

sstock

expressionsthey

were

nodoubt

frequentlyused

asancient

‘R.I.P

.s’that

hadbecom

edevoid

ofreal

meaning

orcontent.

Like

thecarving

ofcrosses,

mystic

numbers,

orm

enorahson

tombstones,

suchlaconic

phrasingcould

haveeasily

takenon

aquasi-m

agicalfunction,

with

littleappreciation

fororiginal

meaning.

Inthe

interpretationof

theletters

BA

EII(1on

oursilver

lamella,

therecan

belittle

doubtthat

theform

ulacom

esfrom

afunerary

context.W

hetherthe

phraserepresents

aconscious

appealto

Ablanathanalba

to‘oversee’

thew

elfareof

thebearer

ofthe

amulet

—now

deceased—

orserved

some

otherrelated

purpose,cannot

bedefinitely

known.

Itis

suffi

cientto

observethat

theuse

ofthe

3Xérw

-formula

functionedas

asort

ofgeneric

‘emblem

’for

thedeceased

—a

formula

thatin

itsassociation

with

burialand

theafterlife

would

offercom

fortand

protectionfor

theoriginal

bearer.Such

aninterpretation

reassessesthe

regularfunction

ofdepositing

magic

goldand

silverIam

eilaein

thegraves

ofthe

deceased.A

lthoughusually

viewed

asm

eregravegoods

ofthe

dead,there

isalso

enoughevidence

tosuggest

thatam

uletssuch

asthese

functionedas

more

thancom

mon

talismans

worn

inlife

andthen

carriedto

thegrave

atdeath.

Indistinction

fromthe

precedingheadache

charm(13),

whose

medical

com

plaintis

clearlyaddressed,

thisadditional

charmm

ayhave

beenw

rittenspecifically

asa

funeraryam

ulet,a

Totenpafi

forthe

soulof

thebearer

onhis

orher

journeyto

thew

orldto

come.

3M

agicsigns:

The

sixap

cxK

rpeç

resemble

Greek

letters:follow

-ing

aw

avyline

andreversed

kappa,the

symbols

looklike

KP

I(1,

perhapsto

beread

asic

ptii,

i.e.,“in

(theconstellation

of)A

ries.”

&

16lao

andM

agicN

ames

(Fragm

ent)Fig.

18

CA

RN

UN

TU

M(A

ltenburg-Petronell),

Austria

Museum

Carnuntinum

(nom

v.num

ber)

Lit.

(For

fullreferences,

seeabove

13):A

.A

.B

arb,D

erR

omische

Lim

esin

Osrerreich

16(1926),

p.55f.,

no.46

(Taf.

1,3);A

.B

etz,W

ienerStudien

79(1966),

p.605,

Nr.

13;cf.

0.

Weinreich,

Archiv

für

Religionsw

issenschaft24

(1926),p.

178,no.

12.;E

.S

woboda,

Carnuntum

(Graz-C

ologne,1964),

p.20Sf.

1[.

. ..jçrcr3

‘16w

2[.

. ..]w

TeL

€YTW

3[.

. ..]w

Xt

ie,jO

4(m

agicsigns)

On

thecircum

stancesof

thetablet’s

discovery,see

above,13.

A

comparison

with

thedim

ensionsof

theaccom

panyingam

ulets,14

and15,

suggeststhat

thetablet

originallyw

asno

more

thanca.

5.0cm

.w

ideby

ca.4.0

cm.

high;hence,

asfew

as2-3

letterson

theleft

andonly

thetops

ofthe

lettersof

thefirst

linew

erelost.

The

amulet

may

havebeen

also

written

toalleviate

migraine.

1...

ua

‘16w:

The

fourthletter

may

bethe

Coptic

letterdjandja.

2...

wT

staT

w:

Probablym

agicsyllables.

3...

wX

etcieij8:Perhaps

thegod

Sethis

tobe

readin

thelast

letters,B

arb1926:56

suggestsreading

here...

&7r]w

X(sic!)

8<

&>

,“the

goddessdestroys

you,”presum

ablyreferring

tothe

Ephesian

Artem

isof

13and

addressedto

theheadache,

Antaura.

4M

agicsigns:

For

similar

xctp

aK

Tp

8c,

seeD

aniel&

Maltom

ini,

Suppi.M

ag.I,

nos.20,

6f.;21,8;

23,10;27,4,

etc.

17M

agicN

ames

(Latin)

Fig.19a,b

VIN

DO

BO

NA

(Vienna),

Austria

IIIA

.D.

Location

unknown

(lost)H

.3.6

cm.;

W.

5.0cm

.(no

mv.

number)

Gold

larnella

Lit.

Peter

Lam

beck,C

omm

entariorumde

Augustissim

aB

ibliothecaC

aesareaV

indobonensi...L

n.p.,1665];

newedition:

A.

F.K

ollar(V

indobonae,1766)

vol.I,

pp.173ff.;

Peter

Katanesich,

Specimen

philologiaeet

geographiaeP

annonioruin(Z

agrabiae,1794),

pp.4;

pp.82-103;

T.

G.

vonK

arajan,“U

bereine

bisherunerklärte

Inschrift,”S

itzungsberichreder

Wiener

Akadem

ieder

Wissenschaften,

philos.-hist.K

lasse13

(1854),pp.

211-231;

M.

Siebourg,

Bonn

erJahrb

uch

er103

(1898),p.

126;p.

134,N

r.2;

U.

F.K

opp,P

alaeographiaC

riticaIII

(Mannheim

,1829),

p.165;

IV§

894,p.

384;K

.W

essely,E

phesiaG

ram,nata

(Wien,

1886),N

r.215;

idem,

“Bericht

ubergriechische

Papyri

inP

arisund

London,”

Wiener

Studien8

(1886),p.

180.T

hereading

givenbelow

representsm

yow

ninterpretation

basedon

Lam

beck’sand

vonK

arajan’sfacsim

iles.

The

amulet

came

froma

rudimentary

stonesarcophagus

dugup

froma

mound

inthe

southwestern

tractof

thetow

nplaza,

duringthe

erection

ofa

buildingcom

plexon

January28,

1662.T

hesarcophagus

con

tainedthe

haphazardlyscattered

remains

ofa

male

skeletonand

atubular

capsuleof

puregold,

sealedat

bothends.

The

goldcapsule

hadrolled

upw

ithinit

asecond

capsuleof

bronze,and

insidethat

yetanother

ofsilver.

The

inscribedgold

lamella

was

foundvery

tightlyrolled

upinside

theinnerm

ostcapsule.

Furtherm

ore,the

same

sarcophagusyielded

asm

allbronze

coinof

Caracalla;

asm

all,blue

glassvessel

setin

abronze

casing;and

aniron

knife,thoroughly

rusted.In

thesoil

outsidethe

sarcophagus,diggers

alsofound

thefollow

ingbronze

objects:a

modest

helmet

brokenin

two,

aplate,

two

fragmentary

necklaces,a

headof

asatyr,

asm

alljar,

anda

goldcoin.

The

gravegoodsdate

thefind

tothe

3rdcent.

A.D

.T

hefirst

editorsof

thetablet

readvarious

oddlanguages

intothe

lines,but

Wessely’s

(1886:180)short

paragraphon

thetext,

recognizingthe

Latin

vocestnagicae

oflines

2-5,rendered

allprevious

readingsobsolete.

Afew

problematic

readingsrem

ain,for

which

some

proposalsare

offeredin

theC

omm

entary.

111A

.D.

H.

3.3cm

.;W

.4.3

cm.

Silverlam

ella

Fig.18

7817

Magic

Nam

es

IaS

ibo

ho

tL

anadis

Imiturle

Dam

nam

eneuA

blatanalba

Acram

iH

ama

ri

Suam

biaialT

hobarabauborn

vacat

Fig.19a

(Lam

beck)Fig.

19b(v.

Karajan)

1Ia

Sabohot=

‘I&a3crthO

,though

itis

difficultto

confirmsuch

areading

basedsolely

onthe

facsimiles.

1-2L

anadishniturle:

lanturle?

Wessely

suggestsreading

Dis

demiurge,

areading

notentirely

compatible

with

thetraces.

Given

thenature

ofthe

text—

magic

names

separatedby

interpuncts—

we

readhere

vocesm

agicae.2-3

Dainnam

eneu:Properly

readby

Wessely,

thisrepresents

anold

Greek

deity,&

vcrje

vev(ç

),w

how

aspopularly

etymologized

as‘tam

er’in

the4th

cent.B

.C.

leadtablet

with

hexameters,

re-editedby

D.

R.

Jor

dan,“T

heInscribed

Lead

Tablet

fromP

halasarna,”Z

eitschrftfü

rP

apyrologieund

Epigraphik

94(1992),

pp.191-194,

lines15f.:

&cw

ov

iccric&,ç[à]éicovraç

xv&

yK

a[tJ.

The

name

occursas

earlyas

Phoronis(V

il-VI

cent.B

.C.),

frag.2

(ed.M

.D

avies,E

picorumG

raecorumFragm

enta[G

ottingen,1988],

p.154

=ed.

A.

Bernabé,

PoetarumE

picorumG

raecorum,

I[L

eipzig;T

eubner,1987],

p.118f.):

‘I&riot

4pfryccvôpcç

ÔpáclT

Cpot

OIK

L’iP

aw

P,

K)u

çacvaL

evec

razá’ycxc

Kai

inrápl3Loc“A

iqtwv,

einráXyot

Oapthrovrcç

ôpe(c‘A

ôp

,ireu,c,

01irp&

irrnrcx

v,c

iroXvr4noc

‘H1aicroL

o

LiIPOPti

oipeiiwt

váaL

çiô

evT

aorib,

1pop

èçirip

r’P

87K

VK

alàptirpa’wèc

6P

70

PèT

cvaP

.

(LA

poll.R

hod.1.1129

[ed.W

endel,p.

lOif.]).

Seealso

C.

A.

Faraone

&R

.K

otansky,Z

eitschrift für

Papyrologieund

Epigraphik

75(1988),

p.264;

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppi.M

agI,

no.19,2-4

(p.51);

PGM

II.163f.,167;

III.80,102,442,511,

foroccu

rrences

ofD

amnam

eneus.D

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppi.

Mag.

1,no.

49,40-44

alsopreserves

thefollow

ingsequence:

&x

w&

tLP

oX

uK

aK1

7&

rLvL

n7

&4u’oJLevLczt

&K.Lvof3aOLpa

&,ivoI3aO

tpt&

vop.e’taôacL

(W17L

.3-4

Ablatanalba

(=‘A

$Xa9avaX

/3a):A

lsoread

byW

essely.T

heusual

spellingis

palindromic:

‘Af3X

ava8avaXfla;

cf.7,3;

15,1;29,4,

etc.F

orpossible

explanationsof

thenam

e,see

W.

Brashear,

“AG

lossaryof

Magical

Words,”

inA

ustiegund

Niedergang

derR

Om

ischenW

elt(forthcom

ing),s.v.;

idem,

“Zw

eiZ

auberformulare,”

Archiv

für

Papyrus

forschung38

(1992),p.

21,citing

Ginsburger

inP.

Perdrizet,

Revue

desE

tudesgrecques

41(1928),p.

78:atta

barouchLeolam

gdonai+

Nathan

+alba.

U.

F.K

opp,P

alaeographiaC

riticaIII

(Mannheim

,1829),

684attem

ptedto

translatethis

as“T

houart

ourF

ather,”or

“Father

come

tous”

aninterpretation

perhapsrightly

receivedw

ithskepticism

byC

.B

on

ner,Studies

inM

agicalA

mulets

(Ann

Arbor,

1950),p.

202,and

others,though

Bonner’s

assumption

thatbecause

itis

apalindrom

eit

couldnot

havehad

am

eaningis

patentlyfalse.

4-5A

crami

Ham

ari(=

‘AK

PXILaX

XILK

PL):A

lsoread

byW

essely;here,

however,

thenam

ehas

beenseparated

intotw

ovoces

magicae;

cf.2,14.

The

name

isexplained

byG

.Scholem

,‘I?3

1j27,‘aqar

makam

arê,“uproot

them

agicspells”

inhis

Jewish

Gnosticism

(2nded.

New

York,

1965),p.

97;see,

further,W

.B

rashear,“Z

wei

Zau

ber

formulare,”

Archiv

für

Papyrusforschung38

(1992),p.

21.

1;

4

17M

agicN

ames

79

EvOaó

irac

rj;A

<1N

(.A

)i(tI

itv’JTVR

),EóA

)1k

1’A

ME

I”tV3lr1M

vA.A

(RM

(j.H/)1

/

Rr

3vM

)AiX

ij.ko

&

rIç.I4

vD

R.

[D,O

.WA

ME

’’tA

v13XA

C1A

WI

HA

,vi’tB

5v

A/(Y

0.

re-baAJK

AA

Vc.k

8017

Magic

Nam

es

5Suainbiaial:

Lum

illonW

essely.O

n-biaial,

cf.PG

MX

II.466:L

crL

.E

videntlyw

ehave

herean

angelnam

eending

like-tatcriX

,or

per

hapsthe

terminative

representsLà

làH

X.

What

oneexpects

fromthe

traces,how

ever,is

Semeseilam

.T

hedifficulties

thatbeset

thefirst

editorsreading

thistablet,

andthe

subsequenttroublesom

ereadings

theyreproduce,

doesnot

ruleout

thepossibility

thatthis

name

actuallystood

onthe

tablet:‘A/3X

ava8avaMa,

‘A

KP

aIL

4LL

aX

a,A

aP

L,

andretX

aregularly

occurtogether.

5-6T

hobarabaul?orn:T

hisis

clearlythe

Latin

equivalentof

O3pcw

f3au

(andvariants);

seeon

4,10;‘Index

V,’

s.v.C

f.D

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppi.

Mag.

I,no.

42,4(O

wf3pacxv);

no.43,1(sam

e;p.

155C

omm

entary).R

.W

.D

aniel,Z

eitschnftfür

Papyrologieund

Epigraphik

19(1975),

p.251f.

givesan

exhaustivelist

ofoccurrences

andobserves

thatthe

use“points

toa

fairlybroad

diffusionof

thenam

earound

thesouthern

andeastern

Mediterranean”

(p.251).

The

meaning

ofthe

name

hasnot

beenheretofore

explained:it

hasa

conceivablygood

Hebrew

etymology:

Xi

tôbcarb

a,“(the)

surety(is)

good!”T

hephrase

probablyrepresents

acom

mercial,

verbaladage

thatm

usthave

beenfre

quentlyexpressed

between

two

contractingparties;

q3i,

ofcourse,

isthe

comm

onw

ordpy,

‘ërObôn,

“surety;dow

n-payment”

(Greek

àppai3cw,

Latin

arrabo,arra),

which

passedinto

Greek

comm

ercialvocabulary

presumably

viaPhoenician

mercantile

activity(see

LSJ,

s.v.&

ppc43thp).Such

aphrase

as“(the)

surety(is)

good!”w

ouldhave

beenfrequently

overheardin

theday-to-day

concourseof

market-place

activity.A

mong

theG

reek-speakingpopulace,

suchan

oft-heardSem

iticexpression

might

havedoubtlessly

assumed

exotic,and

hencem

agical,overtones.

An

equ

ivalent

versionpreserving

Aram

aicvocalization

may

lingerbehind

thespelling

ofthe

name

inO

cq3ap3a(wpt)

atPG

MV

II.204(=

W,

tabarab

a’,“[the]

suretyis

good!”);cf.

alsoC

.B

ruston,“U

nepierre

talism

aniqueexpliquée

par1‘hébreu,”

Revue

Archéologique,

sér.5,

vol.11

(1920),pp.

47-49,for

another2w

-formula

foundon

agem

.

18T

he‘R

omulus’

Am

ulet(for

Elephantiasis)

Fig.20.

Plate

V

TR

ICC

IAN

A(Sagvar),

Hungary

Budapest,

Magyar

Nem

zetiM

iizeumm

v.N

r.9.1939.4

Lit.

M.

Kr.

Kubinyl,

“AS

ágváriR

ómai

sIrmezó

egyiksfrjában

találtvarázstábla

(Zaubertext

aufS

ilberplattchen),”A

rcheológiaiE

rtesitó,ser.

3,vol.

8-9(1946-1948),

pp.276-279;

P1.38;

ASz.

Burger,

Acta

Archaeologica

18(1966),p.

110(G

rave114

A;

Fig.

32;tablet:

Fig.

101,114/2;

Fig.

86);pp.

146,162;I.

Bilkei,

AlbaR

egia1

7(1

979),

p.33,

Nr.

31(T

af.2,4);

D.

R.

Jordan,A

merican

Journ

alof A

rchaeology89

(1985),p.

165f.

Inthe

vicinityof

Ságvár,a

villagein

theSiófok

District

ofSom

ogyC

ounty(H

ungary),large-scale

excavationsoutside

theancient

fortifiedcity

ofT

riccianacarried

outby

theH

ungarianN

ationalM

useum(1937-

1942)brought

tolight

alarge

cemetery

ofapproxim

ately342

Rom

angraves

ofthe

4thcent.

A.D

.T

heexcavation

ofthe

groupof

graves,nos.

107-258(B

urger1966:109),

broughtto

lightone

burialin

particularin

which

oursilver

phylacteryw

asfound:

graveno.

114(trench

‘A’:

Depth:

130cm

.;W

idth:45

cm.;

Length

200cm

.)containing

afem

aleskeleton.

The

tomb

alsopreserved

agilt-bronze

T-shaped

fibulaw

ithniello

deco

ration

(7.9cm

.long;

5.3cm

.w

ide)and

asilver

sheetrolled-up

insidea

cylindricalcase

(ofw

hichonly

fragments

arepreserved).

Other

gravesat

Sagvár(m

ostlyof

children)have

yieldedbeads,

bullae,and

otherobjects

usedas

charms

(Burger

1966:145f.).

Further,

inthe

child’sgrave

no.46

(Burger

1966:104)excavators

alsofound

abronze

casem

adeof

sheetsfolded

overonto

oneother

(Burger

1966:fig.

97,46/2;

P1.94,

10).T

hiscurious

text,read

onlyin

partby

Kubinyi,

issignificant

forthe

occurrenceof

thenam

eof

Rom

ulus,w

rittenw

ithL

atincharacters

atleast

seventim

es;it

issom

etimes

followed

bythe

phrasem

aterbona.

The

spellm

ayhave

beenw

rittenfor

elephantiasis,either

swelling

(Jordan1985:

165f.),or

askin

disease(leprosy).

The

following

readingis

basedon

afresh

examination

ofthe

photograph,kindly

suppliedby

David

Jordan.

IVA

.D.

H.

6.5cm

.;W

.4.7

cm.

Silverlam

e/la

(Magic

signs)ye(3ut

(magic

signs)[

...I

(magic

signsand

letters)[

.. .j

(magic

signsand

letters)(cartouche)

[...]

4)8

’y8v/3

ap4’c

Eaw

y7ç,

To

1L’Yci

Kçt[t

TI-

éX

eto

vK

ciLaveL

K7T

OP

5v

o,.a

[roii]

Rom

ulustnader

Bona

.Hxo

C

(magicsigns)flopK

o(m

agicsigns)

pcxvoç

Zafloe/3

(magic

signs)R

omulus

(magic

signs)xcruretoc(signs)

(magic

lettersand

signs)R

omu’lus

Onvrô

cK

e/3pci,Oeaw

Yeu&

’yv

(3cipf3o!p”yvçL3v&

x(m

agicsigns)

&n

Oi’v

SSE

EE

Rom

ulusm

aterB

onavacat

(magic

lettersand

signs)

(threem

agicsigns)

Rom

ulusvacat

[inrasura?]

aVV

C’qK

TO

PO

PckctlrOL

oup(3oouvfl.X

aXV

Tci

jX)8

pack

kaK

wv

cx

øX

pci

OV

tYT

•uatat..

3iç

tç,

xelp

,iv

aro

X,

Oou(m

agicsigns)

[...]

Rom

ulu

(magic

signs)H

NO

..[...

](m

agicsigns

7)

[...]

taqS

wp

[...I

.r’irt.

[...]oX

o..s

rcuijç[

...I

[ ...]JT

€L. ..

[ca.7-8

19uX

airn

pto

v[

...I

[.

.IN

AG

ApaL

oXou

Op8tv

XP7

TO[voa]

vacatrom

(I)pTtIptoY[T

o6-?]

vocx

Ro,nu-/

4’OTPCLVèX

Øciv

riao

jtvJ

lus.traces

(inrasura)

5àY

eiIo

7T

oi’:

avtK7p-ov

Ovroç

OP

77Tóc

23acbvr,ptov

u<

XL

YK

>r-4

pw

v?

(Magic

signs)...

Sesegenbarphaanges;0

great[and]

perfectand

invinciblenam

e,R

omulus,

them

otherB

ona(m

agicsigns

andletters)

Borko

(magic

signs)m

anosZ

aboeb(m

agicsigns)

Rom

ulus(m

agicsigns)

Chasteios

(magic

signs)R

omulus

thentos

Kebraoth

Eophao

SesengbarbrngsB

ndach(m

agicsigns

andletters)

Rom

ulus,the

mother

Bona

(magic

signs)R

omulus

invincible(?)

Orp

hap

thi

ourB

ounb.laintaPhoth

Ra

PhphakonaochR

aouat.m

aiai

...

west,

hand,east,

Thou(m

agicsigns)

...

Rom

ulus...

(magic

signs,letters,

andtraces)

...

fromall

...

phylactery...

Rom

ulus(7),

itis

necessaryto

carrythe

Rom

ulus(7)

...

amulet

(7)...

name

(7)R

omulus

tocarry

(for?)elephantiasis

Itshould

befurther

notedthat

thetablet

hadbeen

foldedhorizontally

anum

berof

times,

andthen

onceover

onthe

farright,

evidentlyto

beinserted

intothe

capsule.T

hefact

thatthe

linesof

textfall

neatlybetw

eenthe

foldedcreases

indicatesthat

thetablet

must

havebeen

foldedfirst,

theninscribed.

(Had

itbeen

foldedafter

firstbeing

inscribed,the

creases

8218

The

‘Rom

ulus’A

mulet

18T

he‘R

omulus’

Am

ulet83

812162023a

24

Fig.20

8418

The

‘Rom

ulus’A

mulet

18T

he‘R

omulus’

Am

ulet85

would

surelyhave

runthrough

andintersected

much

ofthe

written

text).T

hism

ethodof

firsttightly

rollingthe

sheetof

metal,

andthen

unfoldingit

andengraving

it—

hencecreating

convenientruling

lines—

canbe

observedw

itha

number

ofthese

magical

tablets.T

hereare

alsotraces

ofa

delicatelyinscribed

first‘draft’

preservedbeneath,

andslightly

above,the

textof

line16

(andpossibly

elsewhere).

1-3M

agicsigns:

Most

ofthe

XcX

PaK

TñP

8chere

arecircles

with

X’s,

largeE

’s,K

’sand

thelike.

Line

2show

stw

oclear

Latin

letters,L

andM

written

inthe

middle

ofthe

line,w

ithone

ofthe

symbols

inbetw

een.See

furtheron

thevarious

symbols,

Kubinyi

1946-48:278,w

ithreference

toA

.A

udollent,D

efixionumT

abellae(Paris,

1904),p.

lxxiii,w

hoidentifies

similar

figuresas

representingthe

circleof

Ananke.

Athorough

discu

ssion

ofthis

symbol

andits

variousinterpretations

isnow

foundin

W.

Brashear,

Magica

Varia

(Brussels,

1991),pp.

58-60.O

n-y

ej

3vt

(1),cf.

‘ytl3t(=Sem

iticr1

,“high,

exalted,”etc.)

at33,9.

The

tabulaansata

orcartouche

atthe

endof

line3

hasnot

beenpreviously

noticed.It

seems

tocontain

agroup

ofpseudo-hieroglyphic

signsas

oftenfound

ongem

stones.C

f.H

.Philipp,

Mira

etM

agica(M

ainzam

Rhein,

1986),no.

179(P1.

46);A

.D

elatte&

P.D

erchain,L

esintailles

magiques

gréco-égyptiennes(Paris,

1964),no.

308,etc.

4u

ev

3ap

cfrx

crv

iiç(cf.

linelO

f.):V

ariationor

miscopying

ofthe

usual8uev

v3ap4xxpav-yiç.O

n‘R

omulus’

—not

Sesengenba

pharanges—

beingthe

“greatand

invinciblenam

e,”see

Com

mentary,

lines4-6.

On

Sesengenbarpharanges,see

4,50;G

.Scholem

,Jew

ishG

nosticism(N

ewY

ork,1965),

pp.97-100;

W.

Brashear,

s.v.,“A

Glo

ssary

ofM

agicalW

ords,”inA

ufstiegund

Niedergang

derR

Om

nischenW

elt(in

press).4-5

ToU

e’y

aicc4i

T]éX

etov

KaLrv

.euicq

rov

6vocr:aX

ovKcXL

av.eKX

LT0VK

ubinyi:A

Xtov,

“pitying[?],

forX

etvó

ç?”Jordan

1985:165f.(w

honow

,p

er

litteras,suggests

rX8L

ov).

The

whole

phraseshould

beinterpreted

“thegreat

[and]perfect

andinvincible

name,”

reading

àvIicqrovw

ithan

‘N’-shaped

eta,w

hichoften

interchangesw

ithnu

inthis

text.A

fteré’ycr,

aclear

kappacan

beread,

thougha

creasein

thetablet

makes

itw

ronglyappear

asnu.

Atrace

ofthe

ais

alsovisible

(seedraw

ingabove).

To

what

does“the

greatand

perfectand

invinciblenam

e”refer?

To

thepreceding

Sesengenbarphaanges,or

tothe

name

‘Rom

ulus’?O

nthe

basisof

line24f.,

[6J/v

opa

Rom

ulus,and

thefrequency

ofthe

name

throughoutthis

text,it

isclear

thatit

isR

omulus

thatrepresents

them

ysticnam

eon

thisam

ulet;see

furtheron

line6.

Stringsof

adjectivesm

odifyinga

magical

5v

oia

arecom

mon

inm

agic;see

58,37.T

heepithet

&vIiciroç

isless

comm

on,and

réX

tov

isseem

inglyunattested

inthe

magic

papyri.O

n&

PIK

71TO

c,cf.

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppl.M

ag.I,

no.45,3f.:

ãO

pK

is.,

L’&

çK

aTcx

TOU

&vu

cifrov

O.eovJaw

,,crX

.;P

GM

V.5:

ZmD,

“HX

t6,M

IOpa,

&pa1

rL,

àViW

qT

6,

MeX

toi3e,K

TX

.;sim

ilarly,PG

MX

III.1024(used

oflao);

C.

Bonner

&A

.D

.N

ock,“N

eotera,”H

arvardT

heologicalR

eview41(1948),

pp.213-

215;51,9;

58,16.T

hephrase

To

tá-ya

6v

oa

isw

idelyfound:

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppl.Mag.

I,nos.

31,3;63,1;

PG

MIII.264;

IV.1610,

1788,2344,

3236;V

II.892;X

III.184,737f.;

XX

XV

I.192:roy

,wy6X

ov6vop.a

(sic);53,

8.

6R

omulus,

mader

Bona

(Kubinyi:

Rom

ulum...).

Read

mater

bona(cf.

line12).

The

presenceof

Latin

“them

otherB

ona”after

them

asculinenam

e,R

omulus,

isdifficult

toexplain.

The

whole

phrase,R

omulus,

mate

r

bona,certainly

looks,at

firstblush,

likea

referenceto

thebearer’s

name,

followed

byportions

ofa

Latin

matrilineal

formula,

viz.,...

Rom

ulum,

<quem

pep

erit>m

aterB

ona,“(protect)

Rom

ulus(w

hom)

them

other,B

ona(bore).”

For

acom

parableuse

ofm

ate

r,follow

edby

theactual

mother’s

name

insuch

formularies,

seeR

.K

otansky,J.

Naveh,

&S.

Shaked,“A

Greek-A

ramaic

SilverA

mulet

fromE

gyptin

theA

shmolean

Museum

,”L

eM

uséon105

(1992),line

31f.:pir

lpB

ev

ev

&ra

(Co

mm

entary,p.

21);further,

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppi.M

ag.I,

nos.45,30;

48,3,etc.

Ifthis

were

thetext’s

originalreading,

however,

itcertainly

isnow

badlycorrupt:

notonly

isthere

noverb

(e.g.,“protect

Rom

ulus

“),

eventhe

formulaic

quemn

peperitis

wanting;

thenam

e‘R

omulus’

ishere

indeclinable.F

urthermore,

onem

ustask

why

theform

ulaw

iththe

personalnam

eis

written

inL

atinat

all,w

hereasthe

restof

thetext

isin

Greek.

To

compound

matters,

thisam

uletw

asfound

inthe

graveof

a

wom

an(see

above);the

masculine

‘Rom

ulus’could

notpossibly

referto

thebearer

ofthe

charm.

The

name

‘Rom

ulus’here,

then,m

ustserve

some

8618

The

‘Rom

ulus’A

mulet

sortof

magic

function:it

occursseven

times

inthis

text,is

placedam

ongm

agicsigns

andnam

es,is

juxtaposedto

luo

ja,

andis

setoff

fromthe

restof

thespell

bybeing

written

inL

atinletters.

The

invocationof

Rom

ulus—

apow

erfulw

arrior,leader,

king,and

eventualgod

—w

ouldbe

fittinglyappropriate

fora

healingam

ulet.L

egendaryfounder

ofR

ome,

Rom

ulusw

asw

orshippedafter

hisapotheosis

asthe

godQ

uirinus.F

orR

omulus’

rolein

cultand

religion,see

thevaluable

discussionin

F.B

ömer,

P.O

vidiusN

aso.M

etamor

phosenB

uchX

IV-X

V(H

eidelberg,1986),

p.23ff.

(ref.Irene

Frings).

Furtherm

ore,A

ëtiusA

midenus,

latricorumliber

xvi,ed.

S.Z

ervos,G

ynaekologiedes

Aëtios

(Leipzig,

1901),p.

160,describes

am

agicom

agical9vitha

KV

picXç

‘Pw

Xov,

“anincense-offering

ofthe

sovereigntyof

Rom

ulus.”A

popularG

reeketym

ologicalexplanation

forL

atin‘R

omulus’

may

havealso

facilitatedthe

adoptionof

hisnam

eon

anam

uletfor

healing.In

Greek

øaX

éoç,

“strongof

body,”provides

boththe

spellingand

mean

ingrequired

tosuggest

afavorable

comparison

with

theL

atinnam

eR

omulus.

Sincethis

amulet

isw

rittenfor

thehealing

ofa

specificdisease,

‘strengthof

body’is

preciselythe

sortof

thingneeded

forconvalescence.

The

actualG

reekw

ordccxX

éoç

may

lurkbehind

thedifficult

readingí3aw

Xo

uin

line23

—letters

thatcan

justas

easilybe

read,X

Øou

(or,‘P

w1&

Xov,

Greek

for“of

Rom

ulus”?See

Com

mentary,

below,

adb

c.).7

The

lineis

made

upof

magical

XcE

PaK

TP

ec,though

perhapsthe

letterspvoç,

atthe

end,should

beread

asa

Greek

orL

atinw

ord(

cwó

ç,“rare;

infrequent;”or,

Latin

manus,

‘hand’?;cf.xelp,

line17).

8A

symbol,

followed

bythe

Latin,

Rom

ulus,again.

Follow

inganother

symbol

(perhapsTO

,w

rittenw

ithsquare

letters),G

reekletter-

forms

resume:

xcwretoc

(readhere,

&U

TIL

?).10-11

6vrô

çK

ef3pcrth6(or

Ovqróç,

asthe

writter

confusesor

writes

Hand

Nsim

ilarly):O

nthe

secondnam

e,see

PG

ML

XV

II.46:K

a/3

pcrth

O;

alsoM

arcellusE

mpiricus,

26.43.:K

apcr/3

pac,O

.T

henam

eK

&/3pcrthO

isH

ebrewfor

“graves”or

“tombs”

(12j7,p1.

=k?bãrôth),

andis

soidentified

with

Osiris

“Lion-of-the-graves”

(Kabarôth)

onan

unpublishedlead

tabletin

theJ.

PaulG

ettyM

useum:

following

thenam

ingof

adeceased

“Osins”

onthe

“sacredlion-headed

bier”(kw

iT

Oy

iou

18T

he‘R

omulus’

Am

ulet87

eopro

irpoath

’irou

8cx

r7Jp

iou,

line5),

we

findthe

description:6vopcr

‘ycpaol

unv

Xéw

vK

ct13api6(line

8).O

nour

textO

vrbçK

ei3pathO,

couldconceivably

represent“m

ortalone

ofthe

graves”(a

nekydaimon?).

12R

omulus,

mater

bona:cf.

above,line

6.13

Magic

signs:K

ubinyidiscusses

most

ofthe

‘characters’in

thisline.

Inparticular

hedraw

sattention

tothe

diskw

ithsolar

raysand

notesparallels

todesigns

oncontorniate

medals;

cf.also

S.E

itrem,

“Die

mag

ischen

Gem

men

undihre

Weihe,”

Symbolae

Osloenses

19(1939),

pp.57-

85,p.

75,A

bb.1,

line4;

tothis

addM

.G

ramatopol,

Les

pierresgravées

duC

abinetnum

ismatique

del’A

cadémie

Roum

aine(C

ollectionL

atomus

138;B

russels,1974),

no.399

(P1.19).

Note

alsothe

‘X’

within

asquare,

forw

hichcom

parePG

MV

II.400;X

Ia.3.

15cx

vv

eqK

roi’:

probablyread

xviic

rroç

(cf.line

5).16

paovar:

This

canbe

readand

interpretedas

Egyptian,

wd3t

R’,

“SoundE

yeof

Ra,”

anancient

apotropaicdevice;

seeC

.M

uller

Winkler,

art.“U

djatauge,”L

exikonder

Agyptologie

Bd.

6(1986),

cols.824-826.

Written

slightlyabove

theletters

ofthis

lineare

tracesof

aprevious

draft—

theypreserve

theletters

ofthe

nextline,

17(w

ithtraces

ofxm

az’aT0

X7J,

etc.clearly

visible).17

&atç,

xeip,varo

X:

“...

west,

hand,east

.“.

The

frag

mentary

sentencereads

likestranded

instructionsfrom

am

agicform

ulary,though

why

theisolated

words

arein

thenom

inativeis

notclear.

Mai3

pla

,“south,”

thoughnot

anim

possiblereading

atthe

beginningof

thelines,

cannotbe

confirmed

fromthe

photo.F

orthe

connection,cf.

PG

MIV

.2196f.:...

KcYLctv

aToX

?7v

çbopv

ica

euif

3pla

vicaì

&prov

&iroI3X

éircw.

Note

alsothe

curiousm

igrainespell

inI.

Oikonom

uA

gorastu,K

ritischeE

rstausgabedes

Rezeptebuchs

desC

od.P

ar.gr.

2316,f348v-374v

(Diss.

Cologne;

Thessaloniki,

1982)§

183(p.

80):

“T

&.,p

<o

p>

Kt0

v&

varo

X,

cxpicro

ç,KcYL p.euj3pla,

icrX.

23pçppy

co

p&

Ivpi

Tp

[6voa]:

Agarbled

versionof

‘Pc,jX

ou(i.e.

“ofR

omulus”)?

‘PwjaX

Øpç

and‘P

cçX

p.’

arealso

possible.T

heletters

opev

xp’iT

p[...1

leavethe

restorationro

[6voa]

inescapable.23a

Rom

ulus:T

heseletters,

squeezedabove

thelast

line,give

anotherreading

ofthe

name

Rom

ulus,as

onecan

discernthe

beginningof

theL

atinletters,

rom.

8818

The

‘Rom

ulus’A

mulet

vrjp

tov

,i.e.,

4w

XaK

Tip

Lov,

isa

possiblereading

(thoughthe

lettersare

crowded,

theredoes

notseem

tobe

roomfor

thefull

spellingof

thew

ord).24-25voia

Rom

u/lus:It

istem

ptingto

proposean

omicron

eitherat

thebeginning

ofline

23,or

atthe

endof

theinserted

words

between

lines23

and24:

6/vo,Acr

Rom

ulus(see

above,line

23).24

oT

peL

v,

Xe4crv

rIa[u

tv]:

The

letterslook

like4

UT

pC

LP

,or

4orpetv,but

thism

aybe

dueto

thefact

thatthe

writer

may

havew

rittena

longhorizontal

lineto

separatethis

word

fromthe

lettersinserted

above.Jordan

1985:165f.suggested

x1r]o

uT

pá<e>

tvX

8cbavria

[ow

],“to

avertsw

elling.”T

hedisease

Xefrrv

rIaatçis

notfound

inm

agicalrecipes.

The

Codex

Paris.

suppi.graec.

636(ed.

R.

Fuchs,“A

necdotam

edicaG

raeca,”R

heinischesM

useum49

[1894],pp.

532-558)m

entionsa

treatiseon

thesubject,

attributedto

(Ps.)-D

emocritus:

è.X

Øcw

rLcu8,ç

T&W

L8v

iraXatøp

oie

içLi’?7u97

kxrp&,v,

cjtXoó4xs,vq4uoK

ptT

oc

vT

q

rept

eXefrIY

TL

aO8W

çav

To

v,

KTX

.,follow

edby

abrief

descriptionof

theusual

etiologydue

tobad

phlegmor

humours

(similarly,

Dioscorides,

De

mate

riam

edica2.87,

andothers).

Plutarch,Q

uaestionesconvivales

731A

,lists

itam

ong“new

diseases”(v

oucra

KaL

vcx),stating

thatit

was

notknow

nto

theearlier

physicians,and

refersto

itas

anextrem

etype

ofsk

in-d

isord

er,or

man

ge

(Tv

èXØ

avrIcx

otv

...

u4o3póip

ar&

w,l’øpL

Kiv

nv

rom

ivo

uav

,732B

).Pseudo-G

alen,Introductio

seum

edicus(ed.

Kuhn

xiv,p.

756f.),no

doubt,gives

thepopular

explanationof

then

am

e:

ijè

X8

av

TIc

rutç

rôirc6oç

80)<

eTO

vo,L

arôo4uoto

r’qT

irpôç

TO

PàX

évT

a.

TOyap

epia

TW

P8V

TqJ7T

O6L

TO

VT

iK

aT

eoyj)1

8vøv

rcy

xu

Tep

ov

reK

at

UK

Xl7

Tep

óv

eortv

,ew

epeta

vx

°TO

ran’èX

e4’cY

TJW

épa,

“But

elephantiasisis

adisease

thatgets

itsnam

efrom

thesim

ilarityit

hasto

theelephant,

forthe

skinof

thosew

hoafflicted

with

thisdisease

isthick

andhard,

havinga

likenessto

theskin

ofan

elephant.”A

ndof

some

historicalnote

isthe

factthat

thedisease

ism

entioned

inthe

pre-2ndcentury

B.C

.H

ellenisticJew

ishauthor

Artapanus

(Jacoby,F

GrH

726,F3,

20)as

thecause

ofdeath

ofC

henephres,the

Pharaoh

inthe

time

ofM

oses:b

rO&

TO

Pau

rov

xp

óv

ov

Kat

TO

P

1rpc.)Tov

icPT

L)v

&vO

pth

riveX

eav

rtcw

cx

pT

aL

eT

aX

XcY

aL

(Eusebius,

Praepar.

Evang.

IX27,20).

Lit.

I.Paulovics,

“Brigetiói

kisbronzokm

agángyüjteményekból

(Piccolibronzi

diB

rigetioin

raccolteprivate),”

Archaeológiai

ErtesitJ,

ser.3,

vol.3

(1942)216-244,

p.218;

p1.27,

1;I.

Bilkei,

“Die

griechischenInschriften

desrO

mischen

Ungarns,”

Alba

Regia

17(1979),

p.30

(briefm

entiononly);

A.

Sz.B

urger,“T

heL

ateR

oman

Cem

eteryat

Ságvár(Plates

77-116),”A

ctaA

rchaeologicaA

cademiae

ScientiarumH

ungaricae18

(1966),p.

110,note

133(brief

mention

only).

Aphotograph

andbrief

noticeof

thisgold

lamella,

oncein

theT

usslacollection,

was

publishedover

fiftyyears

agow

ithno

transcription

havingever

beenpublished.

Itw

asreportedly

foundat

Bngetio

(Szony),a

legionarycam

pand

municipium

inPannonia.

Infact,

alongthe

northern

frontiersof

theD

anubeeach

offour

major

legionarysettlem

ents,vindobona,

Cam

untum,

Brigetio,

andA

quincum,

hasyielded

magic

phylacteries.T

hetow

n,like

Carnuntum

,had

anam

phitheater,a

Mithraeum

anda

Dolichenum

,and,

asone

might

expect,cem

eteries.

Some

sarcophagihave

beenunearthed,

butw

hetherthis

phylacterycam

e

froma

graveor

notis

notspecifically

stated.O

nthe

sitesee,

László

Barkóczi,

Brig

etio

(Dissertationes

Pannonicae11,22;

Budapest,

1951);

further,I.

Töth,

art.“B

ngetio,”in

R.

Stillwell,

ed.T

heP

rinceton

Encyclopedia

of

Classical

Sites(Princeton,

1976),p.

168f.,w

hich

highlights,am

ongother

things,the

religiouslife

ofthe

comm

unity.

Though

thetext

ofthis

piecehas

neverbeen

publishedand

its

presentw

hereaboutsnot

fixed,it

isim

portantfor

itsfind-spot,

andfuture

excavationsof

Brigetio

may

bringforth

additionalexam

plesof

such

lamellae

thatm

ayshed

some

lighton

ourpiece.

19A

muletic

Text

(Unread)

Fig.21

BR

IGE

TIO

(Szony)K

omárom

,H

ungary

Form

erC

ollectionT

ussla

(nom

v.num

ber)

Late

Rom

an

H.

5.8cm

.;W

.4.75

cm.

Gold

lamella

9019

Am

uleticT

ext

Judgingfrom

thephotograph

inPaulovics

1942:p1.

27,1,there

appearto

beabout

fourteenlines

oftext

coveringabout

two-thirds

ofthe

lower

partof

thetablet.

(The

upperportion

looksto

becorroded

orw

ithan

obliteratedtext,

andthus

atrue

line-countcannot

begiven).

Tow

ardsthe

middle,

onecan

recognize,perhaps,

theletters

Kpu,bL,

reminiscent

ofthe

Apirovxpov4-form

ulaof

thepapyri:

cf.,e.g.,

PG

MI.27f.:

‘Apirov

KvoE

i4tI3PLV

TcXT11

vw

pt

13 PtUK

UX

IL0!

‘Apovcxpf3cr

,w1rT

ov.u,K

TX

.

20F

ragm

ent

ofan

Am

ulet

Fig.22

AQ

UIN

CU

M,

Budapest

(Obuda),

Hungary

Budapest,

Budapesti

Történeti

Müzeum

mv.

Nr.

30236/3

Lit.

J.S

ziligyi,“Jelentés

afóvárosi

Okortörténeti

(aquincumi)

müzeum

kutatásairOl

ésszerzem

ényeirolaz

1945-48évek

folyamán.

(Rapport

surles

rechercheset

lesnouvelles

acquisitionsdu

musée

municipal

d’histoireantique

[Aquincum

ide

1945a

1948,”B

udapestR

egiségei15

(1950),pp.

303-331;p.

321,A

bb.28,

Anm

.66-67;

I.B

ilkei,“D

iegriechischen

Inschriftendes

römischen

Ungam

s,”A

lbaR

egia17

(1979),p.

29f.;N

r.16

(Taf.

1,6).

The

lame/la

was

foundin

abronze

bullafolded

uptightly

(threetim

esvertically;

once,horizontally),

atthe

gravefieldin

Aranyhegy-arok.

Acoin

ofT

rajan(98-117

A.D

.)w

asfound

with

it,suggesting

adate

ofdeposit

inthe

secondcentury

A.D

.,presum

ablyat

thetim

ew

henthe

cityw

asstill

am

unicipium(124

A.D

.),but

notyet

acolonia

(194A

.D.).

On

thesite,

ingeneral,

seeC

.F.

Giuliani,

art.“A

quincum,”

ThePrinceton

Encyclopedia

of

Classical

Sites(Princeton,

1976),p.

80f.I

providem

yow

nreadings

basedon

thepublished

photograph.

(magic

sign?)A

ICA

TO

P

----U

--

v[

.Jo

(magic

signs?)

x4

-[]V

TT

U.r

IIA

.D.

H.

8.5cm

.;W

.7.8

cm.

Silverlam

e/la

Fig.21

-[-]- -

X

9220

Fragm

entof

anA

mulet

21A

mulet

with

Capsule

Fig.23

AQ

UIN

CU

M,

Budapest

(Obuda),

Hungary

Late

Rom

anC

ollectionD

r.Szasa

Hugone

H.

3.85cm

.;W

.3.6

cm.

(Present

locationunavailable)

Gold

(orsilver?)

lamella

Lit.

I.P

aulovics,A

rchaeológiaiE

rtesitJ,ser.

3,vol.

3(1942),

p.218

(p1.27,

2and

3);I.

Bilkei,

Alba

Regia

17(1979),

p.30,

Nr.

16(see

19for

ref.).

The

piecew

asfound

ina

tubularcapsule

(Fig.23),

butnothing

more

isknow

nabout

thecircum

stancesof

itsdiscovery.

Though

thecasual

markings

onthe

tabletyield

nosense

whatsoever,

theirseem

inglym

ysticvalue

were

enoughto

impress

theow

ner,for

thelam

e/lahad

beenw

ornas

atreasured

amulet.

Aphotograph

ofthe

intactpiece

with

thecap

suleis

foundin

Paulovics1942:

p1.27.

Very

littleof

thiscorroded

piececan

beread,

althoughit

appears

thereare

aboutsix

linesof

Latin

orG

reekletters.

Line

1,after

what

appearsto

betw

oinitial

‘characters,’one

canm

akeout

Xtcrcrroi.

(i.e.,

Xuuarcxt,

readX

(XJcX

Te??).

Then

following

sporadiccharacters

andsy

mbols,

line5

givesthe

following

seriesof

letters:...

VT

TV

.T(?),

which

probablyrepresent

magic

names,

unlessw

eare

tounderstand

thisas

Latin

tuta,“safe,”

“securefrom

,”“unharm

edfrom

.”D

espitethe

piece’spoor

condition,the

factthat

itw

asfound

ata

cemetery,

depositedw

itha

coin,is

ofsom

eim

portancefor

understandingthe

religiousm

entalityinvolved

inthe

buryingof

theseam

uletsw

iththe

deceased(see

furtheron

27).

(capsule&

rolledup

amulet)

Another

tubularcapsule

similar

tothat

depictedhere

was

alsofound

atA

quincumand

publishedin

J.Szilagyi’s

Aquincum

(Budapest,

1956),P1.48.

Curiously,

thecorresponding

platein

theG

erman

Auflage

ofthe

same

book(T

af.27)

picturesa

differentcapsule.

Fig.22

Fig.23

22M

agicS

ignsand

Letters

Fig.24

23A

Magical

Underw

orld‘T

otenpaji’

Fig.25

KA

LL

AT

IS(M

angalia),R

umania

Bucarest,

Muzeul

deA

rheologie(no

mv.

number)

Late

Rom

an

(nodim

ensionsavailable)

Gold

lamella

Lit.

Gr.

G.

Tocilescu,

“Neue

Inschriftenaus

Rum

•••en,”A

rchao

logisch

Epigraphische

Mittheilungen

ausO

sterreich-Ungarn

17(1894),

p.102,

Nr.

45.

Nothing

isreported

aboutthis

pieceother

thanthat

itw

asfound

atM

angalia,the

ancientK

allatis,a

resorttow

non

theB

lackSea

coastnear

theborder

ofB

ulgaria.It

was

formerly

inthe

collectionof

Cogalniceanu.

No

photographof

thepiece

isavailable

andits

presentlocation

atB

ucarestcould

notbe

confirmed.

Though

thetext

preservesonly

afew

meaningless

syllables,the

factthat

ithas

arecorded

provenanceis

ofim

portance.K

allatis

was

foundedin

the6th

centuryB

.C.

byD

oriccolonists

fromH

eraklea

Pontica

andin

Rom

antim

esexperienced

arevival

beginningin

Diocletian’s

reign.A

fterthe

6thcent.

A.

D.

itsuffered

fromrepeated

invasionsand

declined;see

D.

Adam

esteanu,art.

“Kallatis,”

inR

.Stillw

ell,ed.

ThePrinceton

Encylopedia

ofC

lassicalSites

(Princeton,

1976),p.

43if.

(with

additionalliterature).

The

piecehad

beenw

ornas

anam

ulet:“Z

wefellos

dientedas

Blättchen

alsA

mulet,

woraufauch

dienoch

jetzterkennbare

Faltungdeutet”

(Tocilescu

1894:102).

DIE

RN

A(O

rov

a,B

anatul),R

umania

Oro

va,

Muzeul

Oro

va

(nom

v.num

ber)

III-IVA

.D.

H.

4.1cm

.;W

.3.3

cm.

Gold

lamella

Lit.

D.

Benea

&A

.ch

iop

u,

“Un

morm

intgnostic

dela

Dierna

(Emgnostisches

Grab

inD

ierna),”w

ithN

.V

iassa,‘Interpretarea

plàcueide

aurdin

Dierna

(Die

Inter

pretationdes

Goldplattchens

vonD

ierna),”A

ctaM

useiN

apocensis11(1974),

pp.115-

125;pp.

125-141;I.

I.R

ussu,ed.

InscriptionesD

aciaeR

omanae,

vol.3:

Dacia

Super

ior,pt.

1:P

arsO

ccidentalis(B

ucarest:A

cademy

ofthe

SocialistR

epublicof

Rom

ania,1977),

pp.69-70,

no.42,

fig.36;

I.B

arnea,P

ontica10

(1977),p.

283/4,no.

29(=

SE

G27

[1977],p.

109,no.

416).

Abrick

sarcophagus,discovered

sometim

earound

1960-1965and

containinga

leadencoffin

with

theskeletal

remains

ofa

child,yielded

the

following

gravegoods:

fragments

ofceram

icw

are;tw

ogold

earrings;a

goldsetting

enclosingan

engravedred

jasperdepicting

Solin

aquadriga;

anothergold

settingenclosing

aR

oman

Republican

coin(O

bv.:R

oma;

Rev.:

Solin

quadriga);and

agold

lamella.

The

lamella

hadbeen

foldedonce

horizontallyand

placedon

thedeceased

inthe

manner

ofthe

‘Orphic’

tablets.T

hegrave

isdatable

tothe

3rd/4thcent.

A.D

.•4

4

,:

3X

o3L

1N

T(m

agicletters)

TT

NY

UI

-

2(m

ag

icle

tters)Z

NO

KO

AZ

N9K

9

3N

NC

T0

‘N

Cy

9

:1

w,’

0c.’

,—‘

Fig.24

(Tocilescu)

tw.

—/_

-—.

-

Fig.

25

9623

AM

agical7otenpafl’

1M

agicsigns:

This

linecontains

nineletters

ofa

‘magical

alphabet,’som

eof

which

areof

the‘B

rillenbuchstaben’type;

cf.PG

MII.

294;V

II.420,465,

588f.,923;X

II.398;A

.D

elatte&

Ph.D

erchain,L

esintailles

magiques

greco-egyptiennes(Paris,

1964),no.

512,for

similar

types.V

iassa1974:13

1rightly

interpretsthe

magic

signsas

asort

ofcipher

forthe

divinenam

es‘Icw

‘A6w

vat.F

ora

similar

cryptogram,

see1

andC

omm

entary.

3‘I&

,‘A

Oøvcrt:

‘A6w

v&is

anorthographic

variantfor

‘A&

va1.A

folddivides

theupper

andlow

ersections

ofthe

tablet.T

hefact

thatthe

lamella

was

foundw

itha

coinand

gemdepicting

Solsuggests

thatthese

divinenam

es,too,

were

understoodas

solardeities

(seefurther,

below).

4‘Is.,

ic,:O

nthis

invocation,see

7,5;23,4;

34,2;54,9;

58,6;R

.K

otansky&

C.

A.

Faraone,Z

eitschrzftfür

Papyrologieund

Epigraphik

75

(1988),p

.2

64.

The

acclamation,

especiallyin

thecontext

ofthis

amulet,

intendsto

summ

onthe

gods—

herelao

andA

donai—

todeliver

the

bearer(note

LSJ,

s.v.);cf.

Sophocles,Philoctetes

736-738,w

hereP

hilo

c

tetes’invocation

isinterpreted

asa

summ

oningof

godsfor

‘salvation:’

(4)1)i

O.oI

(NE

)71

roç

98o’ç

oirwç

VaU

TáV

WP

KaX

ctç

;

(4)1)o)r

pctço&

roi’çiirio

ug

0’p1P

po

Xelv

.

For

thedoubled

formof

thisacclam

ation,cf.

Sophocles,T

rach.221:

iH

criav.T

hediscovery

ofa

coinand

gemstone

depictingH

eliosin

asolar

chariotis

ofspecial

importance

forthe

interpretationof

theA

fterlife

applicationof

thisgold

lamella.

As

F.C

umont,

Etudes

syriennes(P

aris,1917),

pp.96-102,

fullydocum

ents,the

representationof

Sol-H

eliosin

asolar

chariothas

distinctivefunereal

overtones,for

thesolar

chariotw

asbelieved

tocarry

thesoul

ofthe

deceasedto

hisor

hercelestial

home.

The

factthat

thegold

lamella

was

foundon

theskeleton

foldedover

onceand

notrolled

upin

acapsule

indicatesthat

itw

asprobably

neverintended

tobe

worn

asa

protectiveam

uletfor

theliving;

itw

asspecifically

manufac

turedas

a‘T

otenpaji’to

becarried

bythe

deceasedin

hisor

herjourney

tothe

nextw

orld.T

heblurred

distinctionbetw

eenam

uletsfor

theliving

and

thosefor

thedead

isfurther

addressedin

theC

omm

entaryto

amulets

2,15,

20,27,

28,29,

and39.

24A

Dem

onS

entto

JuliaC

yrillaFig.

26

DIE

RN

A(O

rov

a,B

anatul),R

umania

Bucarest,

Institutulde

Arheologie

H.

2.4cm

.;W

.7.1

cm.

(nom

v.num

ber)G

oldlam

ella

Lit.

N.

Viassa,

‘0noüa

plAcuà

deaur

gnosticAde

IaD

ierna(Em

weiteres

gnostis

chesG

oldtäfelchenaus

Dierna),”

Acta

Musei

Napocensis

14(1977),

PP.205-219;

I.I.

Russu,

ed.Inscriptiones

Daciae

Rom

anae.V

ol.3:

Dacia

Superior,

pt.1:

Pars

Occidentalis

(Bucarest:

Academ

yof

theS

ocialistR

epublicof

Rom

arna,1977),

p.70f.,

no.43,

fig.37;

SE

G27

(1977),p.

109,no.

415;A

.B

odor&

I.W

inider,“U

nA

telierde

Artizanta

La

Dierna

(Oro

va)

(An

Artisan

Workshop

atD

ierna[O

rovaJ),”

Acta

Musei

Napocensis

16(1979),

pp.141-155,

esp.p.

147f.(fig.

6).

This

piecew

asfound

ina

stonestructure,

identifiedas

anancient

workshop,

about60-80

cm.

beneaththe

surfaceof

thecourtyard

ofthe

Lyceum

of$t.

Plav

áin

Oro

va

Veche,

inthe

summ

erof

1968.T

heleaf

ofgold,

foundin

sectionJ

hF

rolledup

likea

scroll,w

assubsequently

publishedby

Vlassa

1977:205-219,

with

slightchanges

byR

ussu1977:71.

The

fullerarchaeological

report(B

odor-Winkler

1979:155)provides

important

additionalinform

ation.A

tthe

sitein

general,the

fol

lowing

objectsw

erefound:

fragments

ofcrucibles,

irondross,

nails,and

minor

fragments,

piecesof

coal,lead

ingots,various

bronzeobjects,

includingbronze

sheetsand

blobs,tools,

ceramic

wares,

fibulae,and

coinsfrom

theI-IV

centuries.C

oncerningthe

goldtablet,

Bodor-W

inkler1979:155

write:

“Itcannot

beestablished

whether

thefine

goldsheet

with

am

agicalinscription

(fig.6)

was

producedhere

orbrought

fromelsew

here.Stratigraphy

shows

thatthe

stoneconstruction

was

precededby

atim

berone.

The

time

ofthe

functioningof

thew

orkshopincludes

thehI—

IVcenturies.”

Itshould

alsobe

addedthat

insection

JhI.Fa

bronzecoin

ofT

rajan(98-117

A.D

.)w

asalso

found(B

odor-Winkler

1979:152),the

generaldating

ofw

hichaccords

well

with

thetablet’s

letter-forms

(2ndcentury

A.D

.);cf.

thefacsim

ilesof

theregionally

comparable

Dacian

waxed

tablets,especially

no.103

(167A

.D.)

inE

.M

.T

hompson,

An

Introductionto

Greek

andL

atinPalaeography

(New

York,

1912),p.

31

6f.

IIA

.D.

9824

AD

emon

Sentto

JuliaC

yrilla24

AD

emon

Sentto

JuliaC

yrilla99

Based

onthe

clearphotograph

inV

lassa1977:268f.

(Ihave

notbeen

ableto

obtainan

original),a

newreading

ispresented

below.

demon

inuiinens

vuvuhac

imm

inepr(o)

(drawing)

me

i<a>

miam

aput

IuliaeC

yrillae

“Dem

onm

enacinghere,

menace

onm

ybehalfnow

,now

,at

thehouse

ofJuliaC

yrilla.”

Viassa’s

previousedition,

thoughcorrect

inpoints,

produceda

nu

mber

ofdoubtful

readings.H

ealso

believedthat

thepiece

was

adefixio

placingunnecessary

weight

onthe

factthat

thethin

tablet’ssurface

(.002cm

.thick)

hada

tinyhole

init,

asif

piercedw

itha

nail.H

istext

andtranslation

ofthe

main

portiongo

asfollow

s:

Dem

onim

(m)unditi(a)e

teagite(t)

Aeli

Fir(-)

me(.)

Ste(t)supra

caput

4Iuliae

Surillae.

“May

thedem

onoffilth

agitateyou,

0A

eliusFirm

us.M

ayhe

standover

thehead

ofJuliaS

urilla.”

Com

mentary:

Left

side.T

heentire

leftportion

ofthe

lamella

ism

adeup

offour

short

linesof

lettersand

apeculiar

drawing

inthe

middle

ofthe

tablet.T

here

c

tangular‘head’

andattached

limbs

probablyrepresents

thedem

onto

besent

toJulia

Cyrilla.

(Viassa

interpretsthis

asa

candelabrumor

theJew

ishm

enorah).T

heletters

onthe

leftcan

beprobably

interpretedas

Greek

vowels:

cx/v

uu

/tvV

a,w

hichV

lassainterprets

as0601

i,l/(taT

oL

)i

‘A5(ø)va(t).

The

boxtow

ardthe

bottom,

enclosinga

curvedline,

was

alsointerpreted

byV

lassaas

anabbreviation

forO

eôç(or

6vosa).T

hereare

alsotraces

of

severalm

arkingsthat

canbe

saidto

resemble

thedem

on’slim

bs.R

ightside:

1D

emon

imm

inens:D

emon

im(m

)unditia(e)V

lassa:dem

onim

(rn)unidel

Russu.

On

Vlassa’s

drawing

thehorizontal

attachingto

theI

shouldbe

deleted:it

isthe

remnant

ofthe

faintcrease

thatruns

acrossthe

topof

the

letters-

mm

in-.

Further,

what

was

interpretedas

uby

Vlassa

andR

ussuis

thethird

strokeof

them

joiningto

thei.

The

finalthree

letters,som

ewhat

crowded,

arein

ligature.T

hecom

mon

verbitnm

ineO,

“overhang,threaten,”

cancarry

a

broaderrange

ofm

eanings(“be

athand;”

“threaten;”“be

impending;”

“strivefor;”

“beeager

for,”etc.)

andhere,

usedof

adem

on,refers

toa

spiritsent

tom

enace—

orsexually

longfor

—Julia

Cyrilla,

inthe

formof

anapparition

ordream

.F

orthe

generalnotion

ofa

threateningdem

onsent

toappear

indream

s,com

pareP

GM

XII.121-144

(anôv

etp

oiro

róc):

Xe’y

cK

at

UO

t,L

8’y

a&

Va,L

8V

Q&

XtL

0V

tlrO

p6VO

?7Tt

etc

TOY

T0

V.8

OLK

OY

Kat

Xeyw

au

rq3

Tae,

KT

X(lines

130f.)...

.‘rKovO

óY

fLOV

rop

evO

etcirp

TOY

5etv

aetc

TO

YO

LK

OI’

av

rou

,o’7rov

TO

PK

0L

T(ji’

aurou,K

cLira

paur6

0trt

at)T,

of3ep

ôç,

rpo

,iep

oç,

KT

X.

lines135f.).

For

demons

who

hoverabout

orhang

impendingly,

noteP

GM

XIII.278:

ÔpK

iwac,

‘irvev

tLa

v‘!tépt

c&otT

c,4Levov;

further,P

GM

IV.3025f.

mentions

apeculiar

bir

ept’

xuie

voç

&Ip

.ow

wu

irXó.u/A

cYT

ocro&

rou,“a

demon

flutteringaround

thisbody.”

tu

va

4(square)

Fig.26

10024

AD

emon

Sentto

JuliaC

yrilla

2hac

imm

inepr(o):

The

cursivew

ritingof

imm

inçis

nearlyid

enti

calw

iththe

lettersof

thesam

ew

ordof

theprevious

line,hence

facilitating

itsdecipherm

ent.V

lassa’sreading

introducesan

extranam

einto

thetext

thatm

akeslittle

sense:A

eliF

ir(-)/me(.).

3m

ei<

a>

mjam

:T

hetraces

atthe

beginningof

theline

showing

meirn

,follow

edby

aprosaic

jam,

suggestsm

ei <

a>

m,

jam.

The

duplication

oflam

,lam

inL

atinm

agicaltexts

iscom

mon;

cf.,e.g.,

A.

Au

do

llent,

Tabellae

Defixionum

(Paris,1904),

no.294,

27,etc.,

andthe

Latin

terracottaam

uletin

H.

Leclercq,

art.“A

mulettes,”

Dictionnaire

d’Archeologie

chrétienneet

deL

iturgie1/2

(Paris,1907),

col.1799f.,

Separa

tedem

onema

Florentia

quempeperit

lustaquza

hocjubet

magnus

deuslam

lamcjto

cjtojn

nomjne

del.aput:

supracaput

Vlassa.

Neither

thew

ordsupra,

nora

supposedc

incaput,

representsa

likelydecipherm

entof

thescript

here.W

esuggest

aput(

apud).T

hepreposition

means

“inthe

presenceof;

atthe

houseof”

butusually

governsthe

accusative;how

ever,an

accusativeending

luliamC

yrillamcannot

beconfirm

ed,unless

onew

ereto

interpretthe

two

visiblestrokes

ratheras

rn’s

.F

ora

similar

putativeuse

ofgenitive

foraccusative

onL

atinm

agicaltablets,

noteA

.A

udollent,D

efixjonumT

abel

lae(P

aris,1904),

indices,p.

545;D

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppl.

Mag.

I,II

(‘IndexX

II,’p.

345,passim

,on

Greek

texts).4

JuljaeC

yrillae:Iuliae

Surillae

Vlassa.

The

cognomen

Cyrilla

iscom

mon;

forexam

plesfrom

Dacia,

seeD

.M

.Pippidi

&I.

I.R

ussu,Inscrjptjones

ScythiaeM

inorisV

(Bucarest,

1980),no.

192,2f.;no.

250,10.T

hegold

lamella

may

havebeen

placedunder

theow

ner’spillow

sothat

thedem

on,sum

moned

bythe

tablet’sm

agicinvocation,

would

readthe

textand

goto

thehouse

ofJulia

Cyrilla.

Adem

oticspell,

PD

Mxiv.

1070-77(=

H.

D.

Betz,

Greek

Magical

Papyri

inT

ranslation[2nd

ed.C

hicago,1992],

p.246),

providesthe

plausibleconnections:

“Aspell

tobring

[aw

oman]

toa

man,

tosend

dreams

again[m

agicsigns].

You

shouldw

ritethis

ona

reedleaf

andput

[it]under

yourhead

while

yousleep.

Itm

akesdream

sand

sendsdream

s...

.It

bringsa

wom

analso,”

etc.(trans.

I.Johnson).

Lit.

E.

Hübner,

“Gesam

tsitzungvom

30./Mai

1861,”M

onatsberichteder

KO

niglichenP

reussischenA

kademie

derW

issenschaftenzu

Berlin,

1861(1862),

p.533;

IGX

IV.

2413,13;C

.B

onner,S

tudiesin

Magical

Am

ulets(A

nnA

rbor,1950),

p.

96;G

.Z

untz,P

ersephone(O

xford,1971),

p.281.

According

toE

mil

HU

bnerthe

piecew

asfound

inR

ome

inthe

1830’sand

formed

partof

theprivate

collectionof

theP

rincipede

Anglona.

The

exactcircum

stancesregarding

thelam

ella’sdiscovery

are

notknow

n.N

ofacsim

ileor

photographof

thepiece

hasever

been

produced,and

itspresent

locationis

notknow

n.T

hetablet

was

apparently

intact.

irov

’qp

6v

lrVeU

iLa

KaL

Ka

KO

lrOto

vic

at

4OO

pOrrO

tov

&ir

1auov

a7rO

Tq

çP

NM

A4

AIA

,IIT

&vel3

pa-v

Oaf3

taoa.

Drive

away

everyevil

spiritthat

works

harmand

destructionfrom

(herso-

and-so),0

Ptah,

entirelybeautiful,

THA

BIA

SA.

1ixovpôv

TI’8a:

Previouseditions

readrav

tpo

virv

eca

(7r&

v

iepôv,

IG=

<>

tepóv,

i.e.,ap

ôv,

soK

irchhoff,follow

edby

Bonner

andZ

untz);the

text,how

ever,probably

hadw

ov’qpôv,w

itha

cursive,

loopedo

mistaken

foran

aand

thehorizontal

ofthe

ij(intersecting

its

rightvertical),

mistaken

fort8

.T

heexact

expressionov

pov

rveca

is

suprisinglyrare

inthe

magical

papyri.In

allof

thepapyri,

we

findonly

two

examples,

bothC

hristian:PG

M13a.3:

rap[a

]4X

aôv

.cerirô

7ra

vro

ç7

rov

?p

oii

7rv

(eic

)aT

oc;

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppl.M

ag.I,

no.

31,4

:O

ep6’-ev

uop

...

&‘n-5-a

vr5

çrv

(pp)a

(To

ç)

7rov1poI’v.T

headjective

25A

mulet

toE

xpelan

Evil

Spirit

RO

MA

,Italy

(Now

lost)

Form

ercollection

Principe

deA

nglona,M

adrid

Rom

anP

eriod

(No

dimensions

available)

Gold

lamella

10225

Am

uletto

Expel

anE

vilSpirit

25A

mulet

toE

xpelan

Evil

Spirit103

irovipóçis

otherwise

usedw

ith&

tøv

inthe

‘pagan’m

agicalpapyri:

PG

MIV

.2517:c4riX

cró

vus

&7rô

Tov?7po)7rcrv

roç

&x4w

voc.

The

phraseiro

vp

ôv

irvic

rreflects

anoriginal

Semitic

11Y157I,

probablyas

acalque

passinginto

Greek

viathe

Septuagint’saccount

of

David’s

‘exorcism’

ofking

Saulin

IR

eg.16:14f.:

Kai

aicv

pIo

u

aire

ur7

àrôao

vX

,KcXL

elrY

ryeP

cii’T6P

rvea

ro

vp

ôv

rap

ivpIo

v.

iccvl

8L

lravO

traL

&xovX

lrpoc

cXL’TO

V‘L

3oi7rP

LL

aK

VpL

OU

7ro

v7

7p

ov

irvI’y

t.

Note,

similarly,

LX

XT

obit6:8

(Rec.

B):

...

&Ir

6i’T

La

&!aL

Oi’IO

VrP

euIA

aToc

lrovl7pou,KO!L

fr5rat

r’

aiiro

i,K

TX

.F

rom

thenceit

came

intothe

New

Testam

ent,w

heresurprisingly

itoccurs

only

inQ

(Matt.

12:45=

Luke

11:26,S

T8pa

1rv

8uL

aT

air

ov

r.p

a)

andin

Luke-A

cts(L

uke7:21;

8:2;A

cts19:12,13

[p1.];15,16

[sg.J).

1-2

icxi.K

cxKO

1rOtO

PK

cEtç&

Oo

po

irotô

v:

The

adjectiveK

aKo

lroL

isused

inthe

magical

papyrispecifically

ofm

alevolentplanetary

influences,but

notof

demons

(soL

SJs.v.,

citingonly

Ptolemy,

Tetrabiblos

19;A

rtem.

4.59,texts

which

arenot

ofrelevance

here).P

GM

IV.

2873-75uses

the

word

form

agicofferings

thatw

orkrà

&-ya6a’7rotc

versusTO

!K

O!K

OJO

t.

Seealso

PG

MX

III.1030(used

ofm

alevolentplanets);

PG

ML

.7(verso,

bis;of

unclearm

eaning).T

headjective

4O

opoiro

tóc

usedof

demons

seems

tobe

restrictedto

Patristic

writers;

cf.E

usebius,E

cci.H

ist.X

.4,58,contrasting

artç

Oopo?rotôç

&IIL csW

Kat

0ip

tryptotpoiroi;

idem,

Com

mentaria

in

Psalm

os(M

igne,P

G23),

p.924,

27:&

XX

tKcYL

Toy

Ooporo

tO&

20

Pa

KO!LT

OP

T?7

op

’yq

çU

1fl)p

T?JV

rry’y

sXov

Tt2(S

)pOV

,K

TX

.;so

alsoG

regory

Nyssenus,

De

vita

Mo

sis

(ed.D

aniélou)2.59,

1m

entionsa

f3X

airru

thv

Kat

OopoirotO

v&

iILwv.

Of

relatedinterest

isthe

referencein

Gregory

Nys

senus,D

evita

Gregorii

Thaum

aturgi,(M

igne,P

G46),

p.95,23f.

toa

dem

on

wh

ohaunts

the

bath

s:&

aWsw

-tçv

Op

w1

roK

róv

t,pta

wv

T?

Xourp

4,,

oi7

48

op

oiro

tOç

va,.u

çàv

ep’y

p.8

Ta

uK

oT

KO

!TX

Ti’

TpO

U6tO

VT

(S)P

yIv

8ro

,K

1-X.

The

singleoccurrence

of40opoirotóç

inthe

magical

papyrirefers

toa

terribledeity:

PG

MX

II.455‘E

rtKcxX

oIj1aicia

[TO

]v[v]

r[&,]

K[e]v

&,

[wp

e](’c

trt,ecvóp,

&ôpcx[T

o]vO

eOcbO

opoirotOv

KO

!L

èpio

irocóv.

Bonner’s

(1950:96)attem

ptto

readin

thisadjective

aspecific

referenceto

‘causingm

iscarriage’does

notcarry

conviction.3-4

airAcxuov

ctiro

Tiç

:H

übner’sreproduction

readsA

HA

AA

ON

,a

readingthat

subsequenteditors

havebeen

wrongly

leadto

interpretas

crra

X<

X>

a<

t>ov.

Bonner

1950:96,for

example,

writes,

“The

form

ci-&X

aciov...

seems

torepresent

asoftened

pronunciationof;

orelse

an

aoristim

perativeending

hasbeen

wrongly

attachedto

apresent

stem.”

But

tohave

toread

o-for

,and

thensuggest

adouble

X,

betraysa

false

diagnosisfrom

thestart.

Hübner’s

AH

AA

AO

Nis

ratheririi..a

cro

v,

“driveaw

ay!”:an

originallooped,

cursivea

was

simply

mistaken

fora

(thetw

oletters

canlook

identicalin

cursivehandw

riting).T

hisreading

alsofits

betterw

iththe

following

ró,

for&

rAaciov

+ró

isthen

fol

lowed

bythe

personalnam

e;cf.

33,6,11-12(bis);

57,14.T

heverb

éireXai’vetv

isnot

(asyet)

attestedin

them

agicalpapyri.

Of

interestfor

theuse

of&

n-eXa&

etvin

an‘exorcistic’

context,of

sorts,is

Sapientia

Solomonis

(LX

X)

17:8,w

herethe

Egyptian

magicians

aredescribed

asol

‘yap

)?ruxXvouJL

svotô6IIL

araK

aLT

apaXàc

&ra

Xaie

tI,&

UX

cV

oU

oU

O7ç,

oUTOL.iara’yA

auro

vaX

ci3

ata

vvououv

(“theyw

hoprom

isedto

driveout

terrorsand

anxietiesfrom

asick

soulw

erethem

selvessick

with

a

ridiculousform

ofreligion”).

The

previousverse

17:7also

describedthe

a1’yILara

ofthe

Egyptians’

ILa’y

LI

TéX

Pi.

3-4P

NM

AA

IA:

With

the‘w

ickedspirit’

ofline

if.representing

thedirect

objectof

&rA

auo

v,

oneexpects

afem

alenam

eto

followon

rOA

nunattested

name

suchas

PevIL&X

Law

ouldbe

ratherpeculiar

anddifficult

toaccount

for(=

“flowing?”).

The

losttext

was

perhapscor

rupt,w

ronglytranscribed,

orboth;

attempted

reconstructions(e.g.,

I-nc

A)pjX

caç?

ori-n

c4opo(n

jc?)

yieldinsecure

results.

4H

T&

va,6pav

Oaj3taua:

The

textends

with

anE

gyptianin

voca

tion:H

Tcrvaf3p

avis

Pth-nfr-’n,

“Ptahentirely

beautiful”(interpretation

suppliedby

H.

J.T

hissen).O

nOc43caocx,

onecan

compare

similar

magic

names

in0a13

Oa3

(PG

MV

II.210);A

OV

eaf3ap(IV

.293);O

ai3

pacro

v

(XII.371);

Oaf3par

(V.60).

Here,

theprefix

8a$certainly

reminds

oneof

Aram

aict3

,tab,

“good,excellent;

well,”

followed

bysom

eform

ofX

,

‘as’ä,“healing;

remedy,”

orits

verbalcounterpart

(“toheal”);

noteJ.

Naveh

&S.

Shaked,A

mulets

andM

agicB

owls

(Jerusalem&

Leiden,

1985),‘G

lossary,’svv.,

p.265,

andesp.

A3:20,

onthe

formX

,‘S

w,

“health,cure.”

26T

heF

ourA

rchangels105

This

goldtablet

was

foundin

1544am

ongthe

gravegoodsof

theim

perialtom

bof

Maria,

thew

ifeof

Honorius

(emperor

inthe

West,

393-423

A.D

.).C

ityplanners

discoveredthe

mausoleum

atthe

siteof

theold

Capella

SantaP

etronilla,now

partof

theSE

transeptof

theV

atican.T

hisform

erR

enaissancebasilica

hadbeen

builtupon

two

circularm

ausoleums

which

servedas

Rom

anburial

structuresas

earlyas

the2nd

century.T

heeasternm

ostpair

ofthe

two

mausoleum

sw

asthe

burialsite

firstof

Maria,

thenof

Hononus

himself,

andpossibly

ofT

heodosiusII,

andothers:

separately(in

1458,1519,

and1544)

fivedifferent

sarcophagihave

been

uncoveredat

thesite

(Koethe

1931:9-26,esp.

p.21f.;

Frey1911-1916;

de

Rossi

1878:125-146;

deR

ossi1879:5-20,

etc.).

The

sepulchreof

Maria

containeda

marble

sarcophagus,m

easuring

approximately

8long,

5’w

ide,and

6’high,

inw

hichw

erepreserved

the

remains

ofthe

bonesof

aw

oman,

alongw

ithan

inventoryof

jewellry

(gemstones,

goldrings,

anem

eraldin

agold

setting,a

necklace,and

other

ornaments,

some

inscribedw

iththe

names

ofM

ariaand/or

Honorius),

as

well

assom

espears.

Inaddition,

thefollow

ingitem

sw

erealso

recovered:

varioussilver

wares,

agold

bullaw

itha

Latin

inscriptionw

rittenin

the

form

of

acro

ss(M

AR

IAD

OM

INA

NO

ST

RA

FL

OR

EN

TIS

SIM

A-

ST

ILIC

HO

VIV

AT),

anda

silvertube

inw

hichw

asfound

ourthin

goldlam

ella

(Mazzucchelli

1819:15f.).

No

facsimile

orphotograph

ofthe

tabletw

as

everpublished.

Mtc

rX

Fcxf3ptjX‘P

a4xt,X

4O

puX

These

fourangel-nam

esrepresent

thestandard

archangelictetrarchy

andare

widely

foundin

Jewish

andC

hristianliterature

andin

magical

texts;cf.,

e.g.,D

aniel&

Maltom

ini,Suppi.

Mag.

1,no.

32,11

(Mtxw

X,

I’ctpf3t7X,

OuptX

,P

ac/xrX

),w

ithfurther

referencesin

theeditio

prin

ceps,F.

Maltom

ini,Z

eitschr(ft für

Papyrologieund

Epigraphik

48(1982),

p.167

(alsom

entioningour

goldtablet);

Oracula

SibyllinaII,

215(ed.

Geffcken),

p.38:

ML

XW

Xre

Fap

3tX

,‘P

cr4w

Xr’

Op

tiX(‘I’);

Testam

entof

Solomon

XV

III.5-8:

Mta

iX...

Fa3pt’iX...

OiiptX

•.

.‘Paw

X;

R.

Reitzenstein,

Poinw

ndres(L

eipzig,1904),

p.294

(Cod.

Paris

2316,w

ithT

V1’ap3tjX

,T

OP

Mtcx

X,

TO

PO

’ptX

,T

OP

‘Pa4

aX,

followed

byadditional

angels);idem

,p.

296(M

LXW

X,

Tct3

ptX

,O

pt)X

ct

‘PacX

,and

othersw

hostand

beforethe

throneof

God);

Al.

Sorlin

Dorigny,

“Phylact’erealexandrin

contreles

épistaxis,”R

evuedes

Etudes

grecques4

(1891),pp.

287-296(late

amulet

with

Mtc

tX,

rc43puX,

Oip

tX,

‘Paw

X).

For

furtherreferences,

seeJ.

Michl,

art.“E

ngel”in

Reallexikon

für

Antike

undC

hristentum5

(1962),col.

183f.;A

pocalypse

26T

heF

our

Archangels

RO

MA

,Italy

Present

locationunknow

nL

ost(F

ormer

Vatican

Collection?)

IV/V

A.D

.(N

odim

ensionsavailable)

Gold

lamella

Lit.

Lucio

Fauno,

De

antiquitatibusurbis

Rom

ne...

(Venetijs,

1549)V

,p.

125;F.

G.

Cancellieri,

De

secretariisB

asilicaevaticanae

veterisac

novaelibri

Ii(R

omae,

1786),p.

995,cap.

3,§11;

U.

F.K

opp,P

alaeographiaC

ritica,IT/i

(Mannheim

,1829),

p.165,

§158;J.

Gruterus,

Inscriptionesantiquae

totEusorbis

Rom

ani(H

eidelberg,n.d.

(16027]),

p.287,

§4;J.

0.

Graevius,

ed.T

hesaurusantiquitatuin

ethistoriarum

Italiae(L

ugdumB

atavorum,

1704-1723),vol.

10,p.

193;P.

Mazzuchelli,

La

Bolla

diM

aria,m

oglied’O

norioIm

peratoreche

siconserva

nelM

useoT

rivulzio(M

ilano,1819),

p.13;

cf.23-48;

F.L

enormant,

inC

.C

ahier&

A.

Martin,

edd.M

élangesd’archéologie

d‘histoire

etde

littératureIV

(Paris,

1853),p.

151,note

2;Jean

Baptiste

deR

ossi,“D

es-sins

dequelques

vasesde

Iatoilette

enseveliedans

letom

beaude

l’empereur

Honorius,”

Bulletin

d’archéologiechrétienne

1(1863),

pp.53-55;

idein,“S

epoicrodi

S.P

etronillanella

basilicain

viaA

rdeatinae

suatraslazione

alV

aticano(I),”

Bullettino

diArcheologia

Cristiana,

ser.3,

vol.3

(1878),pp.

125-146;idem

,“S

epolcrodi

S.P

etromlia

nellabasilica

invia

Ardeatina

esua

traslazioneal

Vaticano

(II),”B

ullettinodi

Archeologia

Cristiana,

ser.3,

vol.4

(1879),pp.

5-20;M

.A

rmellini,

LeC

hiesedi

Rotna

dalsecolo

IVal

XIX

(Rom

e,1942),

vol.2,

p.935;

cf.K

.W

essely,E

phesiaG

ramm

ata(V

ienna,1886),

no.115.

Further,

onthe

mausoleum

:C

.C

avedoni,O

sservazionesopra

alcuniparticolari

delsepoicro

edel

inondom

uliebrede

Maria

figliuoladi

Stilconee

moglie

diO

norioA

ugusto(M

odena,1865);

H.

Koethe,

“Zum

Mausoleum

derw

eströmischen

Dynastie

beiA

lt-Sankt-P

eter,”R

Om

ischeA

bteilungen46

(1931),pp.

9-26;K

arlF

rey,Z

urB

augeschichtedes

St.Peter.

Mittheilungen

ausder

Reverendissim

ma

Fabbrica

diS.

Pietro

(=B

eiheftezurn

Jahrbuchder

KO

niglichpreuszischen

Kunstsam

tnlungen;B

erlin,1911-1916

=vol.

31(1911],

pp.1-95;

vol.33

[1913],pp.

1-153;vol.

37[1916],

pp.22-136);

JocelynT

oynbee&

JohnW

ardPerkins,

TheS

hrineof

St.P

eterand

theV

aticanE

xcavations(L

ondon&

New

York,

1956),esp.

app.,p.

5(for

diagram).

10626

The

Four

Archangels

of

Moses

40:K

aLb

Oeôç

r4iM

taX

,r4,

Fci/3

ptX

,r4i

Oip

tXal

‘PaccrñX

;A

pocalypseofE

zra6:2;

IE

noch9:10;

10:1,4,9,

11;20:2,

etc.G

enerallythe

names

ofthree

ofthe

angelsare

fixed(M

ichael,G

abriel,and

Raphael);

thefourth,

thoughtraditionally

givenas

Ouriel,

issom

etimes

replacedby

others,e.g.

Souriel,as

inP.

J.S

ijpesteijn,Z

eitschrzftfü

rPapyrologie

undE

pigraphik42

(1981),p.

112,no.

2(w

oodenam

uletw

ithM

tcX

Fcx3puX/ovpX

‘Pafrn

X).

Seealso

R.

Kotansky,

“Tw

oInscribed

Jewish

Aram

aicA

mulets

fromS

yria,”Israel

Exploration

Journal41(1991),

pp.267-281,

esp.p.

276,(A

mulet

B,

2-4:M

ichael,G

abriel,R

aphael,and

‘Anael

onan

silverlam

ella)w

ithnote

14,w

herethe

popular‘divine’

etymologies

ofsuch

angelsis

given:“P

rinceof

thehosts

ofY

HW

H,

Michael

[=Josh.

5:14f.],and

them

anG

abriel[=

Dan.

9:21],R

aphael,m

asterof

healing,”etc.

Also

ofinterest

isPG

MIV

.1812-16,w

hichdescribes

them

akingof

anactual

goldtablet

with

thenam

esof

sevenarchangels:

5èiré

raX

ov

xpvuowrb

I4o

çro

Iro

c0

ov

pt,X

Mtc

XF

a13puX

OpoX

.M

tuaX

‘IppcrX.

I7TpcX

’IX,

KT

X.

27A

Late

‘Orphic’

Underw

orldA

mulet

Fig.27.

PlateV

I

The

tabletcontains

portionsof

theso-called

‘Orphic’

(or‘O

rphicD

ionysiac’)verses,

oftencorrupt

hexameters

otherwise

preservedexclusively

ona

groupof

goldleaves

oflate

classicaland

Hellenistic

date(see

Zuntz

1971:277-393);see

further,S.

G.

Cole,

“New

Evidence

forthe

Mysteries

ofD

ionysius,”G

reek,R

oman,

andB

yzantineStudies

21(1980),

pp.223-238,

onthe

newH

ipponionleaf

andits

implications

forthe

studyof

Dionysus;

andR

.Janko,

“Forgetfulnessin

theG

oldenT

abletsof

Mem

ory,”C

lassicalQ

uarterly34

(1984),pp.

89-100,for

areconstructed

archetype.F

orthe

newest

published‘leaves,’

seeK

.T

sant

sanoglou&

C.

M.

Parassoglou,

“Tw

oG

oldL

amellae

fromT

hessaly,”‘EX

XivLK

c38

(1987),pp.

3-16;R

.M

erkelbach,“Z

wei

neueo

rphisch

dionysischeT

otenpasse,”Z

eitschrftfü

rPapyrologie

undE

pigraphik76

(1989),p.15f.

Here

theolder

hexametric

formulas

ofthe

goldleaves

havebeen

adoptedfor

useas

anam

ulet(Z

untz1971:334;

Kotansky

1991:114).A

partfrom

thislate

example,

theother

gold‘O

rphic-Dionysiac’

lamellae

falloutside

thechronological

andtypological

delimitations

ofthis

corpus.U

nliketypical

amulets,

thistext

isnot

concernedw

ithprotection

fromdem

onicafflictions

ordisease,

butw

ithsafety

inthe

Underw

orld.

RO

MA

,Italy

London,

The

British

Museum

Cat.

no.3154

11-IllA

.D.

H.

2.4cm

.;W

.6.5

cm.

Gold

lamella

Lit.

G.

G.

A.

Murray

inE

.H

arrison,Prolegom

enato

theStudy

ofG

reekR

eligion(C

ambridge,

1903;[repr.

New

York,

1975]),p.

673;D

.C

omparetti,

Lam

inetteO

rfiche(F

irenze,1910),

pp.42ff.

(p1.4,2);

F.H

.M

arshall,C

atalogueof

theJew

elleryB

ritishM

useum(L

ondon,1911),

p.378f.,

no.3158;

A.

Olivieri,

Lam

ellaeA

ureaeO

rphicae(B

onn,1915),

p.18f.;

R.

S.C

onway,

“From

Orpheus

toC

icero,”B

ulletinof

theJohn

Rylands

Library

17(1933),

pp.77,

87;W

.K

.C

.G

uthrie,O

rpheusand

Greek

Religion

(2nded.

London,

1952),p.

174,p1.

10;G

.Z

untz,Persephone

(Oxford,

1971),

pp.333-335

(Text

A5;

P1.28a);

pp.287,

293;M

.L

.W

est,Z

eitschrzftfür

Papyrologie

undE

pigraphik18

(1975),p.

231;M

.G

uarducci,Scritti

sceltisulla

religionegreca

eronw

nae

sulcristianesim

o(E

PR

O98;

Leiden,

1983),pp.

77,89f.;

R.

Kotansky,

in:Faraone

&O

bbink,edd.,

Magika

Hiera

(Oxford,

1991),p.

114(and

notes).

-a

10827

An

Underw

orldA

mulet

27A

nU

nderworld

Am

ulet109

The

phenomenon

hasalready

beenobserved

with

anum

berof

thelate

‘amulets’

ofthis

corpus:2,

15,20,

23;cf.

29,39.

Although

allother

extantexam

plesof

these‘O

rphic-Dionysiac’

lamellae

datefrom

thebegin-

flingof

the4th

centuryB

.C.

(andsom

ewhat

later),this

tabletdates

tothe

2ndor

3rdcent.

The

textfollow

sthe

formulas

ofothers

inthe

grouplabelled

‘A’

byZ

untz(A

1-3,A

4),texts

which

characteristicallyopen

with

the

ph

rase

8PXO

,LcXL

8KK

cOcp&

wK

c8cx

pá,

xOovIs.w

BcrIX

.ta,E

t’KX

flç

E3

ou

Xeç

re,K

TX

.(“I

come

purefrom

thepure,

0Q

ueenof

thembelow

,E

ukiesand

Eubouleus

...,“

etc.).T

hispiece,

though,has

beenpersonally

adaptedto

suita

specificallynam

edbearer,

Caecilia

Secundina.T

hetablet

was

reportedlyfound

inthe

late19th

centuryat

thesite

ofa

necropolisat

S.Paolo

fuorile

Mura

nearR

ome,

butfew

detailsare

known

otherthan

thefact

thatit

apparentlycam

efrom

asepulcher

(Com

paretti1910:42;

Guarducci

1983:77;M

arshall1911:380).

‘EP

X8

TcY

L6K

KaO

apc,w

KaO

crp

cr,

xOovIsv

cvuiXeta,

E’ó

KX

çE

if3o

v-

Xcu

T,

itoç

TK

O&

yX

aci

.xwè

Mv

oO

Uj’7

Tót3

8&

iJpOV

cXO

L&tLO

VavO

pci

ro

wtv

KcrtK

tXIa

)eK

ovvôeL

va,

z’óLW

t

i6L&

(yye’yW

UC

x.

Shecom

espure

fromthe

pureones,

0Q

ueenof

thembelow

,E

ukiesand

Eubouleus:

Zeus’s

splendidchild!

But

Ihave

thisgift

ofM

emory,

famous

form

en.C

aeciliaS

ecundina,go,

sinceyou

havebecom

edivine

accordingto

thelaw

.

1‘E

py

,era

t6K

KaO

ap(Lw

Ka8

apcr,

9ov

ivj3crIX

eta:T

heclassical

exemplars

readepxo

cx

tin

lieuof

pxrcx;

cf.Z

untz1971:303

(A2):

‘lEIPX

OIlC

u8K

KaO

crp&v

KcxO

cpc.Z

untz(1971

:306f.)rectifies

theoften

false

interpretationgiven

thisopening

linefound

inthe

olderm

odels,w

here,by

am

isplacedcom

ma,

Kcx6apcx

ism

adeto

modify

3outXeta:

‘EpX

o,L

ot

6K

KcY

thypcJw,

Ka9

apcx

xOovicw

f3cro

iXetcx

,i.e.

“Out

ofthe

pureI

come,

pure

Queen

ofthem

below:”

KaO

apcx

isappropriate

indescribing

aperson

who

hasundergone

ritualpurification,

notof

agoddess,

who

would

bedes

cribedas

&yrn

or&

-yta—

thatis,

onew

hose‘holiness’

would

have

remained

constant.T

hefact

thatK

a8apa

isfem

inineposes

noproblem

for

ourtext,

forits

beareris

aw

oman.

On

theother

hand,the

subjectsof

the

px

oI.u

Yt’s

ofthe

oldertexts

—the

deceasedw

ithw

homthe

tabletsw

ere

buried,w

hoalso

claimto

beK

a8cx

pa

(fern.)—

areall

presumed

tobe

male,

thoughthe

identityof

thegraves

isuncertain

(Zuntz

1971:288-293).

How

so,then,

arethey

describedK

a8crp

aand

notK

aOcrp

óç?

Because,

as

Zuntz

implies

byhis

translation,it

isthe

deceasedsoul,

t,t’v(fern.),

that

isspeaking:

“Here

Istand

beforeyou,’

sothe

soulsays,

‘ia8crp

à6K

KcO

ap

wP

”(Z

untz1971:306,

italicsm

ine).O

ddly,how

ever,in

thew

hole

groupof

‘A’

tabletsno

specificm

entionof

adeceased

i,bv

isever

made,

exceptin

theheterodox

textA

4,w

hosefirst

linehas

theunique

‘AX

X’

bró

rcrw

poXIint

4xoç‘A

eXIoto;

there,how

ever,all

subsequent

referencesin

thetext

arem

asculine(ira8

cw,

line3;

Oóç

h-y

évov

àvOpth’rov,

line4,

which

neednot

beexclusively

male).

We

only

encountera

soulagain

inthe

newH

ipponiontablet

indescribing

adif

ferentgroup

ofsouls

atthe

springon

theright

(theone

tobe

eschewed):

evOa

KcxT

eP

Xovca

tival

veK

uw

vxovrca

(Janko,C

lassicalQ

uarterly

34[19841,

p.99,

line6).

What

we

shouldconclude

fromthis

isthat

KaO

opa

inthe

older

models

ofthe

‘A’

group,just

likeK

0O

ap

cof

theC

aeciliaS

ecundinatext,

perhapssignals

textsdesigned

orspecifically

written

forw

omen

devotees.

Itshould

notm

atterif

occasionalm

ale-gendervocabulary

andverbal

forms

havecrept

incongruouslyinto

thetexts

(e.g.,in

A4

described

above),after

allclassical

Greece

was

largelya

male-oriented

society.

Such‘am

biguity’betw

eenm

aleand

female-oriented

vocabularyin

the

‘Orphic-D

ionysiac’form

ulasfinds

itsgreatest

tensionin

theuse

ofthe

4

tLO

cU

-y

)\,\

4-X

cj_

h.o

(C

[J’’ici‘

0\

•lC’j

flH•j

ir’’j\,

Fig.

27(C

omparetti)

11027

An

Underw

orldA

mulet

27A

nU

nderworld

Am

ulet111

indistinctgender

ofircxç,

inthe

formula

1’içircrç

CL

jLL

,K

TX.

(Texts

B3-

B8)

—a

formula

inw

hichthe

word

ircIç(m

asc.Ifem.)

issom

etimes

replacedw

iththe

more

gender-specificuiôç.

But

am

osttelling

changecom

esin

theapparent

writing

ofF&

ç8u’y

cTp

(inlieu

ofircrlç

orvióç)

onone

ofthe

B-group

oftexts

(Zuntz

1971:362).C

learlya

needto

specifya

female

devoteerequired

theunusual

change.T

hepresence

ofa

small

maenad

figurinein

them

ostrecently

dis

covered‘O

rphic-Dionysiac’

lamellae

(seeabove)

—a

pairof

matching

goldtablets

foundin

thetom

bof

aw

om

anat

Pelinna

—should

giveus

pauseto

reassessthe

roleplayed

byfem

aleadherents

ofthe

beliefsp

resup

posedby

these‘O

rphic-Dionysiac’

tablets.W

erefem

alebelievers

espe

ciallyattracted

asinitiates

tothe

‘Orphic-D

ionysiac’rituals

ofthese

lamel

lae?D

oesthe

presenceof

atiny

maenad

pointto

apossible

element

ofritual

maenadism

inthese

textsnow

largelydefined

asD

ionysiac?F

inally,does

thelate

survivalof

Caecilia

Secundina’s‘O

rphic-Dionysiac’

lamella,

with

itssurprisingly

goodpreservation

ofa

centuries-oldhexam

etricpoem

,point

toa

continuedpresence

offem

aledisciples

ofD

ionysus?

xOovIw

v/3auIX

eta:T

hisis,

ofcourse,

Persephone,

wife

ofH

ades(or

ofP

luton).A

similar

tagis

foundin

Orphel

Hym

ni29,

6(‘T

woç

Hp

re4

óv

ç[ed.

Quandt]):

Ev&

v‘yevér8tpcr,

inro

OovIw

vi3

aui)’.eta

(seebelow

,line

3).2

Ei3

cXç

E13ovX

ei’vr:

Not

EUIC

X6Lç

(Conw

ay1933:

87).E

ukles(cf.

ein

X,ç

,“fam

ous”)is

anepithet

ofH

ades;cf.

Heschyius,

s.v.‘E

vxX

çb

‘Atôiç.

KLYZóvocxJróç.

Kal

eie

tç;

further,Z

untz1971:

309f.on

thenam

e’spossible

connectionw

itha

Euklós

inO

scan.E

ubouleus(‘he

ofgood

counsel’),though

lateridentified

with

Dionysos

(Com

mentary,

line3),

ishere

alsoto

beassociated

with

Hades

(Zuntz

1971:3lOf.);

seealso

Nicander,

Alexiph.

14,describing

Hades

as“E

ubouleus’abyss

thatis

difficultto

escapefrom

”(x

oc

ôvaéK

5poL

oP

Eio

vX

ioç);

cf.H

eschyius,s.v.

Evf3ovX

8çb

HX

oI’m.w

rap?

[ôè]T

otç

iroXX

oIç,b

è>Z€i’ç

ivK

vpv.

Isthe

tablet,then,

referringonly

tothe

divineU

nderworld

pair,Persephone

andH

ades?O

ris

athird

partyto

beenvisioned,

namely

Dionysos?

3L

TeK

oçry

Xac:

Who

does“Z

eus’splendid

child”refer

to?T

heneuter

TéK

would

seemhere

toadm

ita

feminine

adjectiveà’yX

crá

(tobe

elidedryX

a’)in

referenceto

Caecilia

Secundina,the

bearer(M

ar

shall1911:

380;Z

untz1971:

334).B

utZ

untzpoints

outhere

the

“unsuitability”of

introducingC

aeciliaSecundina

as“the

glamorous

child

ofZ

eus,”especially

inview

ofher

speechthat

follows

inxw

á.

Faced

with

thisand

otherdifficulties,

West

(1975:231)

emends

thetext

asfo

l

lows:

E’iKX

88çE

7)i3ovX8i

T8to

çT

eK

crXX

a&

Y2U

08.

The

change,although

notjustified

byw

hatis

clearlyread

onthe

tablet

itself,has

theadded

attractionof

identifyingthe

“childof

Zeus”

as

Eubouleus.

Ifso,

then,E

ubouleuscannot

beH

adesand

may

indeedrefer

toD

ionysos.Z

untz(1971:310f.),

asnoted

above,has

objectedto

the

associationof

Eubouleus

with

Dionysos

onthe

Orphic

tabletsA

1-3,

presumably

becausethose

who

havesuggested

this(e.g.,

Olivieri,

Har

rison)w

antto

make

Dionysos

(Eubouleus)

theoffspring

ofP

ersephone

andH

ades.O

fsom

eim

portance,how

ever,are

theidentifications

of

Eubouleus

asD

ionysosin

theO

rphicH

ymns

(Hym

ni29,8;

30,6;52,4),

referencesw

hichZ

untznam

esbut

attacheslittle

importance

to.B

utthe

factthat

theO

rphichym

nsnot

onlyidentify

Eubouleus

asD

ionysos,but

alsoas

thechild

ofZ

eus

andPersephone,

might

beof

some

importance,

forthe

childthen

automatically

hasnether-w

orldconnections

throughhis

mother.

An

examination

ofthese

versesshow

sa

similar

juxtaposingof

Eubouleus

(=D

ionysos)w

ithZ

eusas

hisfather.

Orphei

hyinni30,6f.,

addressedto

Dionysos,

reads:

Eiif3ovXei,

OX

Ui3

0U

X8

,lxL

ocK

atT

I8pU

8oP

8t?7

ç

ppro

X.K

Tp

otO

LreK

vw

0eL

g,aW3P

OT

C&

jLo

v.

The

‘Tp.voc

Hep

u4

óv

ç(O

rpheihym

ni29,6-8)

givesthe

following:

Eie

vI&

w‘y

8V

8T

eLp

a,U

7r0

00P

t(,,Vf3

aJtX

eL

a,

ivZ

eiiçcrp

pT

ou

7t

‘yovatçT

.rKvw

uaT

oK

OV

P?7Y,

(L?7T8P8pt(3

p6U

6T

Ot)zroX

u4uó

pcbo

vE

ii(3ouXioç.

Further,

inO

rpheihyinni,

52,4f.,one

findsthe

combination

Eiil3ovXeD

Kpô4to

pt6ç

pvo

ç.

Indiscussing

Eubouleus

ontablets

A1-3,

Zuntz

does

notappeal

tothe

uniquereading

ofthe

Caecilia

Secundinatablet,

which

seems

tonam

eE

ubouleusrather

as“Z

eus’son.”

The

hemistich

correspondingto

thisphrase

inthe

classicalform

ulas

readsical

&0v

aT

oL

0801&

XX

ot

(Zuntz,

Al);

Ki.

0801&

Lpovec

&X

Xot

(Zuntz,

A2);

andical

080100

t&

xcov6ç

XX

ot(Z

untz,A

3).

11227

An

Underw

orldA

mulet

2-3&è

Mv,o

u1vç

&p

ov

:T

hesubject

ofthe

verbhere

unexpectedlysw

itchesfrom

thethird

personof

line1

tothe

firstperson.

The

&,pop,

itw

ouldseem

,is

thefam

ousverses

ofthe

amulet

itself(Z

untz1971:335),

not,for

example,

thegift

of‘cold

water’

assumed

fromthe

earlierO

rphictablets

(soM

arshall1910:379).

The

poem’s

versesare

viewed

assacred

text.T

hetext

posesa

problem,

however,

forthe

earlierexem

plars,notably

thenew

goldlatnella

fromH

ipponion(G

.P

uglieseC

arratelli,L

aP

aroladel

Passato

29[1974],

pp.108-144),

givesthe

same

formula

asM

vcto

uvaç

T&

5e

1p

iov

—a

readingthat

hasinspired

anum

berof

differentinterpretations.

oi&

ol’

tvO

pcro

wtv

:L

iterally,this

refersto

the“‘G

iftof

Mem

ory’that

issung

(i.e.,highly

praised)am

ongm

en”(cf.

Murray

1903).T

hephrase,

notfound

onthe

othertablets,

seems

toecho

therather

more

pejorativetag

inH

omer,

Ii.6.358

...

&vO

pc7roto-t

1reXcL

eO’

!roi&

jot).

The

expressionstanding

inthe

same

metrical

positionis

alsoused

inthe

Orphei

Hym

ni72,5

(ed.Q

uandt)of

Artem

is“w

hois

praised

among

men

insong”

(xoI&p.oi.

rvOpthirow

tv).

4K

CrLKLX

iC)JeK

ou

vlv

a:T

hew

ritingof

theactual

name

ofthe

bearerof

thecharm

follows

theusage

ofcontem

porarym

agicalam

uletsand

isnot

foundon

theother

Orphic

latnellae.C

aeciliaS

ecundinais

rightlyidentified

byC

onway

(1933:77)as

aprobable

relativeof

Plinythe

younger(G

.or

L.

Caecilius

Secundus),w

hoafter

hisadoption

byhis

maternal

uncle,C

.Plinius

Secundus,becam

eC

.Plinius

Caeciius

Secundus;see

A.

N.

Sherwin-W

hite,The

Letters

of

Pliny(O

xford,1966),

p.70;

cf.Stein,

art.“C

aecilius,”R

E5.

Halbbd.

(1897),cols.

1232f.;nos.

114-116.

vâc

‘lOt&

cruct:

The

writing

atthe

endof

thetablet

islightly

incised.D

ielsreads

O<

ecy>

ta,

Murray,

q,

caetr-y

&ry

a,but

thele

tters

andinterpretation

areclear.

28A

Victory

Charm

Fig.28.

Plate

VI

This

thingold

lamella

was

discoveredaround

1852in

acrypt

locatedat

Vigna

Codini

(southernR

ome).

Itw

asfound

inthe

mouth

ofa

skullinside

ofa

terracottaurn

(Jordan1985:162).

According

toF

ather

Secchi,w

horeported

thefind

fromthe

excavatorG

aetanoC

anestrelli,one

ofa

number

ofcolum

baria(no.

3)excavated

nearthe

tomb

ofthe

Scipios

in1840,

1847,and

1852brought

tolight

thisthin

sheetof

gold.

Prelim

inarystudies

indicatethat

columbarium

3w

asused

forthe

deposit

ofthe

cremation

remains

offreedm

enor

wom

enfrom

the1st

century

B.C

.to

them

iddleof

the1st

cent.A

.D

.;the

crypt,how

ever,w

as

apparentlyre-entered

inT

rajanicand

Hadrianic

times

(Jordan1985:166).

Accordingly,

theterm

inus

ante

quemfor

thedeposit

ofthe

goldpiece

would

beca.

138A

.Dand

itsterm

inuspost

quem,

thelate

1stcent.

B.C

.

Afew

palaeographicalclues

allowus

todate

thepiece

somew

hat

more

preciselyw

ithinthis

time

frame.

Ingeneral,

thehand

(thoughco

n

tainingsom

eletters

thatjoin),

isnot

reallycharacteristic

ofthe

semi-

RO

MA

(Vigna

Codini),

Italy

Paris,

Cabinet

desM

édailles(B

N)

Collection

Froehner,

cat.no.

1211

Augustan

Period

H.

2.0cm

.;W

.6.1

cm.

Gold

lainella

Lit.

D.

R.

Jordan,A

merican

Jou

rnal

of A

rchaeology89

(1985),pp.

162-167(new

reading,w

ithadd.

ref.p.

163,n.

2);R

.P.

Giovanni

Pietro

Secchi,B

ullCorrA

rch,1852,

p.151

f.;T

.P

anofla,“W

issenschaftlicheV

ereine,”A

rchaologischeZ

eitung12

(1854),p.

441;R

.W

iinsch,S

ethianischeV

erfluchungstafelnaus

Ro,n

(Leipzig,

1898),p.

101f.;

K.

Preisendanz,

Archiv

für

Papyrusforschung9

(1928),p.

136;C

.B

onner,“A

nO

bscure

Inscriptionon

aG

oldT

ablet,”H

esperia13

(1944),pp.

30-35;H

.S

eyrig,“D

euxnotes

d’épigraphierelatives

auxcults

alexandrins,”A

nnuairede

I ‘Institutde

Philologie

et

d’Histoire

Orientales

13(1953),

pp.603-612

(=M

élangesisidore

Lé’.y,B

ruxelles,

1955);L

.R

obert,B

ulletinépigraphique

1956,p.

362;L.

Vidm

an,Isis

undS

erapisbei

denG

riechenund

RO

mern

(RG

VV

29;B

erlin,1970),

pp.152-154;

M.

Malaise,

In’entaireprélim

inairedes

documents

egyptiensdécouverts

enItalie

(EP

RO

21;L

eiden,

1972),p.

144f.;no.

109(bis);

J.E

.S

tambaugh,

Sarapis

underthe

Early

Ptolem

ies

(EP

RO

25:L

eiden,1972),

p.84f.;

C.

Gallavotti,

Bolleui,w

deiC

lassici,ser.

3,vol.

ii

(1990),pp.

127-159;R

.M

erkelbach,A

brasax.A

usgewahlte

Papyri

religiosenund

magischen

Inhalts,B

d.3

(Cologne,

1992),p.

58.

11428

AV

ictoryC

harm28

AV

ictoryC

harm115

cursivescripts

ofthe

early-secondcent.

A.D

.M

orespecifically,

theover

allletter-form

sare

earlyR

oman,

with

some

ofeven

(late)P

tolemaic

date:the

epsilonw

ithits

tiny,detached

upper-strokeis

demonstrably

Ptolem

aic;the

--yey-com

binationof

line3,

similarly

so;the

simple

two-stroked

pi

inline

2is

early,as

isalso

thesigm

ain

óç

with

itsflat,

upperstroke

(con

trastthe

roundedform

inE

cpcrrL

).O

necan

alsosee

thecom

pletelyupright

alphagiving

way

(inline

2)to

thelater,

angularform

ofthe

let

ter.F

urthermore,

thegenerous

useof

space—

bothin

theroundness

ofthe

lettersand

inthe

spacebetw

eenthe

lines—

betraysan

undeniableP

tolemaic

influence.Such

ahand

onan

inscribedtablet

would

notbe

expectedafter

the1st

centulyA

.D.

The

surfaceof

theV

ignaC

odinigold-

foilw

assufficiently

thinenough

toperm

ita

fluid,cursive

hand,w

erethat

desired.Instead,

thew

riterchose

toform

eachletter

carefully,frequently

liftingthe

stylusoff

thew

riting-surfaceso

asto

shapeeach

majuscule

separately.Such

ahand

andcom

binationof

letter-forms

characterizesthe

transitionbetw

eenlate

Ptolemaic

andearly

Rom

anin

theA

ugustanperiod

(27B

.C.-l4

A.D

.).T

heplacing

ofthe

goldleaf

inthe

mouth

ofthe

skullrem

indsJo

rdan

ofthe

ancientpractice

ofplacing

acoin

orm

etaldisk

inthe

mouth

ofthe

deceased.H

erightly

arguesthat

thegold

lamella,

made

asa

comm

onphylactery

forthe

bearerduring

hisor

herlifetim

ew

as“reused,

afterthe

owner’s

death,as

a‘TotenpaJ3’”

(Jordan1985:167,

note2);

seeA

.H

errmann,

art.“C

haron,”R

eailexikvnfü

rA

ntikeund

Christentum

,II

(Stuttgart

1954),esp.

cols.1043-46.

On

thegold

‘Orphic’

tabletsas

typesof

‘Charon’s

obol,’see

M.

Guarducci,

“Le

laminette

aureecon

iscrizioniorfiche

e1’

‘Obolo

diC

aronte,’”R

endicontideli’

Accadem

iaR

omana

diA

rcheologica,ser.

3,vol.

15(1939),

pp.87-95.

The

possibilityfor

theA

fterworid

useof

theV

ignaC

odinigold

leaffollow

sa

patternsuggested

forother

iameiiae

inthis

corpus(see

on2,

15,20,

23,27,

29,39,

etc.).

1A

iwvep

yéra,

KL

2cp

crir

t,ô

çV

CLK?7V

3K

crT

ló(vo

1tuir

cv

)r&

,v0

78

ypai(

távw

).

Tr.

Eternal

worker,

Lord

Sarapis,give

victoryover

thenam

esw

rittenbelow

.

TiM

117l17

Fig.27

1-2A

Lc,w

ep7ára(7)

ici’pte&

pairt:

All

previouseditions

beforeJo

rdan

1985read

Ai,v

p7

riTa,

forw

hichone

would

haveto

positre

inligature

(ligaturesdo

nototherw

iseoccur

onthis

tablet).T

hetablet

readsrather

unambiguously

-ep’y

erc

t.Jordan

(1985:163)proposes

anew

form

atio

n,

aiw

vep

’yériç

,com

paring/3

ou8

p’y

ér’q

ç,

KaK

ep7

éT

’qc,

ircY

vep

7ér’q

ç,

etc.T

henam

em

eans“eternal

worker,”

orperhaps

“worker

ofthe

Aiôn.”

For

compounds

inaics,v

-,

hecites

PGM

1.200(c

tiøvctK

<r>

tvoKpm

,p),P

GM

1.201(c

,!iwv

olro

Xo

Kp

dm

,p),

PGM

V.465

(avó4O

aXjw

c),and

PG

MV

.482(c1

wp

óf3

toG

)—

compounds

frequentlyfound

inE

gypt.T

othis

listone

may

addthe

official,aic

,vo

yv

ivau

Ictp

xoc

(gymnasiarch

forlife),

givenin

D.

Hagedorn

&P.

Schubert,Z

eitschriftfü

rP

apyrologieund

Epigraphik

81(1990),p.

280(ref.

K.

Maresch).

Itis

alsopossible

tosu

ggest

hereA

Lcw<

eJi>ep-yára,

i.e.,‘A

iôn,benefactor,

lordS

arapis.’T

hetitle

‘Benefactor’

iscom

mon

toSerapis

andother

Egyptian

deities;cf.,

e.g.,P

GM

XX

XIb

if.:K

ipt

tov

,o

rt&

‘HX

e,eieo

yára.

For

associationsof

Sarapisw

ithA

ionand

Helios,

andother

deities,cf.

Jordan1985:163,

n.6;164,

n.13.O

nSarapis-A

ion,in

general,see

Stam

baugh1972:84f.

(citedabove);

onA

ion:G

.Z

untz,A

ion.G

ottdes

RO

merreichs

(Abhandlungen

derH

eidelbergerA

kademie

derW

issenschaften,2

vc(qv:iiffic7v

11628

AV

ictoryC

harm

Philosophisch-historische

Kiasse,

Jahrgang1989.

2.A

bhandlung);idem

,

AIIN

inder

Literatur

derK

aiserzeit.W

ienerStudien,

Beiheft

117;W

ien,

1992).25ôç

vu,ov:T

hisform

ulais

frequentin

vtrt,c

(vic

tory

charms);

noteC

.A

.F

araone,“A

phroditeK

ET

Oand

Apples

forA

tlanta:

Aphrodisiacs

inE

arlyG

reekM

ythand

Ritual,”

Phoenix44

(1990),pp.

225-228;cf.

58,13,25,38,43;PG

MV

II.919-924:N

LK

flTL

VO

aUj.cW

V

rovE

pioE’;

PGM

XX

XV

I.35-48:ôór8

1oL...

piic’qv,,c

rX.,

line44f.;

PGM

XX

VII.3f.:

&óç

VK

I7V,

OX

0K

X7Jp

LaV

U<

7>

a&ov

Kilt

6xXov;

Daniel

&

Maltom

ini,Suppi.

Mag.

II,no.

62,14:bç

potv

IK[V

J,K

TX

.;and

further,

PG

MV

II. 186-190;390-393;

423-428;528-539;

1017-1026;V

III.36;

XII. 270-350;

XX

XV

. 1-42;X

XX

VI. 211-230;

XX

XV

I. 275-283;L

XX

.1-4.

The

victoryenvisioned

may

alsobe

against‘unseen’

opponents(Jordan

1985:166).T

heearlier

attempts

(beforeJordan

1985)to

envisionsom

e

sortof

‘victory’over

scorpions(e.g.

vetic

qi’

KilT

Er

Tw

pin

rô7r6

Tpcrv

“givevictory

againstthe

thingsunder

arock”)

requireda

sentencethat

made

littlesense

inG

reek(K

aT

iT&

.Wi’ith

iréi-p

cw

representsan

unlikely

formulation).

Inm

agic,ô

çPLK

TJVis

neverused

todescribe

victoryover

predatoryanim

als,as

ifthe

bearerw

erew

agingw

aragainst

‘thingsunder

arock.’

The

phraseis

always

eitheragonistic

or juridical.

3K

cT

ó(v

ocm

w)

T&.,V

&yp(pivw

):

Betw

eenthe

KcrT

crand

rowthere

isa

clearo

inscribed,not

remarked

uponin

previouseditions.

The

omicron

alsoshow

sthrough

onthe

backside

ofthe

lamella

andhence

was

intentionallydraw

n.T

heo

isa

standardabbreviation

for6(vour)

hereó(v

ouro

w);

cf.e.g.,

Daniel

&M

altomini,

Suppi.M

ag.II,

no.94,

ii,24.

Editors

priorto

Jordan’snew

editionfalsely

readK

cT

i1T

ow

roye’ypcr

4u(-)

asK

cYT

cr&

,vinrô

7ráTpop,

orthe

like.N

otonly

doesthe

our

readingK

iYT

ó(v

otu

rco

v)

dispensew

iththis

possibility,w

erethere

any

lingeringdoubt,

thephotograph

clearlyconfirm

sJordan’s

reading

o’y

-ypcrt(-),

forit

hasa

final,

nota

finalv

(i.e.ir

rpcrv

).

Jordanproposes

afourth

(lost)line:

KilT

iT(J)V

oyeypcr/[ié

vøv,

KT

X.].

The

tablet,though,

seems

tobe

intactand

probablypreserves

its

originaldim

ensions.T

hetext

may

havebeen

firstcopied

ontoa

larger

sheetof

goldand

thencut

offbefore

thenam

esw

erew

ritten,or

the

copyistdid

notcopy

thefull

formula

fromhis

model.

Inany

event,in

28A

Victory

Charm

117

viewof

ô(p

ocrw

y),

thelast

word

shouldbe

resolvedas

anabbreviation:

opcr(év

ciw

).

For

theform

ula,cf.

PGM

V.

237f.:X

éyerà

royypaéva;

andespecially

PGM

XII.280:

iccxlTO

OV

O)A

O!

TO

ro

yey

pcrié

vo

v,

where

the‘nam

ew

rittenbelow

’is

nowhere

foundin

theim

mediate

contextof

thespell.

29A

Magical

“Tim

eG

od”119

Lit.

D.

Facenna,

Notizie

degliScavi,

ser.8,

vol.2

(1948)[1949],

pp.305-306,

fig.9;

M.

J.V

ermaseren,

Corpus

inscriptionumet

Monum

entorumR

eligionisM

ithriacae,I

(The

Hague,

1956),p.

102,no.

168(note,

idem,

vol.II,

no.168,

pp.22f.);

M.

J.V

ermaseren,

“AM

agicalT

ime

God,”

Mithraic

Studies.Proceedings

ofthe

First

InternationalC

ongressof

Mithraic

Studies(M

anchester,1971),

pp.446-456

(P1.16).

Dom

enicoF

acennareported

thediscovery

ofthis

repousséplaque

ofthin

goldfoil

among

therem

ainsof

aR

oman

villalocated

atthe

Ospedale

diS.

Giovanni

inC

iciliano.V

ermaseren

reportsthat

theN

ationalM

useumat

Rom

ehas

sincem

isplacedthe

piece.T

hedistinctive

‘Trajanic’

hair

styleof

thefigure

embossed

onthe

plaquedates

thelam

ellato

theperiod

ca.98-117

A.D

.:

The

plaqueshow

sinside

anoval

surroundingline

astanding

nudefigure

ina

stiff,hieratic

attitude;though

itssex

innot

indicated,it

isclearly

male.

The

personis

awkw

ardlyrepresented,

with

shorthair

aroundhis

forehead—

theonly

indicationof

thedate,

which

might

bethe

Trajanic

period.H

eis

entwined

bya

largesnake

puttingits

headon

them

iddleof

hisbreast

between

abundle

offour

poppiesand

ahook-like

keyw

hichhe

holdsresp

ectively

inhis

leftand

righthands.

Underneath

hisfeet,

which

havethe

appearanceof

ananim

al’sclaw

,are

two

triangles,each

piercedby

eithera

nailpointing

outwards,

ora

littlearrow

(Verm

aseren1971:

446).

According

toV

ermaseren

thefigure

isa

magic

time

god,associated

with

thefam

ousleontocephalic

Mithraic

deity,w

hooften

standsin

anattitude

similar

tothe

figurerepresented

onthis

plaque:‘hieratic’

stance,entw

inedby

asnake,

andholding

akey

ineach

hand.T

heC

icilianofigure,

however,

holdsin

oneof

hishands

agroup

ofpoppies,

asym

bolof

Persephone,

andhence

ofthe

Afterlife

(Verm

aseren1971:

452).T

hepoppies

pointto

anU

nderworld

applicationfor

thisgold

plaque(see

on2,

15,20,28,etc.).

The

angularlines

(nails?)draw

nat

thefigure’s

feetare

a

bitm

orepuzzling:

“Itis

notclear

whether

thenails

belongto

thetriangles

orw

hetherthey

piercethe

god’sfeet”

(Verm

aseren1971:452).

What

Verm

aserenidentifies

astriangles

areactually

creasesin

thecrum

bledsu

r

faceof

thegold

foil.O

therfigures

ongold

repoussélam

ellaethat

cannotbe

identifiedas

specifically‘m

agical’include:

Ch.

Clerm

ont-Ganneau,

“Plaqued’or

représentantE

sculape,H

ygieet

Télesphore,”

Recueil

d‘A

rchéologie

Orientale

5(1903),

p.54f.,pl.3c;

andL

.H

abachi,T

ellB

asta(C

airo:

Supplements

auxA

nnalesdu

Servicedes

Antiquités

del’E

gypte,1957),

pl.25b:standing

figuresin

Egyptian

garbholding

ankhsand

solardiscs

(inscribed-‘

‘ya8tj,).A

furtherexam

plefrom

Mosul,

depictinga

reclin

ingSerapis,

with

Isissuckling

Horus

isdescribed

inV

ermaseren

(1971:447note

5).

1(A

bovethe

head):

2(B

eneaththe

feet):

3(O

nthe

right):

4(O

nthe

left):

5(In

thefield):

6(A

bove):lit

1‘Icca:

There

isno

indicationin

which

sequencethese

names

areto

beread,

butthe

usualorder

foundin

magic

textsis

thatsuggested

above.

On

thisdivine

name,

see12,

14f.etc.,

andw

ith‘A

&w

aI,58,1;

62,2,lOf.

2‘A

&w

ce:T

henam

eis

usuallyspelled

‘A&

waI

(et

=t);

cf.2,1;

7,3;38,1;

41,42(Index

V,

s.v.).3-4

‘AK

pcax

au

ap

t,‘A

3XavaO

avaXfa:

cf.2,14;

15,1etc.

(see

‘IndexV

,’s.v.).

5tje

Xucrt:

The

name

isw

rittenin

thefield

oneither

sideof

the

figure.T

hisis

anapparent

variationof

teuetX

ct

(4,4,etc.).

67Tt

(Verm

aseren:PIP)

isw

rittenoutside

thecircle,

upperleft:

This

isperhaps

111(111),the

Hebrew

Tetragram

maton

mn

’w

hichw

asoften

29A

Magical

‘Tim

eG

od’Fig.

29

Ciciliano

(Latium

),Italy

Rom

e,M

useoN

azionaleR

omano

(lost)(no

mv.

number)

Early

IIA

.D.

H.

11.0cm

;W

.6.0

cm.

Gold

lamella

[Standing

figureof

Magical

‘Tim

eG

od’]

‘AK

PcXILcrX

cXIU

O!Pt

‘A,3X

apcyOavoX

f3a

t/iteX

/ua/p

12029

AM

agical“T

ime

God”

transcribedas

ifG

reekletters

(111111).T

henam

ew

assom

etimes

written,

ashere,

with

justtw

oor

threeletters.

On

‘111111’(

“cock”in

Coptic),

seeM

.P

hilonenko,“L

’Anguipede

Alectorocéphale

etle

Dieu

lao,”

Com

ptes-rendusde

l’Académ

iedes

Inscriptions,1979,

pp.297-304.

The

two

lettersirt

may

alsosim

plyrepresent

theG

reekplenary

spellingfor

theletter

ofthe

alphabet,wi.

Itssignificance,

ifnot

mathem

atical,is

not

known,

thoughit

alsooccurs

in33,31;

cf.also

41,26;48,22;

33,16;

66,6.

V

In1923

Com

paretti(1923:

207)reported

thediscovery

ofa

small

goldentablet

inthe

areaof

Pietàin

theneighborhood

ofthe

Bastione

S.

Giacom

oat

Brindisi:

duringbuilding

operations,the

scatteredrem

ainsof

agrave

apparentlydating

tothe

5thor

4thcentury

B.C

.w

ererem

oved

fromcontext

forfurther

study.L

aterat

thesam

esite

workers

founda

goldleaf

crumpled

upin

theground.

Itw

astaken

forgranted

thatthe

lamella

hadcom

efrom

thegrave

ofthe

excavationpreviously

conducted,

thoughthis

isclearly

impossible

sincethe

scriptis

oflate

Rom

andate.

Com

parettirecognized

theinscription

asG

reek,but

identifiedit

aspart

of

thegilded

ornament

fromthe

hiltof

thesw

ordof

thedeceased

(ofthe

‘classical’gravesite).

Others

subsequentlyattem

ptedin

vainto

unravelthe

tablet’sinscription

andeven

venturedto

identifythe

languageas

Mes

sapian,A

usonian,Sicel,

orany

number

ofpre-Italian

dialects(Z

untz

1971:283).

30A

Magic

Aôyoç

(forG

out?)Fig.

30

BR

UN

DIS

IUM

(Brindisi),

Calabria,

Italy

Museo

Archeologico

Provinciale,

‘F.R

ibezzo’

(nom

v.num

ber)

Rom

anP

eriod

2.7cm

.;W

.4.2

cm.

Gold

lamelia

Lit.

D.

Com

paretti,‘L

aminetta

d’oroiscritto,’

Norizie

degliScavi,

ser.5,

vol.20

(1923),p.

207f.;A

.O

livieri,“L

aminetta

d’oroiscritta

diB

rindisi,”R

ivistaIndo-G

raeca

italica7

(1923),pp.

53f.;P.

Kretschm

er,G

lotta14

(1925),p.

203;E

.V

etter,G

lotta15

(1926),p.

9;R

.S.

Conw

ay,J.

Whatm

ough,&

S.E

.Johnson,

TheP

rae-italicD

ialects

of

italy,vol.

3(C

ambridge,

MA

.,1933),

p.362;

J.W

hatmough,

TheF

oundationsof

Rom

anItaly

(London,

1937),p.

353,n.

2;V

.S

chmoll,

Die

vorgriechischenSprachen

Siziliens(W

iesbaden,1958),

p.44,

p.127;

fig.54;

E.

Wikén,

Die

Kunde

derH

ellenen

vondem

Lande

undV

olkernder

Apenninenhalbinsel

his300

V.

Chr.

Nebst

einerSkizze

desprim

itivenW

eltbildesder

vorhellenenund

derH

ellenen(L

und,1937),

p.64,n.3;

no.9;F.

Aitheim

,G

eschichteder

lateinischenSprache

vonden

Anfangen

biszum

Beginn

derL

iteratur

(Frankfurtam

Main,

1951),p.

163,4;

n.54;

cf.R

.H

eim,

incantamenta

magica

graecalatina

(Leipzig,

1893),P.

536,no.

213;G

.Z

untz,Persephone

(Oxford,

1971),p.

283;R

.K

otansky,in

Faraone

&O

bbink,odd.

Magika

Hiera

(Oxford,

1991),

p.118.

Fig.29