greek magical amulets. the inscribed gold, silver, copper, and bronze lamellae. part i: published...
TRANSCRIPT
AB
HA
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ER
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Vol.T
heInscribed
Gold,
Silver,C
opper,and
Bronze
Lam
ellae
Part
IP
ublishedT
extsof
Know
nP
rovenance
Text
andC
omm
entaryby
Roy
Kotansky
WE
ST
DE
UT
SC
HE
RV
ER
LA
G
InZ
usam
rnen
arbeit
mit
der
Arbeitsstelle
fürP
apyru
sforsch
ung
imInstitu
tfür
Alterru
msk
unde
derU
niv
ersitätzu
Kö
lnL
eiter:P
rofesso
rD
r.R
einh
old
Merk
elbach
Das
Man
usk
ript
wu
rde
vonder
Kiasse
fürG
eisteswissen
sehaften
am24.
Novem
ber
1993
indie
So
nd
erreihe
derA
bh
and
lun
gen
aufg
eno
mm
en.
Der
Westd
eutsch
eV
erlag1st
emU
ntern
ehm
endee
Verlag
sgru
ppe
Bertelsm
annIn
ternatio
nal.
©1994
byW
estdeu
tscher
Verlag
Gm
bH
Op
laden
1-lerstellung:W
estdeu
tscher
Verlag
Dru
cku
nd
bu
chb
ind
erische
Verarb
etrun
g:
Len
gerich
erH
and
elsdru
ckerei
Prin
tedin
Germ
any
ISS
N0944-8837
ISB
N3-531-09936-1
jI(H!
ax
For
my
wife,
Jeanne
Die
Deutsche
Bibliothek
—C
IP-E
rnhcrtsau
fnah
mc
Kotannky,
Roy:
Greek
magical
amulets
theinscribed
gold,silver,
copper,and
hro
n,e
lamellac
textand
com
men
taryby
Roy
Kotanskv
llnZ
asamm
cnaeb
e,tm
itdcr
Arbeirsstcllc
fürP
apvrusforschungim
Institutfüe
Altertum
skundcdee
Ln
iversitat
cxK
oln
l.—
()pladenX
estdt.
\‘erl.,(A
hhandlungeeder
Rheinisch-W
estfIlischenA
kademic
der\V
issenschaftenS
onderreih
eP
apyro
logica
Colisniensia
Vol.
22)N
F.:R
hcinisch-Westfilische
Akadcm
reder
Wisscnschattcn
<D
ütseld
orf>
:A
bhandlungender
Rheinisch-\V
estfiilischcnA
kademie
der
Wissenschaften
/S
onderreiheP
apyrologicaC
oloniensa
Pt.I.
Published
textso
fknow
np
rosen
ance.
—1994
ISB
N3-531.009936-I
PR
EF
AC
E
This
bookhas
itsorigin
ina
1988U
niversityof
Chicago
doctoral
dissertationsupervised
underP
rofessorH
.D
.B
etzof
theD
epartment
of
New
Testam
entand
Early
Christian
Literature.
But
asidefrom
thegeneral
arrangement
ofthe
textsand
bibliography,any
resemblance
between
the
thesisand
thepresent
corpusnow
provesalm
ostim
possibleto
descry.
Entirely
newreadings
havebeen
incorporated,dates
assigned,and
the
Com
mentary
thoroughlyrevam
ped.A
lso,this
volume
containsonly
those
previouslypublished
textsw
hosespecific
provenancesare
known;
publishedm
aterialsof
unknown
provenance,as
well
asunpublished
pieces
—w
hosenum
bercontinues
togrow
—are
reservedfor
asubsequent
volume.
Hebrew
andA
ramaic
textsare
alsoom
itted.1
Itw
asfurther
felt
expedientto
postponeany
introductorystudy
ofthe
originand
background
ofthe
magical
lainellaeuntil
thefull
publicationof
thetexts
themselves.
For
suchintroductory
matters
asthose
treatedin
thefirst
volume
ofm
y
Chicago
dissertation,the
readeris
kindlydirected
tothe
surveyfound
in
thefourth
chapterof
Magika
Hiera
(edd.C
.A
.F
araone&
D.
Obbin
k).
2
Inrepaying
thanksfor
much
helpreceived
inthe
courseof
thestudy
ofthe
magical
lamellae,
Irun
therisk
ofom
ittingthe
names
ofcolleagues
andfriends
who
haveprovided
assistancein
onew
ayor
anotherover
the
courseof
theyears.
SoI
limit
myself
hereto
acknowledging
thosew
ho
havebeen
ofparticular
supportduring
my
stayhere
inG
ermany:
Thom
as
Corsten,
Klaus
Maresch,
Com
eliaR
ämer,
R.
W.
Daniel,
D.
Hagedorn,
H.
J.T
hissen,W
.B
rashear,and
David
Jordan(A
thens).M
oresp
ecifi
cally,D
avidJordan
providedm
uchhelp
byw
ayof
bringingnew
textsto
1Fo
rthese
see,J.
Naveh
&S.
Shaked,A
mulets
andM
agicB
owls
(Jerusalem&
Leiden,
1985);and
now,
ide,n,M
agicSpells
andF
ormulae
(Jerusalem,
1993)—
thela
t
tertitle
havingjust
appearedas
thisbook
was
goingto
press(and
henceit
couldnot
be
usedin
theC
omm
entary).
2Roy
Kotansky,
“Incantationsand
Prayers
forS
alvationon
InscribedG
reek
Am
ulets,”in:
C.
A.
Faraone
&D
.O
bbink,M
agikaH
iera.A
ncientG
reekM
agican
d
Religion
(New
York
&O
xford,1991),
pp.107-137.
viiiP
reface
my
attentionand
supplyingsom
ephotographs;
Bill
Brashear
inB
erlinread
throughthe
manuscript
inits
entiretyand
caughtm
anyoversights
thatw
ouldsurely
haveescaped
my
notice;H
.J.
Thissen
cheerfullyprovided
possiblereadings
ona
number
ofE
gyptiannam
es;D
.H
agedornand
R.
Daniel
were
consultedfor
palaeographicalm
atters;and
Cornelia
Röm
er,K
lausM
aresch,and
Thom
asC
orstengave
much
adviceon
sundrym
atters
—besides
making
my
stayhere
inC
olognea
more
pleasantone.
None
ofthe
above-named
personscan
beheld
accountablefor
anythingexpressed
ornot
expressedin
thisvolum
e;I
amfully
culpablefor
anyshortcom
ingsit
may
stillcontain
butequally
claimresponsibility
forw
hateverin
itm
ightbe
founddeserving.
Ishould
liketo
extendm
ygratitude,
inparticular,
tom
yhost
andsupervisor
atthe
Universjtät
zuK
öln,P
rofessorR
.M
erkelbach.H
eis
theone
who
firstkindly
undertookthe
projectof
seeingthe
bookto
publica
tionand
haspatiently
guidedm
ethrough
toits
completion.
The
many
recomm
endationsand
insightsof
histhat
Ihave
takenover
havesurely
upgradedthe
finaloutcom
eof
thebook.
So,too,
hashe
perhapsrightly
criticizedsom
eof
my
interpretationsas
beinga
bittoo
venturesome.
Ifin
some
casesI
havestubbornly
heldto
my
own
pointof
view,
itshould
inno
way
detractfrom
thefull
statureof
theim
provement
thathis
ideashave
come
tobear
uponthe
endproduct.
This
studyw
ouldnot
havebeen
made
possiblew
ithoutthe
generousbacking
ofthe
Alexander
vonH
umboldt
Stiftungw
hichfunded
my
researchhere
inC
olognefrom
1990-1991and
againfrom
1992-1993.T
heF
oundationalso
contributedgenerously
towards
thecost
ofthe
book’sproduction.
Finally,
Ishould
liketo
conveym
ym
ostsincere
expressionof
tenderlove
andkinship
with
my
wife,
Jeanne,w
hothough
miles
away
duringthe
courseof
thisdifficult
year,constantly
offeredthe
most
uplift
inginspiration
towards
thecom
pletionof
thisproject.
To
herI
lovinglydedicate
thisvolum
ein
specialgratitude
forher
imm
easurablesupport,
gladdeningencouragem
ent,and
constantlove
duringm
ystay
inG
ermany.
Cologne,
October,
1993
TA
BL
EO
FC
ON
TE
NT
S
Preface
vii
Explanation
ofSigla
xiii
Introductionxv
Table
ofT
extsxxi
List
ofIllustrations
xxv
List
ofPlates
xxvii
Text
andC
omm
entary1
1‘L
ord
ofth
eGod’
1
2Jew
ishL
iturgicalF
ragments
inG
reek3
Excursus:
‘Being’
and‘E
xcellentL
iving’in
theC
ontextof
Death
10
3F
ragment
froma
Rom
ano-Celtic
Tem
ple13
4A
mulet
with
Magic
A&
yoc16
5M
agicN
ames
(Fragm
ent)22
6M
agicS
igns24
7A
nA
mulet
fora
Group
ofL
itigants25
8G
allo-Rom
anoA
mulet
for.lustina
31
9A
Magic
Square
ofV
owels
41
10‘Se,nesilam
44
11T
win
Am
uletsagainst
Hailstorm
46
Appendix:
Inscriptionfrom
SidiK
addou52
12M
agicN
ames
(Fragm
ent)54
13A
ntaura,the
Migraine
Dem
oness58
14‘S
abaorh’72
15‘A
blaanalba’73
16‘lao’
andM
agicN
ames
(Fragm
ent)76
17M
agicN
ames
(Latin)
77
18T
he‘R
omulus’
Am
ulet(for
Elephantiasis)
81
19A
muletic
Text
(Unread)
89
20F
ragment
ofan
Am
ulet91
21A
mulet
with
Capsule
93
22M
agicSigns
andL
etters
R.
Kotansky
XT
ableof
Contents
23A
Magical
Underw
orld‘T
otenpafi’95
24A
Dem
onSent
toJulia
Cyrilla
9725
Am
uletto
Expel
anE
vilS
pirit101
26T
heF
ourA
rchangels104
27A
Late
‘Orphic’
Underw
orldA
mulet
10728
AV
ictoryC
harm113
29A
Magical
‘Tim
eG
od’118
30A
Magic
Aó-
1oç
(forG
out?)121
31A
nA
mulet
forA
fflictionof
theE
yes124
32T
heP
hylacteryof
Moses
126A
ppendix1:
Kth
148A
ppendix2:
The
New
Fragm
entof
Aquila
14933
Jewish
Am
uletw
ithA
ngel-Nam
es155
34M
agicSigns
andN
ames
16735
Liturgical
Exorcism
169E
xcursus:L
iturgicalE
xorcism,
Solomon,
andM
agicL
arnellae174
36‘K
ingo
fK
ings’on
anA
mulet
fromPontus
181E
xcursus:‘K
ingof
Kings,’
Mithridates,
andP
ontus196
Appendix:
The
áP
LaK
OP
ofM
ithridates200
37T
riangularF
ormation
of153
Vow
els202
38P
rotectionfor
Phaeinos
fromD
emons
20639
“SaveE
uphiletos!”211
40A
phrodite’sN
ame
forF
avorand
Success216
41H
ouseA
mulet
ofJohn
andG
eorgia220
42E
gyptianM
agicN
ames
23243
Fragm
ent(M
agicN
ames)
23444
Votive
Fragm
ent235
45C
hristianA
mulet
forH
ealthand
Favor
23646
Protection
againstS
orceryand
Dem
ons239
47A
nA
djurationof
Pan
tobato
r245
48A
nA
mulet
fromE
mesa
24849
Magic
Nam
esor
Cipher
25750
Magic
Text
26251
AJew
ish‘E
xorcism’
ofthe
Wom
b265
52T
heG
reatA
ngelicH
ierarchy270
Tablet
ofC
ontentsxi
53C
hristianA
mulet
forO
phthalmia
301
54A
strologicalM
agicalF
ragment
306
55M
agicL
ogos310
56A
Jewish
Liturgical
Fever
Am
ulet312
57A
Magic
Invocationfor
Epilepsy
andH
eadache326
58V
ictoryC
harmbefore
theG
overnorof
Arabia
331
59A
Fever
Am
ulet347
60A
XapL
r4YtO
Y
Excursus:
‘To
Grant
‘Eiraç&
po&oicr
beforethe
King’
356
61A
Nubian
Conception
andF
ertilityC
harm361
62A
Magic
‘Sword’
369
63‘M
arearrnar’374
64T
hreeD
ivineA
ngels375
65A
Gold
Am
uletfor
Abbagaza
377
66A
Silver
Am
uletfor
Abbagaza
379
Appendix:
Opai-cô
.,381
67A
nE
xorcismfor
aY
oungG
irl383
68F
ragment
ofa
Christian
Liturgical
Exorcism
387
Indexes391
1.G
reekW
ords
II.L
atinW
ords401
III.P
ersonalN
ames
403
IV.
Topographical
andG
eographicalW
ords404
V.
Magic
Deities,
Greek
Gods,
Biblical
Figures,
andA
ngel-Nam
es405
VI.
Magic
Words
andL
ogoi410
Plates
417
Explanation
ofSigla
andO
therC
onventions
[1L
acunain
tablet
(a13’yô)R
esolutionof
anabbreviation
(a)N
ormalization
ofspelling
(occasional)
<>
Correction
of
anom
ission
{}
Modern
deletion
Text
inrasura
afryb
Text
placedbetw
eenlines
(r(3U
ncertainreadings
(damaged
letters)
Traces
ofunreadable
lettes
[---]U
ncertainloss
oftext
IU
ncertainnum
berof
letterslost
[Ca.3-4]
Estim
ateof
lostletters
Il-IllA
.D.
=Second
orthird
centuryA
.D.
Il/IllA
.D.
=L
atesecond
toearly
thirdcentury
A.D
.
1,10=
Am
uletand
linenum
berin
thisC
orpus
Lit.
Literature
inbibliographical
section,arranged
chronologically(though
theeditio
princeps,or
apreferred
edition,m
aybe
named
first).
Burger
1966:104
=B
ibliographicalreference
inaccom
panying‘L
it.’(by
yearand
date)
PGM
=Papyri
Graecae
Magicae.
Die
griechischenZ
auberpapyriI-IT,
ed.K
.
Preisendanz.
2nded.,
A.
Henrichs
(Stuttgart,
1973-1974),cited
bypapyrus
number
andline
(Arabic
numbers
indicateC
hristiantexts
atend
ofvolum
eTI).
Suppi.M
ag.1,11
=R
.D
aniel&
F.M
altomini,
Supplementum
Magicum
(Suppi.M
ag.1,
II)(P
apyrologicaC
oloniensiaX
VI.1-2;
Opladen,
1990,1992),
citedby
papyrusnum
ber(=
‘no
.’)and
line.
INT
RO
DU
CT
ION
The
presentw
orkseeks
tofill
agap
inthe
corporaof
ancientG
reek
magical
texts—
textstraditionally
categorizedby
thevariety
ofw
riting
materials
(media)
onw
hichthey
arew
ritten:papyrus,
gemstones,
lead
(thetabellae
defixionurn),1
andthin
platesof
preciousand
non-precious
metals
(lainellae).2
Of
these,only
thelast
categoryhas
not,until
now,
beenpreviously
collectedinto
acorpus
norfully
researchedas
adistin
c
tivebody
ofm
agicalliterature
inits
own
right.
The
objectsstudied
inthis
corpusm
aybe
definedas
protective
magical
texts(cjw
XctK
rpL
ct)3
engravedon
small
andvery
thinsheets
or
plaquesof
metal
foilw
itha
sharpw
ritinginstrum
ent,viz,
abronze
stylu
s.4
The
objectsw
erem
ostoften,
butnot
always,
rolledup
andw
orn
1D.
R.
Jordanhas
donethe
most
inrecent
yearsto
illuminate
thelead
tablets.H
e
plansan
eventualcorpus;
seehis
‘ASurvey
ofG
reekD
efixionesN
otIncluded
inthe
SpecialC
orpora,”G
reek,R
oman
andB
yzantineStudies
26(1985),
pp.151-197.
Avery
usefuland
engagingstudy
isto
berecom
mended
inJohn
G.
Gager,
Curse
Tablets
and
Binding
Spells frotn
theA
ncientW
orld(N
ewY
ork&
Oxford,
1992)—
aw
orkthat
came
tom
yattention
toolate
forit
tobe
giventhe
fullattention
itdeserves
inthis
Corpus.
2Oth
erpossible
media
thatpreserved
magical
textsin
theancient
world
—parch
ment,
linen,w
ood,bone,
wax
tablets,gypsum
,carved
stone,vanous
engraved
instrulnenta,and
soon
donot
directlyconcern
usin
thiscorpus,
thoughthey
too
merit
specialstudy.
3These
inscribedm
agicalam
ulets,or
lamellae,
areregularly
referredto
as
“phylacteries”in
thescholarly
literature.T
hem
aindraw
backin
usingthis
termis
that
‘phylactery’is
easilyconfused
inm
odernparlance
with
thetraditional
Jewish
tefillin—
thephylacteries
carryingB
ibleverses
worn
asfrontlets
bypious
Jews
sinceancient
times.
Our
modern
usagederives
wholly
fromthe
vituperativeuse
foundin
Matt.
23:5.T
he
word
simply
means
“protectiveam
ulet”and
doesnot
translateany
known
Sem
itic
counterpart.F
urthermore,
gSvXcxirnptov’
saysnothing
ofthe
material
onw
hichit
is
actuallyw
ritten(a
papyrusam
uletcan
alsobe
calleda
“phylactery’).U
nfortunately,the
word
thatthe
magical
handbooksthem
selvesuse
todescribe
magical
latnellae—
a“leaf”
(i.e.,of
gold,etc.),”
(áT
aX
ov
,X
circ,K
TX
.)—
doesnot
indicatethe
magical
purposeor
aimof
theobject;
itsfunction
islearned
fromthe
context.
4The
hailstoneincantation
inthis
corpus(11)
isthe
exception;it
isa
slightly
larger,heavy
bronzeplaque
thatw
asset
upin
afield
ratherthan
athin
foilstrip
rolledup
andw
ornon
theperson.
The
olderpublications
ofthis
piece,in
labellingit
alam
ina(or
lainella),brought
tom
indthe
usualm
etalphylacteries.
Only
with
therecent
acquisition
ofa
photograph(P1.
III)w
asit
possibleto
seethat
thepiece
isnot
alam
ellain
thetrad
i
tionalsense
ofthe
word.
The
piece,nonetheless,
belongsin
thiscorpus,
asits
textis
hardlyto
bedifferentiated
fromthe
othersand
certainlyis
nota
partof
thelonger
hail
stonespells
engravedonto
largerm
arbleslabs
(see,e.g.,
Com
mentary
Appendix
to11).
xviIntroduction
aspersonal
amulets.
Preciousm
etal(gold
andsilver)
was
favoredover
thebaser
forms
(copperand
bronze),but
thereis
notusually
adiscernible
reasonfor
thechoice
ofone
metal
overanother.
Tin
isalso
named
inthe
sources,but
nospecim
ensthat
Iknow
ofhave
beenidentified
assuch
(metallurgical
testingis
rarelyconducted
onthese
objects).L
eadw
asalso
usedfor
theoccasional
inscribingof
magical
amulets,
bothlate
Christian
prayersor
exorcisms
andearlier
Greek
incantations(of
Hellenistjc
date),but
theseare
rare.5
But
theancient
handbooksand
othertestim
onjado
notseem
tospecify
leadfor
writing
amulets.6
Hence,
thefew
protectiveam
uletsinscribed
onlead
arenot
includedin
thepresent
corpus,but
will
bediscussed
ina
subsequentZ
usamm
enfassung.
The
textsand
comm
entarybroadly
followthe
format
laidout
inthe
recenteditions
ofm
agicalpapyri
made
availableby
R.
Daniel
&F.
Maltom
ini,S
uppletnentuinM
agicurnI-lI
(1990-1992),published
inthis
same
series(see
above,p.
xii).A
lthoughI
alsorely
heavilyon
thew
orkof
my
predecessors,alm
ostevery
textof
lengthcontains
newreadings
thathave
beencontrolled
fromeither
aphotograph
orfrom
autopsy.N
earlyall
piecesare
accompanied
byfigured
drawings,
usuallym
adefrom
thephotographs,
thoughoccasional
illustrationsm
odifiedfrom
previouspublications
arealso
used.A
sm
anyphotographs
aspossible
havebeen
included,regardless
oftheir
condition,and
Igladly
creditthe
many
individualsand
institutionsw
hohave
generouslysupplied
prints;a
fewim
portanttexts,
however,
Introductionxvii
carryneither
agood
photonor
areliable
drawing,
apossible
shortcoming
thatcould
hardlybe
avoided.Som
eearlier
editionsnever
properlydo
cu
mented
theirtexts,
andm
anyinstitutions
andm
useums
cannotrespond
to
requestsfor
photos.In
particular,the
newreading
of32
(with
afragm
ent
ofA
quila)has
hadto
relyentirely
onB
rea’sedition
made
nearly40
years
ago,but
Ihave
littlereason
todoubt
thesoundness
ofhis
textand
amco
n
fidentthat
notm
uchcan
bedone
toim
provethe
readingas
printedhere.
Photographs
ofinscribed
metal
surfacesare
atbest
difficultto
read,but
I
havenonetheless
chosennot
tofollow
thehabit
ofexcluding
platessim
ply
becausethey
canbe
onlypoorly
read.A
plateof
lesserquality
may
be
betterthan
noneat
all,especially
ifit
hasnever
beenpublished
before,
andthe
readercan
atleast
gainan
ideaof
thetablet’s
shapeand
condition.
One
shouldnote
thatdraw
ings(and
photographs)are
usually
enlargedand
donot
indicatethe
tablets’true
sizes;for
theseone
should
consultthe
dimensions
givenw
iththe
initialdescription
ofeach
piece.
The
figureddraw
ingsare
notintended
tobe
usedas
asubstitute
forthe
examination
ofthe
actualobjects
orgood
photographs.F
acsimiles
serve
onlyto
complem
entthe
genuineobject
andas
aguide
forletter-form
s.I
donot
claimthe
practicedhand
ofan
ancientscribe,
andm
istakesor
unintentionalm
isrepresentationsare
inevitable.
Many
ofthe
textsare
assigneddates
forthe
firsttim
e;other
dates
arealso
suggestedfrom
archaeologicalcontexts,
onomastics,
andother
historicaland
geographicalconsiderations.
Ashort
tableof
dates,like
that
foundin
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppi.M
ag.II,
p.363,
isgiven
below.
As
boththe
more
recentlypublished
papyriand
theam
uletsin
thiscorpus
show,
many
magical
textscan
nowbe
assignedto
relativelyearly
periods
(Ca.
secondcentury
B.C
.to
earlyfirst
A.D
.).7
7Th
isshould
come
asno
surprise,seeing
thatthe
corpusof
leaddefixiones
covers
thew
holeof
theperiod
fromthe
late6th
centuryB
.C.
tothe
endof
antiquity!M
atters
would
hardlybe
differentfor
protectiveam
ulets.H
ence,there
isno
intrinsicreason
why
magical
amulets
cannotbe
early-or
pre-Rom
anin
date;certainly
theearliest
Egyptian
magical
textsw
ouldhave
beenw
idelytranslated
fromD
emotic
intoG
reekunder
the
Ptolem
ies.It
shouldbe
notedthat
theearliest
datedtext
inD
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppi.
Mag.
II,no.
70(assigned
IT-IB
.C.),
isno
magical
textas
traditionallyunderstood,
but
some
kindof
descriptionfor
moulding
divineor
‘magical’
figures.T
heother
two
early
examples,
Suppi.M
ag.II,
nos.71
(IB
.C.)
and72
(Augustan)
areboth
magical
formularies,
asis
theearly
collectionof
incantationsgiven
inP
GM
XX
(1B
.C.).
F
5See
D.
R.
Jordan,,4thenische
Mitteilungen
95(1980),
p.227f.,
who
givesa
use
fulsurvey
ofw
hatkinds
oftexts
were
inscribedon
lead.W
ereserve
fora
subsequentstudy
asim
ilarsurvey
ofthe
sortsof
ancienttexts
written
ongold
andsilver.
There
alsoa
comprehensive
‘Testim
onja’of
ancientreferences
will
hegiven,
asw
ellas
acloser
studyof
theim
portantprecursors
tothe
magic
latnella:the
Egyptian
andP
unic-Phoerucian
amulets,
the‘O
rphic-Dionysiac’
tablets,the
‘Ocipuct-type’
lamellae,
theP
yrgigold
tablets,and
soon.
6L
eadw
asintentionally
preservedfor
them
oreaggressive
of
them
agicalo
pera
tions(the
writing
of&
yw-ycsI,
KaT
c1ÔC
IYJL
Ot,
lovespells,
curses,and
other‘m
alevolent’spells
ofthe
defixionurntabellae).
Although
thedistinctions
between
‘kindly’and
‘unkindly’m
agic—
between
thew
ritingof
agold
versusa
leadentablet
—do
sometim
esblur,
theancient
sources,and
presumably
thepractices
thatw
eredependent
uponthem
,seem
keenlym
indfulof
thedifferences.
Early-M
idI
B.C
.:48
IB.C
.:39
Augustan:
28
IA.D
.:36
IB
.C./1
A.D
.:36,
51
I/ITA
.D.:
2,10,
13
IIA
.D.:
7,11,
20,24,
29(E
arly),31,
40,42
Il-IllA
D.:
27,32,
37,38,
60,62,
65,66;
46(Il/lIT
A.D
.)
IIIA
.D.:
4,12,
14,15,
16,17,
34
Ill-TV
A.D
.:1,
23,33,
35,54,
55,56,
61
IVA
.D.:
8,18,
52,58,
68
TV-V
A.D
.:3,
41,47,
49,50,
57;26
(TV/V
A.D
.)
V-V
IA.D
.:45
The
‘curve’that
thistable
suggestsis
remarkably
closeto
thelist
givenin
Daniel
&M
altomini.
The
datesof
magic
texts,as
aw
hole,seem
topoint
toan
initial‘renaissance’
ofE
gyptianm
agicin
Ptolem
aictim
es,probably
manifesting
itselfin
theform
ofthe
inauguralpublication
ofD
emotic
andG
reek‘hieratic’
texts.T
hisis
followed
bya
periodof
nas
centbut
sustainedgrow
thfrom
the1st
centuryB
.C.
throughthe
1stcentury
A.D
.,during
which
time
theform
ularies—
with
theirow
ndeveloping
‘vocabulary’of
magic
—cam
einto
existenceand
beganto
prescribethe
useand
manufacture
ofm
agicalam
ulets.T
heproduction
ofinscribed
amulets,
whether
onpapyrus
orgold
leaf,m
usthave
beenseen
ascom
petingsom
ewhat
with
them
oretraditional
remedies
ofthe
root-cutters
andherbalists,
remedies
which
ofcourse
continuedto
playa
rolethroughout
laterantiquity.
Then,
beginningin
the2nd
centuryA
.D.,
we
seea
reallyform
idableexplosion
inthe
outputof
magical
literature,an
explosionthat
alsobrings
thefirst
greatinfusion
ofm
agicgem
sinto
thecom
mercial
market.
This
periodalso
witnesses
thehigh
productivityof
inscribedpapyrus
andm
etalam
uletsthroughout
theR
oman
world.
Itis
Introduction
interestingto
notethat
some
ofthe
earliestam
uletsof
thiscorpus
were
foundin
rather‘outlying’
areasof
theR
oman
world;
relativelyfew
of
themcom
efrom
Egyp
t.8
Fromthe
2ndcentury
on,a
sustainedw
aveof
magical
beliefsand
practicescarries
them
anufactureof
amulets
intotheir
Blutezeit
with
thecom
pilationof
thegreat
magical
formularies
ofthe
3rd
and4th
centuries.It
isduring
thisperiod
thatthe
magical
literature
becomes
‘canonized’—
itsterm
inologybecom
ingquite
technicallyfixed
andstandardized.
Thereafter,
inthe
5thand
6thcenturies
we
seea
slow
butsteady
dropoff
anddecline
inthe
qualityof
writing
andoverall
productivityof
amulets
ingeneral.
The
lamellae,
itseem
s,are
becoming
replacedby
anew
seriesof
bronzesuspension-am
ulets:m
ostlya
special
categoryof
Solom
onicam
uletsprobably
widely
usedby
thenow
nominally
Christian
population.
xviiiIntroduction
Chronological
Table
ofthe
Am
ulets
xix
81n
thiscorpus,
only59
and60
come
fromE
gypt(O
xyrhynchus).T
wo
unpublishedpieces
inC
ologne,a
silver‘Solom
onic’exorcism
andanother
silveram
ulet
forgout,
alsocom
efrom
Egypt
andw
illbe
publishedjointly
byR
.K
otanskyand
D.
R.
Jordan.A
silverlam
ella,preserving
along
Aram
aicincantation
with
onlyseveral
linesof
Greek,
isalso
saidto
come
fromT
ellel-A
marna.
Itis
publishedin
R.
Kotansky,
J.N
aveh,&
S.S
haked,“A
Greek-A
ramaic
Silver
Am
uletfrom
Egypt
inthe
Ashm
olean
Museum
,”L
eM
uséon105
(1992),pp.
5-26,but,
beinglargely
Aram
aic,is
notincluded
inthis
Corpus.
-
TA
BL
EO
FT
EX
TS
IG
old.E
buracum(Y
ork,E
ngland).Y
orkshireM
useumJJT
JVA
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2G
old.S
egontium(C
aernarvon,W
ales).C
ardiff,N
ationalM
useumof
Wales
I/ITA
.D.
3G
old.W
oodeaton,Islip
(Oxfordshire,
England).
Oxford,
Asim
ioleanM
useumTv-vA
.D.
4G
old.G
elduba(K
refeld-Gellep,
Germ
any).[L
ost]H
IA
.D.
5S
ilver.C
oloniaA
grippina(C
ologne,G
ermany).
RO
misch-G
ermanisches
Museum
,m
v.
nr.29.1804
Rom
an
6G
old.C
oloniaA
grippina(C
ologne,G
ermany).
Röm
isch-Germ
anischesM
useum,
mv.
Nr.
1167R
oman
7S
ilver.R
enania(B
adenweiler,
Germ
any).K
arlsruhe,B
adischesL
andesmuseum
IIA
.D.
8S
ilver.L
imonum
(Poitiers,
France).
Musée
deSaint
Germ
ain-en-Laye,
mv.
no.
46049IV
A.D
.
9G
old.Iculism
a(A
ngoOlem
e,F
rance).[L
ost]R
oman
10G
old.A
ugustoritumL
emovicum
(Lim
oges,F
rance).[L
ocationnot
known]
I/TIA
.D.
11B
ronze(A
).A
vennio(A
vignon,F
rance).M
uséeC
alvet,m
v.E
.66
IIA
.D.
Bronze
(B).
Mondragon
(France).
[Lost]
IIA
.D.
12G
old,S
ilver,(C
opper).C
astraR
egina(R
egensburg,G
ermany).
Museum
derS
tadt
Regensburg,
mv.
Nr.
Sttz.1513
IIIA
.D.
13S
ilver.C
arnuntum(A
ltenburg-Petronell,
Austria).
Eisenstadt,
Burgenländisches
Landesm
useum,
mv.
Nr.
SW4739b
I/TIA
.D.
14S
ilver.C
arnuntum(A
ltenburg-Petronell,
Austria).
Eisenstadt,
Burgenlandisches
Landesm
useum,
Inv.N
r.SW
4739aIII
A.D
.
15G
old.C
arnuntum(A
ltenburg-Petronell,
Austria).
Museum
Carnuntinum
(lost)H
IA
.D.
16S
ilver.C
arnuntum(A
ltenburg-Petronell,
Austria).
Museum
Carnuntinum
IIIA
D.
17G
old.vindobona
(Vienna,
Austria).
[Lost]
IIIA
.D.
18S
ilver.T
ricciana(S
agvar,H
ungary).B
udapest,M
agyarN
emzeti
Mdzeum
,m
v.no.
9.1939.4IV
A.D
.
19G
old.B
rigetio(Szony,
Hungary).
[Location
unknown]
Rom
an
20S
ilver.A
quincum,
(Budapest-O
buda,H
ungary).B
udapestiT
Orténeti
Müzeum
,m
v.N
r.
30236/3II
A.D
.
21G
old.A
quincum,
(Budapest-O
buda,H
ungary).[L
ocationunknow
n]R
oman
22G
old.K
allatis(M
angalia,R
umania).
Bucarest,
Muzeul
deA
rheologieR
oman
XX
IIT
ableof
Texts
23G
old.D
ierna(O
rov
a,R
umania).
Muzeul
Orlova
24G
old.D
ierna(O
rova,
Rum
ania).B
ucarest,Institutul
deA
rheologie
25G
old.R
ome
(Italy).[L
ost]
26G
old.R
ome
(Italy).[L
ost]
27G
old.R
ome
(Italy).L
ondon,B
ritishM
useum,
cat.no.
3154
28G
old.V
ignaC
odim(near
Rom
e,Italy).
Paris,
Cabinet
desM
édailles
Nationale),
cat,no.
1211
29G
old.C
iciliano(Italy).
Rom
e,M
useoN
azionaleR
omano
30G
old.B
rundisium(B
rindisi,Italy).
Museo
Archeologico
Provinciale,
‘F.R
ibezzo’
31G
old.N
earP
icenum(R
ipeSan
Ginesio,
Italy).[L
ost]
32C
opper.A
krae(P
alazzuoloA
creide,S
icily).S
yracuse,M
useo
Nazionale
33B
ronze.M
azzarino,S
icily.Syracuse,
Museo
Archeologico
Nazionale,
mv.
no.
82071Ill-T
VA
.D.
34S
ilver.C
oloniaA
rchelais(A
ksaray,N
ide.
Turkey).
Istanbul,A
rchaeological
Museum
,m
v.71.125
IIIA
.D.
35S
ilver.A
ntiocheiaC
aesarea(Y
alcac,T
urkey).A
nkaraA
rkeolojiM
üzesiIll/T
VA
.D.
36S
ilver.A
misos
(Sam
sun,T
urkey).B
russels,M
uséesR
oyauxd’A
rtet
d’Histoire,
mv.
A
1322IB
.C./IA
.D.
37G
old.E
phesus(S
elçuk,T
urkey).B
erlin,S
taatlicheM
useen,M
isc.8957
11-111A
.D.
38G
old.A
mphipolis,
Thrace.
London,
British
Museum
,cat.
no.3153
Il-IllA
.D.
39S
ilver.B
eroea(V
érria,M
acedonia).[L
ost]I
B.C
.
40G
old.T
hessalonjka(S
aloniki,M
acedonia).V
ienna,K
unsthistonschesM
useum,
mv.
Nr.
VII
B260
IIA
.D.
41G
old.P
hthiotis,T
hessaly.A
thens,N
ationalM
useum,
mv.
no.3413IV
-VA
.D.
42G
old.A
thenae(A
thens,G
reece).P
aris,C
abinetdes
Médailles,
Froehner,
no.285II
A.D
.?
43G
old.C
rete.L
ondon,B
ritishM
useum,
cat,no.
3157R
oman?
44G
oldIdaeum
Antrurn
(Mt.
Ida,C
rete).L
ocationunknow
nR
oman?
45G
old.L
aodiceaad
mare
(Latakia,
Syria).
Jerusalem,
Private
collectionV
-VI
AD
.
46S
ilver.B
eroea(A
leppo,S
yria).[L
ost]Il/Ill
A.D
.
47G
old.E
piphania(H
amah,
Syria).
Copenhagen,
National
Museum
8A256
N7
Bat.
V.
roomk
(10)13.5
1938
Table
ofT
extsX
xiii
48S
ilver.E
mesa
(Horns,
Syria).
Leiden,
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ofA
ntiquities,m
v.no.
B1952/7.1
Early-M
iddleI
B.C
.
49S
ilver.E
mesa
(}loms,
Syria).
[Lost]
mV
-VA
.D.
50G
old.H
eliopolis(B
a’albek,L
ebanon).B
eirut,M
uséedu
Beyrouth
TV-V
A.D
.
51G
old.B
erytus(B
eirut,L
ebanon).P
aris,C
abinetdes
M&
lailles,F
roehnerno.
286
IB
.C./I
A.D
.
52G
old.B
erytus(B
eirut,L
ebanon).P
aris,M
uséedu
Louvre,
Bj88
(i.
M.N
.D.
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IVA
.D.
53G
old.T
yrus(T
yre,L
ebanon).B
erlin,B
odemuseum
Late
Rom
an?
54S
ilver.H
aifa(Israel).
London,
British
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,cat.
no.3151
III-IVA
.D.
55G
old.N
earH
aifa(Mt.
Carm
el,Israel).
Paris,
Musée
duL
ouvre,B
j85
(mv.
M.N
.C.
2145)Ill-T
VA
.D.
56C
opper.K
h.M
uslih(near
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‘Evron,
Israel).Jerusalem
,Israel
Antiqities
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IAA
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111-mV
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.
57G
old.A
cquiredin
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aris,B
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ationale,C
abinetdes
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AD
.
58G
old.B
ostra,A
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usrã,Jordan).
Baltim
ore,W
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rtG
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.
59Silver
alloy.O
xyrhynchus,E
gypt.K
öln,Institut
fürA
ltertumskunde,
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KO
lnm
v.7
60S
ilver.O
xyrhynchus,E
gypt.K
öln,Institut
fürA
ltertumskunde,
T.
Köln
mv.
8
IIIA
D.
11-IllA
.D.
61G
old.B
allana,N
ubia.C
airo,A
rchaeologicalM
useum,
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A.D
.
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old.Z
ian,T
unisia.P
aris,B
ibliothèqueN
ationale,C
abinetdes
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Froehner,
11-IllA
.D.
63G
old.C
arthago,T
unisia.T
unis,M
uséed’A
loui,sec.
H,
cat.no.
60R
oman?
64S
ilver.T
hyrsdrus(E
lJem
,T
unisia).[L
ost?]R
oman?
65G
old.K
op-Takil,
Bosporus.
Paris,
Musée
duL
ouvre,Bj
86(M
.N.D
.1341)
Il-IllA
.D.
66S
ilver.K
op-Takil,
Bosporus.
Paris,
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Louvre,
Bj86
(M.N
.D.
1342)
67S
ilver.M
t.S
ür-T
a,C
rimea.
St.P
etersburg,H
ermitage
Museum
68S
ilver.C
yprus.P
aris,B
ibliothèqueN
ationale,F
roehnerno.
1212
IT-Ill
A.D
.
Ill-TV
A.D
.
IIA
D.
Rom
an
IV/V
A.D
.
Il-IllA
.D.
(Bibliothèque
Augustan
Early
IIA
.D.
Rom
an
IIA
.D.
Archeologico
Il-IllA
.D.
no.285a
Rom
an?
IVA
.D.
TV-V
A.D
.
ILL
US
TR
AT
ION
S
iA
mulet
1(F
romphoto).
2
2A
mulet
2(A
fterP
eers,m
odifiedfrom
photo)4
3A
mulet
3(F
romautopsy)
14
4A
mulet
4(A
fterS
iebourg)17
5C
apsulew
ithouter
tube+
innersection
(After
Grim
m)
17
6A
mulet
5(F
romphoto)
23
7A
mulet
5(lainella
stillrolled-up
showing
lettersfrom
backside)
23
8A
mulet
6(A
fterF
remersdorf)
24
9A
mulet
7(F
romphoto)
26
10A
mulet
8(M
odifiedfrom
Espérandieu,
Longuem
ar,L
ottner)33
11A
mulet
9(A
fterK
opp)42
12A
mulet
10(A
fterJoffroy)
45
13A
mulet
12(F
romphoto)
56
14A
mulet
12(F
romphoto)
56
15A
mulet
13(F
romphoto)
60
16A
mulet
14(F
romphoto)
72
17A
mulet
15(F
romphoto)
73
18A
mulet
16(F
romphoto)
75
19A
mulet
17(A
fterL
ambeck
[al&
After
vonK
arajan[b])
79
20A
mulet
18(F
romphoto)
83
21A
mulet
19(F
romphoto)
90
22A
mulet
20(F
romphoto)
92
23A
mulet
21w
ithC
apsule+
amulet
rolled-up(F
romphoto)
93
24A
mulet
22(A
fterT
ocilescu)94
25A
mulet
23(F
romphoto)
95
26A
mulet
24(A
fterR
ussu)98
27A
mulet
27(A
fterM
arshall)108
28A
mulet
28(F
romphoto)
115
29A
mulet
29(F
romphoto)
120
30A
mulet
30(A
fterC
omparetti)
122
31A
mulet
31(A
fterS
ilveri-Gentilom
)124
32A
mulet
32(A
fterj
131
xx
vi
Illustrations
33A
mulet
33(F
romphoto)
157
34A
mulet
34(F
romphoto)
157
35A
mulet
35(F
romphoto)
171
36A
mulet
36(F
romphoto)
184
37A
mulet
37(A
fterG
reifenhagen)205
38A
mulet
38(A
fterM
arshall)207
39A
mulet
39(F
romphoto)
212
40A
mulet
40(F
romphoto)
216
41A
mulet
41(F
romphoto)
221
42A
mulet
42(F
romphoto)
232
43A
mulet
43(A
fterM
arshall)234
44A
mulet
44(A
fterG
uarducci)235
45A
mulet
45(F
romphoto)
236
46A
mulet
46(A
fterM
outerde)239
47A
mulet
47(A
fterB
ülow-Jacobsen)
246
48A
mulet
48(F
romphoto)
250
49A
mulet
49(A
fterM
outerde)258
50A
mulet
50(F
romphoto)
263
51A
mulet
51(F
romautopsy)
+C
apsule(A
fterL
enormant)
266
52A
mulet
52(F
romphoto,
a-c)277,278,279
53A
mulet
53(A
fterS
iebourg)302
54A
mulet
54(A
fterM
arshall,m
odified)307
55A
mulet
55(A
fterD
am)
310
56A
mulet
56(A
fterK
otansky)315
57A
mulet
58(A
fterK
otansky)334
58A
mulet
59(F
romphoto)
352
59A
mulet
60(F
romphoto)
35460
Am
ulet61
(Eitrem
,m
odifiedfrom
photo)363
61A
mulet
62(F
romautopsy)
37062
Am
ulet65
(From
photo)378
63A
mulet
66(F
romphoto)
38064
Am
ulet67
(From
photo)383
65A
mulet
68(F
romphoto)
389
No.
3,C
ourtesyof
theA
shmolean
Museum
,O
xford
No.
2,C
ourtesyof
theN
ationalM
useumof
Wales
No.
11,(A
),C
ourtesyof
Musée
Calvet,
Avignon
No.
13,C
ourtesyof
G.
Schlag,B
urgenlandischesM
useum,
Eisenstadt
No.
[4,C
ourtesyof
G.
Schlag,B
urgenländischesM
useum,
Eisenstadt
No.
[8,C
ourtesyof
National
Museum
,H
ungary(and
David
Jordan)
Courtesy
ofthe
British
Museum
,L
ondon
(Front),
Courtesy
ofthe
Bibliothèque
Nationale,
Paris
(Back),
Courtesy
ofthe
Bibliothèque
Nationale,
Paris
(Front),
Courtesy
ofM
uséesR
oyauxd’A
rtet
d’Histoire,
Brussels
(Back),
Courtesy
ofM
uséesR
oyauxd’A
rtet
d’Histoire,
Brussels
Courtesy
ofthe
British
Museum
,L
ondon
Courtesy
ofthe
Kunsthistorisches
Museum
,V
ienna
Courtesy
ofthe
National
Museum
,A
thens
(Top
Detail),
Courtesy
ofthe
National
Museum
,A
thens
(Bottom
Detail),
Courtesy
ofthe
National
Museum
,A
thens
(Detail),
Courtesy
ofthe
National
Museum
,A
thens
(Detail),
Courtesy
ofthe
National
Museum
,A
thens
No.
42,C
ourtesyof
theB
ibliothèqueN
ationale,P
ans
No.
45,C
ourtesyof
JeffreySpier,
London
No.
47,C
ourtesyof
Kit
Weiss,
theN
ationalM
useum,
Copenhagen
No.
48,C
ourtesyof
Museum
ofA
ntiquities,L
eiden
No.
52,C
ourtesyof
Musëe
duL
ouvre(and
David
Jordan)
No.
54,C
ourtesyof
theB
ritishM
useum,
London
No.
55(B
ackonly),
Courtesy
ofM
uséedu
Louvre
(andD
avidJordan)
No.
56,C
ourtesyof
Zev
Radovan
andthe
IsraelA
ntiquitiesA
uthority
No.
58,C
ourtesyof
G.
Vikan,
The
Walters
Art
Gallery,
Baltim
ore
No.
58(B
ack),C
ourtesyof
G.
Vikan,
The
Walters
Art
Gallery,
Baltim
ore
No.
59,C
ourtesyof
theInstitut
fürA
ltertumskunde,
Cologne
No.
60,C
ourtesyof
theInstitut
fürA
ltertumskunde,
Cologne
No.
61,C
ourtesyof
Archaeological
Museum
,C
airo
LIS
TO
FP
LA
TE
S
PlateI.
No.
1,C
ourtesyof
Peter
Hall,
Yorkshire
Museum
,Y
orkshire
No.
27,
No.
28
No.2
No.
36
No.
36
No.
38,
No.
40,
No.
41,
No.
41
No.
41
No.
41
No.
41
Plate1.
PlateII.
PlateIII.
PlateIV
.
PlateIV
.
PlateV
.
PlateV
I.
PlateV
I.
PlateV
I.
PlateV
II.
PlateV
III.
PlateIX
.
PlateIX
.
PlateX
.
PlateX
I.
PlateX
II.
PlateX
III.
PlateX
IV.
PlateX
V.
PlateX
V.
PlateX
VI.
PlateX
VII.
PlateX
VIII.
PlateX
IX.
PlateX
X.
PlateX
XI.
PlateX
XII.
PlateX
XIII.
PlateX
X1V
.
PlateX
XV
.
PlateX
XV
I.
xxviiiL
istof
Plates
Plate
XX
VII.
No.
65,C
ourtesyof
Musée
duL
ouvre(and
David
Jordan)
Plate
XV
II.N
o.66,
Courtesy
ofM
uséedu
Louvre
(andD
avidJordan)
Plate
XX
VIII.
No.
68(F
ront&
Back),
Courtesy
ofthe
Bibliothêque
Nationale,
Paris
TE
XT
AN
DC
OM
ME
NT
AR
Y
1‘L
ordof
theG
ods’
Fig.1.
Plate
I
EB
UR
AC
UM
(York),
England
IIIIV
A.D
.
The
Yorkshire
Museum
H.
1.8cm
.;W
.2.8
cm.
(nom
v.num
ber)G
oldlam
ella
Lit.
C.
Welibeloved,
Eburacum
,or
York
underthe
Rornans
(York,
1842),p1.
17,
no.15
(fasc.,p.
131);idem
,Y
orkshireP
hilosophicalSociety’
Proceedings
1(1855),
p.
95;J.
Kenrick,
Yorkshire
PhilosophicalSociety
Proceedings1
(1855),p.
106(fig.);
E.
L.B
arnwell,
“The
Carnarvon
Talism
an,’A
rchaeologiaC
ambrensis,
ser.4,
vol.10
(1879),pp.
99-108(fig.),
esp.p.
103;0.
C.
Hom
e,R
oman
York.
The
Legionary
Headquarters
andC
oloniao
fE
boracum(L
ondon,1924);
An
Inventoryof
theH
istorical
Monum
entsin
theC
ityo
fY
ork,I:
Eboracum
,R
oman
Yo,*
(London,
1962),p.
133,no.
139(add.
lit.);p1.
65,no.
139(photo);
R.
Collingw
ood&
R.
P.W
right,R
oman
Inscrip
tionsof
Britain
(Oxford,
1965),vol.
1,pp.
236-237,no.
706(fasc.);
G.
C.
Boon,
Excavations
andD
iscoveries.2.
Rom
an,”B
ulletinof
theB
oardof
Celtic
Studies
21
(1964),pp.
96-99(p1.
ib,
2),esp.
p.99;
Eve
&John
R.
Harris,
The
Oriental
Cults
of
Rom
anB
ritain(E
PR
O6;
Leiden,
1965),p.
94;M
.H
enig,R
eligionin
Rom
anB
ritain
(London,
1984),pp.
184-188;
R.
Kotansky,
“AS
ilverP
hylacteryfor
Pain,”
J.Pau
lG
etty
Museum
Journal11(1983),
p.173;
P.Salw
ay,R
oman
Britain
(Oxford,
1981),p.
689.
The
tabletw
asfound
in1839
outsidethe
walls
ofR
oman
York
(Eboracum
,E
buracuin),on
thesouthw
estside
ofthe
river(at
thesite
of
thefourth-
centuryA
.D.
bathhouse),
when
workers
cutaw
ayan
archway
ofthe
wall
inthe
buildingof
theO
ldR
ailway
Station.Y
orkw
asa
legio
n
aryfortress
andcolonia
thatbecam
elargely
abandonedat
theend
ofthe
fourthcentury.
On
thesite,
ingeneral,
Welibeloved
1842;G
.F.
Wilm
ot,
art.“E
boracum,”
inR
.Stillw
ell,ed.,
TheP
rincetonE
ncyclopediao
f
Classical
Sites(Princeton,
1976),p.
290f.
The
amulet
preservesa
lineof
magic
XP
KT
PC
followed
bya
singlevox
magica.
The
shorttext
indicatesnothing
asto
itsspecific
pur
pose;how
ever,since
itw
asfound
atthe
siteof
abathing
facility,it
may
havebeen
depositedin
ahotroom
(LiroiccyI’urpa)
asa
love-spell(cf.
7).
The
tablethad
beenfolded
once,horizontally,
inthe
middle.
21
‘Lord
of
theG
ods’
I
1M
agicS
igns
2‘Fvsl3evvovO
1M
agicSigns:
These
charactêresparallel
asim
ilargroup
inK
otansky(1983:
169-178,above
‘Lit.’),
alsow
iththe
magic
name
cFv6f3eivovO(see
below).
Evidently
thesesym
bolsin
bothplaces
actas
asort
ofcryptogram
,probably
forthe
magic
name,
Phnebennouth,
itself.S
everalof
thesym
bolsseem
toapproxim
ateG
reekletters;
cf.A
.S.
Hunt,
“AG
reekC
ryptogram,”
Proceedings
of
theB
ritishA
cademy
15(1929),
pp.1-10.
The
initialsym
bolH
isrem
iniscentof
theabbreviation
forirp(ôç)
used,for
example,
insuch
phrasesas
irp(6ç)rv
psrô
v,
andso
on;cf.
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppi.M
ag.Ii,
no.88,
1,6(app.
crit.).24v.3&
pvovO:
The
name
correspondsto
Egyptian,
p3nh
(n)n3
ntr.w,
“The
lordof
thegods.”
SeeC
rumand
Murray’s
notein
R.
Col
lingwood
&R
.P.
Wright
1965:237;cf.
PG
MX
XX
VI.43f.:
7r8cOa
vyovyt
(‘He
isPtah
thehealthy,
thelord
ofthe
Abyss,’
soR
.R
itner,in
H.
D.
Betz,
Greek
Magical
Papyri
inT
ranslation[2nd
ed.C
hicago,19921,
p.270,
n.2);
onC
hnoubisgem
stones,cf.
A.
Delatte
&Ph.
Der
chain,L
esintailles
inagiquesgréco-égyptiennes
(Paris,
1964),nos.
77,78.
81,etc.:
(vctct/3tç)/3t61v9,
I3tevvov9(vel
sini.);C
.B
onner,S
tudiesin
Magical
Am
ulets(A
nnA
rbor,1950),
p.57,
who
refersto
U.
Kopp,
Palaeographia
Critica
(Mannheim
,1829),
vol.IV
,p.
158,rn
z7
lrT2
,“bound
bycharm
s.”T
henam
ealso
occurson
asilver
lamella
inthe
Getty
Museum
(alsoto
appearin
vol.II):
R.
Kotansky,
“AS
ilverP
hylacteryfor
Pain,”
J.P
aulG
ettyM
useumJournal
11(1983),
pp.169-178,
p.172,
lines1-4:‘4’ve,I3.svvou,
Fvl3Evvvov9,
o1uoLw
gv13vvov9.
2Jew
ishL
iturgicalF
ragm
ents
inG
reek
Fig.2.
Plate
Ii
The
goldcharm
was
foundin
1827during
theexcavations
ofthe
housecalled
Cefn
Hendre
(seem
apin
Haverfield
1910:83;W
heeler
1923:14,fig.
1),located
outsideof
thesouthernm
ostcorner
ofthe
Rom
an
fortat
Segontiurn.
The
house,of
alate
date,w
assituated
atopa
Rom
an
cremation
cemetery
thatlay
southeastof
thefort
alongthe
southsideof
Lianbeblic
Road.
The
cemetery
yieldedthree
burialurns
in1922
(1stcent.
A.D
.),as
well
asevidence
ofother
gravesites,though
nosystem
atic
excavationsw
erecarried
out.O
nthe
phylactery’sdiscovery.
Wheeler
states,“It
may
havecom
efrom
agrave,
but,though
therew
ascertainly
a
cemetery
onthis
sideof
thefort,
nodetails
ofthe
discoveryof
thegold
plateare
known”
(p.129).
According
toB
oon,the
sitehad
beenoccupied
fromthe
periodsca.
75-140A
.D.;
ca.210-300
A.D
.;and
Ca.350-390
A.D
.,after
which
time
them
ilitarygarrison
was
withdraw
n.L
etter-forms
suggestthat
thistablet
belongsto
theearliest
period;it
probablycam
e
SE
GO
NT
IUM
(Caernarvon),
Wales
Cardiff,
National
Museum
ofW
ales
(nom
v.num
ber)
Fig.1
I/IlA
.D.
H.
10.4cm
.;W
.3.05
Gold
lamella
Lit.
Mr.
Paigrave,
Quarterly
Review
37(M
arch,1828),
p.488;
J.0
.W
estwood,
,4rchaeologiaC
’amhrensis
3(1848),
pp.361-363;
A.
W.
Haddan
&W
.S
tuhbs,C
ouncils
andE
cclesiasticalD
ocuments,
vol.1
(Oxford,
1869).p.
40,no.
7;E.
Hdbner,
InscriptioflesB
ritanniaeC
hristianae(B
erlin&
London,
1876),p.
80,no.
215:W
olf
Wilhelm
Graf
Baudissin,
Studienzur
semitischen
Religionsgeschichte,
vol.1
(Leipzig,
1876),pp.
187ff.;E
.L
.B
arnwell,
‘The
Carnarvon
Talism
an.”A
rcheologiac’atnhrensis,
ser.4,
vol.10
(1879)99-108
(fig.);F
.H
averfield,“M
ilitaryA
spectso
fR
oman
Wales.”
C’vm
,nrodorianS
ocietyT
ransactions(1908-1909)
119101,pp.
85-86(fig.
8);C
.R
.P
eers,
Proceedings
of
theSociety
of A
ntiquarieso
fLondon,
ser.2,
vol.31(1
919),
pp.127-131
(with
W.
J.H
emp);
Sir
Mortim
erW
heeler.“S
egontiumand
theR
oman
Occupation
of
Wales,”
YC
’v,n,nrodor33
(1923),pp.
129-230;R
.C
ollingwood
&R
.P.
Wright,
Rom
an
Inscriptionso
fB
ritain(O
xford.1965),
vol.1.
p.144,
no.436;
G.
C.
Boon,
Bullein
of
theB
oardof
Celtic
Studies
21(1
964
),pp.
96-99;E
.H
arris&
J.R
.H
arris,T
heO
riental
cults
of
Rom
ainB
ritain(L
eiden.1965),
p.93f.,
no.1;
M.
J.V
ermaseren,
inJ.
R.
Hin
nells,ed.,
Mithraic
Studies(M
anchester,1971),
p.447,
note4;
M.
Henig,
Religion
in
Rom
anB
ritain(L
ondon,1984),
pp.184-188.
42
Jewish
Liturgical
Fragm
ents2
Jewish
Liturgical
Fragm
ents5
fromthe
cemetery.
The
originalam
uletis
keptin
storagein
thelocal
town
Council
ofC
ardiff,w
itha
replicaon
displayin
theSegontium
Museum
,C
ardiff.The
textpreserves
aJew
ishliturgical
formula
written
inG
reekle
tters
andincluding
acurious
mixture
ofnorm
alG
reekphrases,
some
ofw
hichappear
tohave
beenm
arginalglosses
insertedinto
thebody
ofthe
text.O
ccasionallyw
ordsare
squeezedin
between
linesor
onthe
right-hand
margin.
There
isalso
some
punctuationbetw
eenm
agicnam
es.
Adônai
Elôaie
Sabaôth,
Eie
Esar
Eie,
Soura
Arbartiaô,
being,being,
being,
livingexcellently,
Elliôn
Hannôra
Hagibbôr
Baillalaam
ôthB
arouchA
ththa
OubarO
UZ
Houdêcha
everO
lam-leôlam
Akkram
arachamari
Am
orimP1m
b-
zanaT
houth(m
agicsigns).
Protect
me,
Alfianus.
1-3‘A
ôwvae
‘EX
wcre
alathO
:’EX
waI
occursin
35,1;38,22
(‘EXoe),
41-44(‘EX
wetv);
theother
two
divinenam
esare
usuallyfound
with
‘Mw
.H
ere,though,
thethree
names,
ratherthan
representingthe
triad‘Icw
a(3
aO
‘A&
wai,
correspondto
theH
ebrewphrase
“Lord
God
ofH
osts.”C
f.,e.g.,
Hosea
12:6:T
Irl’,
wa-yhw
h‘ëlO
hë
hassb
ã‘ôt,
where
thedivine
Tetragram
maton
would
havebeen
conven
tionallypronounced
ádOnai.
Our
textprobably
derivesfrom
Jewish
liturgy(see
belowon
lines14f.).
3-4etc
cuap
ete
:etO
euapeted.
pr.T
heseletters
were
not
previouslyidentified
correctly;etc
cuap
etcrepresents
atransliteration
of
thecom
mon
magical
phraseV
]tZ
7]‘],
‘ehye‘äer
‘ehye,“I-am
-
who-I-am
”(E
xod.3:14)
foundin
Hebrew
andA
ramaic
magical
texts;see
J.N
aveh&
S.Shaked,
Am
uletsand
Magic
Bow
ls(Jerusalem
&L
eiden,
1985),esp.
p.49:
A2:10;
A3:2f;
A11:1;
12:6,40,etc.;
cf.Jerom
e,
Epistula
XX
V,7f.
(ed.H
ilberg),p.
219(on
theten
names
ofG
od):Sex-
turneser
ieie,quod
inE
xodolegitur:
quiest,
misit
me;
Jerome,
De
Psalmo
CX
LV
I,5(ed.
Morin),
p.329:
diciturE
serIaia.
4uovpct:
The
readingcorresponds
tothe
Hebrew
imperative
of11D
(swr)
i.e.,V
11,
(sarah);generally,
“toturn
aside(in
one’sdirection)”
—
perhapshere
inthe
sense,“com
eover
here”(as
inR
uth4:1),
ratherthan
“turnaside”
(e.g.,harm
,or
evil);how
ever,in
connectionw
iththe
next
word,
we
suggest“turn
asidethe
wrath
ofG
od”(below
,lines
4f.).
D.
Martinez,
P.M
ichiganX
VI
(Atlanta,
1991),p
.2
8,4
5provides
apossible
parallelfor
thenam
esin
lines3f.,
above:a&
vatctt
wctp
uvp
ta,
which
suggeststhe
readinga&
wat
at
tuap
<at>
uvp
ta(w
ithat
tuapat,
again=
]‘]
1tI7rl’rx
).
4-5ap
l3cx
prtaw
:A
probablevariant
ofthe
magic
deity‘A
pf3a8taw,
“fourfoldY
ahweh”
(=m
n’37
1,
i.e.,arbac
lao[Y
HW
H],
referringto
thefour
lettersof
theholy
Tetragram
maton);
cf.C
ollingwood
andW
right1965:144.
Fauth,
Oriens
Christianus
67(1983),
pp.65-103,
givesa
1‘A
&w
aIe‘E
Xw
aiea1
3a-
wOetc
euap
et
4e
uovpaap/3cxp-
rtaw&
v&w
,i’&
‘vK
a
‘Xç’
eXX
twvtv
8vw
pa
‘y’yt/3-
f3wp
f3atXX
a
Xaatw
913a-
pov
aOO
aov
12ap
ou
oij
xa
cxetw
XcrIL
Xe
wX
aL‘A
KK
PctIL
a
paxapapt
aL
o
16pt.t
‘4’a
iava
9ouOX
III(m
agicsigns)
(magic
signs)
(magic
signs)
20(m
agicsigns)
(magic
signs)
(magic
signs)&
a
çbI’XaT
Té
24tte,
‘AX
cbta
(\)E
N1k)p
>‘\
.‘J>.AO
X\J
PL
(p
14\
45
1\
&\-
>2
t\
pat,.Fig.
2
I
62
Jewish
Liturgical
Fragments
2Jew
ishL
iturgicalFragm
ents7
thoroughanalysis
of‘A
p/3a8taw;
thenam
e,how
ever,is
alsospelled
xf3
pa8
ta,(&
Bpcrta,)
which,
with
theheretofore
unexplainedtheta/tau,
givesus
perhapsa
differentH
ebrewreading,
areading
thatfits
thecontext
here.B
iblicalH
ebrew‘ebräh,
“wrath,”
when
occurringin
construct
(=“w
rathof
x”)provides
thenecessary
terminative
-Tisuggested
bythe
transliteratedG
reek:V!71’
3T37
(cebratY
HW
H[=
Iaô]),
i.e.,“the
wrath
of
theL
ord.”T
heprecise
phraseoccurs
inthe
Bible:
T1I
1T
1bayôm
‘ebratyhw
h(=
lao),“in
theday
ofthe
wrath
ofthe
Lord”
(Zeph.
1:18;
Ezek.
7:19);sim
ilarly,Isaiah
9:18;13:13
gives,m
n’
b’ebratlao
Sab’ot,“w
iththe
wrath
ofthe
Lord
ofH
osts”(=
lao
Sabaôth).
Hence,
thecom
binedw
ordsuoupcr
&pf3crpnctci
nowgive
us,
“Turn
aside,0
wrath
ofthe
Lord.”
5-7&w
&w&
v(v
KaX
&ç):
Collingw
oodand
Wright
1965:144point
toE
x.3:14
(LX
X),
‘Eythi1u
tb
,p,
andsuggest
thatthe
words
alludeto
theliving
God,
“Who
was,
Who
is,and
Who
shallbe”
(cf.further
NT
Rev.
11:17;16:5,
etc.,b
&w,cxi
bv
icilpxóheP
oc;B
auer-Arndt
Gingrich-D
anker,A
Greek-E
nglishL
exiconof
theN
T[C
hicago,1979],
s.v.def.
le).T
hew
ordsp
pp
would
thenseem
torepresent
a
somew
hatim
preciseG
reekgloss
onthe
transliteratedH
ebrewof
ete
eocxp
ete,a
glosssim
ilarto
theapparent
&el
wX
ajX
ec,Xcr
inline
13f.below
.
The
presenceof
Greek-H
ebrewglosses
insertedw
ithinthe
readings
ofan
amulet
foundin
Rom
anB
ritainpoints
toa
manuscript
ofan
older
andm
oredistant
textualancestry.
Originally,
interlinear(or
marginal)
glossesm
usthave
beenpreserved
inthe
magic
formulary
thatincluded
thisparticular
amulet.
Alater
scribecopied
theseinterlinear,
glossed
pp’q
putaT
cxdirectly
backinto
thetext
ofthe
amulet
proper.
5-7(cw
&w&,v)
&v
KcrX
cç:
icaXthç
(readK
crXôc)
Collingw
ood&
Wright.
We
notedabove
thepossible
connectionof
&w&w
vw
ithE
xod.
3:14.B
utw
hatare
we
tom
akeof
theodd
phrase&
,vicaX
thç,and
howis
thisto
beread
with
thetriple
&iv
’s?C
onceivably,“living
excellently”m
ayagain
referto
theH
ebrewG
od,a
godw
hois
oftendescribed
onam
ulets
asO
ebç&
w;
cf.51,8f.;
52,80;65,1;
67,2f.(but
neverw
ithiccrX
óç!).O
nthe
otherhand,
theexpression,
seems
ratherto
echoa
philosophicalor
funeraladage
andm
ayhave
beenused
asan
amuletic
formula
referringto
thebearer
ofthe
charmitself
(see‘E
xcursus,’below
).
8-10X
Xtø
v&
vvwpa
&yt13l3w
p:T
heseseem
inglym
agicor
divine
names
areagain
Hebrew
written
inG
reekletters.
The
whole
corresponds
rmn
p’737,celyôn
hannôrahhaggibbO
r,“E
lyonthe
terrible,the
mighty.”
Cf.
Deut.
10:17:‘‘1
W’
7K
hã’ëlhaggadol
hag
gib
borw
hannOrãh,
“thegreat,
them
ighty,the
awesom
eG
od”(sim
ilarly,
Neh.
9:32;P5.
47:2).In
J.N
aveh&
S.Shaked,
Am
uletsand
Magic
Bow
ls(Jerusalem
&L
eiden,1985),
A1:8,
thearchangel
Ishmael
iscalled
“thegreat,
mighty,
andterrifying”
(7’rrfl
1W.
7X77t7’,
p.40f.).
Jerome,
Epist.
XX
V,6
(Com
mentary
above,line
3),interprets
‘Elyon’
asthe
fifthnam
eof
God:
Quintum
elion,quem
nos‘excelsum
’
dicimus.10-11
3crtXX
cXctcqu.*8
(readperhaps
BeX
XctX
acrcO):
We
havehere
more
probabletransliteration
ofH
ebrew.
BatX
Xa
may
representthe
deity
Ba’al
orB
e!(see
below),
buta
more
typicalH
ebrewexpression
isperhaps
forthcoming
inn?r,
ballaylch,“in
thenight,”
orbalaylah,
“at
night.”A
ndalthough
theSem
itic-soundingX
actuøOrem
indsone
ofsuch
magic
names
asX
aaXat
(57,7),here
theending
might
representTV1?,
môt
(inconstruct
andsuffixal
forms):
“death;pestilence”
—or,
perhapsbetter
Ti71,
“theD
eath/Pestilence,”
toachieve
thealpha
in-aitw
O;
cf.also
Ti1&7,
lämât,
“todie,”
andsim
ilarform
s.H
ence,the
whole
phrasem
ight
be,“in
thenight
of(the)
Death/P
estilence.”F
orthe
connection,note
the
magical
bowl
inC
.D
.Isbell,
Corpus
ofthe
Aram
aicIncantation
Bow
ls
(Missoula,
1975),8:5
thatdescribes
a‘m
ightydestroyer’:
“...
andyou
donot
kill...
eitherduring
thenight
(‘7’½
,blyly’)
orduring
theday”
(p.35).
Baillalaam
Oth,
then,is
adestructive
nightdem
on.
Another
possibilityfor
theB
atXX
aXcicijc9
isA
ramaic
X75
7Z
,7
37
Ti1?,
Bacal
lêlä
’ham
Ot,
“Lord
overthe
Pestilence/D
eath”—
a
seemingly
betterinterpretation
inthis
liturgicalcontext.
11-15l3cvpovx
aO8a
ovf3crpovoL&
,>cx&
eøX
crtX
ewX
crt:T
he
Hebrew
equivalentis
thw
z7
t17
nin
ni
p’i
nm
p,
“Blessed
artthou
andblessed
bethy
gloryforever
andever,”
asnoted
inthe
editioprin
ceps.T
heG
reekinterpretation,
&eI,
“always,”
“ever,”next
toits
Hebrew
equivalentsuggests
thata
copyistw
orkedfrom
aversion
suppliedw
ith
glossesindicating
them
eaningof
theH
ebreww
ords(see
above,C
om
mentary,
lines5-7).
LI,
82
Jewish
Liturgical
Fragm
ents2
Jewish
Liturgical
Fragm
ents9
The
transliteratedH
ebreww
ordsprobably
derivefrom
Jewish
liturgy.A
tleast
asim
ilarblessing
formula,
TTiK‘ri,
brwk
‘th,occurs
in
a“H
ebrewprayer”
preservedin
theso-called
Kreuzauffindungslegende
citedin
A.
M.
Kropp,
Ausgew
ahlteK
optischeZ
aubertexte(B
russels,
1931),B
d.II,
no.X
XV
II,pp.
81-85(
Leiden,
Anastasi,
no.9),
p.81,
who
givesG
reekparallels
mainly
fromK
.W
otke,“D
iegriechische
Vor
lageder
lateinischenK
reuzauffindungslegende,”W
ienerS
tudien13
(1891),pp.
300-311,p.
307.T
herelevant
portionof
theG
reek(according
toK
ropp)reads:
pe
r’i)v4
x,v
vai.’roii
r‘E
3pcrf&&
aXéicrc,
evXójL
voç
KaL
Xé’y
voirw
çatp
aaK
PLIL?1IL
LX
aJcblla&
vc43p
aX
ct
ate
&O
X4
aO
vT
tOu130
00
Ka9
aa3
ovcx
aX
øt
8KL
cxpa9auLw
avth
3aX
,FC
TX.
(Wotke’s
textis
slightlydifferent,
andan
attempted
analysisof
the
underlyingH
ebrewgiven
byJaffé
inthe
notesis
largelyunreliable).
Another
magical
texton
wood
givesnearly
thesam
eH
ebrewliturgy
thoughw
rittenin
Coptic
(bari2chchattai
adônaielôei);
seeS.
Pernigotti,
in:R
.P
intaudi&
P.J.
Sijpesteijn,edd.,
Tavolette
ligneee
cerateda
van
e
collezioni(P
apyrologicaF
lorentina18;
Florence,
1989),no.
13:T
esto
magico,
pp.59-69,
lines5f.,
who
notesthe
parallelin
Kropp,
cited
above.F
urther,J.
Naveh
&S.
Shaked,A
mulets
andM
agicB
owls
(Jerusalem&
Leiden,
1985)A
3:18has
IK
rx
pin
,b,w
k‘th
‘dwnnw
,“B
lessedare
youour
Lord”
(p.51);
further,A
15:23f.;B
12b:
sec.X
.O
nother
possibleinstances
ofH
ebreww
rittenw
ithG
reekletters,
cf.C
.B
ruston,“U
netablette
magique
expliqueepar
l’Hébreu,”
Revue
Archéologique,
ser.5,
vol.10
(1919)28-30.
14-15cX
c4LX
CØ
XaJL
:O
nw
Xa,
cf.the
word
inthe
expression
øX
a3,ip
ci
(4,2);A
.Jacoby,
Archiv
furR
eligionswissenschaft
28(1930),
p.278
(and“N
achtrage,”p.
285),including
otherparallels
alsoequivalent
toH
ebrew;
J.N
aveh&
S.Shaked,
Am
uletsand
Magic
Bow
ls(Jerusalem
&L
eiden,1985)
A1:12;
B8:II,IV
,etc.
The
Greek
andH
ebrewequivalents
ofthe
whole
oflines
1-15can
thusbe
givenas
follows:
A&
ipcrtcCXWcXL
af3crc,,8
tc
e,a
puovpa
ap/3
crpn
aweX
Xtw
i’àvvw
pa
àyy
t/33
wp
f3aiAX
aXaa,w
Oia
po
ux
aOO
cxov3apou
o&
xa
wX
aX
ewX
a
rni’
ZV
17T
D‘rT
R‘1l7t
flX
‘rl*K
‘IX
D?W
thwrIYrlrT
,,,,rir
-p,
nT
th‘‘
,i’i
rri,
p’y
‘Adonay
‘ê1Oh
hass?bã‘ot
‘ehye‘O
er‘ehye
sdrãhC
ebratYH
WHtetyon
hannôrãhhaggibbO
rba’aI
lela
’ham
ôtbarâk
‘attaübarâk
hôdekahO
la,n
la-<ôlam.
“Lord
God
ofH
osts,I-am
-who-I-am
,turn
asidethe
wrath
ofY
HW
H,
0
God
Most
High,
theT
errible,the
Mighty,
Lord
overD
eath(‘1),
blessedbe
Thou
andB
lessedT
hyG
loryforever
andever.”
15-16aK
KpajcvpaX
cruapt:T
heusual
formof
thism
agicw
ordis
axpaaX
aP
PL
;G
.Scholem
,Jew
ishG
nosticism,
Merkabah
Mysticism
,
andT
almudic
Tradition
(2nded.,
1965),A
pp.B
.,pp.
94-100has
posited
anoriginal
Aram
aic‘7?
+1j737,
“uproot(or
eradicate)m
agicspells”
(lit.
“nets,traps”)
forthis
word.
Here
thespelling
ofthe
word
hasan
addi
tionalpa
(dittography?).It
isim
portantto
pointout,
moreover,
thatthe
‘Hebrew
’prayer
ofthe
Kreuzauffindungslegende,
citedabove
preservesa
similar
word
atKpa
aic
p7.
16-17a,1optp:
PossiblyH
ebrewfor
Am
orites(or
Em
orites),a
peoplesynonym
ousw
ithm
agicalpractices;
seeP
GM
IV.3011:
euc.pt
(identifiedby
L.
Blau,
Das
altjudischeZ
auberwesen,
Jahresberichtder
Landes-R
abbinerschulein
Budapest,
1897-98[B
udapest,18981,
p.112,
n.1,as
‘VX
,“A
morites”).
More
generallythe
name
canbe
Hebrew
for
“speaker’s;interpreters”
(“enchanters”?)—
areference
tom
agicians,not
tothe
Talm
udicA
moraim
.
17O
ovO:
The
godT
hoth.F
orits
contexthere,
seeG
.M
ussies,
“InterpretatioJudaica
ofT
hot-Herm
es,”Studies
inE
gyptianR
eligion,
Dedicated
toP
rofessorJan
Zandee
(Leiden,
1982),pp.
89-120.
23-24&
crc
XaT
Te:
4C’X
arr,ed.
pr.
(At
theend
ofthe
previous
line,one
canclearly
seethe
initial&
a-,previously
readas
magical
signs).
The
useof
theplural
imperative
shows
thatthe
divinenam
esaddressed
areunderstood
asa
hostof
deities,and
notjust
theone
(Hebrew
)G
od.
The
presentim
perative,as
well
asA
ttic-T
T-,
israre
inthe
magic
papyri.
25-26‘A
X4navóv:
The
name
isa
Latin
cognomen
Alfianus,
mean
ing,“belonging
to(the
gens)A
lfius.”See
I.K
ajanto,T
heL
atinC
og
nomina
(Helsinki,
1965),pp.
32-35;p.
140(six
men,
onew
oman
attested
inC
IL).
The
absenceof
them
atrinealform
ulais
typicalof
amulets
before
thesecond
centuryA
.D.
102
Jewish
Liturgical
Fragm
ents
Excursus:
‘Being’
and‘E
xcellentL
iving’in
theC
ontextof
Death
We
havesuggested
abovethat
thecurious
participial&
,v,ccrX
&,ç,
with
itsdistinctively
alliterative&
p&
wi.w
,m
ayrefer
tothe
livin
gG
od.’O
nthe
otherhand,
theadverb
KcX
X&
,çis
hardlyappropriate
asa
theologicalcategorization
ofG
od(even
theadjective
KclX
oçw
ouldbe
anunusual
des
criptionfor
God).
Living
excellently,’w
eargue,
describesthe
moral
characterof
thebearer
ofthe
charmitself
andappears
topreserve
aphilosophical
clichéborrow
edfrom
popularand
learneddiscussions
overthe
theme
ofdeath
andm
ortality.Such
athem
ew
ouldhave
beenappropriate
fora
protectiveam
uletthat
must
havealso
servedto
providefor
theneeds
ofthe
bearer’safterlife.
The
precisephrase
&w
iccxX&
.,ç(and
closeequivalents)
inphilosophi
calcircles
aims
tocom
municate
properor
nobleliving,
with
specialreference
toliving
the“blessed
life”(
i&ao
vic
)—
however
thatconcept
might
bedefined.
Plutarch,
tocite
anim
portantexam
ple,inform
sus
thatA
lexanderthe
Great
learnedfrom
hisnatural
fatherhow
toconduct
hislife
atthe
mundane,
workaday
level;but
itw
asonly
fromhis
philosophical
mentor,
Aristotle,
thathe
learnedhow
trulyto
live—
howto
livem
ost
“excelle
ntly
”(ci,g
&‘
,Ksip
oP
thv&
,v,
&i
TO
L’T
OP
6K
cIXW
C,
Plutarch,
Alex.
8.4,3f.).Sim
ilarly,Polybius,
too,tells
howA
ntigonusnot
only“lived
excellently,”but
alsohow
evenin
deathhis
goodliving
providedfor
thefuture
needsof
hiskingdom
andoffspring:
‘AP
TI-y
ovoç
y&
pK
cxX
cicp
èvj
irpoáur
Tñc
re1auL
X8icc
ct
roi
irrt6ôçcti’ro
,
Kcx
Xw
çe
TO
PI3tov
p.T
c1
XX
cT
TcP
rpoevo9
rp6çr
AX
ov
7re
pl
7C
PT
WV
rUn)rp
/fLaT
C)P
(Hist.IV
.87.6).
Itis
theslow
butinevitable
resolutionof
lifeinto
deaththat
shapesthe
naturalenvironm
entfor
thecontem
plationof
what
excellentliving
trulyconstitutes.
Sometim
es,how
ever,good
livingw
asnot
enough:though
Agesilaus,
theSpartan
king,w
asdeem
edpious,
hebelieved
thatliving
one’slife
(evenif
lived‘excellently’)
couldnever
inspiretrue
happiness;only
thosew
hodie
gloriouslyare
reallycounted
ble
ssed:
crL
ttc
yt8
oIc
,jpiiv
,voIv
To
vç
fL6P
KcrX
ØC
WP
Tcx
c•oirc,
ev&
YL
fLoP
aç,
Tovç
eV
KX
eøç
TeT
8X
8V
T?7
KoT
cç51
J/1
cK
ofp
Iovç
(Xenophon,
Ages.
11.8,4f.).
Hence
inantiquity
thepossibility
ofachieving
happinessor
of‘liv
ingexcellently’
couldperhaps
onlybe
welcom
edw
itha
growing
senseof
E2
Jewish
Liturgical
Fragm
ents11
pessimism
;an
appreciationfor
life’sm
eaningis
directlyproportionate
to
thedim
inutionof
itslongevity.
Only
inthe
waning
yearsof
life—
when
onecould
hopefullystill
provide‘good-living’
forstate
orfam
ily(as
Antigonus
did),or
pauseto
casta
lingeringglance
backat
alife
nobly
lived(as
Plutarchof
Alexander),
ordie
insom
enoble
fashion(as
Agesilaus
would
haveit)
—can
truehappiness
beachieved.
How
eudairnoniacould
bestbe
fulfilledvaried
fromsocial
stratum
tosocial
stratum,
andfrom
onephilosophical
schoolto
another.B
utfor
ourconcerns,
itis
worthw
hileto
observethat
anow
nerof
acom
mon
cric
ripu
wdescribed
‘&w
KcX
â,ç’could
havebeen
justas
concerned
abouthappiness
asa
philosopher-king;for
among
allcollective
groupsof
society,w
hetherrich
orpoor,
theinevitability
ofdeath
lurkedconstantly
inthe
minds
ofthose
who
feltpow
erlessover
thecaprices
ofFate.
Either
throughthe
onsetof
oldage,
thedebilitating
effectsof
alingering
infirmity,
orthe
fearof
some
life-endangeringm
ishap,the
dreadof
dying
became
onedom
inantm
otivationbehind
thew
ritingof
amulets
inthe
ancientw
orld.D
idA
lfianus’sam
ulethave
hisow
n8iô
ato
vIa
inm
indin
citingthe
phrase&
wiccX
&ç?
Would
suchan
axiomas
‘livingexcellently’
havebeen
usedof
thebearer
ofa
protectiveam
uletas
asort
ofapotropaic
device?Faced
eitherw
itha
life-threateningdisease
orconfronted
with
the
passingof
youth,a
wearer
ofan
amulet
might
havefound
some
comfort
insuch
anaxiom
aticsaying,
especiallyif
itsuse
hadbecom
epreviously
fixedin
afuneral
contextfrom
which
itcould
havebeen
easilyextracted.
Indeed,uses
similar
tothe
participial&
,vand
vof
ouram
uletcan
be
foundin
prescribedfunerary
settings,suggesting
thatthe
phraseson
the
Caernarvon
phylacteryw
eredirectly
borrowed
fromcom
monplace
sepul
cherslogans
andform
ulas.
Asurviving
family
mem
ber,in
engravingan
epitaphfor
his
deceasedkin,
seems
toenvision
hisow
nm
ortalityin
claiming
them
onu
ment
forhis
own
futureburial:
MiK
KaX
Oç
M’qvo[qS]IX
ouk
rVT
&’L
KaL
TV
cv.iroiiyvvau
âK
X8vrcrpc1L
17RL
UV
K8
TO
AV
rI/1LO
PcY
VB
UT
17
6P
.
XaE
pe,“M
ikkalosson
ofM
enophilos,w
hilestill
alive,has
erectedthe
tomb
for
himself
andhis
wife
Cleopatra,
who
lived25
years.F
arewell!”
(T.
Corsten,
ed.,D
ieInschrzften
vonA
paineia[B
ithynienund
Pylai];
[1K
32;B
onn,19871,
no.107
(italicsm
ine;cf.,
similarly,
ibid,no.
142).T
he
122
Jewish
Liturgical
Fragm
ents
participial&
,v,like
itsoccurrence
onour
amulet,
emphasizes
thefact
thatthe
owner
isstill
aliveas
heprovides
forthe
after-lifeneeds
ofhis
lovedones.
Ina
similar
way,
aninscription
fromT
ikve,
Macedonia
(dated102-
103A
.D.)
givesm
uchthe
same
butalso
connectsthe
participlesv
and&
,vin
aw
ayrem
iniscentof
thevery
usefound
onour
phylactery:àto
pv
gs,
T(i)
cr&X
çb,iccu
E8
1c0
vP
&?
Tq,
irarp
tK
CEI.Y
6K0vv(3çt
i-flu
irpi
Kat
ctv
r,àiro
iqu
allp
eIuoç
KT
içèK
€1
vo
uirvp&
çK
at
8KT
&fl
i.5Ic.wro
vç
vç’,“F
orD
ionysus,his
brother,and
Secundus,his
father,and
Secunda
hism
other,and
forhim
self,Prim
ushas
made
[thisepitaph]
fromhis
[brother’s]tom
b[?]
andfrom
hisow
nexpenses,
while
hew
asalive
andliving.
Year
56”(T
extfrom
SEG
32[1982],
no.655,
with
H.
W.
Pleket’s
comm
entary,p.
194).T
heseexam
plesfrom
philosophicaland
funerarycontexts
provideenough
comparative
material
tosuggest
thatthe
notionsof
‘living,’‘being
alive,’and
‘livingexcellently’
alludedto
onour
amulet
probablyderive
fromfixed
funeralslogans
thathave
beenadapted
foran
amuletic
—and
thenpost-m
ortem—
application.O
neis
imm
ediatelyrem
indednot
onlyof
the‘O
rphic-Dionysiac’
goldlam
ellae,but
especiallyof
thelate
Hel
lenisticgold
leavescarrying
theengraved
funeraryadage,
O’ip
ut
(b3ev
a)obe5eç
&8civcxroç
(“Take
courage,N
N,
nobody’sim
mortal”);
seeR
.K
otansky,“Incantations
andPrayers
forSalvation
onInscribed
Greek
Am
ulets,”in
Faraone
&O
bbink,edd.
Magika
Hiera
(1991),p.
115f.,nn.
56-59,p.
131(for
references).A
lthough“alive
andliving
excellently,”the
imm
inenceof
deathm
usthave
seemed
realfor
Alfianus,
eventhough
theam
ulet’sspecific
purposein
merely
reading&
aXX
aréis
hardlytransparent.
Any
diseasethat
requiredthe
writing
ofan
expensiveam
uletw
aspotentially
life-endangering,and
itis
justas
difficultnot
toim
aginethat
&v
K0!X
&iç-
was
meant
forthe
bearer,as
itis
unlikelyto
believethat
godcould
belabelled
asone
“livingexcellently.”
Although
theperils
anddangers
ofeveryday
liferepresent
onepossible
concernin
thew
ritingof
theC
aernarvonam
ulet,protection
fromdeath
itselfand
fromthe
woes
tobe
encounteredin
theA
fterlifem
usthave
alsobeen
inbornin
them
anufacturingof
thischarm
.A
number
oftexts
inthis
corpusalso
seemto
addressthe
perilsand
dangersof
theafterlife.
Clearly
anancillary
fun
ction
ofthese
talismans
servedto
providetheir
bearersw
ithextended
3L
atinF
ragment
froma
Rom
ano-Celtic
Tem
ple
Fig.3.
Plate
1
Woodeaton,
Islip(O
xfordshire),E
ngland
Oxford,
Ashm
Olean
Museum
(nom
v.num
ber)
Lit.
R.
P.W
right,‘R
oman
Britain
in1969,”
Britannia
1(1970),
p.305,
i
(fig.11);
cf.L
’Année
Philologique
1971(1974),
p.78,
no.212.
This
fragment
ofa
goldam
uletw
asfound
around1968
atthe
siteof
aR
omano-C
eltictem
ple,located
northof
Woodeaton,
4-5m
ilesfrom
Oxford
(seeR
.G
oodchild&
J.K
irk,“T
heR
omano-C
elticT
emple
at
WoodeatO
n,”O
xoniensia19
[1954],pp.
15-37).E
xcavationsfirst
con
firmed
in1952
theexistence
ofa
small
rectangulartem
plew
ithina
temenos
enclosure.R
esearchersdistinguish
two
temple
periods:the
first
datingto
theR
oman’s
initialoccupation
ofthe
sitein
the1st
century
A.D
.,and
thesecond
afterthe
middle
ofthe
secondcentury;
however,
surfaceexcavations
haveyielded
coins,pottery,
andsom
em
inorvotive
offerings,w
iththe
coinfinds
beingm
ostabundantly
representedin
the
Constantinian
issues,but
taperingoff
considerablyby
theT
heodosian
period.O
uram
uletis
perhapsto
beplaced
inthis
laterperiod.
The
amulet
may
havebeen
avotive
offering,or
apiece
ofan
amulet
accidentallylost
(Goodchilcl
&K
irk1954:27).
Only
acorner
pieceof
what
must
havebeen
alarger
rectangleis
preserved(only
theright
margin
isapparently
original).A
lso,it
hasnot
beenpreviously
notedthat
the
tabletseem
sto
havebeen
inscribeda
secondtim
ein
antiquity:som
eextra
letter-forms
were
scratchedonto
thegold
surfacew
itha
sharperstylus
acrosssom
eof
thepreviously
written
textand
intosom
evacant
areas.
These
proposedadditions
we
havetranscribed
abovein
italics.A
lso,the
fewpreserved
letter-forms
seemto
bew
rittenin
Latin
characters,not
Greek,
asgiven
inthe
firstedition.
IV-V
A.D
.
H.
1.9cm
.;W
.3.0
cm.
Gold
lamella
protectionin
thegrave.
143
Latin
Fragm
ent3
Latin
Fragm
ent15
1M
agicsigns:
The
‘characters’that
resemble
archaicG
reektheta’s
arem
agicsigns
(notG
reekletters)
andare
discussedby
Kubinyi
(see18),
where
herefers
toA
.A
udollent,D
efixionurnT
abellae(P
aris,1904),
p.lxxiii
(=‘the
circleof
Ananke’),
andto
Th.
Hopfner,
Griechisch
Agyptischer
Offenbarungszauber
(Am
sterdam;
repr.1974),
vol.1,
p.539
[p.2221,
§819(=
asym
bolof
theE
arth).K
ubinyifurther
compares
R.
Wünsch,
Sethianische
Verfluchungstafeln
ausR
orn(L
eipzig,1898),
Taf.
12(S
.13;Z
.14);16
(S.14
&16;
Z.5);
17(S.19;
Z.4);
22(S.31
A);
24(S
.35;Z
.6);29
(S.40;Z
.3);cf.
alsoP
GM
VII.202,209;416;420;
A.
Delatte
&Ph.
Derchain,
Les
intaillesm
agiquesgréco-égyptiennes
(Paris,
1964),no.
512(rev.);
C.
Bonner,
“AM
iscellanyof
Engraved
Stones,”
Hesperia
23(1954),
no.28.
2-3[---A
D]Q
NA
DO
NA
E:
Itis
alsopossible
toread
here[---
AID
ON
A,
with
Wright
(thereading
isquite
uncertain);how
ever,the
letter-form
sare
Latin,
notG
reek(so
ed.p
r.)—
afact
consistentw
iththe
tablet’sw
esternprovenance:
the‘A
’s’are
drawn
without
medial
bars,and
the‘D
’of
AD
ON
AE
,is
notthe
usualG
reekdelta;
cf.the
third-centuryA
.D.
leadtablet
fromH
adrumetum
(A.
Audollent,
Defixionum
Tabeilae
[Paris,
1904],no.
286;and
noteJ.
S.Fox,
The
JohnH
opkinsT
abeilaeD
efixionurn[B
altimore,
1912],p1.
8;col.
10)for
similar
letter-forms.
AD
ON
AE
alsoseem
sto
representthe
expectedL
atinspelling;
Greek
spell
ingof
thisdivine
name
isusually
A&
wat
orA
&w
e(=
at)
,not
Aôovcte
(ifG
reek,as
printedin
Wright).
49S
S-T
IT:
As
suggestedabove,
some
ofthese
letters,particularly
the‘four-barred
S,’w
erescratched
acrossthe
surfaceof
thetablet
with
a
finerw
ritinginstrum
ent.Such
‘barredS’s’
—usually
three,not
four—
arech
aracteflstuiY
foundon
theso-called
Chnoubis
amulets;
seeC
.
Bonner,
Studiesin
Magical
Am
ulets(A
nnA
rbor,1950),
pp.52,
58,59,
162;H
.M
.Jackson,
The
Lion
Becom
esM
an(A
tlanta,1985),
pp.74ff.
Forthe
threebarred
versionon
papyri,see
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppi.
Mag.
1,p.
27(fig.).
Wright
1970:305
(fig.)does
notnote
inhis
drawing
thecross-bars
thatintersect
the‘S’-form
s.T
hesignificance
ofthe
‘T’sand
‘E’s’that
followis
undetermined.
5E
EE
E:
cf.D
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppl.
Mag.
I,no.
68,3:e&
ee;
further,in
thiscorpus,
41,21;58,3;
62,5.
6A
traceof
anA
orsim
ilarletter.
[---mag
ic]
sign
svac.
[----]AD
ON
AE
M1
\20
7\J;NeL
4[---]
(magic
sign)Y
(sign)S&
5&TTT
/
[]
(magic
sign)E
EE
E
Fig.3
4A
mulet
with
Magic
Afryoc
17
GE
LD
UB
A(K
refeld-Gellep),
Germ
anyF
ormer
collectionE
.M
olenaar,K
refeld(lost)
(nom
v.num
ber)
The
goldtablet,
foundin
agold
tubularcapsule
(6.0cm
.x
8.0cm
.),w
asunearthed
onJanuary
4,1897
atthe
Rom
ancam
pof
Gelduba,
nearm
odernK
refeld(betw
eenD
üsseldorfand
Duisburg).
On
thesite,
seeI.
Paar
&C
.B
.R
üger1971:242-239.
The
amulet
came
froma
skeletalgrave
datableto
them
iddleof
the3rd
cent.A
.D.
basedon
coinfinds
(asm
allcopper
coinof
Hadrian
andone
ofA
ntoninusPius),
styleof
jewelry
(aniron
ringand
goldnecklace),
plusdatable
glassw
are(G
rimm
1969:129,
note1,
with
additionalreferences).
Igive
belowSiebourg’s
text(w
ithhis
column-num
beringin
parentheses),w
ithindicated
changesin
theC
omm
entary.
-.
.I
4A
mulet
with
Magic
Aó’yoç
Figs.4
&5
IIIA
.D.
H.
5.7cm
.;W
.8.4
cm.
Gold
lame/la
Text
(givenle
fttolg
ht)
(AE
HIO
TQ
),w
pW
Te7r[a
iP[7]
tj40ø
YovOoou]A
vacat
EHraJ6L
I3?7X
cjctpo.u[7]
Itao
.’-q
ou
ta8v[?l
o1raP
XoV
Xt0
a[oL
]
Tcm
,84pt’,ravX
vpo.’
I2345678910
Lit.
M.
Siebourg,
“Emgnostisches
Goldam
uletaus
Gellep,”
Bonner
Jahrb
üch
er103
(1898),pp.
123-153(w
ithadd.
notein
C.
Brockelm
ann,B
onnerJah
rbüch
er104
11899],pp.
192f.);M
.S
iebourg,A
rchivfü
rR
eligionswissenschaft
10(1907),
pp.398f.;
R.
WU
nsch,A
rchiv.furR
eligionswissenschafl
12(1909),
p.26;
A.
Riese,
Das
Rheinische
Ger,nanien
inden
antikenInschriften
(Leipzig
&B
erlin,1914),
P.364,
no.3617;
H.
Lehner,
Bonner
Jahrbucher129
(1924),p.
62f.;W
.N
eusse,D
ieA
nfangedes
Christentum
sim
Rheinlande
(2ndA
ufi.1933),
pp.52,
89;A
.O
xé,D
ieH
eimat
13(1934),
p.137;
F.F
remersdorf,
2ZB
erichtder
Rornisch-G
ernwnischen
Kom
mission
1937(B
erlin:D
eutschesA
rchaologischesInstitut,
1939),p.
39;D
.M
.R
obinson,C
lassical
and
Mediaeval
Studies
inH
onoro
fE
.K.
Rand
(New
York,
1938),p.
246,no.
6;cf.
G.
Holm
qvist,K
unstprobleme
derM
erowingerzeit
(Stockholm
,1939),
p.127,
n.57;
p.157,
n.140;
G.
Grim
m,
Die
Zeugnisse
agyptischerR
eligionund
Kunstele,nente
imR
O,nischen
Deutschland
(EP
RO
12;L
eiden,1969),
pp.129-131,
no.13;
M.
J.V
ermaseren,
inJ.
R.
Hinnells,
ed.,M
ithraicStudies
(Manchester,
1971),p.
447,n.8;
G.
Zuntz,
Persephone
(Oxford,
1971),p.
280.IlseP
aar&
Christoph
B.
Ruger,
“Kastell
Gelduba.
Forschungs-
undG
rabungsberichtebis
1969,”B
eitrageru
rA
rchaologiedes
RO
rnischenR
heinlands,2
(Rheinische
Ausgrabungen
10;B
onn,3
vols.1968-1972
[1971]),pp.
242-339;esp.
p.335,
no.4.
Fig.4
(Siebourg)
Fig.5.
Capsule
(outertube
+insertable
innersection)
(Grim
m)
184
Am
uletw
ithM
agicA
fryoc
The
tablet—
nearlysquare
inshape
—contains
aseries
oflines
written
verticallyfrom
topto
bottom,
ratherthan
horizontallyas
inco
n
ventionalw
riting;furtherm
ore,a
singleline
ofvow
elsis
written
alongthe
topm
arginin
largerletters.
The
two
outervertical
columns
areseparated
fromthe
otherseven
byruling-lines.
Another
linefalls
outsideeach
of
these,apparently
with
unidentifiedand
untranscribedletters
orcharacters
atopeach.
Siebourg1898:131
identifiesthe
whole
configurationas
a
naiskos,w
iththe
columns
ofletters
representingpillars.
The
photographprinted
inSiebourg
isdifficult
toread,
hencehis
drawing
probablyprovides
thebest
survivingrecord
ofthe
piece,w
hich,
however,
haslong
beenlost;
however,
alead
tabletfrom
Aschm
unên
(Herm
oupolisM
agna)published
afterSiebourg,
inM
.N
orsa,O
maggio
al
IVconvegno
delclassicisti
tenutoa
Firenzedal
18a!
20aprile
del1911
(Florence,
1911),pp.
2-26,no.
5(3rd-4th
cent.A
.D.),
andm
ostrecently
re-editedw
ithcom
mentary
inD
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppi.
Mag.
I,no.
42,pp.
132-153,provides
thebasis
fora
newreading
ofthe
Gelduba
gold
lamella:
thenew
magical
formula
(Xóyoç)
thatm
akesup
thew
holeof
our
goldtablet
occursin
lines41-43
ofthe
Aschm
unênlead
tablet(D
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppi.
Mag.
1,p.
136,lines
41-43;com
m.,
p.l49f.).
To
my
knowledge,
thislogos
isheretofore
attestedonly
inthese
two
texts.T
he
versionof
theform
ulaon
theA
schmunên
tabletreads
asfollow
s(lines
41-
43):41
...
Oüif3apaiicw
uere
LX
aan/3
Xapath
,iIac,
tov
42a
6tniowacto
v,i
rcw
xovx
Oacu
ou6o
EwO
4’n
7rexcv13PE
cgepP
3apcbcpcry
y?7ç
wX
afJ,,p&
,.
43oira’ucxue
Ouj3cw
u9wtaçS&
t,o
v8oov.
Despite
thefact
thatthe
photographof
theG
eldubapiece
givesus
littleto
goon,
them
agicallogos
ofthe
leadtablet
suggestsnew
readings
forthe
tinygold
amulet.
These
newreadings
arediscussed
below.
1(T
op,horizontal
row):
AE
H1
0T
ci:In
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppi.
Mag.
1,42,
line42
(P
SI
1.28),the
sevenvow
elsoccur
inthe
middle
ofthe
logos.O
nthe
goldtablet,
eachvow
elssits
atopone
orm
orevoces
tnagicaew
rittenin
acolum
nfrom
topto
bottom.
Each
vowel
andits
co
r
respondingvertical
name
probablyrefers
toone
ofthe
sevenplanets.
In
addition,tw
oseparate
verticalseries,
marked
offby
lines,are
written
on
theleft
andright
andare
notplaced
beneaththe
vowels.
For
asim
ilar
4A
mulet
with
Magic
Aó’yoc
19
enclosingor
borderingof
magic
vocesby
theseven
vowels,
notethe
Cop-
tictext
London
Ms.
Or.
5525lines
116ff.in
A.
M.
Kropp,
Ausgew
ahlte
KoptiS
Che&
te(1931),
Bd.
1,p.
20,116-120.
2(F
arleft
column):
(‘1)(Siebourg,
Kol.
1:
aip
o11’1
The
Aschm
unênparallel
readsw
Xaz
f3øpwuccxv.
Aflat
tenedom
egacan
beseen
inboth
Siebourg’sfacsim
ilieand
photograph
(abovethe
leftcolum
nin
frontof
thevow
el-series).F
urther,the
letters
readby
Siebourgas
oTPN
probablycorrespond
tothe
urciv
inthe
Aschm
Uflêfl
text.T
hereis
spacefor
ana
between
irvon
thefacsim
ile.
The
firstpart
ofthe
formula,
oX
a,
representsth157
(“ever”);see
2,13(C
omm
entary).T
hatalso
leaves13øpc,o87rav
opento
apossible
Hebrew
orSem
iticinterpretation,
butlittle
isforthcom
ing.B
iblical
Hebrew
“cistern;”i.e.,
entranceto
Sheol,“abode
ofthe
dead,”
would
seemto
beappropriate
forthe
netherworld
contextfrom
which
this
formula
seems
toderive
(theA
schmunên
tabletis
anry
wy
summ
oning
underworld
deities);cf.,
e.g.,D
.R
.Jordan,
“Defixiones
froma
Well
Near
theSouthw
estC
ornerof
theA
thenianA
gora,”H
esperia54
(1985),
pp.205-255;
esp.p.
236,§1,
lines1-6:
4opaap
I3ai3apcbop3agf3
aui,
Kparatè
&T
?TV
T;
G.
W.
Elderkin,
“Tw
oC
urseInscriptions,”
Hesperia
6(1937),
pp.382-395;
esp.p.
384,1:...
I3o
pa:
f3opj3
op:
/3ap[3a4opflcr(3at:ic
para
thT
u(jç;
seefurther,
PGM
IV.204
(j3opo)
in
thecontext
ofT
yphonas
an‘earthquake
deity.’
The
often-occurringcom
binationsof
suchsyllables
as(3c*,p,
i3op,i3
ap
,j3cxl3ap,
4x,p,op,
4op13a,
thoughinterpreted
asnothing
otherthan
‘barbarian’vocables
(óvôictraf3
ap3ap
tKc),
may
indeedplay
ona
hostof
Semitic
cognatesrelating
eitherto
variousentrances
andopenings
(caves,pits,
wells,
springs,and
thelike)
—that
is,m
ythiclocations
providingaccess
tothe
netherworld
—or,
tosplitting,
breaking,or
smashing
open
suchopenings:
2,
bô’,“to
open”(“to
enterinto;
split”);2,
b’r,“to
open;”lR
,baë’r,
“well,,
spring;”2,
ba’b,“entering,
door;gate;”
l,
bôr,“w
ell,cistern”
(alsoas
entranceto
Hades);
WD
, per,“to
openw
ide;”1l,
prr,
“toshake”
(specificallyused
ofearthquake
activityin
Isaiah24:19:
yi
riiiri
-ne,
“...
theearth
issplit
through”).T
hus,for
example,
3ipc,&op
canm
eanputatively
“toshake
thepit”
(=th
eabode
ofthe
dead;a
grave).Inany
eventthe
languageis
appropriatefor
summ
oningunderw
orldpow
ersin
aggressivem
agic.
204
Am
uletw
ithM
agicA
ó7oc
3(F
arright
column):
n&
,uouO
.(Siebourg,
Kol.
9:cO
c,uov9).T
heA
schmunên
texthas
tauovO
oov,hence
thetraces
indicatedS
iebourg’sfacsim
ileon
theright
ofthe
upperom
egam
ayactually
cor
respondto
t.
Further,
ifthe
tablet’sbottom
edgew
erelost
—it
bob
irregularlycut
—then
we
couldperhaps
supplyO
[oov].4O
øm
ayrepresent
Egyptian
Ptah(or
Phre,as
below?).
ovOis
probablyhere
notSothis,
theD
og-Star
(Sirius)usually
associatedw
ithIsis
(seeH
.D
.B
etz,G
reekM
agicalP
apyriin
Translation
[2nded.
Chicago,
19921,p.
131,n.
71),but
ratheranother
name
reflectingSem
iticearthquake
activity:t,
sat,m
eans“to
shake;”cf.
alsoP
GM
IV.3011-3013:
uwO
,...
pcrø
Ot
...O
a.
‘Vow
el’-colunms:
4(B
eneaththe
a):eu8tX
ct,t
(Siebourg,K
ol.2:<
y>eu
8tX
c).S
iebourg’sdraw
ingindicates
anextra
gam
nw
beforethe
secondepsilon.
Are
theretraces
ofprevious
writing?
The
Aschm
unênparallel
readscJeL
8cT
8L
Xcr,4
’.
5(B
eneaththe
s):u8v/3
apap[apy17ç]
(Siebourg,K
ol.3:
cu8v’yepj3ap4ctp).T
heparallel
textfrom
Aschm
unênhas
uvv/3
ctpS
apay
yijç.
Again,
itappears
thatthe
lastletters
ofthe
name
hadbeen
clippedoff
thebottom
ofthe
tablet.6
(Beneath
the):
aut/3
Xuapyut
(Siebourg,K
ol.4:
uao
et
BñX
ctpu)
appearsto
match
thecrcyutl3,jX
uapa/6w
)of
theA
shmunên
tablet.Siebourg’s
o-apoum
aybe
am
isreading,and
thenam
em
ayhave
extendedin
thebottom
portionof
thetablet
(nowlost).
Inthe
groupof
letters,the
name
B,jX
(Bel,
orB
aal)can
beread
(cf.P
GM
IV.1010:
13&XB
XB
oX;
IV.1031:
B,X
;cf.
XIX
a.42).B
rockelmann
1899:192identifies
inthis
name
Old-B
abyloniansassi
bêlsar
sami,
“Sun,lord,
kingof
heaven.”7
(Beneath
theL):
‘I&w
qov
ta8
v[...]
(Siebourg,K
ol.5:
‘Icca.,‘qov
tcr8v).T
hereading
ofthe
Ashm
unêntext
differssom
ewhat:
‘Icww
ovtcvO
ui6jc,.T
hesedifferences
canbe
accountedfor
byseeing
themas
ancientcopyists’
errors,m
odernm
istakesin
readings,or
both:on
Siebourg’s
drawing,
the‘qov
couldalso
beread
•tg
ov
(matching
thew
ov
ofthe
Ash
munên
text),if
oneinterpets
theinitial
epsilonas
aiota
restingright
ontop
ofa
sigma;
however,
thisseem
sunlikely
sinceSiebourg’s
firstseven
letters,Iaw
e,ov,form
aneat
permutation
ofthe
seven-vowels
with
the
4A
mulet
with
Magic
Afryoc
21
divinenam
e‘lA
O.’
Further,
thedifferences
between
Gelduba’s
LctV
and
Ashm
unênsuy9v
canbe
easilydiagnosed
(thetam
istakenfor
epsilon).
The
Gelduba
tabletprobably
alsocontained
some
(lost)letters
afterthese
vowels.8
(Beneath
theo):
Havxovxt
Oauu[ovi
(Siebourg,K
ol.6:
flaX
OU
XL
0a).
The
parallelreads
irctvxo
vx
tOctciuou
(seeD
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppi.
Mag.
IP
.15
O).
This
relativelyuncom
mon
magic
name
alsooccurs
in42,1,
where
itis
identifiedw
ithE
gyptianp3-n-kkw
,“he
of
thedarkness.”
Cf.
also38,4;
PG
MV
II.480(cf.avxoxtrac
inX
III.922).
9(B
eneaththe
v):
oO4)p?7
hrav
xv
p(?)
(Siebourg,K
ol.7:
&,O
‘t’pij
travX
[?]u.’).
Ashm
unênhas
Grim
m1969:13
1
understandso.’O
Sóthis(sim
ilarly,D
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppl.
Mag.
I,
p.147)
andPhrê
asa
bohairicvariant
ofthe
name
ofR
a(cf.
A.
Delatte
&
Ph.D
erchain,L
esintailles
inagiques[Paris,
1964],p.
323,no.
475and
Index,s.v.,
p.359).
10(B
eneaththe
w):
O[w
]j3ctppc3ctv(Siebourg,
Kol.8:
O,3X
tcrcrl3av).
This
isthe
bestw
ayto
interpretthese
traces:w
hereone
expectsthe
c,,,
thereis
aspace
onthe
Gelduba
tablet;obviously
theletter
was
effacedor
unreadable.Siebourg’s
lambda
isa
comm
onm
istakefor
alpha;and
the
two
verticalstrokes,
written
onthe
facsimile
asif
theyw
ereiota’s,
could
berem
nantsof
rho’s.T
hism
agicdeity
isdiscussed
furtherat
17,5f.(cf.
also‘Index
V,’
s.v.).
Lit.
F.F
remersdorf,
“Inschriftenauf
römischen
Kleingerat
ausK
öln,”27.
Bericht
derR
omisch-G
ermanischen
Kom
mission
1937(B
erlin:D
eutschesA
rchäologischesInstitut,
1939),p.
39,no.
13,T
af.5,2-3;
G.
Grim
m,
Die
Zeugnisse
agyprischerR
eligionund
Kunstelem
enteim
RO
mischen
Deutschland
(Leiden,
1969),P.
172,no.
66;pp.
44f.
The
tabletw
asfound
in1929
(Grim
m1969:
172)in
acem
eteryon
Jakob-StraBe
inK
ölnam
ongthe
contentsof
Grave
148.It
hasbeen
rolledup
sixor
seventim
es;but
dueto
thecondition
ofthe
tablet,only
thefirst
fivelines
ofthe
textcould
bephotographed
andread.
These
linescontain
onlya
fewG
reekand
Latin
lettersor
xapcxK
rpec.
Despite
thetext’s
relative
unimportance,
thepiece
isincluded
becauseit
was
foundin
anattested
gravesite.A
notherpiece
foundin
Köln
isfurther
describedby
Frem
ersdorf1939:39f.:
Emzw
eites,au
f gleicheA
rtzusam
mengew
ickeltes,in
-wei
Teilezerbrochenes
Silberbiechist
mit
derSig.
Niessen
(mv.
8674a)in
denB
esitzdes
Waliraf
Richartz-M
useu,ngekotntnen.
El,,
Versuch
zurA
ufrollungund
Lesung
istnoch
,,icluerfolgt.
Seefurther
6.
1(M
agicsigns
anddraw
ing)
2W
OO
NO
I
34*
?OL
U.
(magic
signs)
5’J
LL
i\‘
I5
Magic
Nam
es(F
ragment)
Figs.6
&7
5M
agicN
ames
CO
LO
NIA
AG
RIP
PIN
A(K
öln),G
ermany
Röm
isch-Germ
anischesM
useum,
Köln
mv.
Nr.
29,1809
23
Rom
anP
eriodH
.0.45
cm;
W.
4.95cm
.Silver
lamella
Fig.6
a
Fig.7
(lamella
stillrolled
upshow
ingletters
fromthe
backside)
6M
agicSigns
7A
nA
mulet
fora
Group
ofL
itigants
Lit.
F.F
remersdorf,
“Inschriftenauf
römischen
Kieingerat
ausK
öln,”2Z
Bericht
derR
Om
isch-Ger,nanjschen
Kom
mission
1937(B
erlin:D
eutschesA
rchäologischesInstjtijt,
1939),P.
40(A
bb.6,4)
(with
adescription
byK
.P
reisendanz);H
.L
ehner,“O
rientalischeM
ysterienkulteim
römischen
Rheinland,”
Bonner
Jahrbiicher129
(1924),p.
63,n.
2;G
.G
rimm
,D
ieZ
eugnisseägyptischer
Religion
undK
unstelemente
imR
ömischen
Deutschland
(Leiden,
1969),pp.
172f.;no.
67;C
IL,vol.
13,no.
10026,13.
rn
LQ
jFig.
8
The
piecew
asreportedly
foundat
agrave-site
inC
olognein
1902(G
rimm
1969:172).T
helam
ellahad
apparentlybeen
tightlyrolled
up,but
nocapsule
hassurvived.
On
theancient
siteof
Cologne
ingeneral,
see0.
Doppelfeld,
art.“C
oloniaA
grippinensis,”inR
.Stiliw
ell,ed.
Princeton
Encyclopedia
of
Classical
Sites(Princeton,
1976),p.
231f.
(with
add.lit.).
The
textcom
prisesonly
threelines
ofsym
bolsand
magical
xapaK
rpec,
ofunknow
npurpose.
One
may
compare,
forexam
ple,P
GM
IV.
2705f.:uX
aK
Tpto
vdc
iréraXop
&p-yupour
vfe
(-T
This
silverlam
ellaoccurs
atthe
endof
anotherprescription
forw
riting
aprotective
charmagainst
demons
(PGM
IV.2695-2704),
tobe
writ
tenon
atablet
oflim
ew
ood(tX
ôp
tpo
v).
Fig.9
RE
NA
NIA
(Badenw
eiler),K
r.M
üllheim/B
aden,G
ermany
IIA
.D.
KarlsrU
he,B
adischeSL
andesmuseum
H.
4.7cm
.;W
.6.0
cm.
mv.
Nr.
C625
Silver
lamella
Lit.A
.W
iedemann,
“Die
gnostischeS
ilbertafelvon
Badenw
eiler,”B
onner
jaJ,rbüther79
(1885),pp.
215-234;U
.F.
Kopp,
l’alaeographiaC
ritica(M
annheim,
1829)III/iv
898
,pp.
388ff.;W
.F
roehner,Sur
uneam
ulettebasilidjenne
inéditedu
Musée
Napoleon
III(C
aen,1867),
p.16;
F.X
.K
raus,N
assauischeA
nnalen9
(1868),p.
128;Fi4hrer
durchdie
Groflherzoglichen
Vereinigten
Samm
iungenzu
Karisruhe
(1881),
p.53,
Nr.
625;idem
,D
iechristlichen
Inschnftender
Rheinlande
1,(F
reiburgi.
B.,
1890),pp.
7-9,N
r.13;
M.
Siebourg,B
onneriahrbucher103
(1898),p.
135,no.
6;p.
139(cf.
4);H
.L
eclercq,art.
“Am
ulettes,”D
ictionnaired’A
rcheologiechrétienne
etde
Liturgie,
I/u(1907),
p.1837
(fig.37);
E.
Wagner,
Fundstdttenund
Fundeim
GrofiherZO
gtumB
adenI.
TeilD
asB
adischeO
berland(T
ubingen,1908),
p.168,
Abb.
12;J.
Oehler,
Monatsschrzftftr
Geschichte
undW
issenschaftdes
Judenru,ns53
(1909),
p.449,
no.215;
R.
Wünsch,
Archivfl4r
Religionsw
issenchaft12
(1909),p.
26;C
ILX
III
2/1,no.
5338,p.
65(w
ithprey,
lit.);cf.
A.
Delatte,
Le
Musée
BeIge
17(1913),
p.329;
A.
Riese,
Das
Rheinische
Germ
anienin
denantiken
Inschriften(L
eipzig&
Berlin,
1914),p.
364,N
r.3618;
H.
Leclercq,
art.“E
nchantement,”
Dictionm
iired’A
rcheologie
chrétienneet
deL
iturgieV
/i(1922),
p.38;
H.
Lehner,
‘Orientalische
Mysterienkulte
im
römischen
Rheinland,”
Bonner
Jahrbücher129
(1924),p.
63;P.
Perdrizet,
“Am
ulette
grecquetrouvée
enS
yrie,”R
evuedes
Etudes
Grecques
41(1928),
p.82;
Maria
Bersu,
Germ
aniaR
omana.
EmB
ilder-Ailas,
5:K
unstgewerbe
undH
andwerk
(Bam
berg,1930),
p.29;
p1.46,3;
K.
Preisendanz,
“Mercussa,”
RE
29.H
albbd.(1931),
col.1017;
J.-P.
Frey,C
orpusInscriptionum
Judaicaruni,I
(Rom
a,1936),
no.674;
W.
Schleierm
acher
in:H
.M
ylius,D
ierO
rnischenH
eilthermen
vonB
adenweiler.
Mit
Beitragen
von
E.
Fabricius
&W
.Schleierm
acher(R
ömisch-G
ermanische
Forschungen
12;B
erlin,1936),
p.130;
G.
Zuntz,
Persephone(O
xford,1971),
p.282,
no.1;
G.
Grim
m,
Die
Zeugnisse
agyprischerR
eligion(L
eiden,1969),
pp.212f.,no.
128(l’af.
73,2);R
.K
otansky,in:
Faraone&
Obbink,
edd.M
agikaH
iera(O
xford,1991),
p.121;
p.136,
n.104.
The
silverphylactery
was
foundin
1784in
theruins
ofthe
Rom
an
Baths
atB
adenweiler,
thoughthe
archaeologicaldocum
entationhelps
little
indeterm
iningthe
dateof
thepiece
orthe
circumstances
ofits
finding.
Wiedem
ann(1885:
215)describes
thediscovery
ofthe
amulet
asfollow
s:
Die
hiergefundenen
Münzen
erstreckensich
ohnegrO
ssere
Unterbrechung
vonC
’laudiusbis
aufC
o,nmodus;
dannfanden
sich
tnehrereStucke
vonC
onstantindetn
Grossen,
undhierdurch
ward
die
Fig.8
CO
LO
NIA
AG
RIP
PIN
A(C
ologne),G
ermany
Röm
isch-Germ
anjschesM
useumK
ölnm
v.N
r.1167
Rom
anPeriod
H.
2.8cm
.;W
.5.3
cm.
Gold
lamellaI
6813
Antaura
13A
ntaura69
demon
who
crows
likea
cock,bellow
slike
abull
orcow
,neighs
likea
horse,etc.
(R.
Kriss
&H
.K
riss,V
olkglaubeliii
Bereich
desIslam
,vol.
2,W
iesbaden,1962,
p.112);
cf.,further,
Testam
entof
Solomon
XI.
1:K
cxiIcX
8vaa
iráXtv
7rcxpXO
Eivi/L
oT
epa
&rL
fLô
vta
ica
‘X0e
__
__
__
__
__
Xécw
ópOóç.Sim
ilardem
onic-animal
attributes,also
with
thedescriptive
ç,occurs
ona
specialclass
ofbronze
pendants,for
which
see,e.g.,
C.
Bonner,
Hesperia
20(1951),
p354,
no.51:
Xtjâç
ue8
rL
p1
P.
cY.7peO
epw
cz’.
/X<
o>
8K
aTec1cx’y8v
TLw
çX
VK
0çau
&u
e;
TI
øç
KO
pK
0&
’XX
oç
KaT
cX’JrtY
Vtç;
riç
Xéw
vp
pw
tç(I9pxetc);
TL
Tcx
up
oç
K8
pT
tLç;
TLL
)3pcX
K(,)V
eiX
Ioin
;ri
c.’ç7r{cr}p&
ocK
vp&78;
“Hunger
sowed
you,air
harvestedyou,
veindevoured
you.W
hydo
youm
unchlike
aw
olf?W
hydo
youdevour
likea
crocodile?W
hydo
youroar
likea
lion?W
hydo
yougore
likea
bull?W
hydo
youcoil
likea
serpent?W
hydo
youlie
down
likea
tame
creature?”Perhaps
thelast
nshould
bedeleted
andK
1X
U8
(=K
oIJw
fuca)
explainedas
anim
perative:“L
iedow
nlike
atam
ecreature!”
Aparallel
textin
C.
Bonner,
Studiesin
Magical
Am
ulets(A
nnA
rbor,1950),
p.217
hascç
àpvIovK
oLuou,“go
tosleep
likea
lamb.”
Note
further,B
arb,Syria
49(1972),
p.346,
note2
(who
givesonly
apartial
readingof
arelated
amulet).
The
parallelsto
thisform
ulafound
inW
.D
rexler,Philologus
58(1899),
pp.594-615,
citedabove,
sometim
esinclude
theopening
formula,
iwrépa
eXcv
ijteX
avw
iév,,
aform
ulathat
isparalleled
by,and
hencesom
ehowco
nnected
to,the
Mt.
Sinaiexorcism
citedabove.
Though
thedescription
ofdem
onicout-cries
andshouts
iscom
mon
inthe
demonology
ofthe
ancientw
orld(see,
further,on
lines8f.),
itis
perhapsim
portanthere
tounderstand
why
Antaura
islikened
tothe
particularanim
alnoises
of.X
a4oçand
13o1ç.Sym
pathetic,like-w
ith-likeanalogies
imply
thatthe
roaringbull
anddeer
simply
referto
thepain
associatedw
ithheadache;
inthis
spell’sparticular
context,how
ever,w
elook
forprofounder
culticassociations
forthe
two
animals.
The
deeror
hind(X
c4oç)
was
sacredin
particularto
theE
phesianA
rtemis.
The
coinsof
thecity
regularlypicture
thehind
with
thegoddess,
andthe
greatinscription
fromthe
Greek
theaterat
Ephesus
describesm
akinga
goldstatue
ofA
rtemis
attendedby
two
silverhinds:
“A
pre
uç
3èx
pv
ueo
!...
icalcri
rpl
cwrv
&pyipeot
ecx4,ot5
o(H
.W
ankel,ed.
Die
inschnftenvon
Ephesos,
Ia(Inschriften
griechischerStädte
aus
Kleinasien,
Bd.
11,1;B
onn,1979,
no.27,
158f.;p.
179f.);see,
in
general,T
h.S
chreiber,art.
“Artem
is,”in
W.
H.
Roscher,
Ausfuhrliches
LexikOn
dergriechischen
undrO
mischen
Mythologie
Bd.
I(L
eipzig,1884-
1886),col.
565.Sim
ilarly,the
bullor
coww
asalso
associatedw
ith
Artem
is;cf.
Schreiber,
op.cit.,
col.566f.
(on“A
prtç
TcxvpoirôXoç;
oviró
Xoc,
etc.).T
hus,A
ntaura’sshouting
likean
Xcr4oç
and(3oi)ç
inten
tionallyalludes
tocult
animals
ofthe
Ephesian
goddess.
8-9v
rx
cYi’T
f“A
preuç‘E
4eu[Ia]:F
orsim
ilarconfrontations
in
historiolaebetw
eena
rescuingsaint
anda
personifiedaffliction,
seeA
.
Vassiliev,
Anecdota
Graeco-B
yzantina(M
oscow,
1893),p.
333,if.:
bpK
IU
L&
,T
aaK
aO
apT
alri’ev
jLcY
Ta,
Kara
Faf3
ptfjX
TO
P
aç)7
iPT
7W
8V
T7)i3
aoK
aPL
cXK
aJ)p
IaJe
PaI’ri,
KT
X.;
similarly,
idem,
p.337
(citedbelow
).T
heterm
sira
vr6
c,,
àra
vr6
.s,as
shown
inthe
paral
lelsdiscussed
above,are
formal
descriptionsof
encountersw
ithdem
ons
(cf.also
thetechnical
nounsrc
vT
a,
cr7
ravT
rLa).
As
mentioned,
the
storyof
theG
erasenedem
onsim
ilarlydescribes
thedem
on’sfirst
encounterw
ithJesus:
eiOéøç
&nP
T’q
ueu
[var.vr,7vT
7oev]avT
cpK
&pO
pøiroçv
i’icrt
a6cp
m,
(Mark
5:2);cf.
Luke
8:27:
nvT
?JcY€V
aip
rtçeK
riç
róXeci,ç,
xwv
tóvta
;M
att.8:28:
U1fl7P
T7Jt7aV
ciU
T,
iioatio
itóp.iw
ot.
Like
theA
ntauraw
ithA
rtemis,
the
demoniac
approachesJesus,
shouting(vaK
pcaç).
9“A
prq
tc‘E
4o[Ia]:
Though
thecult
ofE
phesianA
rtemis
was
widely
diffusedthroughout
theM
editerranean,in
magical
textsshe
onlyappears
with
thechthonic-lunar
attributesof
Hekate
andSelene
(cf.,e.g.,
PG
MIV
.2523,2816,
2720f.,2818f.;
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppi.M
ag.I,
no.49,
40,72,etc.);
sheis
neverreferred
toas
‘Ephesian’
inthe
magic
papyrior
defixiones.See,
ingeneral,
Th.
Hopfner,
“Hekate-S
eleneA
rtemis
undV
erwandte
inden
griechischenZ
auberpapyriund
aufden
Fluchtafeln,”
Pisciculi.
Franz
JosephD
olgerdargeboten
(Münster,
1939),
pp.125-145;
idem,
Archly
OrlentdlnI
13[1941],
pp.167-200.
On
Artem
isof
Ephesus:
R.
Fleischer,
Artem
isvon
Ephesos
undverw
andteK
ultstatuenaus
Anatolien
undS
yrien(L
eiden,1973);
G.
H.
R.
Horsley,
New
Do
cum
entsIllustrating
Early
Christianity,
IV(M
acquarieU
niv.,1987),
pp.77-
82;T
h.S
chreiber,art.
“Artem
is,”in
Roscher,
Lexikon
(Leipzig,
1884-1886),
Bd.
I,cols.
588-93.
7013
Antaura
13A
ntaura71
Despite
thepaucity
ofm
agicaltexts
naming
Artem
isof
Ephesus,
thegoddess
must
havebeen
particularlyesteem
edas
apatroness
ofm
agic,if
therich
narrativeof
Acts
19is
anyindication.
Inthat
chapter,reports
ofpeculiar
magic
episodesseem
tocoalesce
aroundthe
cityof
Ephesus:
theaccount
tellsof
healingsperform
edw
ithm
agiccloths
andaprons
ofthe
Apostles,
ofaborted
attempts
atexorcism
byitinerant
Jewish,
ofthe
burn
ingof
alibrary
ofm
agicbooks,
andof
thecity-w
ideriot
overthe
saleof
silvervotive
temples.
10-12‘A
vraipcx,ro[I1
inrc-ytc;Lg
rôiu
Kp[&
vL
v],
—(A
rtemis
speaking)—
“Antaura,
where
areyou
going?”—
(Antaura
speaking)—
“To
thehalf-part
ofthe
skull.”Previous
editionsread
andinterpreted
thisas
‘Av
rapa,
ro[iJ
irci-ytetç(leg.
r6’y
tc)rà
,uK
p[
6vL
v],
“Antaura,
where
areyou
bringingthe
migraine?”,
basingthe
interpretationon
theparallels
ofthe
laterversions.
The
Carnuntum
laineila,for
example,
closelyfollow
sthe
sequencein
Reitzenstein
1926:177(cited
above,‘L
it.’)
—o
Kuptoç
ijt&w
‘IuaI3çX
pwrbç
cy
ie7rev
crir,’2
LU
?rCyetç,
rãtFqJoI)Lov,
irX
.;“W
hereare
yougoing,
Headache,”
(orpossibly,
“Where
areyou
takingyour
Headache,”
etc.).H
owever,
itshould
bepointed
outthat
theearlier,
andprobably
original,text
ofthe
tabletdoes
notactually
callA
ntauraherself
rôitK
pvL
ov,
asw
efind
inthe
latertexts.
Antaura
seems,
rather,to
bringor
carryw
iththe
wind
thisaffliction
ofm
igraine.In
thelater
versions,w
esim
plyfind
apersonified
‘Migraine’
—the
Headache
itself.T
hesom
ewhat
differentinterpretation
ofthe
Carnuntum
tabletm
akesclearer
senseif
thesequence
isinterpreted
asa
terse,quick
exchangeof
words
between
Artem
isand
Antaura.
The
initial7ro[u]
inrci-ytç?is
Artem
is’question
toA
ntaura.B
utw
hatim
mediately
fol
lows
isno
longerA
rtemis,
butrather
Antaura
speaking:iç
(leg.dc)
rb?flL
tKpav
tv,
“(Iam
going)into
theleft
partof
theskull.”
The
laterv
ersions,
inno
longerreferring
toan
‘Avrap
ain
theirtextual
tradition,m
usthave
beenforced
toalter
orreinterpret
thetext
thatreads
,roii&
1r-yetç,TO771U
LK
PtPL
OP,
where
itseem
sto
bea
vocative,or
anaccusative
(which
would
make
littlesense).
Furtherm
ore,the
longlist
ofcom
plaintsthat
standdirectly
afterToil
i1rc
-yetç
inPradel
1907:267f.,cited
above,m
akebetter
senseif
understoodoriginally
asdescriptions
ofw
hatsort
ofafflictions
theM
igraine-demon
causes.In
otherw
ords,there
hasbeen
a
changeof
speakers:the
demon
isnow
supposedto
bespeaking,
though
theindication
ofa
changeof
speakershas
beenlost.
This
makes
thethird
sentenceof
thesilver
amulet,
[t]
oi[,c]ic
rà
v[
...
1refer
againto
Artem
is;it
forms
apart
ofthe
injunctionagainst
theH
eadache(see
below).T
houghthe
changeof
speakersis
notindicated
inthe
dialogueon
theC
arnuntumtablet,
itis
clearlyso
intendedand
understood;cf.,
e.g.,
A.
Vassiliev,
Anecdota
Graeco-B
yzantina(M
oscow,
1893),p.
331,25-
27:T
peIç&
yyeXot
&iró
pouv
Toil
tv&
TO6poç
póv
roc
TOeilta
1pWT
?7OcV
VcW
TO
TO
t)cLTePX
V,
ulLa;
&IréPX
OIL
O!L
eicro
ilçv
iobç
TW
P
9pc,irow,
KT
X.,
“Three
angelsw
eregoing
throughM
t.Sinai
when
theyfound
Rheum
andasked
it:‘W
hereare
yougoing,
Rheum
?”‘I
amgoing
intothe
Sonsof
men,’
“etc.T
heoverall
question/answer
stagingis
sup
ported,as
well,
bythe
examples
ofthe
longerversions.
The
expression(e)ic
TO7,Iu
Kpav
tPon
thetablet
describesthe
actualplace
tow
hichthe
wind-dem
onw
antsto
go:“in
tothe
half-skull.”T
henoun
heresw
itchesfrom
thenotion
ofan
affliction(i.e.,
migraine),
tothe
bodilypart
where
theaffliction
resides.F
orsim
ilarsem
anticcorrelations
between
partof
thebody
andailm
entof
thesam
ebody-part,
noteD
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppl.
Mag.
I,p.
89(on
KpóT
aoç)w
ithreference
toR
.S
tromberg,
Theophrastea.
Studienzur
botanischenB
egriffsbildung(G
Ote
borg,1937),
pp.188-190;
V.
Langholf,
SyntaktischeU
ntersuchungenzu
Hippokrates-T
exten(W
iesbaden,1977),
p.104f.;
etc.13
[tJoil[IL
e]içT
v[
...
1:T
heparallel
inPradel
1907:267f.(above)
reads,f3Xére,
i.r-y
e8L
roi”5oilX
óvto
u,
LX
XL
letryeT
eK
at
ulrcryeTe
etc
Ta
ct’y
pta
Op?7
KcX
lav
ef3,7
T8
etcT
avpovK
dlXrX
77V,
KT
X.,
anaccount
thatrecalls
theG
erasenedem
oniacin
Mk.
5:1-20;M
t.8:28-34;
Lk.
8:26-39.T
houghthe
textis
herebroken
off,A
rtemis
must
havesim
ilarlydirected
theH
eadacheto
goelsew
here,as
inthe
medieval
ver
sions.Left
edge:...
6&
7raXX
a-y&v
(Betz
1966:604):&
iraX
Xa’y
ai,
“deliverances”,“reliefs,”
would
bean
appropriatereference
toattacks
ofm
igraine;how
ever,the
readingcannot
beconfirm
edfrom
presentphotographs
ofthe
piece,w
hichseem
toshow
[...]e
..
.
14S
abaothFig.
16.P
lateJV
15A
blatanablaFig.
17
CA
RN
UN
TU
M(A
ltenburg-Petronell),
Austria
Eisenstadt,
Burgenlandisches
Landesm
useumm
v.N
r.SW
4739a
IIIA
.D.
H.
3.5cm
.;W
.5.0
cm.
Silverlarnella
CA
RN
UN
TU
M(A
ltenburg-Petronell),
Austria
Museum
Carnuntinum
(nowlost)
(nom
v.num
ber)
H.
2.8cm
.;W
.4.7
cm.
Gold
lamella
1‘A
f3Xaravcrf9X
a
2f3X
é7rc.,
3(M
agicsigns)
KPffI
The
circumstances
ofthe
discoveryof
thispiece
aregiven
above,13.
Sincethis
silverlam
ellaw
asfound
with
13,the
headachespell
againstA
ntaura,it
was
probablyw
rittenfor
thesam
esam
em
edicalcom
plaint.1
Magic
signs:Sim
ilarto
alphabeticcharacters,
thesem
agicxopcxrpeç
forma
sortof
triangleor
‘winged’-form
ation.2
crl3crc,9:T
hescribe
leftout
thefinal
andthen
wrote
itin
abovethe
0.T
hiscom
mon
magic
name
isusually
andcorrectly
identifiedw
iththe
Hebrew
name
ofgod
saba’ôt,(G
odof)
“hosts,”though
itis
notclear
whether
‘hosts’refers
tow
arriors,stars,
orangels;
P.P
erdrizet,R
evuedes
etudesgrecques
41(1928),
p.79
[see57,
‘Lit.’],
suggestsa
secondaryetym
ologyw
iththe
Hebrew
word
for“seven,”
.eba’,i.e.
-ià
-yp&p.ara;
see,further,
on2,
2f.
1‘A
/3Xcxravcx/3X
ct:T
hatis,
x/X
a<
vcr>rcxvcrX
l3a,if
spelled
normally.
Apparently
asyllable
hasdropped
out,the
usualtheta
written
with
T(L
atin),and
thepalindrom
icending
X3a-ending
isw
ritten-/3X
a.
23X
éirc,:T
hew
ordsx9X
aravaI3Xa
i3Xéirw
canbe
interpreted
severalw
ays:“0
Ablatanabla,
Isee;”
“Isee
Ablatanabla;”
or,sim
ply,
“Ablatanabla.
Isee.”
Inaddition,
itis
alsopossible
toread
thetext
as
13Xárw
(v),“A
blanathanalba(is)
watching!”
The
f3Xiirw
-formula
is
Lit.
(For
fullreferences,
seeabove
13):A
.A
.B
arb,D
erR
Om
ischeL
imes
inO
sterrejch16
(1926),p.
64f.;no.
47;(T
af.1,2);
A.
Betz,
Wiener
Studien79
(1966),p.
604f.;no.
12;cf.
0.
Weinreich,
Archiv
für
Religionw
issenschaft24
(1926),p.178;
E.
Sw
oboda,C
arnuntum(G
raz-Cologne,
1964),p.
205f.
1(M
agicsigns)
29
3a9
a’c’O
IIIA
.D.
Lit.
(For
generalbibliography,
see13):
A.
A.
Barb,
Der
RO
mische
Li,nes
inO
sterreich16
(1926),p.
55,no.
45(T
af.1,4);
A.
Betz,
Wiener
Studien79
(1966),p.
605,no.
14(add.
lit.);cf.
0.
Weinreich,
Archivfür
Religionsw
issenschaft24
(1926),p.
178,no.
12;A
.A
.B
arb,in
A.
Mom
igliano,ed.
The
Conflict
between
Paganism
and
Christianity
inthe
Fourth
Century
(Oxford,
1963),p.
121;and
idem,
Jedermann
Heft
3
(1933),pp.
26-33.
Fig.16
Fig.17
7415
Ablatanabla
probablyborrow
edfrom
funeraryepigram
s,a
sloganthat
occursin
variousform
son
monum
entschiefly
fromA
siaM
inor.D
iscussionand
textscan
befound
inL
.R
obert,H
ellenicaX
III(Paris,
1965),“A
ppendice6:
Voyez,”
pp.271-273;
idem,
“Surune
epitaphechrétienne
deP
hrygie,B
AE
HE
,”R
evuede
Philologie,
1944,pp.
53-56;repr.
inL
.R
obert,O
peraM
inoraSelecta,
III(A
msterdam
,1969),
pp.1419-1422
(cf.p.
1651).O
nem
ayconsider
thefollow
ingexam
plesdiscussed
byR
obertas
representative:1
)B
XáT
Cô
èó
àv
cq
tvth
uacv
nb
Oávaroç
ir&utv
‘qrL
au
Te.
ex€u8e[ro
]v8eôv
6rw
ç1a9T
€àrô
r&w
&,1cxpT
L&
,v,“...
But
letthe
readersee
thatdeath
hasbeen
preparedfor
everyone!Pray
togod
thatyou
might
behealed
fromyour
sins!”—
theconclusion
ofa
Christian
funeraryinscription
fromA
siaM
inor.T
ext:W
.H
.B
uckler,W
.M
.C
alder,&
W.
K.
C.
Guthrie,
Monum
entaA
siaeM
inorisA
ntiquae,IV
:M
onuments
andD
ocuments
fromE
asternA
siaand
Western
Galatia,
p.11,
no.33,
line7f.;
L.
Robert,
Hellenica
XIII
(Paris,1965),
p.272.
2)T
Ice’,
13Xére
KC
X1
TOP
OP
UC
,“W
hoeveryou
are,se
eto
ow
hatis
awaiting
you!”From
anepigram
fromSm
yrnaw
arning,as
well,
ofthe
inevitabilityof
death.T
ext:G
.Petzl,
Die
Inschrflenvon
Smryna,
I(Inschriften
griechischerStãdte
ausK
leinasien23;
Bonn,
1982),p.
263,no
558,2f.
3)
fXeirc1
,pO
Tt
icat
tT8cx
yetv
set,
i3Xeirtç
rOi-e’X
oc,
“Seeingthat
evenyou,
too,m
ustdie,
contemplate
yourend!”
Text
fromL
.R
obert,H
ellenicaII
(Paris,
1946),p.
104,n.
1.In
eachof
theseexam
ples,the
l3Xiiretv-slogan
invitesthe
passerbyto
contemplate
theinevitability
ofdeath.
Similar
concernsin
funeraryco
ntexts,
butfrom
adifferent
perspective,are
discussedin
theC
omm
entaryon
2:‘E
xcursus.’Som
ewhat
differentis
theuse
ofI3
XélI-8
tvon
funeraryepithets
aimed
atseeking
vengeanceand
usuallyinvoking
theSun:
‘HX
tel3X
áire.T
heclassic
example
isan
epitaphfrom
Phrygia
thatreads
inpart:
xepai3oX
oiratoç,“H
Xte
3X
sIre(L
.R
obert,H
ellenicaIII
[Paris,1946],
p.271).
That
is,if
thedeceased
diedby
‘naturalcauses,’
thatw
asdecried
byfate;
butif
bym
urder,then
aw
arningaccom
paniedthe
unknown
perpetrator,w
hereverhe
may
be:“H
eliostake
notice!”—
i.e.,‘the
Sunis
always
watching
you!’B
utas
15A
blatanabla75
Robert
hasrightly
noted,in
severalexam
plesof
suchform
ulas—
forexam
ple,a
ratherbanal
epithetthat
simply
endsu’,u
7ç
dptv
•b
ptç
O(e)é
—there
isno
indicationof
vengeanceat
all.Such
inscriptionsoften
preservelittle
more
thana
tokencitation
ofthe
formula.
AC
hristianepithet
fromP
hrygiaconcludes
simply
I3Xé7r8,
atext
thatprovoked
Robert
toobserve:
“Ainsi
laforinule
i3X
re,dans
sabrièveté,
suffita
indiquerle
sensde
cesfonnuies
traditionnelles”(L
.R
obert,H
ellenicaIII
[Paris,
1946],p.
272;text,
p.271,
with
additionalreferences).
These
‘traditionalform
ulas’—
whether
appealsto
thesun,
warnings
topassers-by,
orcries
toG
odto
‘oversee’the
deceased—
derivefrom
theform
ulaiclanguage
ofG
reekepigram
s.A
sstock
expressionsthey
were
nodoubt
frequentlyused
asancient
‘R.I.P
.s’that
hadbecom
edevoid
ofreal
meaning
orcontent.
Like
thecarving
ofcrosses,
mystic
numbers,
orm
enorahson
tombstones,
suchlaconic
phrasingcould
haveeasily
takenon
aquasi-m
agicalfunction,
with
littleappreciation
fororiginal
meaning.
Inthe
interpretationof
theletters
BA
EII(1on
oursilver
lamella,
therecan
belittle
doubtthat
theform
ulacom
esfrom
afunerary
context.W
hetherthe
phraserepresents
aconscious
appealto
Ablanathanalba
to‘oversee’
thew
elfareof
thebearer
ofthe
amulet
—now
deceased—
orserved
some
otherrelated
purpose,cannot
bedefinitely
known.
Itis
suffi
cientto
observethat
theuse
ofthe
3Xérw
-formula
functionedas
asort
ofgeneric
‘emblem
’for
thedeceased
—a
formula
thatin
itsassociation
with
burialand
theafterlife
would
offercom
fortand
protectionfor
theoriginal
bearer.Such
aninterpretation
reassessesthe
regularfunction
ofdepositing
magic
goldand
silverIam
eilaein
thegraves
ofthe
deceased.A
lthoughusually
viewed
asm
eregravegoods
ofthe
dead,there
isalso
enoughevidence
tosuggest
thatam
uletssuch
asthese
functionedas
more
thancom
mon
talismans
worn
inlife
andthen
carriedto
thegrave
atdeath.
Indistinction
fromthe
precedingheadache
charm(13),
whose
medical
com
plaintis
clearlyaddressed,
thisadditional
charmm
ayhave
beenw
rittenspecifically
asa
funeraryam
ulet,a
Totenpafi
forthe
soulof
thebearer
onhis
orher
journeyto
thew
orldto
come.
3M
agicsigns:
The
sixap
cxK
rpeç
resemble
Greek
letters:follow
-ing
aw
avyline
andreversed
kappa,the
symbols
looklike
KP
I(1,
perhapsto
beread
asic
ptii,
i.e.,“in
(theconstellation
of)A
ries.”
&
16lao
andM
agicN
ames
(Fragm
ent)Fig.
18
CA
RN
UN
TU
M(A
ltenburg-Petronell),
Austria
Museum
Carnuntinum
(nom
v.num
ber)
Lit.
(For
fullreferences,
seeabove
13):A
.A
.B
arb,D
erR
omische
Lim
esin
Osrerreich
16(1926),
p.55f.,
no.46
(Taf.
1,3);A
.B
etz,W
ienerStudien
79(1966),
p.605,
Nr.
13;cf.
0.
Weinreich,
Archiv
für
Religionsw
issenschaft24
(1926),p.
178,no.
12.;E
.S
woboda,
Carnuntum
(Graz-C
ologne,1964),
p.20Sf.
1[.
. ..jçrcr3
‘16w
2[.
. ..]w
TeL
€YTW
3[.
. ..]w
Xt
ie,jO
4(m
agicsigns)
On
thecircum
stancesof
thetablet’s
discovery,see
above,13.
A
comparison
with
thedim
ensionsof
theaccom
panyingam
ulets,14
and15,
suggeststhat
thetablet
originallyw
asno
more
thanca.
5.0cm
.w
ideby
ca.4.0
cm.
high;hence,
asfew
as2-3
letterson
theleft
andonly
thetops
ofthe
lettersof
thefirst
linew
erelost.
The
amulet
may
havebeen
also
written
toalleviate
migraine.
1...
ua
‘16w:
The
fourthletter
may
bethe
Coptic
letterdjandja.
2...
wT
staT
w:
Probablym
agicsyllables.
3...
wX
etcieij8:Perhaps
thegod
Sethis
tobe
readin
thelast
letters,B
arb1926:56
suggestsreading
here...
&7r]w
X(sic!)
8<
&>
,“the
goddessdestroys
you,”presum
ablyreferring
tothe
Ephesian
Artem
isof
13and
addressedto
theheadache,
Antaura.
4M
agicsigns:
For
similar
xctp
aK
Tp
8c,
seeD
aniel&
Maltom
ini,
Suppi.M
ag.I,
nos.20,
6f.;21,8;
23,10;27,4,
etc.
17M
agicN
ames
(Latin)
Fig.19a,b
VIN
DO
BO
NA
(Vienna),
Austria
IIIA
.D.
Location
unknown
(lost)H
.3.6
cm.;
W.
5.0cm
.(no
mv.
number)
Gold
larnella
Lit.
Peter
Lam
beck,C
omm
entariorumde
Augustissim
aB
ibliothecaC
aesareaV
indobonensi...L
n.p.,1665];
newedition:
A.
F.K
ollar(V
indobonae,1766)
vol.I,
pp.173ff.;
Peter
Katanesich,
Specimen
philologiaeet
geographiaeP
annonioruin(Z
agrabiae,1794),
pp.4;
pp.82-103;
T.
G.
vonK
arajan,“U
bereine
bisherunerklärte
Inschrift,”S
itzungsberichreder
Wiener
Akadem
ieder
Wissenschaften,
philos.-hist.K
lasse13
(1854),pp.
211-231;
M.
Siebourg,
Bonn
erJahrb
uch
er103
(1898),p.
126;p.
134,N
r.2;
U.
F.K
opp,P
alaeographiaC
riticaIII
(Mannheim
,1829),
p.165;
IV§
894,p.
384;K
.W
essely,E
phesiaG
ram,nata
(Wien,
1886),N
r.215;
idem,
“Bericht
ubergriechische
Papyri
inP
arisund
London,”
Wiener
Studien8
(1886),p.
180.T
hereading
givenbelow
representsm
yow
ninterpretation
basedon
Lam
beck’sand
vonK
arajan’sfacsim
iles.
The
amulet
came
froma
rudimentary
stonesarcophagus
dugup
froma
mound
inthe
southwestern
tractof
thetow
nplaza,
duringthe
erection
ofa
buildingcom
plexon
January28,
1662.T
hesarcophagus
con
tainedthe
haphazardlyscattered
remains
ofa
male
skeletonand
atubular
capsuleof
puregold,
sealedat
bothends.
The
goldcapsule
hadrolled
upw
ithinit
asecond
capsuleof
bronze,and
insidethat
yetanother
ofsilver.
The
inscribedgold
lamella
was
foundvery
tightlyrolled
upinside
theinnerm
ostcapsule.
Furtherm
ore,the
same
sarcophagusyielded
asm
allbronze
coinof
Caracalla;
asm
all,blue
glassvessel
setin
abronze
casing;and
aniron
knife,thoroughly
rusted.In
thesoil
outsidethe
sarcophagus,diggers
alsofound
thefollow
ingbronze
objects:a
modest
helmet
brokenin
two,
aplate,
two
fragmentary
necklaces,a
headof
asatyr,
asm
alljar,
anda
goldcoin.
The
gravegoodsdate
thefind
tothe
3rdcent.
A.D
.T
hefirst
editorsof
thetablet
readvarious
oddlanguages
intothe
lines,but
Wessely’s
(1886:180)short
paragraphon
thetext,
recognizingthe
Latin
vocestnagicae
oflines
2-5,rendered
allprevious
readingsobsolete.
Afew
problematic
readingsrem
ain,for
which
some
proposalsare
offeredin
theC
omm
entary.
111A
.D.
H.
3.3cm
.;W
.4.3
cm.
Silverlam
ella
Fig.18
7817
Magic
Nam
es
IaS
ibo
ho
tL
anadis
Imiturle
Dam
nam
eneuA
blatanalba
Acram
iH
ama
ri
Suam
biaialT
hobarabauborn
vacat
Fig.19a
(Lam
beck)Fig.
19b(v.
Karajan)
1Ia
Sabohot=
‘I&a3crthO
,though
itis
difficultto
confirmsuch
areading
basedsolely
onthe
facsimiles.
1-2L
anadishniturle:
lanturle?
Wessely
suggestsreading
Dis
demiurge,
areading
notentirely
compatible
with
thetraces.
Given
thenature
ofthe
text—
magic
names
separatedby
interpuncts—
we
readhere
vocesm
agicae.2-3
Dainnam
eneu:Properly
readby
Wessely,
thisrepresents
anold
Greek
deity,&
vcrje
vev(ç
),w
how
aspopularly
etymologized
as‘tam
er’in
the4th
cent.B
.C.
leadtablet
with
hexameters,
re-editedby
D.
R.
Jor
dan,“T
heInscribed
Lead
Tablet
fromP
halasarna,”Z
eitschrftfü
rP
apyrologieund
Epigraphik
94(1992),
pp.191-194,
lines15f.:
&cw
ov
iccric&,ç[à]éicovraç
xv&
yK
a[tJ.
The
name
occursas
earlyas
Phoronis(V
il-VI
cent.B
.C.),
frag.2
(ed.M
.D
avies,E
picorumG
raecorumFragm
enta[G
ottingen,1988],
p.154
=ed.
A.
Bernabé,
PoetarumE
picorumG
raecorum,
I[L
eipzig;T
eubner,1987],
p.118f.):
‘I&riot
4pfryccvôpcç
ÔpáclT
Cpot
OIK
L’iP
aw
P,
K)u
çacvaL
evec
razá’ycxc
Kai
inrápl3Loc“A
iqtwv,
einráXyot
Oapthrovrcç
ôpe(c‘A
ôp
,ireu,c,
01irp&
irrnrcx
v,c
iroXvr4noc
‘H1aicroL
o
LiIPOPti
oipeiiwt
váaL
çiô
evT
aorib,
1pop
èçirip
r’P
87K
VK
alàptirpa’wèc
6P
70
PèT
cvaP
.
(LA
poll.R
hod.1.1129
[ed.W
endel,p.
lOif.]).
Seealso
C.
A.
Faraone
&R
.K
otansky,Z
eitschrift für
Papyrologieund
Epigraphik
75(1988),
p.264;
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppi.M
agI,
no.19,2-4
(p.51);
PGM
II.163f.,167;
III.80,102,442,511,
foroccu
rrences
ofD
amnam
eneus.D
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppi.
Mag.
1,no.
49,40-44
alsopreserves
thefollow
ingsequence:
&x
w&
tLP
oX
uK
aK1
7&
rLvL
n7
&4u’oJLevLczt
&K.Lvof3aOLpa
&,ivoI3aO
tpt&
vop.e’taôacL
(W17L
.3-4
Ablatanalba
(=‘A
$Xa9avaX
/3a):A
lsoread
byW
essely.T
heusual
spellingis
palindromic:
‘Af3X
ava8avaXfla;
cf.7,3;
15,1;29,4,
etc.F
orpossible
explanationsof
thenam
e,see
W.
Brashear,
“AG
lossaryof
Magical
Words,”
inA
ustiegund
Niedergang
derR
Om
ischenW
elt(forthcom
ing),s.v.;
idem,
“Zw
eiZ
auberformulare,”
Archiv
für
Papyrus
forschung38
(1992),p.
21,citing
Ginsburger
inP.
Perdrizet,
Revue
desE
tudesgrecques
41(1928),p.
78:atta
barouchLeolam
gdonai+
Nathan
+alba.
U.
F.K
opp,P
alaeographiaC
riticaIII
(Mannheim
,1829),
684attem
ptedto
translatethis
as“T
houart
ourF
ather,”or
“Father
come
tous”
aninterpretation
perhapsrightly
receivedw
ithskepticism
byC
.B
on
ner,Studies
inM
agicalA
mulets
(Ann
Arbor,
1950),p.
202,and
others,though
Bonner’s
assumption
thatbecause
itis
apalindrom
eit
couldnot
havehad
am
eaningis
patentlyfalse.
4-5A
crami
Ham
ari(=
‘AK
PXILaX
XILK
PL):A
lsoread
byW
essely;here,
however,
thenam
ehas
beenseparated
intotw
ovoces
magicae;
cf.2,14.
The
name
isexplained
byG
.Scholem
,‘I?3
1j27,‘aqar
makam
arê,“uproot
them
agicspells”
inhis
Jewish
Gnosticism
(2nded.
New
York,
1965),p.
97;see,
further,W
.B
rashear,“Z
wei
Zau
ber
formulare,”
Archiv
für
Papyrusforschung38
(1992),p.
21.
1;
4
17M
agicN
ames
79
EvOaó
irac
rj;A
<1N
(.A
)i(tI
itv’JTVR
),EóA
)1k
1’A
ME
I”tV3lr1M
vA.A
(RM
(j.H/)1
/
Rr
3vM
)AiX
ij.ko
&
rIç.I4
vD
R.
[D,O
.WA
ME
’’tA
v13XA
C1A
WI
HA
,vi’tB
5v
A/(Y
0.
re-baAJK
AA
Vc.k
8017
Magic
Nam
es
5Suainbiaial:
Lum
illonW
essely.O
n-biaial,
cf.PG
MX
II.466:L
crL
.E
videntlyw
ehave
herean
angelnam
eending
like-tatcriX
,or
per
hapsthe
terminative
representsLà
làH
X.
What
oneexpects
fromthe
traces,how
ever,is
Semeseilam
.T
hedifficulties
thatbeset
thefirst
editorsreading
thistablet,
andthe
subsequenttroublesom
ereadings
theyreproduce,
doesnot
ruleout
thepossibility
thatthis
name
actuallystood
onthe
tablet:‘A/3X
ava8avaMa,
‘A
KP
aIL
4LL
aX
a,A
aP
L,
andretX
aregularly
occurtogether.
5-6T
hobarabaul?orn:T
hisis
clearlythe
Latin
equivalentof
O3pcw
f3au
(andvariants);
seeon
4,10;‘Index
V,’
s.v.C
f.D
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppi.
Mag.
I,no.
42,4(O
wf3pacxv);
no.43,1(sam
e;p.
155C
omm
entary).R
.W
.D
aniel,Z
eitschnftfür
Papyrologieund
Epigraphik
19(1975),
p.251f.
givesan
exhaustivelist
ofoccurrences
andobserves
thatthe
use“points
toa
fairlybroad
diffusionof
thenam
earound
thesouthern
andeastern
Mediterranean”
(p.251).
The
meaning
ofthe
name
hasnot
beenheretofore
explained:it
hasa
conceivablygood
Hebrew
etymology:
Xi
tôbcarb
a,“(the)
surety(is)
good!”T
hephrase
probablyrepresents
acom
mercial,
verbaladage
thatm
usthave
beenfre
quentlyexpressed
between
two
contractingparties;
q3i,
ofcourse,
isthe
comm
onw
ordpy,
‘ërObôn,
“surety;dow
n-payment”
(Greek
àppai3cw,
Latin
arrabo,arra),
which
passedinto
Greek
comm
ercialvocabulary
presumably
viaPhoenician
mercantile
activity(see
LSJ,
s.v.&
ppc43thp).Such
aphrase
as“(the)
surety(is)
good!”w
ouldhave
beenfrequently
overheardin
theday-to-day
concourseof
market-place
activity.A
mong
theG
reek-speakingpopulace,
suchan
oft-heardSem
iticexpression
might
havedoubtlessly
assumed
exotic,and
hencem
agical,overtones.
An
equ
ivalent
versionpreserving
Aram
aicvocalization
may
lingerbehind
thespelling
ofthe
name
inO
cq3ap3a(wpt)
atPG
MV
II.204(=
W,
tabarab
a’,“[the]
suretyis
good!”);cf.
alsoC
.B
ruston,“U
nepierre
talism
aniqueexpliquée
par1‘hébreu,”
Revue
Archéologique,
sér.5,
vol.11
(1920),pp.
47-49,for
another2w
-formula
foundon
agem
.
18T
he‘R
omulus’
Am
ulet(for
Elephantiasis)
Fig.20.
Plate
V
TR
ICC
IAN
A(Sagvar),
Hungary
Budapest,
Magyar
Nem
zetiM
iizeumm
v.N
r.9.1939.4
Lit.
M.
Kr.
Kubinyl,
“AS
ágváriR
ómai
sIrmezó
egyiksfrjában
találtvarázstábla
(Zaubertext
aufS
ilberplattchen),”A
rcheológiaiE
rtesitó,ser.
3,vol.
8-9(1946-1948),
pp.276-279;
P1.38;
ASz.
Burger,
Acta
Archaeologica
18(1966),p.
110(G
rave114
A;
Fig.
32;tablet:
Fig.
101,114/2;
Fig.
86);pp.
146,162;I.
Bilkei,
AlbaR
egia1
7(1
979),
p.33,
Nr.
31(T
af.2,4);
D.
R.
Jordan,A
merican
Journ
alof A
rchaeology89
(1985),p.
165f.
Inthe
vicinityof
Ságvár,a
villagein
theSiófok
District
ofSom
ogyC
ounty(H
ungary),large-scale
excavationsoutside
theancient
fortifiedcity
ofT
riccianacarried
outby
theH
ungarianN
ationalM
useum(1937-
1942)brought
tolight
alarge
cemetery
ofapproxim
ately342
Rom
angraves
ofthe
4thcent.
A.D
.T
heexcavation
ofthe
groupof
graves,nos.
107-258(B
urger1966:109),
broughtto
lightone
burialin
particularin
which
oursilver
phylacteryw
asfound:
graveno.
114(trench
‘A’:
Depth:
130cm
.;W
idth:45
cm.;
Length
200cm
.)containing
afem
aleskeleton.
The
tomb
alsopreserved
agilt-bronze
T-shaped
fibulaw
ithniello
deco
ration
(7.9cm
.long;
5.3cm
.w
ide)and
asilver
sheetrolled-up
insidea
cylindricalcase
(ofw
hichonly
fragments
arepreserved).
Other
gravesat
Sagvár(m
ostlyof
children)have
yieldedbeads,
bullae,and
otherobjects
usedas
charms
(Burger
1966:145f.).
Further,
inthe
child’sgrave
no.46
(Burger
1966:104)excavators
alsofound
abronze
casem
adeof
sheetsfolded
overonto
oneother
(Burger
1966:fig.
97,46/2;
P1.94,
10).T
hiscurious
text,read
onlyin
partby
Kubinyi,
issignificant
forthe
occurrenceof
thenam
eof
Rom
ulus,w
rittenw
ithL
atincharacters
atleast
seventim
es;it
issom
etimes
followed
bythe
phrasem
aterbona.
The
spellm
ayhave
beenw
rittenfor
elephantiasis,either
swelling
(Jordan1985:
165f.),or
askin
disease(leprosy).
The
following
readingis
basedon
afresh
examination
ofthe
photograph,kindly
suppliedby
David
Jordan.
IVA
.D.
H.
6.5cm
.;W
.4.7
cm.
Silverlam
e/la
(Magic
signs)ye(3ut
(magic
signs)[
...I
(magic
signsand
letters)[
.. .j
(magic
signsand
letters)(cartouche)
[...]
4)8
’y8v/3
ap4’c
Eaw
y7ç,
To
1L’Yci
Kçt[t
TI-
éX
eto
vK
ciLaveL
K7T
OP
5v
o,.a
[roii]
Rom
ulustnader
Bona
.Hxo
C
(magicsigns)flopK
o(m
agicsigns)
pcxvoç
Zafloe/3
(magic
signs)R
omulus
(magic
signs)xcruretoc(signs)
(magic
lettersand
signs)R
omu’lus
Onvrô
cK
e/3pci,Oeaw
Yeu&
’yv
(3cipf3o!p”yvçL3v&
x(m
agicsigns)
&n
Oi’v
SSE
EE
Rom
ulusm
aterB
onavacat
(magic
lettersand
signs)
(threem
agicsigns)
Rom
ulusvacat
[inrasura?]
aVV
C’qK
TO
PO
PckctlrOL
oup(3oouvfl.X
aXV
Tci
jX)8
pack
kaK
wv
cx
øX
pci
OV
tYT
•uatat..
3iç
tç,
xelp
,iv
aro
X,
Oou(m
agicsigns)
[...]
Rom
ulu
(magic
signs)H
NO
..[...
](m
agicsigns
7)
[...]
taqS
wp
[...I
.r’irt.
[...]oX
o..s
rcuijç[
...I
[ ...]JT
€L. ..
[ca.7-8
19uX
airn
pto
v[
...I
[.
.IN
AG
ApaL
oXou
Op8tv
XP7
TO[voa]
vacatrom
(I)pTtIptoY[T
o6-?]
vocx
Ro,nu-/
4’OTPCLVèX
Øciv
riao
jtvJ
lus.traces
(inrasura)
5àY
eiIo
7T
oi’:
avtK7p-ov
Ovroç
OP
77Tóc
23acbvr,ptov
u<
XL
YK
>r-4
pw
v?
(Magic
signs)...
Sesegenbarphaanges;0
great[and]
perfectand
invinciblenam
e,R
omulus,
them
otherB
ona(m
agicsigns
andletters)
Borko
(magic
signs)m
anosZ
aboeb(m
agicsigns)
Rom
ulus(m
agicsigns)
Chasteios
(magic
signs)R
omulus
thentos
Kebraoth
Eophao
SesengbarbrngsB
ndach(m
agicsigns
andletters)
Rom
ulus,the
mother
Bona
(magic
signs)R
omulus
invincible(?)
Orp
hap
thi
ourB
ounb.laintaPhoth
Ra
PhphakonaochR
aouat.m
aiai
...
west,
hand,east,
Thou(m
agicsigns)
...
Rom
ulus...
(magic
signs,letters,
andtraces)
...
fromall
...
phylactery...
Rom
ulus(7),
itis
necessaryto
carrythe
Rom
ulus(7)
...
amulet
(7)...
name
(7)R
omulus
tocarry
(for?)elephantiasis
Itshould
befurther
notedthat
thetablet
hadbeen
foldedhorizontally
anum
berof
times,
andthen
onceover
onthe
farright,
evidentlyto
beinserted
intothe
capsule.T
hefact
thatthe
linesof
textfall
neatlybetw
eenthe
foldedcreases
indicatesthat
thetablet
must
havebeen
foldedfirst,
theninscribed.
(Had
itbeen
foldedafter
firstbeing
inscribed,the
creases
8218
The
‘Rom
ulus’A
mulet
18T
he‘R
omulus’
Am
ulet83
812162023a
24
Fig.20
8418
The
‘Rom
ulus’A
mulet
18T
he‘R
omulus’
Am
ulet85
would
surelyhave
runthrough
andintersected
much
ofthe
written
text).T
hism
ethodof
firsttightly
rollingthe
sheetof
metal,
andthen
unfoldingit
andengraving
it—
hencecreating
convenientruling
lines—
canbe
observedw
itha
number
ofthese
magical
tablets.T
hereare
alsotraces
ofa
delicatelyinscribed
first‘draft’
preservedbeneath,
andslightly
above,the
textof
line16
(andpossibly
elsewhere).
1-3M
agicsigns:
Most
ofthe
XcX
PaK
TñP
8chere
arecircles
with
X’s,
largeE
’s,K
’sand
thelike.
Line
2show
stw
oclear
Latin
letters,L
andM
written
inthe
middle
ofthe
line,w
ithone
ofthe
symbols
inbetw
een.See
furtheron
thevarious
symbols,
Kubinyi
1946-48:278,w
ithreference
toA
.A
udollent,D
efixionumT
abellae(Paris,
1904),p.
lxxiii,w
hoidentifies
similar
figuresas
representingthe
circleof
Ananke.
Athorough
discu
ssion
ofthis
symbol
andits
variousinterpretations
isnow
foundin
W.
Brashear,
Magica
Varia
(Brussels,
1991),pp.
58-60.O
n-y
ej
3vt
(1),cf.
‘ytl3t(=Sem
iticr1
,“high,
exalted,”etc.)
at33,9.
The
tabulaansata
orcartouche
atthe
endof
line3
hasnot
beenpreviously
noticed.It
seems
tocontain
agroup
ofpseudo-hieroglyphic
signsas
oftenfound
ongem
stones.C
f.H
.Philipp,
Mira
etM
agica(M
ainzam
Rhein,
1986),no.
179(P1.
46);A
.D
elatte&
P.D
erchain,L
esintailles
magiques
gréco-égyptiennes(Paris,
1964),no.
308,etc.
4u
ev
3ap
cfrx
crv
iiç(cf.
linelO
f.):V
ariationor
miscopying
ofthe
usual8uev
v3ap4xxpav-yiç.O
n‘R
omulus’
—not
Sesengenba
pharanges—
beingthe
“greatand
invinciblenam
e,”see
Com
mentary,
lines4-6.
On
Sesengenbarpharanges,see
4,50;G
.Scholem
,Jew
ishG
nosticism(N
ewY
ork,1965),
pp.97-100;
W.
Brashear,
s.v.,“A
Glo
ssary
ofM
agicalW
ords,”inA
ufstiegund
Niedergang
derR
Om
nischenW
elt(in
press).4-5
ToU
e’y
aicc4i
T]éX
etov
KaLrv
.euicq
rov
6vocr:aX
ovKcXL
av.eKX
LT0VK
ubinyi:A
Xtov,
“pitying[?],
forX
etvó
ç?”Jordan
1985:165f.(w
honow
,p
er
litteras,suggests
rX8L
ov).
The
whole
phraseshould
beinterpreted
“thegreat
[and]perfect
andinvincible
name,”
reading
àvIicqrovw
ithan
‘N’-shaped
eta,w
hichoften
interchangesw
ithnu
inthis
text.A
fteré’ycr,
aclear
kappacan
beread,
thougha
creasein
thetablet
makes
itw
ronglyappear
asnu.
Atrace
ofthe
ais
alsovisible
(seedraw
ingabove).
To
what
does“the
greatand
perfectand
invinciblenam
e”refer?
To
thepreceding
Sesengenbarphaanges,or
tothe
name
‘Rom
ulus’?O
nthe
basisof
line24f.,
[6J/v
opa
Rom
ulus,and
thefrequency
ofthe
name
throughoutthis
text,it
isclear
thatit
isR
omulus
thatrepresents
them
ysticnam
eon
thisam
ulet;see
furtheron
line6.
Stringsof
adjectivesm
odifyinga
magical
5v
oia
arecom
mon
inm
agic;see
58,37.T
heepithet
&vIiciroç
isless
comm
on,and
réX
tov
isseem
inglyunattested
inthe
magic
papyri.O
n&
PIK
71TO
c,cf.
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppl.M
ag.I,
no.45,3f.:
ãO
pK
is.,
L’&
çK
aTcx
TOU
&vu
cifrov
O.eovJaw
,,crX
.;P
GM
V.5:
ZmD,
“HX
t6,M
IOpa,
&pa1
rL,
àViW
qT
6,
MeX
toi3e,K
TX
.;sim
ilarly,PG
MX
III.1024(used
oflao);
C.
Bonner
&A
.D
.N
ock,“N
eotera,”H
arvardT
heologicalR
eview41(1948),
pp.213-
215;51,9;
58,16.T
hephrase
To
tá-ya
6v
oa
isw
idelyfound:
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppl.Mag.
I,nos.
31,3;63,1;
PG
MIII.264;
IV.1610,
1788,2344,
3236;V
II.892;X
III.184,737f.;
XX
XV
I.192:roy
,wy6X
ov6vop.a
(sic);53,
8.
6R
omulus,
mader
Bona
(Kubinyi:
Rom
ulum...).
Read
mater
bona(cf.
line12).
The
presenceof
Latin
“them
otherB
ona”after
them
asculinenam
e,R
omulus,
isdifficult
toexplain.
The
whole
phrase,R
omulus,
mate
r
bona,certainly
looks,at
firstblush,
likea
referenceto
thebearer’s
name,
followed
byportions
ofa
Latin
matrilineal
formula,
viz.,...
Rom
ulum,
<quem
pep
erit>m
aterB
ona,“(protect)
Rom
ulus(w
hom)
them
other,B
ona(bore).”
For
acom
parableuse
ofm
ate
r,follow
edby
theactual
mother’s
name
insuch
formularies,
seeR
.K
otansky,J.
Naveh,
&S.
Shaked,“A
Greek-A
ramaic
SilverA
mulet
fromE
gyptin
theA
shmolean
Museum
,”L
eM
uséon105
(1992),line
31f.:pir
lpB
ev
ev
&ra
(Co
mm
entary,p.
21);further,
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppi.M
ag.I,
nos.45,30;
48,3,etc.
Ifthis
were
thetext’s
originalreading,
however,
itcertainly
isnow
badlycorrupt:
notonly
isthere
noverb
(e.g.,“protect
Rom
ulus
“),
eventhe
formulaic
quemn
peperitis
wanting;
thenam
e‘R
omulus’
ishere
indeclinable.F
urthermore,
onem
ustask
why
theform
ulaw
iththe
personalnam
eis
written
inL
atinat
all,w
hereasthe
restof
thetext
isin
Greek.
To
compound
matters,
thisam
uletw
asfound
inthe
graveof
a
wom
an(see
above);the
masculine
‘Rom
ulus’could
notpossibly
referto
thebearer
ofthe
charm.
The
name
‘Rom
ulus’here,
then,m
ustserve
some
8618
The
‘Rom
ulus’A
mulet
sortof
magic
function:it
occursseven
times
inthis
text,is
placedam
ongm
agicsigns
andnam
es,is
juxtaposedto
luo
ja,
andis
setoff
fromthe
restof
thespell
bybeing
written
inL
atinletters.
The
invocationof
Rom
ulus—
apow
erfulw
arrior,leader,
king,and
eventualgod
—w
ouldbe
fittinglyappropriate
fora
healingam
ulet.L
egendaryfounder
ofR
ome,
Rom
ulusw
asw
orshippedafter
hisapotheosis
asthe
godQ
uirinus.F
orR
omulus’
rolein
cultand
religion,see
thevaluable
discussionin
F.B
ömer,
P.O
vidiusN
aso.M
etamor
phosenB
uchX
IV-X
V(H
eidelberg,1986),
p.23ff.
(ref.Irene
Frings).
Furtherm
ore,A
ëtiusA
midenus,
latricorumliber
xvi,ed.
S.Z
ervos,G
ynaekologiedes
Aëtios
(Leipzig,
1901),p.
160,describes
am
agicom
agical9vitha
Tç
KV
picXç
‘Pw
Xov,
“anincense-offering
ofthe
sovereigntyof
Rom
ulus.”A
popularG
reeketym
ologicalexplanation
forL
atin‘R
omulus’
may
havealso
facilitatedthe
adoptionof
hisnam
eon
anam
uletfor
healing.In
Greek
øaX
éoç,
“strongof
body,”provides
boththe
spellingand
mean
ingrequired
tosuggest
afavorable
comparison
with
theL
atinnam
eR
omulus.
Sincethis
amulet
isw
rittenfor
thehealing
ofa
specificdisease,
‘strengthof
body’is
preciselythe
sortof
thingneeded
forconvalescence.
The
actualG
reekw
ordccxX
éoç
may
lurkbehind
thedifficult
readingí3aw
Xo
uin
line23
—letters
thatcan
justas
easilybe
read,X
Øou
(or,‘P
w1&
Xov,
Greek
for“of
Rom
ulus”?See
Com
mentary,
below,
adb
c.).7
The
lineis
made
upof
magical
XcE
PaK
TP
ec,though
perhapsthe
letterspvoç,
atthe
end,should
beread
asa
Greek
orL
atinw
ord(
cwó
ç,“rare;
infrequent;”or,
Latin
manus,
‘hand’?;cf.xelp,
line17).
8A
symbol,
followed
bythe
Latin,
Rom
ulus,again.
Follow
inganother
symbol
(perhapsTO
,w
rittenw
ithsquare
letters),G
reekletter-
forms
resume:
xcwretoc
(readhere,
&U
TIL
oç
?).10-11
6vrô
çK
ef3pcrth6(or
Ovqróç,
asthe
writter
confusesor
writes
Hand
Nsim
ilarly):O
nthe
secondnam
e,see
PG
ML
XV
II.46:K
a/3
pcrth
O;
alsoM
arcellusE
mpiricus,
26.43.:K
apcr/3
pac,O
.T
henam
eK
&/3pcrthO
isH
ebrewfor
“graves”or
“tombs”
(12j7,p1.
=k?bãrôth),
andis
soidentified
with
Osiris
“Lion-of-the-graves”
(Kabarôth)
onan
unpublishedlead
tabletin
theJ.
PaulG
ettyM
useum:
following
thenam
ingof
adeceased
“Osins”
onthe
“sacredlion-headed
bier”(kw
iT
Oy
iou
18T
he‘R
omulus’
Am
ulet87
eopro
irpoath
’irou
8cx
r7Jp
iou,
line5),
we
findthe
description:6vopcr
‘ycpaol
unv
Xéw
vK
ct13api6(line
8).O
nour
textO
vrbçK
ei3pathO,
couldconceivably
represent“m
ortalone
ofthe
graves”(a
nekydaimon?).
12R
omulus,
mater
bona:cf.
above,line
6.13
Magic
signs:K
ubinyidiscusses
most
ofthe
‘characters’in
thisline.
Inparticular
hedraw
sattention
tothe
diskw
ithsolar
raysand
notesparallels
todesigns
oncontorniate
medals;
cf.also
S.E
itrem,
“Die
mag
ischen
Gem
men
undihre
Weihe,”
Symbolae
Osloenses
19(1939),
pp.57-
85,p.
75,A
bb.1,
line4;
tothis
addM
.G
ramatopol,
Les
pierresgravées
duC
abinetnum
ismatique
del’A
cadémie
Roum
aine(C
ollectionL
atomus
138;B
russels,1974),
no.399
(P1.19).
Note
alsothe
‘X’
within
asquare,
forw
hichcom
parePG
MV
II.400;X
Ia.3.
15cx
vv
eqK
roi’:
probablyread
xviic
rroç
(cf.line
5).16
paovar:
This
canbe
readand
interpretedas
Egyptian,
wd3t
R’,
“SoundE
yeof
Ra,”
anancient
apotropaicdevice;
seeC
.M
uller
Winkler,
art.“U
djatauge,”L
exikonder
Agyptologie
Bd.
6(1986),
cols.824-826.
Written
slightlyabove
theletters
ofthis
lineare
tracesof
aprevious
draft—
theypreserve
theletters
ofthe
nextline,
17(w
ithtraces
ofxm
az’aT0
X7J,
etc.clearly
visible).17
&atç,
xeip,varo
X:
“...
west,
hand,east
.“.
The
frag
mentary
sentencereads
likestranded
instructionsfrom
am
agicform
ulary,though
why
theisolated
words
arein
thenom
inativeis
notclear.
Mai3
pla
,“south,”
thoughnot
anim
possiblereading
atthe
beginningof
thelines,
cannotbe
confirmed
fromthe
photo.F
orthe
connection,cf.
PG
MIV
.2196f.:...
KcYLctv
aToX
?7v
çbopv
ica
euif
3pla
vicaì
&prov
&iroI3X
éircw.
Note
alsothe
curiousm
igrainespell
inI.
Oikonom
uA
gorastu,K
ritischeE
rstausgabedes
Rezeptebuchs
desC
od.P
ar.gr.
2316,f348v-374v
(Diss.
Cologne;
Thessaloniki,
1982)§
183(p.
80):
“T
&.,p
<o
p>
Kt0
v&
varo
X,
cxpicro
ç,KcYL p.euj3pla,
icrX.
23pçppy
co
p&
Ivpi
Tp
[6voa]:
Agarbled
versionof
‘Pc,jX
ou(i.e.
“ofR
omulus”)?
‘PwjaX
Øpç
and‘P
cçX
p.’
arealso
possible.T
heletters
opev
xp’iT
p[...1
leavethe
restorationro
[6voa]
inescapable.23a
Rom
ulus:T
heseletters,
squeezedabove
thelast
line,give
anotherreading
ofthe
name
Rom
ulus,as
onecan
discernthe
beginningof
theL
atinletters,
rom.
8818
The
‘Rom
ulus’A
mulet
vrjp
tov
,i.e.,
4w
XaK
Tip
Lov,
isa
possiblereading
(thoughthe
lettersare
crowded,
theredoes
notseem
tobe
roomfor
thefull
spellingof
thew
ord).24-25voia
Rom
u/lus:It
istem
ptingto
proposean
omicron
eitherat
thebeginning
ofline
23,or
atthe
endof
theinserted
words
between
lines23
and24:
6/vo,Acr
Rom
ulus(see
above,line
23).24
oT
peL
v,
Xe4crv
rIa[u
tv]:
The
letterslook
like4
UT
pC
LP
,or
4orpetv,but
thism
aybe
dueto
thefact
thatthe
writer
may
havew
rittena
longhorizontal
lineto
separatethis
word
fromthe
lettersinserted
above.Jordan
1985:165f.suggested
x1r]o
uT
pá<e>
tvX
8cbavria
[ow
],“to
avertsw
elling.”T
hedisease
Xefrrv
rIaatçis
notfound
inm
agicalrecipes.
The
Codex
Paris.
suppi.graec.
636(ed.
R.
Fuchs,“A
necdotam
edicaG
raeca,”R
heinischesM
useum49
[1894],pp.
532-558)m
entionsa
treatiseon
thesubject,
attributedto
(Ps.)-D
emocritus:
Tç
è.X
Øcw
rLcu8,ç
T&W
L8v
iraXatøp
oie
içLi’?7u97
kxrp&,v,
cjtXoó4xs,vq4uoK
ptT
oc
vT
q
rept
eXefrIY
TL
aO8W
çav
To
v,
KTX
.,follow
edby
abrief
descriptionof
theusual
etiologydue
tobad
phlegmor
humours
(similarly,
Dioscorides,
De
mate
riam
edica2.87,
andothers).
Plutarch,Q
uaestionesconvivales
731A
,lists
itam
ong“new
diseases”(v
oucra
KaL
vcx),stating
thatit
was
notknow
nto
theearlier
physicians,and
refersto
itas
anextrem
etype
ofsk
in-d
isord
er,or
man
ge
(Tv
èXØ
avrIcx
otv
...
u4o3póip
ar&
w,l’øpL
Kiv
nv
oç
rom
ivo
uav
,732B
).Pseudo-G
alen,Introductio
seum
edicus(ed.
Kuhn
xiv,p.
756f.),no
doubt,gives
thepopular
explanationof
then
am
e:
ijè
X8
av
TIc
rutç
rôirc6oç
80)<
eTO
vo,L
arôo4uoto
r’qT
oç
7ç
irpôç
TO
PàX
évT
a.
TOyap
epia
TW
P8V
TqJ7T
O6L
TO
VT
iK
aT
eoyj)1
8vøv
rcy
xu
Tep
ov
reK
at
UK
Xl7
pó
Tep
óv
eortv
,ew
epeta
vx
°TO
ran’èX
e4’cY
TJW
épa,
“But
elephantiasisis
adisease
thatgets
itsnam
efrom
thesim
ilarityit
hasto
theelephant,
forthe
skinof
thosew
hoafflicted
with
thisdisease
isthick
andhard,
havinga
likenessto
theskin
ofan
elephant.”A
ndof
some
historicalnote
isthe
factthat
thedisease
ism
entioned
inthe
pre-2ndcentury
B.C
.H
ellenisticJew
ishauthor
Artapanus
(Jacoby,F
GrH
726,F3,
20)as
thecause
ofdeath
ofC
henephres,the
Pharaoh
inthe
time
ofM
oses:b
rO&
TO
Pau
rov
xp
óv
ov
Kat
TO
P
1rpc.)Tov
icPT
L)v
&vO
pth
riveX
eav
rtcw
cx
pT
aL
eT
aX
XcY
aL
(Eusebius,
Praepar.
Evang.
IX27,20).
Lit.
I.Paulovics,
“Brigetiói
kisbronzokm
agángyüjteményekból
(Piccolibronzi
diB
rigetioin
raccolteprivate),”
Archaeológiai
ErtesitJ,
ser.3,
vol.3
(1942)216-244,
p.218;
p1.27,
1;I.
Bilkei,
“Die
griechischenInschriften
desrO
mischen
Ungarns,”
Alba
Regia
17(1979),
p.30
(briefm
entiononly);
A.
Sz.B
urger,“T
heL
ateR
oman
Cem
eteryat
Ságvár(Plates
77-116),”A
ctaA
rchaeologicaA
cademiae
ScientiarumH
ungaricae18
(1966),p.
110,note
133(brief
mention
only).
Aphotograph
andbrief
noticeof
thisgold
lamella,
oncein
theT
usslacollection,
was
publishedover
fiftyyears
agow
ithno
transcription
havingever
beenpublished.
Itw
asreportedly
foundat
Bngetio
(Szony),a
legionarycam
pand
municipium
inPannonia.
Infact,
alongthe
northern
frontiersof
theD
anubeeach
offour
major
legionarysettlem
ents,vindobona,
Cam
untum,
Brigetio,
andA
quincum,
hasyielded
magic
phylacteries.T
hetow
n,like
Carnuntum
,had
anam
phitheater,a
Mithraeum
anda
Dolichenum
,and,
asone
might
expect,cem
eteries.
Some
sarcophagihave
beenunearthed,
butw
hetherthis
phylacterycam
e
froma
graveor
notis
notspecifically
stated.O
nthe
sitesee,
László
Barkóczi,
Brig
etio
(Dissertationes
Pannonicae11,22;
Budapest,
1951);
further,I.
Töth,
art.“B
ngetio,”in
R.
Stillwell,
ed.T
heP
rinceton
Encyclopedia
of
Classical
Sites(Princeton,
1976),p.
168f.,w
hich
highlights,am
ongother
things,the
religiouslife
ofthe
comm
unity.
Though
thetext
ofthis
piecehas
neverbeen
publishedand
its
presentw
hereaboutsnot
fixed,it
isim
portantfor
itsfind-spot,
andfuture
excavationsof
Brigetio
may
bringforth
additionalexam
plesof
such
lamellae
thatm
ayshed
some
lighton
ourpiece.
19A
muletic
Text
(Unread)
Fig.21
BR
IGE
TIO
(Szony)K
omárom
,H
ungary
Form
erC
ollectionT
ussla
(nom
v.num
ber)
Late
Rom
an
H.
5.8cm
.;W
.4.75
cm.
Gold
lamella
9019
Am
uleticT
ext
Judgingfrom
thephotograph
inPaulovics
1942:p1.
27,1,there
appearto
beabout
fourteenlines
oftext
coveringabout
two-thirds
ofthe
lower
partof
thetablet.
(The
upperportion
looksto
becorroded
orw
ithan
obliteratedtext,
andthus
atrue
line-countcannot
begiven).
Tow
ardsthe
middle,
onecan
recognize,perhaps,
theletters
Kpu,bL,
reminiscent
ofthe
Apirovxpov4-form
ulaof
thepapyri:
cf.,e.g.,
PG
MI.27f.:
‘Apirov
KvoE
i4tI3PLV
TcXT11
vw
pt
13 PtUK
UX
IL0!
‘Apovcxpf3cr
,w1rT
ov.u,K
TX
.
20F
ragm
ent
ofan
Am
ulet
Fig.22
AQ
UIN
CU
M,
Budapest
(Obuda),
Hungary
Budapest,
Budapesti
Történeti
Müzeum
mv.
Nr.
30236/3
Lit.
J.S
ziligyi,“Jelentés
afóvárosi
Okortörténeti
(aquincumi)
müzeum
kutatásairOl
ésszerzem
ényeirolaz
1945-48évek
folyamán.
(Rapport
surles
rechercheset
lesnouvelles
acquisitionsdu
musée
municipal
d’histoireantique
[Aquincum
ide
1945a
1948,”B
udapestR
egiségei15
(1950),pp.
303-331;p.
321,A
bb.28,
Anm
.66-67;
I.B
ilkei,“D
iegriechischen
Inschriftendes
römischen
Ungam
s,”A
lbaR
egia17
(1979),p.
29f.;N
r.16
(Taf.
1,6).
The
lame/la
was
foundin
abronze
bullafolded
uptightly
(threetim
esvertically;
once,horizontally),
atthe
gravefieldin
Aranyhegy-arok.
Acoin
ofT
rajan(98-117
A.D
.)w
asfound
with
it,suggesting
adate
ofdeposit
inthe
secondcentury
A.D
.,presum
ablyat
thetim
ew
henthe
cityw
asstill
am
unicipium(124
A.D
.),but
notyet
acolonia
(194A
.D.).
On
thesite,
ingeneral,
seeC
.F.
Giuliani,
art.“A
quincum,”
ThePrinceton
Encyclopedia
of
Classical
Sites(Princeton,
1976),p.
80f.I
providem
yow
nreadings
basedon
thepublished
photograph.
(magic
sign?)A
ICA
TO
P
----U
--
v[
.Jo
(magic
signs?)
x4
-[]V
TT
U.r
IIA
.D.
H.
8.5cm
.;W
.7.8
cm.
Silverlam
e/la
Fig.21
-[-]- -
X
9220
Fragm
entof
anA
mulet
21A
mulet
with
Capsule
Fig.23
AQ
UIN
CU
M,
Budapest
(Obuda),
Hungary
Late
Rom
anC
ollectionD
r.Szasa
Hugone
H.
3.85cm
.;W
.3.6
cm.
(Present
locationunavailable)
Gold
(orsilver?)
lamella
Lit.
I.P
aulovics,A
rchaeológiaiE
rtesitJ,ser.
3,vol.
3(1942),
p.218
(p1.27,
2and
3);I.
Bilkei,
Alba
Regia
17(1979),
p.30,
Nr.
16(see
19for
ref.).
The
piecew
asfound
ina
tubularcapsule
(Fig.23),
butnothing
more
isknow
nabout
thecircum
stancesof
itsdiscovery.
Though
thecasual
markings
onthe
tabletyield
nosense
whatsoever,
theirseem
inglym
ysticvalue
were
enoughto
impress
theow
ner,for
thelam
e/lahad
beenw
ornas
atreasured
amulet.
Aphotograph
ofthe
intactpiece
with
thecap
suleis
foundin
Paulovics1942:
p1.27.
Very
littleof
thiscorroded
piececan
beread,
althoughit
appears
thereare
aboutsix
linesof
Latin
orG
reekletters.
Line
1,after
what
appearsto
betw
oinitial
‘characters,’one
canm
akeout
Xtcrcrroi.
(i.e.,
Xuuarcxt,
readX
(XJcX
Te??).
Then
following
sporadiccharacters
andsy
mbols,
line5
givesthe
following
seriesof
letters:...
VT
TV
.T(?),
which
probablyrepresent
magic
names,
unlessw
eare
tounderstand
thisas
Latin
tuta,“safe,”
“securefrom
,”“unharm
edfrom
.”D
espitethe
piece’spoor
condition,the
factthat
itw
asfound
ata
cemetery,
depositedw
itha
coin,is
ofsom
eim
portancefor
understandingthe
religiousm
entalityinvolved
inthe
buryingof
theseam
uletsw
iththe
deceased(see
furtheron
27).
(capsule&
rolledup
amulet)
Another
tubularcapsule
similar
tothat
depictedhere
was
alsofound
atA
quincumand
publishedin
J.Szilagyi’s
Aquincum
(Budapest,
1956),P1.48.
Curiously,
thecorresponding
platein
theG
erman
Auflage
ofthe
same
book(T
af.27)
picturesa
differentcapsule.
Fig.22
Fig.23
22M
agicS
ignsand
Letters
Fig.24
23A
Magical
Underw
orld‘T
otenpaji’
Fig.25
KA
LL
AT
IS(M
angalia),R
umania
Bucarest,
Muzeul
deA
rheologie(no
mv.
number)
Late
Rom
an
(nodim
ensionsavailable)
Gold
lamella
Lit.
Gr.
G.
Tocilescu,
“Neue
Inschriftenaus
Rum
•••en,”A
rchao
logisch
Epigraphische
Mittheilungen
ausO
sterreich-Ungarn
17(1894),
p.102,
Nr.
45.
Nothing
isreported
aboutthis
pieceother
thanthat
itw
asfound
atM
angalia,the
ancientK
allatis,a
resorttow
non
theB
lackSea
coastnear
theborder
ofB
ulgaria.It
was
formerly
inthe
collectionof
Cogalniceanu.
No
photographof
thepiece
isavailable
andits
presentlocation
atB
ucarestcould
notbe
confirmed.
Though
thetext
preservesonly
afew
meaningless
syllables,the
factthat
ithas
arecorded
provenanceis
ofim
portance.K
allatis
was
foundedin
the6th
centuryB
.C.
byD
oriccolonists
fromH
eraklea
Pontica
andin
Rom
antim
esexperienced
arevival
beginningin
Diocletian’s
reign.A
fterthe
6thcent.
A.
D.
itsuffered
fromrepeated
invasionsand
declined;see
D.
Adam
esteanu,art.
“Kallatis,”
inR
.Stillw
ell,ed.
ThePrinceton
Encylopedia
ofC
lassicalSites
(Princeton,
1976),p.
43if.
(with
additionalliterature).
The
piecehad
beenw
ornas
anam
ulet:“Z
wefellos
dientedas
Blättchen
alsA
mulet,
woraufauch
dienoch
jetzterkennbare
Faltungdeutet”
(Tocilescu
1894:102).
DIE
RN
A(O
rov
a,B
anatul),R
umania
Oro
va,
Muzeul
Oro
va
(nom
v.num
ber)
III-IVA
.D.
H.
4.1cm
.;W
.3.3
cm.
Gold
lamella
Lit.
D.
Benea
&A
.ch
iop
u,
“Un
morm
intgnostic
dela
Dierna
(Emgnostisches
Grab
inD
ierna),”w
ithN
.V
iassa,‘Interpretarea
plàcueide
aurdin
Dierna
(Die
Inter
pretationdes
Goldplattchens
vonD
ierna),”A
ctaM
useiN
apocensis11(1974),
pp.115-
125;pp.
125-141;I.
I.R
ussu,ed.
InscriptionesD
aciaeR
omanae,
vol.3:
Dacia
Super
ior,pt.
1:P
arsO
ccidentalis(B
ucarest:A
cademy
ofthe
SocialistR
epublicof
Rom
ania,1977),
pp.69-70,
no.42,
fig.36;
I.B
arnea,P
ontica10
(1977),p.
283/4,no.
29(=
SE
G27
[1977],p.
109,no.
416).
Abrick
sarcophagus,discovered
sometim
earound
1960-1965and
containinga
leadencoffin
with
theskeletal
remains
ofa
child,yielded
the
following
gravegoods:
fragments
ofceram
icw
are;tw
ogold
earrings;a
goldsetting
enclosingan
engravedred
jasperdepicting
Solin
aquadriga;
anothergold
settingenclosing
aR
oman
Republican
coin(O
bv.:R
oma;
Rev.:
Solin
quadriga);and
agold
lamella.
The
lamella
hadbeen
foldedonce
horizontallyand
placedon
thedeceased
inthe
manner
ofthe
‘Orphic’
tablets.T
hegrave
isdatable
tothe
3rd/4thcent.
A.D
.•4
4
,:
3X
o3L
1N
T(m
agicletters)
TT
NY
UI
-
2(m
ag
icle
tters)Z
NO
KO
AZ
N9K
9
3N
NC
T0
‘N
Cy
9
:1
w,’
0c.’
,—‘
Fig.24
(Tocilescu)
tw.
—/_
-—.
-
Fig.
25
9623
AM
agical7otenpafl’
1M
agicsigns:
This
linecontains
nineletters
ofa
‘magical
alphabet,’som
eof
which
areof
the‘B
rillenbuchstaben’type;
cf.PG
MII.
294;V
II.420,465,
588f.,923;X
II.398;A
.D
elatte&
Ph.D
erchain,L
esintailles
magiques
greco-egyptiennes(Paris,
1964),no.
512,for
similar
types.V
iassa1974:13
1rightly
interpretsthe
magic
signsas
asort
ofcipher
forthe
divinenam
es‘Icw
‘A6w
vat.F
ora
similar
cryptogram,
see1
andC
omm
entary.
3‘I&
,‘A
Oøvcrt:
‘A6w
v&is
anorthographic
variantfor
‘A&
va1.A
folddivides
theupper
andlow
ersections
ofthe
tablet.T
hefact
thatthe
lamella
was
foundw
itha
coinand
gemdepicting
Solsuggests
thatthese
divinenam
es,too,
were
understoodas
solardeities
(seefurther,
below).
4‘Is.,
ic,:O
nthis
invocation,see
7,5;23,4;
34,2;54,9;
58,6;R
.K
otansky&
C.
A.
Faraone,Z
eitschrzftfür
Papyrologieund
Epigraphik
75
(1988),p
.2
64.
The
acclamation,
especiallyin
thecontext
ofthis
amulet,
intendsto
summ
onthe
gods—
herelao
andA
donai—
todeliver
the
bearer(note
LSJ,
s.v.);cf.
Sophocles,Philoctetes
736-738,w
hereP
hilo
c
tetes’invocation
isinterpreted
asa
summ
oningof
godsfor
‘salvation:’
(4)1)i
O.oI
(NE
)71
roç
98o’ç
oirwç
VaU
TáV
WP
KaX
ctç
;
(4)1)o)r
pctço&
roi’çiirio
ug
0’p1P
po
Xelv
.
For
thedoubled
formof
thisacclam
ation,cf.
Sophocles,T
rach.221:
iH
criav.T
hediscovery
ofa
coinand
gemstone
depictingH
eliosin
asolar
chariotis
ofspecial
importance
forthe
interpretationof
theA
fterlife
applicationof
thisgold
lamella.
As
F.C
umont,
Etudes
syriennes(P
aris,1917),
pp.96-102,
fullydocum
ents,the
representationof
Sol-H
eliosin
asolar
chariothas
distinctivefunereal
overtones,for
thesolar
chariotw
asbelieved
tocarry
thesoul
ofthe
deceasedto
hisor
hercelestial
home.
The
factthat
thegold
lamella
was
foundon
theskeleton
foldedover
onceand
notrolled
upin
acapsule
indicatesthat
itw
asprobably
neverintended
tobe
worn
asa
protectiveam
uletfor
theliving;
itw
asspecifically
manufac
turedas
a‘T
otenpaji’to
becarried
bythe
deceasedin
hisor
herjourney
tothe
nextw
orld.T
heblurred
distinctionbetw
eenam
uletsfor
theliving
and
thosefor
thedead
isfurther
addressedin
theC
omm
entaryto
amulets
2,15,
20,27,
28,29,
and39.
24A
Dem
onS
entto
JuliaC
yrillaFig.
26
DIE
RN
A(O
rov
a,B
anatul),R
umania
Bucarest,
Institutulde
Arheologie
H.
2.4cm
.;W
.7.1
cm.
(nom
v.num
ber)G
oldlam
ella
Lit.
N.
Viassa,
‘0noüa
plAcuà
deaur
gnosticAde
IaD
ierna(Em
weiteres
gnostis
chesG
oldtäfelchenaus
Dierna),”
Acta
Musei
Napocensis
14(1977),
PP.205-219;
I.I.
Russu,
ed.Inscriptiones
Daciae
Rom
anae.V
ol.3:
Dacia
Superior,
pt.1:
Pars
Occidentalis
(Bucarest:
Academ
yof
theS
ocialistR
epublicof
Rom
arna,1977),
p.70f.,
no.43,
fig.37;
SE
G27
(1977),p.
109,no.
415;A
.B
odor&
I.W
inider,“U
nA
telierde
Artizanta
La
Dierna
(Oro
va)
(An
Artisan
Workshop
atD
ierna[O
rovaJ),”
Acta
Musei
Napocensis
16(1979),
pp.141-155,
esp.p.
147f.(fig.
6).
This
piecew
asfound
ina
stonestructure,
identifiedas
anancient
workshop,
about60-80
cm.
beneaththe
surfaceof
thecourtyard
ofthe
Lyceum
of$t.
Plav
áin
Oro
va
Veche,
inthe
summ
erof
1968.T
heleaf
ofgold,
foundin
sectionJ
hF
rolledup
likea
scroll,w
assubsequently
publishedby
Vlassa
1977:205-219,
with
slightchanges
byR
ussu1977:71.
The
fullerarchaeological
report(B
odor-Winkler
1979:155)provides
important
additionalinform
ation.A
tthe
sitein
general,the
fol
lowing
objectsw
erefound:
fragments
ofcrucibles,
irondross,
nails,and
minor
fragments,
piecesof
coal,lead
ingots,various
bronzeobjects,
includingbronze
sheetsand
blobs,tools,
ceramic
wares,
fibulae,and
coinsfrom
theI-IV
centuries.C
oncerningthe
goldtablet,
Bodor-W
inkler1979:155
write:
“Itcannot
beestablished
whether
thefine
goldsheet
with
am
agicalinscription
(fig.6)
was
producedhere
orbrought
fromelsew
here.Stratigraphy
shows
thatthe
stoneconstruction
was
precededby
atim
berone.
The
time
ofthe
functioningof
thew
orkshopincludes
thehI—
IVcenturies.”
Itshould
alsobe
addedthat
insection
JhI.Fa
bronzecoin
ofT
rajan(98-117
A.D
.)w
asalso
found(B
odor-Winkler
1979:152),the
generaldating
ofw
hichaccords
well
with
thetablet’s
letter-forms
(2ndcentury
A.D
.);cf.
thefacsim
ilesof
theregionally
comparable
Dacian
waxed
tablets,especially
no.103
(167A
.D.)
inE
.M
.T
hompson,
An
Introductionto
Greek
andL
atinPalaeography
(New
York,
1912),p.
31
6f.
IIA
.D.
9824
AD
emon
Sentto
JuliaC
yrilla24
AD
emon
Sentto
JuliaC
yrilla99
Based
onthe
clearphotograph
inV
lassa1977:268f.
(Ihave
notbeen
ableto
obtainan
original),a
newreading
ispresented
below.
demon
inuiinens
vuvuhac
imm
inepr(o)
(drawing)
me
i<a>
miam
aput
IuliaeC
yrillae
“Dem
onm
enacinghere,
menace
onm
ybehalfnow
,now
,at
thehouse
ofJuliaC
yrilla.”
Viassa’s
previousedition,
thoughcorrect
inpoints,
produceda
nu
mber
ofdoubtful
readings.H
ealso
believedthat
thepiece
was
adefixio
—
placingunnecessary
weight
onthe
factthat
thethin
tablet’ssurface
(.002cm
.thick)
hada
tinyhole
init,
asif
piercedw
itha
nail.H
istext
andtranslation
ofthe
main
portiongo
asfollow
s:
Dem
onim
(m)unditi(a)e
teagite(t)
Aeli
Fir(-)
me(.)
Ste(t)supra
caput
4Iuliae
Surillae.
“May
thedem
onoffilth
agitateyou,
0A
eliusFirm
us.M
ayhe
standover
thehead
ofJuliaS
urilla.”
Com
mentary:
Left
side.T
heentire
leftportion
ofthe
lamella
ism
adeup
offour
short
linesof
lettersand
apeculiar
drawing
inthe
middle
ofthe
tablet.T
here
c
tangular‘head’
andattached
limbs
probablyrepresents
thedem
onto
besent
toJulia
Cyrilla.
(Viassa
interpretsthis
asa
candelabrumor
theJew
ishm
enorah).T
heletters
onthe
leftcan
beprobably
interpretedas
Greek
vowels:
cx/v
uu
/tvV
a,w
hichV
lassainterprets
as0601
i,l/(taT
oL
)i
‘A5(ø)va(t).
The
boxtow
ardthe
bottom,
enclosinga
curvedline,
was
alsointerpreted
byV
lassaas
anabbreviation
forO
eôç(or
6vosa).T
hereare
alsotraces
of
severalm
arkingsthat
canbe
saidto
resemble
thedem
on’slim
bs.R
ightside:
1D
emon
imm
inens:D
emon
im(m
)unditia(e)V
lassa:dem
onim
(rn)unidel
Russu.
On
Vlassa’s
drawing
thehorizontal
attachingto
theI
shouldbe
deleted:it
isthe
remnant
ofthe
faintcrease
thatruns
acrossthe
topof
the
letters-
mm
in-.
Further,
what
was
interpretedas
uby
Vlassa
andR
ussuis
thethird
strokeof
them
joiningto
thei.
The
finalthree
letters,som
ewhat
crowded,
arein
ligature.T
hecom
mon
verbitnm
ineO,
“overhang,threaten,”
cancarry
a
broaderrange
ofm
eanings(“be
athand;”
“threaten;”“be
impending;”
“strivefor;”
“beeager
for,”etc.)
andhere,
usedof
adem
on,refers
toa
spiritsent
tom
enace—
orsexually
longfor
—Julia
Cyrilla,
inthe
formof
anapparition
ordream
.F
orthe
generalnotion
ofa
threateningdem
onsent
toappear
indream
s,com
pareP
GM
XII.121-144
(anôv
etp
oiro
róc):
Xe’y
cK
at
UO
t,L
8’y
a&
Va,L
8V
Q&
XtL
0V
tlrO
p6VO
?7Tt
etc
TOY
T0
V.8
OLK
OY
Kat
Xeyw
au
rq3
Tae,
KT
X(lines
130f.)...
.‘rKovO
óY
fLOV
rop
evO
etcirp
oç
TOY
5etv
aetc
TO
YO
LK
OI’
av
rou
,o’7rov
TO
PK
0L
T(ji’
aurou,K
cLira
paur6
0trt
at)T,
of3ep
ôç,
rpo
,iep
oç,
KT
X.
lines135f.).
For
demons
who
hoverabout
orhang
impendingly,
noteP
GM
XIII.278:
ÔpK
iwac,
‘irvev
tLa
v‘!tépt
c&otT
c,4Levov;
further,P
GM
IV.3025f.
mentions
apeculiar
bir
ept’
xuie
voç
&Ip
.ow
wu
irXó.u/A
cYT
ocro&
rou,“a
demon
flutteringaround
thisbody.”
tu
va
4(square)
Fig.26
10024
AD
emon
Sentto
JuliaC
yrilla
2hac
imm
inepr(o):
The
cursivew
ritingof
imm
inçis
nearlyid
enti
calw
iththe
lettersof
thesam
ew
ordof
theprevious
line,hence
facilitating
itsdecipherm
ent.V
lassa’sreading
introducesan
extranam
einto
thetext
thatm
akeslittle
sense:A
eliF
ir(-)/me(.).
3m
ei<
a>
mjam
:T
hetraces
atthe
beginningof
theline
showing
meirn
,follow
edby
aprosaic
jam,
suggestsm
ei <
a>
m,
jam.
The
duplication
oflam
,lam
inL
atinm
agicaltexts
iscom
mon;
cf.,e.g.,
A.
Au
do
llent,
Tabellae
Defixionum
(Paris,1904),
no.294,
27,etc.,
andthe
Latin
terracottaam
uletin
H.
Leclercq,
art.“A
mulettes,”
Dictionnaire
d’Archeologie
chrétienneet
deL
iturgie1/2
(Paris,1907),
col.1799f.,
Separa
tedem
onema
Florentia
quempeperit
lustaquza
hocjubet
magnus
deuslam
lamcjto
cjtojn
nomjne
del.aput:
supracaput
Vlassa.
Neither
thew
ordsupra,
nora
supposedc
incaput,
representsa
likelydecipherm
entof
thescript
here.W
esuggest
aput(
apud).T
hepreposition
means
“inthe
presenceof;
atthe
houseof”
butusually
governsthe
accusative;how
ever,an
accusativeending
luliamC
yrillamcannot
beconfirm
ed,unless
onew
ereto
interpretthe
two
visiblestrokes
ratheras
rn’s
.F
ora
similar
putativeuse
ofgenitive
foraccusative
onL
atinm
agicaltablets,
noteA
.A
udollent,D
efixjonumT
abel
lae(P
aris,1904),
indices,p.
545;D
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppl.
Mag.
I,II
(‘IndexX
II,’p.
345,passim
,on
Greek
texts).4
JuljaeC
yrillae:Iuliae
Surillae
Vlassa.
The
cognomen
Cyrilla
iscom
mon;
forexam
plesfrom
Dacia,
seeD
.M
.Pippidi
&I.
I.R
ussu,Inscrjptjones
ScythiaeM
inorisV
(Bucarest,
1980),no.
192,2f.;no.
250,10.T
hegold
lamella
may
havebeen
placedunder
theow
ner’spillow
sothat
thedem
on,sum
moned
bythe
tablet’sm
agicinvocation,
would
readthe
textand
goto
thehouse
ofJulia
Cyrilla.
Adem
oticspell,
PD
Mxiv.
1070-77(=
H.
D.
Betz,
Greek
Magical
Papyri
inT
ranslation[2nd
ed.C
hicago,1992],
p.246),
providesthe
plausibleconnections:
“Aspell
tobring
[aw
oman]
toa
man,
tosend
dreams
again[m
agicsigns].
You
shouldw
ritethis
ona
reedleaf
andput
[it]under
yourhead
while
yousleep.
Itm
akesdream
sand
sendsdream
s...
.It
bringsa
wom
analso,”
etc.(trans.
I.Johnson).
Lit.
E.
Hübner,
“Gesam
tsitzungvom
30./Mai
1861,”M
onatsberichteder
KO
niglichenP
reussischenA
kademie
derW
issenschaftenzu
Berlin,
1861(1862),
p.533;
IGX
IV.
2413,13;C
.B
onner,S
tudiesin
Magical
Am
ulets(A
nnA
rbor,1950),
p.
96;G
.Z
untz,P
ersephone(O
xford,1971),
p.281.
According
toE
mil
HU
bnerthe
piecew
asfound
inR
ome
inthe
1830’sand
formed
partof
theprivate
collectionof
theP
rincipede
Anglona.
The
exactcircum
stancesregarding
thelam
ella’sdiscovery
are
notknow
n.N
ofacsim
ileor
photographof
thepiece
hasever
been
produced,and
itspresent
locationis
notknow
n.T
hetablet
was
apparently
intact.
irov
’qp
6v
lrVeU
iLa
KaL
Ka
KO
lrOto
vic
at
4OO
pOrrO
tov
&ir
1auov
a7rO
Tq
çP
NM
A4
AIA
,IIT
&vel3
pa-v
Oaf3
taoa.
Drive
away
everyevil
spiritthat
works
harmand
destructionfrom
(herso-
and-so),0
Ptah,
entirelybeautiful,
THA
BIA
SA.
1ixovpôv
TI’8a:
Previouseditions
readrav
tpo
virv
eca
(7r&
v
iepôv,
IG=
<>
tepóv,
i.e.,ap
ôv,
soK
irchhoff,follow
edby
Bonner
andZ
untz);the
text,how
ever,probably
hadw
ov’qpôv,w
itha
cursive,
loopedo
mistaken
foran
aand
thehorizontal
ofthe
ij(intersecting
its
rightvertical),
mistaken
fort8
.T
heexact
expressionov
pov
rveca
is
suprisinglyrare
inthe
magical
papyri.In
allof
thepapyri,
we
findonly
two
examples,
bothC
hristian:PG
M13a.3:
rap[a
]4X
aôv
.cerirô
7ra
vro
ç7
rov
?p
oii
7rv
(eic
)aT
oc;
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppl.M
ag.I,
no.
31,4
:O
ep6’-ev
uop
...
&‘n-5-a
vr5
çrv
(pp)a
(To
ç)
7rov1poI’v.T
headjective
25A
mulet
toE
xpelan
Evil
Spirit
RO
MA
,Italy
(Now
lost)
Form
ercollection
Principe
deA
nglona,M
adrid
Rom
anP
eriod
(No
dimensions
available)
Gold
lamella
10225
Am
uletto
Expel
anE
vilSpirit
25A
mulet
toE
xpelan
Evil
Spirit103
irovipóçis
otherwise
usedw
ith&
tøv
inthe
‘pagan’m
agicalpapyri:
PG
MIV
.2517:c4riX
cró
vus
&7rô
Tov?7po)7rcrv
roç
&x4w
voc.
The
phraseiro
vp
ôv
irvic
rreflects
anoriginal
Semitic
11Y157I,
probablyas
acalque
passinginto
Greek
viathe
Septuagint’saccount
of
David’s
‘exorcism’
ofking
Saulin
IR
eg.16:14f.:
Kai
aicv
pIo
u
aire
ur7
àrôao
vX
,KcXL
elrY
ryeP
cii’T6P
rvea
ro
vp
ôv
rap
ivpIo
v.
iccvl
8L
lravO
traL
&ç
&xovX
lrpoc
cXL’TO
V‘L
3oi7rP
LL
aK
VpL
OU
7ro
v7
7p
ov
irvI’y
t.
Note,
similarly,
LX
XT
obit6:8
(Rec.
B):
...
&Ir
6i’T
La
&!aL
Oi’IO
VrP
euIA
aToc
lrovl7pou,KO!L
fr5rat
r’
aiiro
i,K
TX
.F
rom
thenceit
came
intothe
New
Testam
ent,w
heresurprisingly
itoccurs
only
inQ
(Matt.
12:45=
Luke
11:26,S
T8pa
1rv
8uL
aT
air
ov
pó
r.p
a)
andin
Luke-A
cts(L
uke7:21;
8:2;A
cts19:12,13
[p1.];15,16
[sg.J).
1-2
icxi.K
cxKO
1rOtO
PK
cEtç&
Oo
po
irotô
v:
The
adjectiveK
aKo
lroL
oç
isused
inthe
magical
papyrispecifically
ofm
alevolentplanetary
influences,but
notof
demons
(soL
SJs.v.,
citingonly
Ptolemy,
Tetrabiblos
19;A
rtem.
4.59,texts
which
arenot
ofrelevance
here).P
GM
IV.
2873-75uses
the
word
form
agicofferings
thatw
orkrà
&-ya6a’7rotc
versusTO
!K
O!K
OJO
t.
Seealso
PG
MX
III.1030(used
ofm
alevolentplanets);
PG
ML
.7(verso,
bis;of
unclearm
eaning).T
headjective
4O
opoiro
tóc
usedof
demons
seems
tobe
restrictedto
Patristic
writers;
cf.E
usebius,E
cci.H
ist.X
.4,58,contrasting
artç
Oopo?rotôç
&IIL csW
Kat
0ip
eç
tryptotpoiroi;
idem,
Com
mentaria
in
Psalm
os(M
igne,P
G23),
p.924,
27:&
XX
tKcYL
Toy
Ooporo
tO&
20
Pa
KO!LT
OP
T?7
op
’yq
çU
1fl)p
T?JV
rry’y
sXov
Tt2(S
)pOV
,K
TX
.;so
alsoG
regory
Nyssenus,
De
vita
Mo
sis
(ed.D
aniélou)2.59,
1m
entionsa
f3X
airru
thv
Kat
OopoirotO
v&
iILwv.
Of
relatedinterest
isthe
referencein
Gregory
Nys
senus,D
evita
Gregorii
Thaum
aturgi,(M
igne,P
G46),
p.95,23f.
toa
dem
on
wh
ohaunts
the
bath
s:&
aWsw
-tçv
Op
w1
roK
róv
oç
t,pta
wv
T?
Xourp
4,,
oi7
48
op
oiro
tOç
va,.u
çàv
ep’y
Oç
p.8
Ta
uK
oT
oç
KO
!TX
Ti’
TpO
U6tO
VT
(S)P
yIv
8ro
,K
1-X.
The
singleoccurrence
of40opoirotóç
inthe
magical
papyrirefers
toa
terribledeity:
PG
MX
II.455‘E
rtKcxX
oIj1aicia
[TO
]v[v]
r[&,]
K[e]v
&,
[wp
e](’c
trt,ecvóp,
&ôpcx[T
o]vO
eOcbO
opoirotOv
KO
!L
èpio
irocóv.
Bonner’s
(1950:96)attem
ptto
readin
thisadjective
aspecific
referenceto
‘causingm
iscarriage’does
notcarry
conviction.3-4
airAcxuov
ctiro
Tiç
:H
übner’sreproduction
readsA
HA
AA
ON
,a
readingthat
subsequenteditors
havebeen
wrongly
leadto
interpretas
crra
X<
X>
a<
t>ov.
Bonner
1950:96,for
example,
writes,
“The
form
ci-&X
aciov...
seems
torepresent
asoftened
pronunciationof;
orelse
an
aoristim
perativeending
hasbeen
wrongly
attachedto
apresent
stem.”
But
tohave
toread
o-for
,and
thensuggest
adouble
X,
betraysa
false
diagnosisfrom
thestart.
Hübner’s
AH
AA
AO
Nis
ratheririi..a
cro
v,
“driveaw
ay!”:an
originallooped,
cursivea
was
simply
mistaken
fora
(thetw
oletters
canlook
identicalin
cursivehandw
riting).T
hisreading
alsofits
betterw
iththe
following
ró,
for&
rAaciov
+ró
isthen
fol
lowed
bythe
personalnam
e;cf.
33,6,11-12(bis);
57,14.T
heverb
éireXai’vetv
isnot
(asyet)
attestedin
them
agicalpapyri.
Of
interestfor
theuse
of&
n-eXa&
etvin
an‘exorcistic’
context,of
sorts,is
Sapientia
Solomonis
(LX
X)
17:8,w
herethe
Egyptian
magicians
aredescribed
asol
‘yap
)?ruxXvouJL
svotô6IIL
araK
aLT
apaXàc
&ra
Xaie
tI,&
UX
cV
oU
oU
O7ç,
oUTOL.iara’yA
auro
vaX
ci3
ata
vvououv
(“theyw
hoprom
isedto
driveout
terrorsand
anxietiesfrom
asick
soulw
erethem
selvessick
with
a
ridiculousform
ofreligion”).
The
previousverse
17:7also
describedthe
a1’yILara
ofthe
Egyptians’
ILa’y
LI
TéX
Pi.
3-4P
NM
AA
IA:
With
the‘w
ickedspirit’
ofline
if.representing
thedirect
objectof
&rA
auo
v,
oneexpects
afem
alenam
eto
followon
rOA
nunattested
name
suchas
PevIL&X
Law
ouldbe
ratherpeculiar
anddifficult
toaccount
for(=
“flowing?”).
The
losttext
was
perhapscor
rupt,w
ronglytranscribed,
orboth;
attempted
reconstructions(e.g.,
I-nc
A)pjX
caç?
ori-n
c4opo(n
jc?)
yieldinsecure
results.
4H
T&
va,6pav
Oaj3taua:
The
textends
with
anE
gyptianin
voca
tion:H
Tcrvaf3p
avis
Pth-nfr-’n,
“Ptahentirely
beautiful”(interpretation
suppliedby
H.
J.T
hissen).O
nOc43caocx,
onecan
compare
similar
magic
names
in0a13
Oa3
(PG
MV
II.210);A
OV
eaf3ap(IV
.293);O
ai3
pacro
v
(XII.371);
Oaf3par
(V.60).
Here,
theprefix
8a$certainly
reminds
oneof
Aram
aict3
,tab,
“good,excellent;
well,”
followed
bysom
eform
ofX
,
‘as’ä,“healing;
remedy,”
orits
verbalcounterpart
(“toheal”);
noteJ.
Naveh
&S.
Shaked,A
mulets
andM
agicB
owls
(Jerusalem&
Leiden,
1985),‘G
lossary,’svv.,
p.265,
andesp.
A3:20,
onthe
formX
,‘S
w,
“health,cure.”
26T
heF
ourA
rchangels105
This
goldtablet
was
foundin
1544am
ongthe
gravegoodsof
theim
perialtom
bof
Maria,
thew
ifeof
Honorius
(emperor
inthe
West,
393-423
A.D
.).C
ityplanners
discoveredthe
mausoleum
atthe
siteof
theold
Capella
SantaP
etronilla,now
partof
theSE
transeptof
theV
atican.T
hisform
erR
enaissancebasilica
hadbeen
builtupon
two
circularm
ausoleums
which
servedas
Rom
anburial
structuresas
earlyas
the2nd
century.T
heeasternm
ostpair
ofthe
two
mausoleum
sw
asthe
burialsite
firstof
Maria,
thenof
Hononus
himself,
andpossibly
ofT
heodosiusII,
andothers:
separately(in
1458,1519,
and1544)
fivedifferent
sarcophagihave
been
uncoveredat
thesite
(Koethe
1931:9-26,esp.
p.21f.;
Frey1911-1916;
de
Rossi
1878:125-146;
deR
ossi1879:5-20,
etc.).
The
sepulchreof
Maria
containeda
marble
sarcophagus,m
easuring
approximately
8long,
5’w
ide,and
6’high,
inw
hichw
erepreserved
the
remains
ofthe
bonesof
aw
oman,
alongw
ithan
inventoryof
jewellry
(gemstones,
goldrings,
anem
eraldin
agold
setting,a
necklace,and
other
ornaments,
some
inscribedw
iththe
names
ofM
ariaand/or
Honorius),
as
well
assom
espears.
Inaddition,
thefollow
ingitem
sw
erealso
recovered:
varioussilver
wares,
agold
bullaw
itha
Latin
inscriptionw
rittenin
the
form
of
acro
ss(M
AR
IAD
OM
INA
NO
ST
RA
FL
OR
EN
TIS
SIM
A-
ST
ILIC
HO
VIV
AT),
anda
silvertube
inw
hichw
asfound
ourthin
goldlam
ella
(Mazzucchelli
1819:15f.).
No
facsimile
orphotograph
ofthe
tabletw
as
everpublished.
Mtc
rX
Fcxf3ptjX‘P
a4xt,X
4O
puX
These
fourangel-nam
esrepresent
thestandard
archangelictetrarchy
andare
widely
foundin
Jewish
andC
hristianliterature
andin
magical
texts;cf.,
e.g.,D
aniel&
Maltom
ini,Suppi.
Mag.
1,no.
32,11
(Mtxw
X,
I’ctpf3t7X,
OuptX
,P
ac/xrX
),w
ithfurther
referencesin
theeditio
prin
ceps,F.
Maltom
ini,Z
eitschr(ft für
Papyrologieund
Epigraphik
48(1982),
p.167
(alsom
entioningour
goldtablet);
Oracula
SibyllinaII,
215(ed.
Geffcken),
p.38:
ML
XW
Xre
Fap
3tX
,‘P
cr4w
Xr’
Op
tiX(‘I’);
Testam
entof
Solomon
XV
III.5-8:
Mta
iX...
Fa3pt’iX...
OiiptX
•.
.‘Paw
X;
R.
Reitzenstein,
Poinw
ndres(L
eipzig,1904),
p.294
(Cod.
Paris
2316,w
ithT
V1’ap3tjX
,T
OP
Mtcx
X,
TO
PO
’ptX
,T
OP
‘Pa4
aX,
followed
byadditional
angels);idem
,p.
296(M
LXW
X,
Tct3
ptX
,O
pt)X
ct
‘PacX
,and
othersw
hostand
beforethe
throneof
God);
Al.
Sorlin
Dorigny,
“Phylact’erealexandrin
contreles
épistaxis,”R
evuedes
Etudes
grecques4
(1891),pp.
287-296(late
amulet
with
Mtc
tX,
rc43puX,
Oip
tX,
‘Paw
X).
For
furtherreferences,
seeJ.
Michl,
art.“E
ngel”in
Reallexikon
für
Antike
undC
hristentum5
(1962),col.
183f.;A
pocalypse
26T
heF
our
Archangels
RO
MA
,Italy
Present
locationunknow
nL
ost(F
ormer
Vatican
Collection?)
IV/V
A.D
.(N
odim
ensionsavailable)
Gold
lamella
Lit.
Lucio
Fauno,
De
antiquitatibusurbis
Rom
ne...
(Venetijs,
1549)V
,p.
125;F.
G.
Cancellieri,
De
secretariisB
asilicaevaticanae
veterisac
novaelibri
Ii(R
omae,
1786),p.
995,cap.
3,§11;
U.
F.K
opp,P
alaeographiaC
ritica,IT/i
(Mannheim
,1829),
p.165,
§158;J.
Gruterus,
Inscriptionesantiquae
totEusorbis
Rom
ani(H
eidelberg,n.d.
(16027]),
p.287,
§4;J.
0.
Graevius,
ed.T
hesaurusantiquitatuin
ethistoriarum
Italiae(L
ugdumB
atavorum,
1704-1723),vol.
10,p.
193;P.
Mazzuchelli,
La
Bolla
diM
aria,m
oglied’O
norioIm
peratoreche
siconserva
nelM
useoT
rivulzio(M
ilano,1819),
p.13;
cf.23-48;
F.L
enormant,
inC
.C
ahier&
A.
Martin,
edd.M
élangesd’archéologie
d‘histoire
etde
littératureIV
(Paris,
1853),p.
151,note
2;Jean
Baptiste
deR
ossi,“D
es-sins
dequelques
vasesde
Iatoilette
enseveliedans
letom
beaude
l’empereur
Honorius,”
Bulletin
d’archéologiechrétienne
1(1863),
pp.53-55;
idein,“S
epoicrodi
S.P
etronillanella
basilicain
viaA
rdeatinae
suatraslazione
alV
aticano(I),”
Bullettino
diArcheologia
Cristiana,
ser.3,
vol.3
(1878),pp.
125-146;idem
,“S
epolcrodi
S.P
etromlia
nellabasilica
invia
Ardeatina
esua
traslazioneal
Vaticano
(II),”B
ullettinodi
Archeologia
Cristiana,
ser.3,
vol.4
(1879),pp.
5-20;M
.A
rmellini,
LeC
hiesedi
Rotna
dalsecolo
IVal
XIX
(Rom
e,1942),
vol.2,
p.935;
cf.K
.W
essely,E
phesiaG
ramm
ata(V
ienna,1886),
no.115.
Further,
onthe
mausoleum
:C
.C
avedoni,O
sservazionesopra
alcuniparticolari
delsepoicro
edel
inondom
uliebrede
Maria
figliuoladi
Stilconee
moglie
diO
norioA
ugusto(M
odena,1865);
H.
Koethe,
“Zum
Mausoleum
derw
eströmischen
Dynastie
beiA
lt-Sankt-P
eter,”R
Om
ischeA
bteilungen46
(1931),pp.
9-26;K
arlF
rey,Z
urB
augeschichtedes
St.Peter.
Mittheilungen
ausder
Reverendissim
ma
Fabbrica
diS.
Pietro
(=B
eiheftezurn
Jahrbuchder
KO
niglichpreuszischen
Kunstsam
tnlungen;B
erlin,1911-1916
=vol.
31(1911],
pp.1-95;
vol.33
[1913],pp.
1-153;vol.
37[1916],
pp.22-136);
JocelynT
oynbee&
JohnW
ardPerkins,
TheS
hrineof
St.P
eterand
theV
aticanE
xcavations(L
ondon&
New
York,
1956),esp.
app.,p.
5(for
diagram).
10626
The
Four
Archangels
of
Moses
40:K
aLb
Oeôç
r4iM
taX
,r4,
Fci/3
ptX
,r4i
Oip
tXal
‘PaccrñX
;A
pocalypseofE
zra6:2;
IE
noch9:10;
10:1,4,9,
11;20:2,
etc.G
enerallythe
names
ofthree
ofthe
angelsare
fixed(M
ichael,G
abriel,and
Raphael);
thefourth,
thoughtraditionally
givenas
Ouriel,
issom
etimes
replacedby
others,e.g.
Souriel,as
inP.
J.S
ijpesteijn,Z
eitschrzftfü
rPapyrologie
undE
pigraphik42
(1981),p.
112,no.
2(w
oodenam
uletw
ithM
tcX
Fcx3puX/ovpX
‘Pafrn
X).
Seealso
R.
Kotansky,
“Tw
oInscribed
Jewish
Aram
aicA
mulets
fromS
yria,”Israel
Exploration
Journal41(1991),
pp.267-281,
esp.p.
276,(A
mulet
B,
2-4:M
ichael,G
abriel,R
aphael,and
‘Anael
onan
silverlam
ella)w
ithnote
14,w
herethe
popular‘divine’
etymologies
ofsuch
angelsis
given:“P
rinceof
thehosts
ofY
HW
H,
Michael
[=Josh.
5:14f.],and
them
anG
abriel[=
Dan.
9:21],R
aphael,m
asterof
healing,”etc.
Also
ofinterest
isPG
MIV
.1812-16,w
hichdescribes
them
akingof
anactual
goldtablet
with
thenam
esof
sevenarchangels:
eç
5èiré
raX
ov
xpvuowrb
I4o
çro
Iro
c0
ov
pt,X
Mtc
XF
a13puX
OpoX
.M
tuaX
‘IppcrX.
I7TpcX
’IX,
KT
X.
27A
Late
‘Orphic’
Underw
orldA
mulet
Fig.27.
PlateV
I
The
tabletcontains
portionsof
theso-called
‘Orphic’
(or‘O
rphicD
ionysiac’)verses,
oftencorrupt
hexameters
otherwise
preservedexclusively
ona
groupof
goldleaves
oflate
classicaland
Hellenistic
date(see
Zuntz
1971:277-393);see
further,S.
G.
Cole,
“New
Evidence
forthe
Mysteries
ofD
ionysius,”G
reek,R
oman,
andB
yzantineStudies
21(1980),
pp.223-238,
onthe
newH
ipponionleaf
andits
implications
forthe
studyof
Dionysus;
andR
.Janko,
“Forgetfulnessin
theG
oldenT
abletsof
Mem
ory,”C
lassicalQ
uarterly34
(1984),pp.
89-100,for
areconstructed
archetype.F
orthe
newest
published‘leaves,’
seeK
.T
sant
sanoglou&
C.
M.
Parassoglou,
“Tw
oG
oldL
amellae
fromT
hessaly,”‘EX
XivLK
c38
(1987),pp.
3-16;R
.M
erkelbach,“Z
wei
neueo
rphisch
dionysischeT
otenpasse,”Z
eitschrftfü
rPapyrologie
undE
pigraphik76
(1989),p.15f.
Here
theolder
hexametric
formulas
ofthe
goldleaves
havebeen
adoptedfor
useas
anam
ulet(Z
untz1971:334;
Kotansky
1991:114).A
partfrom
thislate
example,
theother
gold‘O
rphic-Dionysiac’
lamellae
falloutside
thechronological
andtypological
delimitations
ofthis
corpus.U
nliketypical
amulets,
thistext
isnot
concernedw
ithprotection
fromdem
onicafflictions
ordisease,
butw
ithsafety
inthe
Underw
orld.
RO
MA
,Italy
London,
The
British
Museum
Cat.
no.3154
11-IllA
.D.
H.
2.4cm
.;W
.6.5
cm.
Gold
lamella
Lit.
G.
G.
A.
Murray
inE
.H
arrison,Prolegom
enato
theStudy
ofG
reekR
eligion(C
ambridge,
1903;[repr.
New
York,
1975]),p.
673;D
.C
omparetti,
Lam
inetteO
rfiche(F
irenze,1910),
pp.42ff.
(p1.4,2);
F.H
.M
arshall,C
atalogueof
theJew
elleryB
ritishM
useum(L
ondon,1911),
p.378f.,
no.3158;
A.
Olivieri,
Lam
ellaeA
ureaeO
rphicae(B
onn,1915),
p.18f.;
R.
S.C
onway,
“From
Orpheus
toC
icero,”B
ulletinof
theJohn
Rylands
Library
17(1933),
pp.77,
87;W
.K
.C
.G
uthrie,O
rpheusand
Greek
Religion
(2nded.
London,
1952),p.
174,p1.
10;G
.Z
untz,Persephone
(Oxford,
1971),
pp.333-335
(Text
A5;
P1.28a);
pp.287,
293;M
.L
.W
est,Z
eitschrzftfür
Papyrologie
undE
pigraphik18
(1975),p.
231;M
.G
uarducci,Scritti
sceltisulla
religionegreca
eronw
nae
sulcristianesim
o(E
PR
O98;
Leiden,
1983),pp.
77,89f.;
R.
Kotansky,
in:Faraone
&O
bbink,edd.,
Magika
Hiera
(Oxford,
1991),p.
114(and
notes).
-a
10827
An
Underw
orldA
mulet
27A
nU
nderworld
Am
ulet109
The
phenomenon
hasalready
beenobserved
with
anum
berof
thelate
‘amulets’
ofthis
corpus:2,
15,20,
23;cf.
29,39.
Although
allother
extantexam
plesof
these‘O
rphic-Dionysiac’
lamellae
datefrom
thebegin-
flingof
the4th
centuryB
.C.
(andsom
ewhat
later),this
tabletdates
tothe
2ndor
3rdcent.
The
textfollow
sthe
formulas
ofothers
inthe
grouplabelled
‘A’
byZ
untz(A
1-3,A
4),texts
which
characteristicallyopen
with
the
ph
rase
8PXO
,LcXL
8KK
cOcp&
wK
c8cx
pá,
xOovIs.w
BcrIX
.ta,E
t’KX
flç
E3
ou
Xeç
re,K
TX
.(“I
come
purefrom
thepure,
0Q
ueenof
thembelow
,E
ukiesand
Eubouleus
...,“
etc.).T
hispiece,
though,has
beenpersonally
adaptedto
suita
specificallynam
edbearer,
Caecilia
Secundina.T
hetablet
was
reportedlyfound
inthe
late19th
centuryat
thesite
ofa
necropolisat
S.Paolo
fuorile
Mura
nearR
ome,
butfew
detailsare
known
otherthan
thefact
thatit
apparentlycam
efrom
asepulcher
(Com
paretti1910:42;
Guarducci
1983:77;M
arshall1911:380).
‘EP
X8
TcY
L6K
KaO
apc,w
KaO
crp
cr,
xOovIsv
cvuiXeta,
E’ó
KX
çE
if3o
v-
Xcu
T,
itoç
TK
O&
yX
aci
.xwè
Mv
oO
Uj’7
Tót3
8&
iJpOV
cXO
L&tLO
VavO
pci
ro
wtv
KcrtK
tXIa
)eK
ovvôeL
va,
z’óLW
t
i6L&
(yye’yW
UC
x.
Shecom
espure
fromthe
pureones,
0Q
ueenof
thembelow
,E
ukiesand
Eubouleus:
Zeus’s
splendidchild!
But
Ihave
thisgift
ofM
emory,
famous
form
en.C
aeciliaS
ecundina,go,
sinceyou
havebecom
edivine
accordingto
thelaw
.
1‘E
py
,era
t6K
KaO
ap(Lw
Ka8
apcr,
9ov
ivj3crIX
eta:T
heclassical
exemplars
readepxo
cx
tin
lieuof
pxrcx;
cf.Z
untz1971:303
(A2):
‘lEIPX
OIlC
u8K
KaO
crp&v
KcxO
cpc.Z
untz(1971
:306f.)rectifies
theoften
false
interpretationgiven
thisopening
linefound
inthe
olderm
odels,w
here,by
am
isplacedcom
ma,
Kcx6apcx
ism
adeto
modify
3outXeta:
‘EpX
o,L
ot
6K
KcY
thypcJw,
Ka9
apcx
xOovicw
f3cro
iXetcx
,i.e.
“Out
ofthe
pureI
come,
pure
Queen
ofthem
below:”
KaO
apcx
isappropriate
indescribing
aperson
who
hasundergone
ritualpurification,
notof
agoddess,
who
would
bedes
cribedas
&yrn
or&
-yta—
thatis,
onew
hose‘holiness’
would
have
remained
constant.T
hefact
thatK
a8apa
isfem
inineposes
noproblem
for
ourtext,
forits
beareris
aw
oman.
On
theother
hand,the
subjectsof
the
px
oI.u
Yt’s
ofthe
oldertexts
—the
deceasedw
ithw
homthe
tabletsw
ere
buried,w
hoalso
claimto
beK
a8cx
pa
(fern.)—
areall
presumed
tobe
male,
thoughthe
identityof
thegraves
isuncertain
(Zuntz
1971:288-293).
How
so,then,
arethey
describedK
a8crp
aand
notK
aOcrp
óç?
Because,
as
Zuntz
implies
byhis
translation,it
isthe
deceasedsoul,
t,t’v(fern.),
that
isspeaking:
“Here
Istand
beforeyou,’
sothe
soulsays,
‘ia8crp
à6K
KcO
ap
wP
”(Z
untz1971:306,
italicsm
ine).O
ddly,how
ever,in
thew
hole
groupof
‘A’
tabletsno
specificm
entionof
adeceased
i,bv
isever
made,
exceptin
theheterodox
textA
4,w
hosefirst
linehas
theunique
‘AX
X’
bró
rcrw
poXIint
4xoç‘A
eXIoto;
there,how
ever,all
subsequent
referencesin
thetext
arem
asculine(ira8
cw,
line3;
Oóç
h-y
évov
àvOpth’rov,
line4,
which
neednot
beexclusively
male).
We
only
encountera
soulagain
inthe
newH
ipponiontablet
indescribing
adif
ferentgroup
ofsouls
atthe
springon
theright
(theone
tobe
eschewed):
evOa
KcxT
eP
Xovca
tival
veK
uw
vxovrca
(Janko,C
lassicalQ
uarterly
34[19841,
p.99,
line6).
What
we
shouldconclude
fromthis
isthat
KaO
opa
inthe
older
models
ofthe
‘A’
group,just
likeK
0O
ap
cof
theC
aeciliaS
ecundinatext,
perhapssignals
textsdesigned
orspecifically
written
forw
omen
devotees.
Itshould
notm
atterif
occasionalm
ale-gendervocabulary
andverbal
forms
havecrept
incongruouslyinto
thetexts
(e.g.,in
A4
described
above),after
allclassical
Greece
was
largelya
male-oriented
society.
Such‘am
biguity’betw
eenm
aleand
female-oriented
vocabularyin
the
‘Orphic-D
ionysiac’form
ulasfinds
itsgreatest
tensionin
theuse
ofthe
4
tLO
cU
-y
)\,\
4-X
cj_
h.o
(C
[J’’ici‘
0\
•lC’j
flH•j
ir’’j\,
—
Fig.
27(C
omparetti)
11027
An
Underw
orldA
mulet
27A
nU
nderworld
Am
ulet111
indistinctgender
ofircxç,
inthe
formula
1’içircrç
CL
jLL
,K
TX.
(Texts
B3-
B8)
—a
formula
inw
hichthe
word
ircIç(m
asc.Ifem.)
issom
etimes
replacedw
iththe
more
gender-specificuiôç.
But
am
osttelling
changecom
esin
theapparent
writing
ofF&
ç8u’y
cTp
(inlieu
ofircrlç
orvióç)
onone
ofthe
B-group
oftexts
(Zuntz
1971:362).C
learlya
needto
specifya
female
devoteerequired
theunusual
change.T
hepresence
ofa
small
maenad
figurinein
them
ostrecently
dis
covered‘O
rphic-Dionysiac’
lamellae
(seeabove)
—a
pairof
matching
goldtablets
foundin
thetom
bof
aw
om
anat
Pelinna
—should
giveus
pauseto
reassessthe
roleplayed
byfem
aleadherents
ofthe
beliefsp
resup
posedby
these‘O
rphic-Dionysiac’
tablets.W
erefem
alebelievers
espe
ciallyattracted
asinitiates
tothe
‘Orphic-D
ionysiac’rituals
ofthese
lamel
lae?D
oesthe
presenceof
atiny
maenad
pointto
apossible
element
ofritual
maenadism
inthese
textsnow
largelydefined
asD
ionysiac?F
inally,does
thelate
survivalof
Caecilia
Secundina’s‘O
rphic-Dionysiac’
lamella,
with
itssurprisingly
goodpreservation
ofa
centuries-oldhexam
etricpoem
,point
toa
continuedpresence
offem
aledisciples
ofD
ionysus?
xOovIw
v/3auIX
eta:T
hisis,
ofcourse,
Persephone,
wife
ofH
ades(or
ofP
luton).A
similar
tagis
foundin
Orphel
Hym
ni29,
6(‘T
woç
Hp
re4
óv
ç[ed.
Quandt]):
Ev&
v‘yevér8tpcr,
inro
OovIw
vi3
aui)’.eta
(seebelow
,line
3).2
Ei3
cXç
E13ovX
ei’vr:
Not
EUIC
X6Lç
(Conw
ay1933:
87).E
ukles(cf.
ein
X,ç
,“fam
ous”)is
anepithet
ofH
ades;cf.
Heschyius,
s.v.‘E
vxX
çb
‘Atôiç.
KLYZóvocxJróç.
Kal
eie
tç;
further,Z
untz1971:
309f.on
thenam
e’spossible
connectionw
itha
Euklós
inO
scan.E
ubouleus(‘he
ofgood
counsel’),though
lateridentified
with
Dionysos
(Com
mentary,
line3),
ishere
alsoto
beassociated
with
Hades
(Zuntz
1971:3lOf.);
seealso
Nicander,
Alexiph.
14,describing
Hades
as“E
ubouleus’abyss
thatis
difficultto
escapefrom
”(x
oc
ôvaéK
5poL
oP
Eio
vX
ioç);
cf.H
eschyius,s.v.
Evf3ovX
8çb
HX
oI’m.w
rap?
[ôè]T
otç
iroXX
oIç,b
<ô
è>Z€i’ç
ivK
vpv.
Isthe
tablet,then,
referringonly
tothe
divineU
nderworld
pair,Persephone
andH
ades?O
ris
athird
partyto
beenvisioned,
namely
Dionysos?
3L
oç
TeK
oçry
Xac:
Who
does“Z
eus’splendid
child”refer
to?T
heneuter
TéK
oç
would
seemhere
toadm
ita
feminine
adjectiveà’yX
crá
(tobe
elidedryX
a’)in
referenceto
Caecilia
Secundina,the
bearer(M
ar
shall1911:
380;Z
untz1971:
334).B
utZ
untzpoints
outhere
the
“unsuitability”of
introducingC
aeciliaSecundina
as“the
glamorous
child
ofZ
eus,”especially
inview
ofher
speechthat
follows
inxw
á.
Faced
with
thisand
otherdifficulties,
West
(1975:231)
emends
thetext
asfo
l
lows:
E’iKX
88çE
7)i3ovX8i
T8to
çT
eK
oç
crXX
a&
Y2U
08.
The
change,although
notjustified
byw
hatis
clearlyread
onthe
tablet
itself,has
theadded
attractionof
identifyingthe
“childof
Zeus”
as
Eubouleus.
Ifso,
then,E
ubouleuscannot
beH
adesand
may
indeedrefer
toD
ionysos.Z
untz(1971:310f.),
asnoted
above,has
objectedto
the
associationof
Eubouleus
with
Dionysos
onthe
Orphic
tabletsA
1-3,
presumably
becausethose
who
havesuggested
this(e.g.,
Olivieri,
Har
rison)w
antto
make
Dionysos
(Eubouleus)
theoffspring
ofP
ersephone
andH
ades.O
fsom
eim
portance,how
ever,are
theidentifications
of
Eubouleus
asD
ionysosin
theO
rphicH
ymns
(Hym
ni29,8;
30,6;52,4),
referencesw
hichZ
untznam
esbut
attacheslittle
importance
to.B
utthe
factthat
theO
rphichym
nsnot
onlyidentify
Eubouleus
asD
ionysos,but
alsoas
thechild
ofZ
eus
andPersephone,
might
beof
some
importance,
forthe
childthen
automatically
hasnether-w
orldconnections
throughhis
mother.
An
examination
ofthese
versesshow
sa
similar
juxtaposingof
Eubouleus
(=D
ionysos)w
ithZ
eusas
hisfather.
Orphei
hyinni30,6f.,
addressedto
Dionysos,
reads:
Eiif3ovXei,
OX
Ui3
0U
X8
,lxL
ocK
atT
I8pU
8oP
8t?7
ç
ppro
tç
X.K
Tp
otO
LreK
vw
0eL
g,aW3P
OT
C&
jLo
v.
The
‘Tp.voc
Hep
u4
óv
ç(O
rpheihym
ni29,6-8)
givesthe
following:
Eie
vI&
w‘y
8V
8T
eLp
a,U
7r0
00P
t(,,Vf3
aJtX
eL
a,
ivZ
eiiçcrp
pT
ou
7t
‘yovatçT
.rKvw
uaT
oK
OV
P?7Y,
(L?7T8P8pt(3
p6U
6T
Ot)zroX
u4uó
pcbo
vE
ii(3ouXioç.
Further,
inO
rpheihyinni,
52,4f.,one
findsthe
combination
Eiil3ovXeD
Kpô4to
pt6ç
pvo
ç.
Indiscussing
Eubouleus
ontablets
A1-3,
Zuntz
does
notappeal
tothe
uniquereading
ofthe
Caecilia
Secundinatablet,
which
seems
tonam
eE
ubouleusrather
as“Z
eus’son.”
The
hemistich
correspondingto
thisphrase
inthe
classicalform
ulas
readsical
&0v
aT
oL
0801&
XX
ot
(Zuntz,
Al);
Ki.
0801&
Lpovec
&X
Xot
(Zuntz,
A2);
andical
080100
t&
xcov6ç
XX
ot(Z
untz,A
3).
11227
An
Underw
orldA
mulet
2-3&è
Mv,o
u1vç
ró
&p
ov
:T
hesubject
ofthe
verbhere
unexpectedlysw
itchesfrom
thethird
personof
line1
tothe
firstperson.
The
&,pop,
itw
ouldseem
,is
thefam
ousverses
ofthe
amulet
itself(Z
untz1971:335),
not,for
example,
thegift
of‘cold
water’
assumed
fromthe
earlierO
rphictablets
(soM
arshall1910:379).
The
poem’s
versesare
viewed
assacred
text.T
hetext
posesa
problem,
however,
forthe
earlierexem
plars,notably
thenew
goldlatnella
fromH
ipponion(G
.P
uglieseC
arratelli,L
aP
aroladel
Passato
29[1974],
pp.108-144),
givesthe
same
formula
asM
vcto
uvaç
T&
5e
1p
iov
—a
readingthat
hasinspired
anum
berof
differentinterpretations.
oi&
ol’
tvO
pcro
wtv
:L
iterally,this
refersto
the“‘G
iftof
Mem
ory’that
issung
(i.e.,highly
praised)am
ongm
en”(cf.
Murray
1903).T
hephrase,
notfound
onthe
othertablets,
seems
toecho
therather
more
pejorativetag
inH
omer,
Ii.6.358
(ç
...
&vO
pc7roto-t
1reXcL
eO’
!roi&
jot).
The
expressionstanding
inthe
same
metrical
positionis
alsoused
inthe
Orphei
Hym
ni72,5
(ed.Q
uandt)of
Artem
is“w
hois
praised
among
men
insong”
(xoI&p.oi.
rvOpthirow
tv).
4K
CrLKLX
iC)JeK
ou
vlv
a:T
hew
ritingof
theactual
name
ofthe
bearerof
thecharm
follows
theusage
ofcontem
porarym
agicalam
uletsand
isnot
foundon
theother
Orphic
latnellae.C
aeciliaS
ecundinais
rightlyidentified
byC
onway
(1933:77)as
aprobable
relativeof
Plinythe
younger(G
.or
L.
Caecilius
Secundus),w
hoafter
hisadoption
byhis
maternal
uncle,C
.Plinius
Secundus,becam
eC
.Plinius
Caeciius
Secundus;see
A.
N.
Sherwin-W
hite,The
Letters
of
Pliny(O
xford,1966),
p.70;
cf.Stein,
art.“C
aecilius,”R
E5.
Halbbd.
(1897),cols.
1232f.;nos.
114-116.
vâc
‘lOt&
cruct:
The
writing
atthe
endof
thetablet
islightly
incised.D
ielsreads
O<
ecy>
ta,
Murray,
vó
q,
caetr-y
&ry
a,but
thele
tters
andinterpretation
areclear.
28A
Victory
Charm
Fig.28.
Plate
VI
This
thingold
lamella
was
discoveredaround
1852in
acrypt
locatedat
Vigna
Codini
(southernR
ome).
Itw
asfound
inthe
mouth
ofa
skullinside
ofa
terracottaurn
(Jordan1985:162).
According
toF
ather
Secchi,w
horeported
thefind
fromthe
excavatorG
aetanoC
anestrelli,one
ofa
number
ofcolum
baria(no.
3)excavated
nearthe
tomb
ofthe
Scipios
in1840,
1847,and
1852brought
tolight
thisthin
sheetof
gold.
Prelim
inarystudies
indicatethat
columbarium
3w
asused
forthe
deposit
ofthe
cremation
remains
offreedm
enor
wom
enfrom
the1st
century
B.C
.to
them
iddleof
the1st
cent.A
.D
.;the
crypt,how
ever,w
as
apparentlyre-entered
inT
rajanicand
Hadrianic
times
(Jordan1985:166).
Accordingly,
theterm
inus
ante
quemfor
thedeposit
ofthe
goldpiece
would
beca.
138A
.Dand
itsterm
inuspost
quem,
thelate
1stcent.
B.C
.
Afew
palaeographicalclues
allowus
todate
thepiece
somew
hat
more
preciselyw
ithinthis
time
frame.
Ingeneral,
thehand
(thoughco
n
tainingsom
eletters
thatjoin),
isnot
reallycharacteristic
ofthe
semi-
RO
MA
(Vigna
Codini),
Italy
Paris,
Cabinet
desM
édailles(B
N)
Collection
Froehner,
cat.no.
1211
Augustan
Period
H.
2.0cm
.;W
.6.1
cm.
Gold
lainella
Lit.
D.
R.
Jordan,A
merican
Jou
rnal
of A
rchaeology89
(1985),pp.
162-167(new
reading,w
ithadd.
ref.p.
163,n.
2);R
.P.
Giovanni
Pietro
Secchi,B
ullCorrA
rch,1852,
p.151
f.;T
.P
anofla,“W
issenschaftlicheV
ereine,”A
rchaologischeZ
eitung12
(1854),p.
441;R
.W
iinsch,S
ethianischeV
erfluchungstafelnaus
Ro,n
(Leipzig,
1898),p.
101f.;
K.
Preisendanz,
Archiv
für
Papyrusforschung9
(1928),p.
136;C
.B
onner,“A
nO
bscure
Inscriptionon
aG
oldT
ablet,”H
esperia13
(1944),pp.
30-35;H
.S
eyrig,“D
euxnotes
d’épigraphierelatives
auxcults
alexandrins,”A
nnuairede
I ‘Institutde
Philologie
et
d’Histoire
Orientales
13(1953),
pp.603-612
(=M
élangesisidore
Lé’.y,B
ruxelles,
1955);L
.R
obert,B
ulletinépigraphique
1956,p.
362;L.
Vidm
an,Isis
undS
erapisbei
denG
riechenund
RO
mern
(RG
VV
29;B
erlin,1970),
pp.152-154;
M.
Malaise,
In’entaireprélim
inairedes
documents
egyptiensdécouverts
enItalie
(EP
RO
21;L
eiden,
1972),p.
144f.;no.
109(bis);
J.E
.S
tambaugh,
Sarapis
underthe
Early
Ptolem
ies
(EP
RO
25:L
eiden,1972),
p.84f.;
C.
Gallavotti,
Bolleui,w
deiC
lassici,ser.
3,vol.
ii
(1990),pp.
127-159;R
.M
erkelbach,A
brasax.A
usgewahlte
Papyri
religiosenund
magischen
Inhalts,B
d.3
(Cologne,
1992),p.
58.
11428
AV
ictoryC
harm28
AV
ictoryC
harm115
cursivescripts
ofthe
early-secondcent.
A.D
.M
orespecifically,
theover
allletter-form
sare
earlyR
oman,
with
some
ofeven
(late)P
tolemaic
date:the
epsilonw
ithits
tiny,detached
upper-strokeis
demonstrably
Ptolem
aic;the
--yey-com
binationof
line3,
similarly
so;the
simple
two-stroked
pi
inline
2is
early,as
isalso
thesigm
ain
óç
with
itsflat,
upperstroke
(con
trastthe
roundedform
inE
cpcrrL
).O
necan
alsosee
thecom
pletelyupright
alphagiving
way
(inline
2)to
thelater,
angularform
ofthe
let
ter.F
urthermore,
thegenerous
useof
space—
bothin
theroundness
ofthe
lettersand
inthe
spacebetw
eenthe
lines—
betraysan
undeniableP
tolemaic
influence.Such
ahand
onan
inscribedtablet
would
notbe
expectedafter
the1st
centulyA
.D.
The
surfaceof
theV
ignaC
odinigold-
foilw
assufficiently
thinenough
toperm
ita
fluid,cursive
hand,w
erethat
desired.Instead,
thew
riterchose
toform
eachletter
carefully,frequently
liftingthe
stylusoff
thew
riting-surfaceso
asto
shapeeach
majuscule
separately.Such
ahand
andcom
binationof
letter-forms
characterizesthe
transitionbetw
eenlate
Ptolemaic
andearly
Rom
anin
theA
ugustanperiod
(27B
.C.-l4
A.D
.).T
heplacing
ofthe
goldleaf
inthe
mouth
ofthe
skullrem
indsJo
rdan
ofthe
ancientpractice
ofplacing
acoin
orm
etaldisk
inthe
mouth
ofthe
deceased.H
erightly
arguesthat
thegold
lamella,
made
asa
comm
onphylactery
forthe
bearerduring
hisor
herlifetim
ew
as“reused,
afterthe
owner’s
death,as
a‘TotenpaJ3’”
(Jordan1985:167,
note2);
seeA
.H
errmann,
art.“C
haron,”R
eailexikvnfü
rA
ntikeund
Christentum
,II
(Stuttgart
1954),esp.
cols.1043-46.
On
thegold
‘Orphic’
tabletsas
typesof
‘Charon’s
obol,’see
M.
Guarducci,
“Le
laminette
aureecon
iscrizioniorfiche
e1’
‘Obolo
diC
aronte,’”R
endicontideli’
Accadem
iaR
omana
diA
rcheologica,ser.
3,vol.
15(1939),
pp.87-95.
The
possibilityfor
theA
fterworid
useof
theV
ignaC
odinigold
leaffollow
sa
patternsuggested
forother
iameiiae
inthis
corpus(see
on2,
15,20,
23,27,
29,39,
etc.).
1A
iwvep
yéra,
KL
2cp
crir
t,ô
çV
CLK?7V
3K
crT
ló(vo
1tuir
cv
)r&
,v0
78
ypai(
távw
).
Tr.
Eternal
worker,
Lord
Sarapis,give
victoryover
thenam
esw
rittenbelow
.
TiM
117l17
Fig.27
1-2A
Lc,w
ep7ára(7)
ici’pte&
pairt:
All
previouseditions
beforeJo
rdan
1985read
Ai,v
p7
riTa,
forw
hichone
would
haveto
positre
inligature
(ligaturesdo
nototherw
iseoccur
onthis
tablet).T
hetablet
readsrather
unambiguously
-ep’y
erc
t.Jordan
(1985:163)proposes
anew
form
atio
n,
aiw
vep
’yériç
,com
paring/3
ou8
p’y
ér’q
ç,
KaK
ep7
éT
’qc,
ircY
vep
7ér’q
ç,
etc.T
henam
em
eans“eternal
worker,”
orperhaps
“worker
ofthe
Aiôn.”
For
compounds
inaics,v
-,
hecites
PGM
1.200(c
tiøvctK
<r>
tvoKpm
,p),P
GM
1.201(c
,!iwv
olro
Xo
Kp
dm
,p),
PGM
V.465
(avó4O
aXjw
c),and
PG
MV
.482(c1
wp
óf3
toG
)—
compounds
frequentlyfound
inE
gypt.T
othis
listone
may
addthe
official,aic
,vo
yv
ivau
Ictp
xoc
(gymnasiarch
forlife),
givenin
D.
Hagedorn
&P.
Schubert,Z
eitschriftfü
rP
apyrologieund
Epigraphik
81(1990),p.
280(ref.
K.
Maresch).
Itis
alsopossible
tosu
ggest
hereA
Lcw<
eJi>ep-yára,
i.e.,‘A
iôn,benefactor,
lordS
arapis.’T
hetitle
‘Benefactor’
iscom
mon
toSerapis
andother
Egyptian
deities;cf.,
e.g.,P
GM
XX
XIb
if.:K
ipt
tov
,o
rt&
‘HX
e,eieo
yára.
For
associationsof
Sarapisw
ithA
ionand
Helios,
andother
deities,cf.
Jordan1985:163,
n.6;164,
n.13.O
nSarapis-A
ion,in
general,see
Stam
baugh1972:84f.
(citedabove);
onA
ion:G
.Z
untz,A
ion.G
ottdes
RO
merreichs
(Abhandlungen
derH
eidelbergerA
kademie
derW
issenschaften,2
vc(qv:iiffic7v
11628
AV
ictoryC
harm
Philosophisch-historische
Kiasse,
Jahrgang1989.
2.A
bhandlung);idem
,
AIIN
inder
Literatur
derK
aiserzeit.W
ienerStudien,
Beiheft
117;W
ien,
1992).25ôç
vu,ov:T
hisform
ulais
frequentin
vtrt,c
(vic
tory
charms);
noteC
.A
.F
araone,“A
phroditeK
ET
Oand
Apples
forA
tlanta:
Aphrodisiacs
inE
arlyG
reekM
ythand
Ritual,”
Phoenix44
(1990),pp.
225-228;cf.
58,13,25,38,43;PG
MV
II.919-924:N
LK
flTL
KÔ
VO
aUj.cW
TÔ
V
rovE
pioE’;
PGM
XX
XV
I.35-48:ôór8
1oL...
piic’qv,,c
rX.,
line44f.;
PGM
XX
VII.3f.:
&óç
VK
I7V,
OX
0K
X7Jp
LaV
U<
7>
a&ov
Kilt
6xXov;
Daniel
&
Maltom
ini,Suppi.
Mag.
II,no.
62,14:bç
potv
IK[V
J,K
TX
.;and
further,
PG
MV
II. 186-190;390-393;
423-428;528-539;
1017-1026;V
III.36;
XII. 270-350;
XX
XV
. 1-42;X
XX
VI. 211-230;
XX
XV
I. 275-283;L
XX
.1-4.
The
victoryenvisioned
may
alsobe
against‘unseen’
opponents(Jordan
1985:166).T
heearlier
attempts
(beforeJordan
1985)to
envisionsom
e
sortof
‘victory’over
scorpions(e.g.
6ç
vetic
qi’
KilT
Er
Tw
pin
rô7r6
Tpcrv
“givevictory
againstthe
thingsunder
arock”)
requireda
sentencethat
made
littlesense
inG
reek(K
aT
iT&
.Wi’ith
iréi-p
cw
representsan
unlikely
formulation).
Inm
agic,ô
çPLK
TJVis
neverused
todescribe
victoryover
predatoryanim
als,as
ifthe
bearerw
erew
agingw
aragainst
‘thingsunder
arock.’
The
phraseis
always
eitheragonistic
or juridical.
3K
cT
ó(v
ocm
w)
T&.,V
&yp(pivw
):
Betw
eenthe
KcrT
crand
rowthere
isa
clearo
inscribed,not
remarked
uponin
previouseditions.
The
omicron
alsoshow
sthrough
onthe
backside
ofthe
lamella
andhence
was
intentionallydraw
n.T
heo
isa
standardabbreviation
for6(vour)
—
hereó(v
ouro
w);
cf.e.g.,
Daniel
&M
altomini,
Suppi.M
ag.II,
no.94,
ii,24.
Editors
priorto
Jordan’snew
editionfalsely
readK
cT
i1T
ow
roye’ypcr
4u(-)
asK
cYT
cr&
,vinrô
7ráTpop,
orthe
like.N
otonly
doesthe
our
readingK
iYT
ó(v
otu
rco
v)
dispensew
iththis
possibility,w
erethere
any
lingeringdoubt,
thephotograph
clearlyconfirm
sJordan’s
reading
o’y
-ypcrt(-),
forit
hasa
final,
nota
finalv
(i.e.ir
rpcrv
).
Jordanproposes
afourth
(lost)line:
KilT
iT(J)V
oyeypcr/[ié
vøv,
KT
X.].
The
tablet,though,
seems
tobe
intactand
probablypreserves
its
originaldim
ensions.T
hetext
may
havebeen
firstcopied
ontoa
larger
sheetof
goldand
thencut
offbefore
thenam
esw
erew
ritten,or
the
copyistdid
notcopy
thefull
formula
fromhis
model.
Inany
event,in
28A
Victory
Charm
117
viewof
ô(p
ocrw
y),
thelast
word
shouldbe
resolvedas
anabbreviation:
opcr(év
ciw
).
For
theform
ula,cf.
PGM
V.
237f.:X
éyerà
royypaéva;
andespecially
PGM
XII.280:
iccxlTO
OV
O)A
O!
TO
ro
yey
pcrié
vo
v,
where
the‘nam
ew
rittenbelow
’is
nowhere
foundin
theim
mediate
contextof
thespell.
29A
Magical
“Tim
eG
od”119
Lit.
D.
Facenna,
Notizie
degliScavi,
ser.8,
vol.2
(1948)[1949],
pp.305-306,
fig.9;
M.
J.V
ermaseren,
Corpus
inscriptionumet
Monum
entorumR
eligionisM
ithriacae,I
(The
Hague,
1956),p.
102,no.
168(note,
idem,
vol.II,
no.168,
pp.22f.);
M.
J.V
ermaseren,
“AM
agicalT
ime
God,”
Mithraic
Studies.Proceedings
ofthe
First
InternationalC
ongressof
Mithraic
Studies(M
anchester,1971),
pp.446-456
(P1.16).
Dom
enicoF
acennareported
thediscovery
ofthis
repousséplaque
ofthin
goldfoil
among
therem
ainsof
aR
oman
villalocated
atthe
Ospedale
diS.
Giovanni
inC
iciliano.V
ermaseren
reportsthat
theN
ationalM
useumat
Rom
ehas
sincem
isplacedthe
piece.T
hedistinctive
‘Trajanic’
hair
styleof
thefigure
embossed
onthe
plaquedates
thelam
ellato
theperiod
ca.98-117
A.D
.:
The
plaqueshow
sinside
anoval
surroundingline
astanding
nudefigure
ina
stiff,hieratic
attitude;though
itssex
innot
indicated,it
isclearly
male.
The
personis
awkw
ardlyrepresented,
with
shorthair
aroundhis
forehead—
theonly
indicationof
thedate,
which
might
bethe
Trajanic
period.H
eis
entwined
bya
largesnake
puttingits
headon
them
iddleof
hisbreast
between
abundle
offour
poppiesand
ahook-like
keyw
hichhe
holdsresp
ectively
inhis
leftand
righthands.
Underneath
hisfeet,
which
havethe
appearanceof
ananim
al’sclaw
,are
two
triangles,each
piercedby
eithera
nailpointing
outwards,
ora
littlearrow
(Verm
aseren1971:
446).
According
toV
ermaseren
thefigure
isa
magic
time
god,associated
with
thefam
ousleontocephalic
Mithraic
deity,w
hooften
standsin
anattitude
similar
tothe
figurerepresented
onthis
plaque:‘hieratic’
stance,entw
inedby
asnake,
andholding
akey
ineach
hand.T
heC
icilianofigure,
however,
holdsin
oneof
hishands
agroup
ofpoppies,
asym
bolof
Persephone,
andhence
ofthe
Afterlife
(Verm
aseren1971:
452).T
hepoppies
pointto
anU
nderworld
applicationfor
thisgold
plaque(see
on2,
15,20,28,etc.).
The
angularlines
(nails?)draw
nat
thefigure’s
feetare
a
bitm
orepuzzling:
“Itis
notclear
whether
thenails
belongto
thetriangles
orw
hetherthey
piercethe
god’sfeet”
(Verm
aseren1971:452).
What
Verm
aserenidentifies
astriangles
areactually
creasesin
thecrum
bledsu
r
faceof
thegold
foil.O
therfigures
ongold
repoussélam
ellaethat
cannotbe
identifiedas
specifically‘m
agical’include:
Ch.
Clerm
ont-Ganneau,
“Plaqued’or
représentantE
sculape,H
ygieet
Télesphore,”
Recueil
d‘A
rchéologie
Orientale
5(1903),
p.54f.,pl.3c;
andL
.H
abachi,T
ellB
asta(C
airo:
Supplements
auxA
nnalesdu
Servicedes
Antiquités
del’E
gypte,1957),
pl.25b:standing
figuresin
Egyptian
garbholding
ankhsand
solardiscs
(inscribed-‘
‘ya8tj,).A
furtherexam
plefrom
Mosul,
depictinga
reclin
ingSerapis,
with
Isissuckling
Horus
isdescribed
inV
ermaseren
(1971:447note
5).
1(A
bovethe
head):
2(B
eneaththe
feet):
3(O
nthe
right):
4(O
nthe
left):
5(In
thefield):
6(A
bove):lit
1‘Icca:
There
isno
indicationin
which
sequencethese
names
areto
beread,
butthe
usualorder
foundin
magic
textsis
thatsuggested
above.
On
thisdivine
name,
see12,
14f.etc.,
andw
ith‘A
&w
aI,58,1;
62,2,lOf.
2‘A
&w
ce:T
henam
eis
usuallyspelled
‘A&
waI
(et
=t);
cf.2,1;
7,3;38,1;
41,42(Index
V,
s.v.).3-4
‘AK
pcax
au
ap
t,‘A
3XavaO
avaXfa:
cf.2,14;
15,1etc.
(see
‘IndexV
,’s.v.).
5tje
Xucrt:
The
name
isw
rittenin
thefield
oneither
sideof
the
figure.T
hisis
anapparent
variationof
teuetX
ct
(4,4,etc.).
67Tt
(Verm
aseren:PIP)
isw
rittenoutside
thecircle,
upperleft:
This
isperhaps
111(111),the
Hebrew
Tetragram
maton
mn
’w
hichw
asoften
29A
Magical
‘Tim
eG
od’Fig.
29
Ciciliano
(Latium
),Italy
Rom
e,M
useoN
azionaleR
omano
(lost)(no
mv.
number)
Early
IIA
.D.
H.
11.0cm
;W
.6.0
cm.
Gold
lamella
[Standing
figureof
Magical
‘Tim
eG
od’]
‘AK
PcXILcrX
cXIU
O!Pt
‘A,3X
apcyOavoX
f3a
t/iteX
/ua/p
12029
AM
agical“T
ime
God”
transcribedas
ifG
reekletters
(111111).T
henam
ew
assom
etimes
written,
ashere,
with
justtw
oor
threeletters.
On
‘111111’(
“cock”in
Coptic),
seeM
.P
hilonenko,“L
’Anguipede
Alectorocéphale
etle
Dieu
lao,”
Com
ptes-rendusde
l’Académ
iedes
Inscriptions,1979,
pp.297-304.
The
two
lettersirt
may
alsosim
plyrepresent
theG
reekplenary
spellingfor
theletter
ofthe
alphabet,wi.
Itssignificance,
ifnot
mathem
atical,is
not
known,
thoughit
alsooccurs
in33,31;
cf.also
41,26;48,22;
33,16;
66,6.
V
In1923
Com
paretti(1923:
207)reported
thediscovery
ofa
small
goldentablet
inthe
areaof
Pietàin
theneighborhood
ofthe
Bastione
S.
Giacom
oat
Brindisi:
duringbuilding
operations,the
scatteredrem
ainsof
agrave
apparentlydating
tothe
5thor
4thcentury
B.C
.w
ererem
oved
fromcontext
forfurther
study.L
aterat
thesam
esite
workers
founda
goldleaf
crumpled
upin
theground.
Itw
astaken
forgranted
thatthe
lamella
hadcom
efrom
thegrave
ofthe
excavationpreviously
conducted,
thoughthis
isclearly
impossible
sincethe
scriptis
oflate
Rom
andate.
Com
parettirecognized
theinscription
asG
reek,but
identifiedit
aspart
of
thegilded
ornament
fromthe
hiltof
thesw
ordof
thedeceased
(ofthe
‘classical’gravesite).
Others
subsequentlyattem
ptedin
vainto
unravelthe
tablet’sinscription
andeven
venturedto
identifythe
languageas
Mes
sapian,A
usonian,Sicel,
orany
number
ofpre-Italian
dialects(Z
untz
1971:283).
30A
Magic
Aôyoç
(forG
out?)Fig.
30
BR
UN
DIS
IUM
(Brindisi),
Calabria,
Italy
Museo
Archeologico
Provinciale,
‘F.R
ibezzo’
(nom
v.num
ber)
Rom
anP
eriod
2.7cm
.;W
.4.2
cm.
Gold
lamelia
Lit.
D.
Com
paretti,‘L
aminetta
d’oroiscritto,’
Norizie
degliScavi,
ser.5,
vol.20
(1923),p.
207f.;A
.O
livieri,“L
aminetta
d’oroiscritta
diB
rindisi,”R
ivistaIndo-G
raeca
italica7
(1923),pp.
53f.;P.
Kretschm
er,G
lotta14
(1925),p.
203;E
.V
etter,G
lotta15
(1926),p.
9;R
.S.
Conw
ay,J.
Whatm
ough,&
S.E
.Johnson,
TheP
rae-italicD
ialects
of
italy,vol.
3(C
ambridge,
MA
.,1933),
p.362;
J.W
hatmough,
TheF
oundationsof
Rom
anItaly
(London,
1937),p.
353,n.
2;V
.S
chmoll,
Die
vorgriechischenSprachen
Siziliens(W
iesbaden,1958),
p.44,
p.127;
fig.54;
E.
Wikén,
Die
Kunde
derH
ellenen
vondem
Lande
undV
olkernder
Apenninenhalbinsel
his300
V.
Chr.
Nebst
einerSkizze
desprim
itivenW
eltbildesder
vorhellenenund
derH
ellenen(L
und,1937),
p.64,n.3;
no.9;F.
Aitheim
,G
eschichteder
lateinischenSprache
vonden
Anfangen
biszum
Beginn
derL
iteratur
(Frankfurtam
Main,
1951),p.
163,4;
n.54;
cf.R
.H
eim,
incantamenta
magica
graecalatina
(Leipzig,
1893),P.
536,no.
213;G
.Z
untz,Persephone
(Oxford,
1971),p.
283;R
.K
otansky,in
Faraone
&O
bbink,odd.
Magika
Hiera
(Oxford,
1991),
p.118.
Fig.29