germany's hegemony revisited

-An emerging power between Germany and

Russia.

Sofia Nogueira Leite

Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Nova de Lisboa

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Paper written obiter Spring University Prague 2010

“Central Europe between Germany and Russia”

Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences

May 2010




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ABSTRACT

This paper considers two rival theses concerning Germany’s dominance over

Central Europe, providing with a more up-to-date vision, in which Europe

can be divided into three regions–countries in the European Union before

2004, Central and Eastern European countries which are a part of the

European Union and Eastern European countries which are not a part of the

European Union (Turkey being excluded). Within those regions different

levels of German dominance prevail, being Germany most influential over

the westerner Europe, therefore, the paper allies with the thesis of a non

existing Germany’s hegemony. It also considers the dangers of the Russian

imperialistic aspirations and its alliances with Ukraine and Byelorussia.

Thus, it is vital for the European Union to congregate and face these issues in

a single voice (especially when matters of citizen’s well-being are

undermined, such as the gas proving, that occurred on January 2010). Such a

mission must be taken over by the Central and Eastern member states, with

Germanic-Russian backgrounds, so that there can be a better understanding,

towards prosper negotiations between Europe and its neighboring eastern

powers.




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CONTENTS:

1. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….p. 4

2. Germany’s hegemonic potential after the fall of the Iron Curtain………………………..p. 6

3. Germany’s lack of hegemonic powers……………………………………………………p. 7

3.1. Why it is not a cultural power…………………………………………………..p. 7

3.2. Why it is not a political power………………………………………………… p. 8

4. Why such conclusions are not satisfactory……………………………………………….p. 9

4.1. A Bridge between the past and the present – refreshing institutions…………...p. 9

4.2. A Global World…………………………………………………………….…..p. 11

4.3. Europe as a German legacy……………………………………………….……p. 12

5. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………….…….p. 14

6. Appendix…………………………………………………………………………….…...p. 15

7. Bibliographic References………………………………………….………….……….…p. 21




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1) INTRODUCTION

European Union’s biggest states are France and Germany, although only the first came out a

winner from the II World War. Nevertheless, they both played a major role in the transformation

of Europe into what it is nowadays, mostly on what concerns to the creation of the European

Union.

In fact, little did Winston Churchill know when he made his speech in Zurich (1947)1, that

Germany would be the unifier state and the harmonizer one of such a wide cultural diversity.

Moreover, and also truly impressive, Germany, defeated and divided, only to be reunited four

decades later, has found its place in a society of technology and communications and in a global

world taking the most advantage out of it, considering its role in turning the European Union into

what it is today.

Churchill was, however, accurate about one vital issue: Peace within Europe depended on

friendly and healthy relations between France and Germany. It is with no surprise that those two

states have, for the past decades, been dueling to find out which one is stronger in decision

matters.

Also, in most aspects of cultural, political and economic life of France, it has been proved that it

is no longer the representative of the European hegemony, but, on the contrary, Germany is the

one which took over the most relevant position in Europe’s arena, especially since the fall of the

1 Consider reading “The Zurich Speech” – in appendix (page 18).




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Iron Curtain, its unification and the broadening of the European Union towards the East,

including countries, which cultures have had mostly German and Russian influences.

Does that mean that France no longer has a place in European hegemonic block? Does that mean

Germany is the hegemonic power in Europe?

Several has been written and stated about the balance of powers within Europe after 1990, i.e.

after such a transformation in the European geopolitical map and the North-American climbing

to obtain political and military supremacy.

Several queries have been made about the German role in that transformed Europe.

Throughout this essay I intend to provide answers to such questions in the point of view of

someone who believes that the future of Europe and of the European Union lies on a more

coherent of a manifestation that the European Union is capable of building the necessary bridges

between the northern west and east. I will also take into account a post Treaty of Lisbon

perspective, according to which the size of a member state has become less relevant, which turns

the new and rising central and eastern European member states into proficient and trustworthy

featured agents of the European goals. Finally, I aim to give examples of Germany’s pioneer

disposition, such as its internal solutions that spread throughout Europe and examples of its

contributions to a more harmonized Europe, as a cultural union, especially since it is becoming

broader and more diverse.




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2) Germany’s hegemonic potential after the fall of the Iron Curtain:

At the end of the II World War Germany was facing the onus of reconciling with its fellow

European states. For that matter, it invested in a humble and cooperative attitude only to realize

by the time of its reunification in 1989 that, throughout the media and the public opinion, a thesis

had been created, according to which Germany had every potential to become a central-European

leader.

Among the reasons supporting this thesis stood the fact that the central and eastern soviet state’s

independence would be a lasting reality in Europe’s geographical and political scenarios.

Besides, Germany’s economic accomplishments would provide the newly independent post-

soviet states with political support in the conversion towards democratic systems of government,

as well as financial help and economic assistance, since, considering the alignment of western

Europe towards the United States (against communism), coupled with the less prosper economic

conditions and severe bureaucracy in post communist countries, not many other western states

would be willing to invest inside easterner territories for, at least, another five years.

Everything, on an economic, political and cultural level, was, according to the theses of German

hegemony2, at place for Germany to redeem itself and recover its popularity among the newly

formed Central and Eastern Europe states.

2 Throughout the 90’s several authors sustained the thesis of German’s Hegemony, especially towards Central and

Eastern Europe, such as P. Stares, The New Germany and the New Europe; G. Geipel , Germany in a New Era; S.

Reich, The German Predicament – Memory and Power in the New Europe; among others.




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3) Germany’s lack of hegemonic powers

However, other authors3, assessing the German economic and political evolutions since the fall

of the Iron Curtain, have, quite fairly, reached the conclusion that Germany is not a hegemonic

power, for its influence over the central and eastern European states is so reduced in practical

and tangible terms that it cannot even be called a regional power, since the reconciliation

between Germany and the post-soviet countries is still taking place.

3.1. Why it is not a cultural power:

It is written that in a cultural manner, Germany’s influence over Central and Eastern European

states was mainly reflected in the use of German language by their people and the adoption of

Germany’s social and political institutions, such as the social market economy. It is also stated,

nevertheless, that nowadays central and eastern European states have a wider and more adequate

range of options when it comes to adapting social and political systems to their own countries.

Nonetheless, that is only possible because Germany served as a key for those states to

acknowledge every dimension of western states.

3 Such as J. Sperling - More than Meets the Eye and M. Baun – Hegemony Re-examined.




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3.2. Why it is not a political power:

Due to Germany’s geographical proximity to the post-communist countries and the fact that they

share both political borders and a historical background, it was generally accepted that Germany

would play a major influence over them, recruiting them to the European Union, in the hope of

gaining supporters at the European Council.

As a matter of fact, while Germany’s part in the European Union integration process in 2004 was

extremely significant, it did not manage to include nor establish privileged relations with every

former soviet country, such as the Ukraine, whom has lately aligned with Russia, along with its

imperialist outlook.

Germany has, nevertheless, played an important role as a leader of both European Union and

NATO, having the German Armed Forces granted, along with others, stability in the Balkans, as

well as in Afghanistan, providing the country with extra-security, after the expulsion of the

Taliban.

Naturally, mostly every country in NATO also participated in these missions, but German’s

armed forces, which were forbidden to take action for a very long time, are now considered not

dispensable, which constitutes a victory for Germany’s sovereignty.




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4. Why such conclusions are not satisfactory:

Through the viewpoint expressed by M. Baun in his article Germany and Central Europe –

Hegemony re-examined, no doubt remains that Germany is not, whatsoever, a regional power in

Central Europe. Baun points out the possibility of Germany constituting an economic power, for

it constitutes the main trade-partner with central and eastern countries. However, other countries

have established trade-partnerships and Germany’s investment in the Eastern Europe is not very

significant4. According to table 01

5, Germany’s contribution to eastern economy is less than a

quarter of the total of direct investment, even though it has risen over the years.

Therefore, not only measuring hegemony based on economic power is a reductive point of view

that cannot lead to satisfactory conclusions, but I also believe that if Germany represents a

hegemonic power it is not in an economic perspective.

4.1. A Bridge between the past and the present – refreshing institutions:

By the time of the French revolutions, the first civil codes were created under a liberal ideology,

consigning illuminist principles such as secularism, popular sovereignty, property, freedom,

among other personality rights, which spread all throughout Europe.

4 http://staat.gov.pl 5 See appendix – page 16.

http://staat.gov.pl/




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Germany, on the other hand, at the beginning of the 20th century, adopted their civil code

(Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch –BGB) – the legal work that grouped in a systematic way rules from

both consuetudinary and written law, to regulate rights and duties of private matters, between

equal and autonomous individuals in their legal relations. It grants great importance to security

and precision. The fact that the BGB contains more technical language than the French Code

Civil and that it contains general clauses and undetermined concepts make it more apt than its

preceding French code to the contemporary reality, for it facilitates the adaptation of the law to

the socio-economic situation.

The German legal texts also come to define the constitutional principles previously related solely

to matters from the Civil Code. The function of these principles is to integrate and fine-tune

ordinary legislation to the Fundamental Law (Grundgesetz). The adoption of these vague legal

concepts, which brought the advantage of the possibility of adapting the rules to the new needs

of the community, created a new source of law (constitutional law) apart from the civil sources,

as those concepts no longer could be perceived as merely complementary default mechanisms,

due to their compulsory character. Within that context arose, as a German innovation, the

principle of objective good faith6, for instance.

The massive doctrinal production of German authors was a vehicle of vast expansion of the

German Legal institutes to most western countries.

6 Article 242.º Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch –BGB.




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Therefore, one can claim that Germany refreshed the continental European law, giving place to a

Roman-Germanic category of legal systems – the most prominent in the World7, being present in

every state with a market economy.

Another German institutional innovation is a constitutional court – The

Bundesverfassungsgericht, with the function of scrutinizing the legality and constitutionality of

the Law was first created in Germany.

4.2. A Global World:

Taking part in a global world requires a different way of looking at international relationships.

As Chris Rock stated at the beginning of the 21st century: "You know the world is going crazy

when the best rapper is a white guy, the best golfer is a black guy, the tallest guy in the NBA is

Chinese, the Swiss hold the America's Cup, France is accusing the U.S. of arrogance, Germany

doesn't want to go to war, and the three most powerful men in America are named 'Bush', 'Dick',

and 'Colon.' Need I say more?"

In my opinion, the search for a hegemonic power within Europe is not adequate anymore,

considering the current reality of a wider world, in which international relations are set in a

larger scale.

However, if we were to point out one European power, it would be Germany. On the one hand,

for it is more and more visible, especially in an economic crisis context that the Western

7 See map on page 17.

http://pt.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tribunal_Constitucional_Federal_da_Alemanha&action=edit&redlink=1




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European states have given away all of their economic sovereignty to Germany. On the other

hand, Germany’s social and cultural institutes lie all over European, American and even Asian

societies. Yet, the reality in Eastern European states is another. Torn between a past of both

German and Russian (especially Russian) influences and not fully reconciled with Germany, the

post-soviet country’s adhesion to the European Union does not represent a renounce to any type

of sovereignty (not even an economic one), but, rather than a submission to a German spiritual

empire, it represents a step into a more diverse Europe, in which they may soon excel.

4.3. Europe as a German legacy:

Germany has become a spiritual leader in Europe and that is all that it could aspire to be, just like

Álvaro de Campos in his poetry “The Tobacco Shop” (Tabacaria)8. In a global world, in which it

is the European Union’s part to balance the dangers of globalization, the dangers inherent to a

world in which everyone is dependent on someone for something, a world in which hostilities

between Russia and The United States of America have been reawakened and severe dangers

arise.

On January of 2010, Ukraine, together with Russia, cut the gas supply in Europe, as a manner of

posing its power and cause instability in a heating-dependent Europe.

8 , I am nothing. / I will never be anything. / I cannot wish to be anything. / Bar that, I have in me

all the dreams of the world. (Translated by Miguel Peres dos Santos).




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On April of 2010, Greece was declared insolvent and Germany was willing to financially aid

with more than European Financial Treaties allow. This was, by some, interpreted as a sort of

neo-colonization.

The point I am making is, as Bruno Ferrari stated: “War is, I suspect (and regardless of liking or

disliking), changing rapidly its shapes and contours. I think it's high time to read yet again

Kipling's 'Kim', or Hopkirk's 1980's/early '90s accounts and draw some lessons.”

As a matter of fact, nowadays one must keep their eyes wide open, and even doing so it is not

easy to realize from what the media send out everything that is going on in this more and more

complex world. Therefore, central and eastern European states ought to take the leadership of

Europe.

I perceive them, especially the four Visegrad, metaphorically addressing, as the children of a

breaking couple, in which Germany is the mother and Russia is the father, sharing both genetic

codes, that is, a common historical background, amounting both political and social intense

characteristics of the 20th century and the World’s naturally evolution.

Since the Treaty of Lisbon9 intends to devote equal value to every member state, independently

on their size, Europe would accept, in the name of the best for the European Union, that its

Central and Eastern member states could play a major role in conflict contention between Russia

and the West, considering their massive potentialities, acquired by a common history with both

Germany and Russia, such as their efficient education systems, their disciplined armed forces,

9 Article 16th Treaty of the European Union.




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their rising economies, their eastern consuetude and their western institutions. In sum, the time

for their emancipation has arrived.

5. CONCLUSION

When Germany was acting as the international community was demanding, trying to recover its

sovereignty, lost from its past mistakes, and rebuilding itself, under humiliation, for having lost

two wars, it managed to create great solutions, both social and normative ones, which were

copied worldwide.

In fact, such creativity can be explained mostly by its geographical characteristics. Certainly,

although Germany is one of the largest countries of Europe, it is not as big as other powerful

countries in the world, but, because it is a somewhat recent state, built out of different regions,

with the particularity of being in the center of Europe and its receptiveness to external

influences, resulted in an assortment of cultures that constitute the State of German and claimed

a creative attitude, so that apt solutions could be found, which is why Germany recurred, several

times throughout its history, to Roman cultural elements – for the roman empire was so vast that

the Romans were masters in finding apt, general solutions, which explains, for instance, the

Latin influence on their grammar, from when Martin Luther translated the Bible and provided

the German language with cohesion.




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More to the topic, one can state that Germany is a bridge between European history and the

today’s European present.

Germany managed to respond to Churchill’s wishes and provide a cohere Europe in a global

world, as the largest contributor to European Union funds and to European Union’s position as

the 3rd

major economic power, worldly.

Therefore, Germany cannot, anymore, nor any other state in Europe, aspire to becoming a power,

and to be perceived as such. What Germany may do is conclude the process of reconciliation

with the Eastern Member States and, together with them, promote the growth and wealth of

Europe, but that is only possible if Germany accepts to subordinate itself to the European voice,

instead of assuming other responsibilities, in a power-like manner, rather than those it has

competence to take.

Moreover, Central Europe really is between Germany and Russia, where there is a lot going on.

Central and Eastern European States can either sit back and become a peripheral area in

European Union as Portugal and Spain (although these two have strong external relations to their

ex colonies) or they may put themselves out there and play the role of the moderator between

European Union and Russian Union, considering the background they share and the still

proximity to Russia, despite the end of the Soviet era.

For now, however, Germany’s influence is merely recorded to the West, in spite of how the

French may feel about that.




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6. APPENDIX

Table 01

Legend:




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Image 01

Legal systems across the world. ██ Roman-Germanic law

██ Common law ██ Hybrid legal systems

██ Customary law

██ Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence)




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The Zurich Speech

I9th September 1946.

This noble continent, comprising on the whole the

fairest and the most cultivated regions of the earth;

enjoying a temperate and equable climate, is the

home of all the great parent races of the western

world. It is the fountain of Christian faith and

Christian ethics. It is the origin of most of the culture,

arts, philosophy and science both of ancient and

modem times.

If Europe were once united in the sharing of its

common inheritance, there would be no limit to the

happiness, to the prosperity and glory which its three

or four hundred million people would enjoy. Yet it is

from Europe that have sprung that series of frightful

nationalistic quarrels, originated by the Teutonic

nations, which we have seen even in this twentieth

century and in our own lifetime, wreck the peace and

mar the prospects of all mankind.

And what is the plight to which Europe has been

reduced?

Some of the smaller States have indeed made a good

recovery, but over wide areas a vast quivering mass

of tormented, hungry, care-worn and bewildered

human beings gape at the ruins of their cities and

homes, and scan the dark horizons for the approach

of some new peril, tyranny or terror.

Among the victors there is a babel of jarring voices;

among the vanquished the sullen silence of despair.

That is all that Europeans, grouped in so many

ancient States and nations, that is all that the

Germanic Powers have got by tearing each other to

pieces and spreading havoc far and wide.

Indeed, but for the fact that the great Republic across

the Atlantic Ocean has at length realised that the ruin

or enslavement of Europe would involve their own

fate as well, and has stretched out hands of succour

and guidance, the Dark Ages would have returned in

all their cruelty and squalor.

They may still return.

Yet all the while there is a remedy which, if it were

generally and spontaneously adopted, would as if by

a miracle transform the whole scene, and would in a

few years make all Europe, or the greater part of it, as

free and as happy as Switzerland is today.

What is this sovereign remedy?

It is to re-create the European Family, or as much of

it as we can, and provide it with a structure under

which it can dwell in peace, in safety and in freedom.

We must build a kind of United States of Europe.

In this way only will hundreds of millions of toilers

be able to regain the simple joys and hopes which

make life worth living.

The process is simple.

All that is needed is the resolve of hundreds of

millions of men and women to do right instead of

wrong, and gain as their reward, blessing instead of

cursing.

Much work has been done upon this task by the

exertions of the Pan-European Union which owes so

much to Count Coudenhove-Kalergi and which

commanded the services of the famous French patriot

and statesman, Aristide Briand.

There is also that immense body of doctrine and

procedure, which was brought into being amid high

hopes after the First World War, as the League of

Nations.

The League of Nations did not fail because of its

principles or conceptions. It failed because these

principles were deserted by those States who had

brought it into being. It failed because the

Governments of those days feared to face the facts

and act while time remained. This disaster must not




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be repeated. There is, therefore, much knowledge and

material with which to build; and also bitter dear-

bought experience.

I was very glad to read in the newspapers two days

ago that my friend President Truman had expressed

his interest and sympathy with this great design.

There is no reason why a regional organisation of

Europe should in any way conflict with the world

organisation of the United Nations. On the contrary, I

believe that the larger synthesis will only survive if it

is founded upon coherent natural groupings.

There is already a natural grouping in the Western

Hemisphere. We British have our own

Commonwealth of Nations. These do not weaken, on

the contrary they strengthen, the world organisation.

They are in fact its main support.

And why should there not be a European group

which could give a sense of enlarged patriotism and

common citizenship to the distracted peoples of this

turbulent and mighty continent and why should it not

take its rightful place with other great groupings in

shaping the destinies of men?

In order that this should be accomplished, there must

be an act of faith in which millions of families

speaking many languages must consciously take part.

We all know that the two world wars through which

we have passed arose out of the vain passion of a

newly united Germany to play the dominating part in

the world.

In this last struggle crimes and massacres have been

committed for which there is no parallel since the

invasions of the Mongols in the fourteenth century

and no equal at any time in human history.

The guilty must be punished. Germany must be

deprived of the power to rearm and make another

aggressive war.

But when all this has been done, as it will be done, as

it is being done, there must be an end to retribution.

There must be what Mr. Gladstone many years ago

called 'a blessed act of oblivion'.

We must all turn our backs upon the horrors of the

past. We must look to the future. We cannot afford to

drag forward across the years that are to come the

hatreds and revenges which have sprung from the

injuries of the past.

If Europe is to be saved from infinite misery, and

indeed from final doom, there must be an act of faith

in the European family and an act of oblivion against

all the crimes and follies of the past.

Can the free peoples of Europe rise to the height of

these resolves of the soul and instincts of the spirit of

man?

If they can, the wrongs and injuries which have been

inflicted will have been washed away on all sides by

the miseries which have been endured.

Is there any need for further floods of agony?

Is it the only lesson of history that mankind is

unteachable?

Let there be justice, mercy and freedom.

The peoples have only to will it, and all will achieve

their hearts' desire.

I am now going to say something that will astonish

you.

The first step in the re-creation of the European

family must be a partnership between France and

Germany.

In this way only can France recover the moral

leadership of Europe.

There can be no revival of Europe without a

spiritually great France and a spiritually great

Germany.

The structure of the United States of Europe, if well

and truly built, will be such as to make the material

strength of a single state less important. Small

nations will count as much as large ones and gain




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their honour by their contribution to the common

cause.

The ancient states and principalities of Germany,

freely joined together for mutual convenience in a

federal system, might each take their individual place

among the United States of Europe. I shall not try to

make a detailed programme for hundreds of millions

of people who want to be happy and free, prosperous

and safe, who wish to enjoy the four freedoms of

which the great President Roosevelt spoke, and live

in accordance with the principles embodied in the

Atlantic Charter. If this is their wish, they have only

to say so, and means can certainly be found, and

machinery erected, to carry that wish into full

fruition.

But I must give you warning. Time may be short.

At present there is a breathing-space. The cannon

have ceased firing. The fighting has stopped; but the

dangers have not stopped.

If we are to form the United States of Europe or

whatever name or form it may take, we must begin

now.

In these present days we dwell strangely and

precariously under the shield and protection of the

atomic bomb. The atomic bomb is still only in the

hands of a State and nation which we know will

never use it except in the cause of right and freedom.

But it may well be that in a few years this awful

agency of destruction will be widespread and the

catastrophe following from its use by several warring

nations will not only bring to an end all that we call

civilisation, but may possibly disintegrate the globe

itself.

I must now sum up the propositions which are before

you.

Our constant aim must be to build and fortify the

strength of the United Nations Organisation.

Under and within that world concept, we must re-

create the European family in a regional structure

called, it may be, the United States of Europe.

The first step is to form a Council of Europe.

If at first all the States of Europe are not willing or

able to join the Union, we must nevertheless proceed

to assemble and combine those who will and those

who can.

The salvation of the common people of every race

and of every land from war or servitude must be

established on solid foundations and must be guarded

by the readiness of all men and women to die rather

than submit to tyranny.

In all this urgent work, France and Germany must

take the lead together.

Great Britain, the British Commonwealth of Nations,

mighty America, and I trust Soviet Russia - for then

indeed all would be well - must be the friends and

sponsors of the new Europe and must champion its

right to live and shine.

Winston Churchill




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7. BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES

http://europa.eu/abc/history/index_pt.htm

https://bdigital.ufp.pt/dspace/bitstream/10284/1329/1/196-205_FCHS06-4.pdf

http://www.fpce.up.pt/ciie/revistaesc/ESC21/21-7.pdf

http://jus2.uol.com.br/doutrina/texto.asp?id=8190

http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alemanha

http://edition.cnn.com/2010/BUSINESS/04/27/russia.ukraine.nuclear.ft/index.html?hpt=T2

http://www.historia.com.pt/Mensagem/Encoberto/QuintoImperio.htm#ingles

http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ucr%C3%A2nia

http://ucraniaonline.blogspot.com/2010/03/moscovo-precisa-de-um-novo-inimigo.html

http://opiniaoenoticia.com.br/internacional/ucrania-continua-bloqueando-passagem-de-gas-para-

europeus/

ALMEIDA, Carlos Ferreira de, Introdução ao Direito Comparado, Almedina -2nd

edition.

(chapter II)

AMARAL, Maria Lúcia, A Forma da República, Coimbra – 2005. (chapters II-VI)

Germany and Central Europe: Hegemony Re-examined – Michael Baun (2005)

The principle and practice of “reconciliation” in German foreign policy – Lily Gardner Feldman

(1999)

http://europa.eu/abc/history/index_pt.htm

https://bdigital.ufp.pt/dspace/bitstream/10284/1329/1/196-205_FCHS06-4.pdf

http://www.fpce.up.pt/ciie/revistaesc/ESC21/21-7.pdf

http://jus2.uol.com.br/doutrina/texto.asp?id=8190

http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alemanha

http://edition.cnn.com/2010/BUSINESS/04/27/russia.ukraine.nuclear.ft/index.html?hpt=T2

http://www.historia.com.pt/Mensagem/Encoberto/QuintoImperio.htm#ingles

http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ucr%C3%A2nia

http://ucraniaonline.blogspot.com/2010/03/moscovo-precisa-de-um-novo-inimigo.html

http://opiniaoenoticia.com.br/internacional/ucrania-continua-bloqueando-passagem-de-gas-para-europeus/

http://opiniaoenoticia.com.br/internacional/ucrania-continua-bloqueando-passagem-de-gas-para-europeus/

germany's hegemony revisited

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