ILLUSTRATING IDENTITY: FEMINIST RESISTANCE IN

WEBCOMICS

_______________

A Thesis

Presented to the

Faculty of

San Diego State University

_______________

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

in

Women's Studies

_______________

by

Kristi Lynn Abrecht

Summer 2012

iii

Copyright © 2012

by

Kristi Lynn Abrecht

All Rights Reserved

iv

DEDICATION

I dedicate this thesis to my patchwork family, the original foundation that held me up

and the additions along the way who saw me through with love, support, questions, and

kindness. Additionally, I dedicate this thesis to my partner for believing in me, for all the

love, patience, and laughter, and for introducing me to Plan 9 Comics. Lastly, I dedicate this

thesis to the artists, writers, and scholars who keep dreaming and working to send their

stories out in the world.

v

They can't transform your actual situation, but they can transform your experience of it.

We don't create a fantasy world to escape reality, we create it to be able to stay.

I believe we have always done this, used images to stand and understand what otherwise would be intolerable.

--Lynda Barry What It Is

vi

ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS

Illustrating Identity: Feminist Resistance in Webcomics by

Kristi Lynn Abrecht Master of Arts in Women's Studies San Diego State University, 2012

This thesis is an exploration of women, webcomics, and feminist means of cultural representation. Webcomics are comics that are produced and distributed digitally through the conduit of the Internet. I examine the authorship and depiction of women in webcomics with an intersectional approach focusing on representations of gender, race, class, and sexuality, and my intent is to uncover feminist themes in the creative works of the artists and authors. This research is a unique contribution to feminist scholarship by examining the historical progression of comics to the Internet and the implications of this technological shift for creators and consumers/readers in light of gender, race, class, and sexuality. My research focuses on fictional comic narratives as opposed to autobiographical works in the medium. This concentration on fictional works is to examine cultural representation of characters who embody marginalized experiences based on gender, race, class, and sexuality. My research considers the author's identity and how this contributes to the representation of women and those who identify outside of the gender binary. For my study, I focus on the two comics: Octopus Pie, by Meredith Gran (written 2007-present) and Riot Nrrd, by RJ Edwards (written 2009-present). I made the decision to focus solely on comics that are not written by men because I wish to showcase the works of women and those who may identify as trans, as RJ Edwards does. This decision is rooted in an acknowledgment of a history where artists have been marginalized, particularly based on gender, race, and sexuality. Throughout this work, I outline the progression of women's contributions to comics as a medium for activism. The origins of the comic as an art form are often contested, but the evidence supports women being involved from an early time period. I present how comics have been changed by the technological invention of the Internet, and how the Internet reaches marginalized comic readers. I conclude this thesis by noting how these comic artists are theorizing about cultural representation, embodiment, and the necessity of feminist politics through their work.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................. vi

LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................. ix

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................................................................................x

CHAPTER

1 INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................................1 

Research ...................................................................................................................1 

Identity .....................................................................................................................4 

Historical Background .............................................................................................5 

2 METHODOLOGY ......................................................................................................11 

3 LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................................................19 

4 WEBCOMICS AND IDENTITY ................................................................................31 

Webcomics as Ritual ..............................................................................................32 

Webcomics as Heterotopia ....................................................................................34 

5 NERDS FROM THE MARGIN: RIOT NRRD AND INTERSECTIONS IN PRACTICE ..................................................................................................................39 

Trans Identity in Riot Nrrd ....................................................................................43 

Family Relationships .............................................................................................48 

Orientalism in Geek Spaces ...................................................................................50 

Women of Size: Sam and Nhi ................................................................................52 

Conclusions ............................................................................................................54 

6 OCTOPUS PIE: FEMALE FRIENDSHIP IN THE BIG CITY ..................................56 

American Born Chinese .........................................................................................59 

Asian Nerds and White Stoners .............................................................................64 

Conclusions ............................................................................................................65 

7 CONCLUSIONS AND QUESTIONS FOR FUTURE STUDY .................................67 

BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................................72

viii

APPENDIX

COLLECTION OF FIGURES .....................................................................................78

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

PAGE

Figure 1. This is an example of ASCII art featuring Lucy and Snoopy from Charles Schultz's Peanuts comic. ..............................................................................................79 

Figure 2. “Riot Nrrd #1,” by RJ Edwards, posted December 17, 2009. ..................................80 

Figure 3. “#26: Choo choo!” by RJ Edwards, posted June 24, 2010. ......................................81 

Figure 4. “128: Family, part II,” by RJ Edwards, posted September 27, 2011. .....................82 

Figure 5. “140: What does bother her,” by RJ Edwards, posted November 18, 2011. ............83 

Figure 6. “#55: Defense,” by RJ Edwards, posted on October 7, 2010. ..................................84 

Figure 7. “#320-Where are my keys,” Meredith Gran. ............................................................85 

Figure 8. “#133-On our own,” by Meredith Gran, posted April 14, 2008. ..............................86 

Figure 9. “#80-Totally,” by Meredith Gran, posted December 5, 2007. ................................ 87 

Figure 10. “#221-Still unfair,” by Meredith Gran, posted November 17, 2008. .....................88 

Figure 11. “#223-Champ,” by Meredith Gran, posted November 21, 2008. ...........................89 

x

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to thank Dr. Susan E. Cayleff for her support and mentorship through the

tenure of my graduate career. Thank you for the laughs, long talks, and calming

encouragement in this process.

I wish to thank Dr. Esther Rothblum and Dr. Yetta Howard as additional readers of

my thesis. Thank you for your critical judgment, perspectives, suggestions, and flexibility.

I want to extend a personal thanks to RJ Edwards and Meredith Gran for your

bravery in putting your art out into the world. You are an inspiration.

I would like to extend my special gratitude to Dr. Elizabeth Colwill. Thank you for

your insight and office conversations on my thesis, your support in my abilities, and for your

empathy in academia.

I want to acknowledge the love and support from my graduate cohort. Thank you for

being my sisters, for the extra confidence, and for being my comrades in this struggle. Thank

you for theory with joy and tears. We did it!

I also want to acknowledge my family, without whom any of this would be possible.

I'm eternally grateful for your faith in my abilities, for encouraging me to push myself, and

for being my foundation. Thank you for your boundless love and energy. You are my roots

and you keep my spirit full.

I also wish to thank the overlord and minions at Villainous Lair Comics. Thank you

for giving me a safe space to write surrounded by visual and conversational stimulation.

Thank you for making it fun.

Last, I would like to thank my partner. Thank you for your patience, your hugs, and

your promises for the future. You helped me see the finish line when I felt lost in the middle.

I love you.

1

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

In the corner of a 1914 newspaper comic called Dimples by Grace G. Drayton, a

small plump girl character waves a banner that reads, “Votes for Wimmen!” On the cover of

the first fully independent Ms. Magazine to drop in 1972, Wonder Woman saves the day with

help from her golden lasso underneath the banner, “Wonder Woman for President!” Diane

DiMassa's 1994 comic, Hothead Paisan, Homicidal Lesbian Terrorist, delivers feminist

catharsis with angry violence towards patriarchal behavior. Kate Kane, or Batwoman, was re-

imagined in 2006 as an out lesbian woman, and deals with the consequences of Don't Ask

Don't Tell in 2011. In Action Comics #900, Superman, who has spent his time upholding

truth, justice, and the American way, is giving up his U.S. citizenship in favor of a more

global perspective. Comics and feminist politics have had a relationship for quite some time,

and new technologies and the popularity of the Internet have opened up a space where an

artist can share their work with potentially millions of viewers/readers. With the profusion of

free web space, the Internet has allowed for anyone in the U.S. (and beyond) with a pen,

some time spent with a library scanner, and a connection to find an audience for their own

comics, whether or not they have passed a review by a publisher or agent. Has this tool

specifically been able to move a message of feminism through comics in wider circles? With

the ability to publish any kind of art on the Internet, what has this done for representation of

women in the comics? What has the Internet done for building communities of female

readers and fans?

RESEARCH

My research is centered on women, webcomics, and feminist means of cultural

representation. Webcomics are comics that are produced and distributed digitally through the

conduit of the Internet. Webcomic artists can publish content that appeals to a minute

subculture, without worrying about having mass appeal. This is because the relative ease of

publishing online without funds breaks down barriers that exist in mainstream comics. A

2

modern leading comics theorist, Scott McCloud (1993) fully defines comics in his work,

Understanding Comics: The Invisible Art, as “juxtaposed pictorial images in a deliberate

sequence, intended to convey information and/or produce an aesthetic response in the

viewer” (p. 9). I will examine the authorship and depiction of women in webcomics with an

intersectional approach focusing on representations of gender, race, class, and sexuality, and

my intent is to uncover feminist themes in the creative works of the artists and authors.

This research is a unique contribution to feminist scholarship by examining the

historical progression of comics to the Internet and the implications of this technological shift

for creators and consumers/readers in light of gender, race, class, and sexuality. This

exploration will focus on fictional comic narratives as opposed to autobiographical works in

the medium. This concentration on fictional works is to examine cultural representation of

characters who embody marginalized experiences based on gender, race, class, and sexuality.

My research considers the author's presented identity and how this contributes to the

representation of women and those who identify outside of the gender binary.

I chose to research webcomics because I am interested in the genre as a fan of online

entertainment and the art and storytelling genre of comics. With my scholarly background in

Women's Studies, I wished to explore whether technology has been a means for women to

push past marginalization in the field of comics as creators, consumers, and authorities. I

wanted to discover if technology has been a tool to publish content that characteristic of a

greater diversity in women's stories and the representation of women with differences in

social location.

With the increased popularity and technological change of the Internet as a user-

friendly device of social networking, publishing comics online has occurred in force. With its

origins in an elitism of the technologically savvy, the Internet has made a transition to

become accessible for those in economically and technologically developed environments as

a means of communication. This has allowed for a wider breadth of users with various levels

of education and class backgrounds to utilize the Internet. Individuals no longer have to hold

degrees in computer science, engineering, and/or mathematics (traditionally male-dominated

fields of inquiry) to access, enjoy, or do programming in cyberspace. The Pew Internet and

American Life Project reported in their February 2012 survey that 80% of all adults surveyed

(out of 901 interviews conducted in English and Spanish) used the Internet in their daily

3

lives. The educational breakdown of this is that 45% of people with no high school diploma,

73% of those with a high school degree, 91% of those with some amount of college, and

97% of college graduates are users. Also according to this survey, 81% of men and 79% of

women use the Internet. Eighty-three percent of white adults, 71% of Black adults, and 71%

Hispanic adults use the Internet. While only suggesting three racial/ethnic groups is

problematic within the survey, it still suggests that the Internet has racially diverse users.

There were also definite correlations between education, household income, and Internet

usage, but the trends still suggest that Internet use has gone up for all or most groups

throughout the years since its inception. This relative accessibility of the Internet has opened

doors for a greater range of genres, ideas, and identities to be expressed in webcomics. I

analyze and question whether the representations of gender, race, sexuality, and class in

webcomics that express narratives of the subaltern to dismantle patriarchal ideologies.

For my research, I have examined webcomics written and drawn by women that are

of the “slice-of-life” or “drama” genre. These particular comics are usually set in a world

similar to our own, but with fantasy elements, such as unrealistic feats of strength by

characters or exaggerated elements of stories that may push the comic beyond realism. For

my study, I will focus on the two comics: Octopus Pie, by Meredith Gran (written 2007-

present) and Riot Nrrd, by RJ Edwards (written 2009-present). I used these comics because

they are episodic in nature with character development rather than comics that use a “single

subject”1 approach to convey humor. These comics have all been established for at least two

years. This is a significant amount of time because it allows the artist to develop characters

and story arcs. I chose these comics because they have attained some form of success by

being reviewed on notable comics web logs or feminist web logs, like Bitch Magazine's

online publication. Most of these comics have characters that are in the age range of

seventeen to thirty years-old with occasional secondary characters that are older as parents or

colleagues. I chose these comics additionally through browsing cast web pages for evidence

of characters who have identities as women, people of color, or LGBTQ identities for my

study of identities based around gender, race, class, and sexualities. These comics not only

1 An example of this would be The Family Circus, by Bil Keane, which generally does not have story arc

plots.

4

have these characters who have marginalized identities, but the artists often script them as

main characters. I made the decision to focus solely on comics that are not written by men

because I wish to showcase the works of women and those who may identify as trans, as RJ

Edwards does. This decision is rooted in an acknowledgment of a history where artists have

been marginalized, particularly based on gender, race, and sexuality.

IDENTITY

My relationship to technology is one that I can express comfortably. I have been

using the Internet since I was about eight years old, and I have been publishing content

online since I was thirteen or fourteen. I have been gaming and digitally drawing since I had

access to early computer models such as the Apple II and the Tandy computer, both prior to

the introduction of the Windows interface that is familiar to most computer users today. My

interest in art and imagery has led me to maintain my own websites and web logs2 in addition

to participating in communities online such as DeviantArt3. I was lured in by the Internet's

possibility to access information and culture outside of my home. It offered the same

escapism as books, but it was constantly changing and flowing. By accessing webcomics

online, I found a merging of my interests in art and technology.

My own identity and social location is as a cisgendered4, heterosexual, working-

middle class white woman. My ethnic heritage stems from Italian and German immigrants

through my mother and father's families, respectively, with their roots in the Northeast

United States. I channel my personal politics from a position of being a woman raised in

divided homes in the suburbs and rural region of North Carolina, hence my two social class

2 A web log is for a user to write in a journal or diary format and connect to other users of similar interests

or friends. They are often called “blogs” in abbreviation. Some examples are Blogger.com, Wordpress.com, and Livejournal.com.

3 DeviantArt is an online community that is a free place for users to share art and imagery. Other users will critique or offer feedback on an artist's uploaded work.

4 Kristin Schilt and Laurel Westbrook (2009), in their article, “Doing Gender, Doing Heteronormativity: 'Gender Normals,' Transgender People, and the Social Maintenance of Heterosexuality” use the term “cisgender” to refer to “individuals who have a match between the gender they were assigned at birth, their bodies, and their personal identity” (p. 461). This term is used to label synchronized gender identity, sex, and assignment at birth as a way to stop thinking of any experience of gender as normative or “natural.”

5

perspectives. My working class identity is from being a first-generation college student with

parents who worked in blue collar jobs.

My position related to webcomics is somewhat complicated. I am a female consumer

of webcomics, and I have dabbled in drawing comics. However, I do not consider myself a

part of this community so much as a casual visitor. The type of tactile comics that I like to

read are ones that aren't superhero comics and most comic books stores cater to fans of this

genre. I recently had a conversation with a comic book store employee that told me that

“Girls just don't read comics.” This was after we had a long conversation about the comics

that I read, and my identity as a woman didn't register for him because the concept seemed to

be abstract. Reading webcomics online has allowed me personally to read comics without

feeling ostracized or erased in an unwelcome setting. Women and girls who read comics

have provided testimony online to which stores are female-friendly (Girlwonder.org, 2012).

The Internet has a way of masking individuals who are involved with the culture, and

for the most part, I move within the culture anonymously. With webcomics, I tend to find

myself able to blend into the scene easily because I have an invested interest in video game

nostalgia. I understand the jokes that the popular gamer comics artists are making, and I can

feel included as a hidden participant. However, as a fan and an academic who has studied

visual representations and comics history, I have a certain privilege of insight that others may

not have when it comes to seeking out this information or these communities.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

As a genre of artistic entertainment, comics5 reflects the beliefs, wishes, and popular

ideas of a society in a given historical time period. In his book, Understanding Comics: The

Invisible Art, Scott McCloud (1993) theorizes that works of art throughout time that show

pictorial storytelling, such as Egyptian hieroglyphs and cave paintings, were early forms of

comics (p. 10). This broadened definition of comics suggests that comics history started with

the beginnings of human artistic expression. While there is some debate as to the

5 “Comics,” with the -s plural grammatical ending, is used here to refer to the artistic medium. The correct

grammatical use of comics as an artistic genre is as a singular noun. I wish to differentiate “comics” as a medium from “comic” as the physical or digital artifact of working in the medium. For example: Photography is to a photograph as comics is to a comic.

6

identification of the first comic strip in the United States, most aficionados of the form

suggest that Richard Outcault's The Yellow Kid, printed in 1895, is the first series that utilized

the sequential panels that has become standard for the comics medium (Inge, 1978, p. 78).

Comics have gone through various print incarnations in newspapers and comic books, and

the content has transitioned to reflect popular tastes, culture, and concerns of society. In the

changing political landscape of 1960s and 1970s of the United States, a branch of comics

grew to mirror the opinions and ideas of those that consumed them: the alternative

counterculture. This was the birth of Underground comics, or “comix.” Comix, as a genre, is

synonymous with alternative political and social movements, independent printing, and the

works often represent themes that have been deemed offensive by higher art critics. As a

response to misogyny in the comix movement, women subdivided and formed their own

artistic collectives to produce comics representative of the female experience while retaining

the raunchy aesthetic and humor of the underground. Comix displayed specific visual traits

that evoke a sense of vulgarity. The writers and artists reveled in the taboo. Flesh was

portrayed differently than comics in the past by appearing bumpier and more bulbous, and

different beauty ideals than the curvaceous and slim were valued in depictions of women on

the pages. Body hair was drawn in abundance in depictions of both men and women. While

the human form is unrealistic, comix spearheaded a movement of the representation of a

corporeal realism not present in popular superhero fare of comics in the past. Women who

wrote and drew comix did not hesitate to illustrate the body in all its detail with blood, sweat,

and hair. This boldness visually and politically evened the gendered playing field of comic

creations. The female separatism in underground comix coincided with the second wave of

feminism in the United States, spurring women to protest inequality and inequity based on

gender and sexuality. Female comix artists fought to be equally appreciated for their equally

X-rated work in the movement.

There have been other movements where women have developed a unique and

collective voice within comics. One such movement grew up alongside and counter to digital

comics; this is the Riot Grrl and 'zine movement of the 1990s. An ethos of this subculture

was a focus on the handmade to oppose capitalistic forms of production, and this is in direct

contrast to webcomics artists who utilized new technologies with origins in the military to

craft their work. At the same time, the Riot Grrl emphasis on handmade methods of

7

production and distribution was a throwback that hearkened associations of the natural and

human when the digital was seen to be subsuming humankind. At a similar point in history,

cyberfeminists were creating digital art to embrace a cyborg identity and starting to publish

e-zines and websites. This isn't to say that cyberfeminists and Riot Grrls were completely

monolithic groups, their members could have identified as one, the other, or both; however,

their modes of production stood in contrast with each other in an era when the two were seen

as antithetical. Webcomics, in the mode of digital production, did not have the same early

political bite that Riot Grrl6 comics had captured with their DIY work and distribution

methods. Cyberfeminists and few women even embraced the form of webcomics in the early

era of the Internet.

Sean Fenty, Trena Houp, and Laurie Taylor (2004) of ImageTexT, an academic comic

journal through the University of Florida, have compared webcomics to the Underground

Comix movement of the 1960s and 1970s in the United States, which included such texts as

Tits & Clits, Wimmen's Comix, Raw, and Mad. These two movements in comics are

juxtaposed because of the comparable lack of censorship of objectionable material and easy

means of publishing to reach an unlimited a Foucault mount of users. The formal qualities

and aims of webcomics have been covered extensively by the comic theorist, Scott McCloud

(2000), in his book Reinventing Comics: How Imagination and Technology Are

Revolutionizing an Art Form. He theorized webcomics have the ability to change the entire

look and scope of a comic page. He also believed that webcomics may be the a solution to

the goal of comic artists to represent greater diversity in gender, race, and sexuality.

T. Campbell (2006), webcomics artist and author of A History of Webcomics v. 1.0:

“The Golden Age”: 1993-2005,7 argues in his text that webcomics owe their creation to three

6 For a more comprehensive examination on the Riot Grrl movement and zines, Trina Robbins's (1999) to

Grrrlz: A History of Women's Comics from Teens to Zines and Teal Triggs and Roger Sabin’s (2000) Below Critical Radar: Fanzines and Alternative Comics from 1976 to the Present Day are informative texts.

7 T. Campbell has since distanced himself from this text. It drew up a lot of controversy when it was published over which webcomics were included and which were left out, leading reviewers to believe that Campbell was incredibly biased in this work. While my belief is that this text is very poorly edited, it is the first work of its kind and it is a good foundational work on the origins of webcomics. Campbell was also criticized for his writing style which was more like a published collection of his blog posts instead of academic writing. I believe that the criticisms aimed at this text reflect that one author cannot write one compendium of a genre that includes almost 20,000 comics that continue to be updated in the present day. It is impossible to be unbiased in representing this genre because it is difficult for one person to have read all that exists, and the medium of print

8

technological innovations: hyperlinks, global interactivity, and image display (p. 8). The

three men responsible for these introductory ideas or early computer processes were military

scientist Vannevar Bush, J. C. R. Licklider, a member of the U.S. Advanced Research

Projects Agency (ARPA) military research and development team and Ivan Sutherland,

another member of ARPA's research and development team (Campbell, 2006, p. 8).

Campbell's (2006) acknowledgement of these early technological creators illustrates how the

Internet has its origins with militarization, which isn't typically associated with how people

use the Internet today.

Early art on early computing technology was rudimentary and artists didn't even

utilize drawing programs. An early method was ASCII art (see Figure 1, p. 79; Johnson,

1994. All figures are found in the Appendix), the acronym of which stood for “American

Standard Code for Information Interchange.” This art was created using no graphics and just

the symbols and numbers available on a computer keyboard (Johnson, 1994). ASCII evolved

into another character-based digital art form called ANSI, which Campbell asserts was the

first method used to produce the first webcomic, Inspector Dangerfuck, by a user called Eerie

(Campbell, 2006, p. 12). Little is recorded about this comic, but it was published prior to

1990.

Webcomics, like print comics, are disagree upon historically. Campbell and Lee

Atchison of the Sequential Tart e-zine agree that a comic by Hans Bjordahl, Where the

Buffalo Roam, was one of the earliest webcomics published in 1992, and it could be accessed

through USENET, one of the early incarnations of the Internet available on college

campuses, on military bases, and in research facilities (Campbell, 2006, p. 13). The Internet

evolved over the next few years; growing by 341,634% in 1993 (Campbell, 2006, p. 15).

This could be attributed to the early Internet browsers Gopher and Mosaic, the latter of which

was the first Internet browser to display graphic imagery (Campbell, 2006, p. 15).

One of the earliest documented webcomics written independently by a woman is a

strip entitled College Roomies from Hell!!! by Maritza Campos published online January 1,

1999. Campos's comic was part of one of the early web communities for comic artists,

Keenspot. T. Campbell (2006), author of A History of Webcomics v. 1.0: “The Golden Age”: may not be equipped to adequately talk about the Internet as a whole.

9

1993-2005, chronicled the competition that grew from companies competing to host

webcomics artists; Keenspot aspired to be an exclusive, but welcoming, artistic community

for the creators, and a place for readers to gather rather than a portal which linked to sites,

which made Keenspot more desirable for artists, and thus the fans who followed them.

Campos's work would have been more successful through Keenspot than through another

website, such as the Yahoo! owned Geocities.com, which offered free website hosting for all

Internet users with various interests. According to Compete.com (2012), a website that tracks

the unique visitors for webpages, Keenspot is still the most competitive webcomics

community online in July 2011, although many comics artists now maintain their own

independent webpages. Campos's early work, like other webcomics published at the time,

stylistically reflects the limitations of working on the Internet in the 1990's. Her work has

become significantly more sophisticated over the years, and she is still publishing today. She

has altered her style as technology has changed, and she uses color, shadow, and Adobe

Photoshop. This has become representative of the growth in styles of other well-known

webcomics, such as Penny Arcade (written 1998-2012) by Jerry Holkins and Mike Krahulik.

Other webcomics artists today use combinations of techniques, both by hand and through

digital creation, to put their works on the Internet. Fans of webcomics are concentrated on the

story being told, and the artists aren't critiqued for their methods as long as the art has a

successful relationship with the text and dialogue.

The stories being told on the Internet are varied, though webcomics have been

dominated by “gamer” genre comics since the creation of Holkins's and Krahulik's (written

1998-2012) Penny Arcade. The genre makes sense for a community of online users who are

proficient in computer technology; the entertainment side of the techno-savvy is video

games. However, this proliferation of a genre that focuses on content that has been

historically aimed at and sold to male consumers has the consequence of reflecting a

webcomics culture that is mostly male. T. Campbell (2006) wrote on the topic of gender

imbalance in webcomics:

Journal comics and Gen-X comics featured women cartoonists, but nerdcore or gamer comics covered 'boy subjects' and the few women who tried them didn't get very far. Men could write women characters well, but when an entire genre missed out on first-hand experience, it could develop in ways that reflected the lack. (p. 148)

10

This popularity of gamer comics still presents a male-dominated webcomics scene,

even when in 2005, webcomics creators were 30-40% women (p. 148). While women have

been working in comics on the Internet since the late 1990s, female readers or potential fans

of their work have had to catch up to a technology that wasn't created for them or distributed

in areas where women have had abundant access. Women in webcomics have often gathered

together in the form of artistic and fan collectives for empowerment and awareness in this

field where they aren't as represented or visible as members of a growing community.

Women webcomics artists have formed their own collectives online, such as the

TomGeeks Collective (2007-2012) run by Crystal Yates (2007), to gain Internet traffic for

their comics, much in the same vein as the women's comic collectives of the 1960's and

1970's. Other artists show solidarity by linking to comics on their webpages, which provides

a means for readers to find other stories they will enjoy. Additionally, women readers and

fans have formed communities on the Internet such as Sequential Tart, the Geek Girls

Network, and Girl-Wonder.org, to discuss and critique comics and related interests like

science fiction and video games. Some of these online communities exist for sociability with

other women who have similar interests. Some of these sites because the female creators

have faced sexism within other forums that discuss comics. These “safe” spaces for women

online have formed for other genres of media, and it is indicative of political organizing

based on gender. Women in webcomics have not been historically or academically examined

in depth, and there is a richness of feminist organizing, creation, and ideas that have not been

covered to a full extent.

11

CHAPTER 2

METHODOLOGY

My narrative analysis on the written content of two webcomics, Octopus Pie (written

2007-present), by Meredith Gran, and Riot Nrrd (written 2009-present), by RJ Edwards, is to

trace feminist themes and diverse intersectional narratives in their writing. I identify

instances of sexism, racism, classism, heterosexism in the plot of the strip, and whether the

characters in the comic are experiencing various oppressions and privileges in their created

identities. The written dialogue between characters or monologuing alone in the comics is

often indicative of how each character is struggling with her/his/their identity. At the time of

my research, all authors are continuing to work and update these stories. For the purposes of

this study, I have limited my study to material published until the end of 2011. I chose to

analyze specific story arcs that deal with identity development through those lenses.

In my research, I read all comics posted by RJ Edwards and Meredith Gran on their

respective webpages through the last comic posted in December 2011. For Riot Nrrd, the

comics posted ranged from December 17, 2009 through December 19, 2011. RJ Edwards

posted a total of 150 comic strips and 31 non-canon drawings (illustrations that deviate from

the storyline) or announcements during this time. Edwards's work is organized in an archive

that lists the postings by year. I purchased Edwards's additional works, two zines entitled

Child/Friend/Kin/Queer (2011i) and Super #1 (2011j) to gain more insight into their

activism. While reading Riot Nrrd, I also read comments posted by users to see how

characters in the comic were being perceived by an Internet audience. It should be noted that

the comments on each page by readers are still visible, unless they were deleted by a website

moderator. Additionally, other aspects of the webpage have changed. On the Riot Nrrd

website, Edwards (2012e) has altered the character page since it was first posted. Other

features of the site that may have been updated are details of the design and the merchandise

store associated with the comic. A limitation of this research was that I was unable to view

certain parts of the webpage in the original form.

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For Octopus Pie, the comics posted ranged from May 14, 2007 through December 25,

2011. Meredith Gran posted 501 comic strips within this time frame. Gran's work is

organized into an archive by chronological story arc. I also purchased Gran's published books

as a reference for my research. The first book, There Are No Stars in Brooklyn (Gran, 2010),

is a collection of the strips published from May 14, 2007 (#1) to November 24, 2008 (#224)

with an additional bonus story called “The End of the World” that shows her two main

characters, Eve and Hanna, in preschool. The second book, Listen at Home with Octopus Pie

(Gran, 2011), contains the strips published from December 1, 2008 (#227) to April 21, 2010

(#376). Gran included additional commentary in her second book that was not available to a

web audience.

It is often the nature of webcomics to be unedited work. By this, I mean that the

artists may not have a clear story worked out before they post material to the website. This

often leads to work being published to maintain an updating schedule and meet the demands

of an audience, and it may result in strips being produced that don't have a great deal of story

or character development. This is more true towards the beginning of the comic as artists are

still figuring out what stories they would like to tell and what updating schedules are realistic.

Both Meredith Gran and RJ Edwards changed their updating schedules in the course of the

years of their work. Meredith Gran made a decision to only update when she had an entire

story arc completed so as to keep the work more focused. RJ Edwards, as a less experienced

artist in the industry, is not yet living off of the monetary income of their work. They update

more sporadically because of the more limited resources of time and money. While reading

these comics, I noted specific themes about the characters exploring identity through the lens

of social location. I chose particular comics that show how the characters recognize and

navigate their embodiment. I found that Riot Nrrd portrayed characters' intersectional

identity experiences more readily than Octopus Pie, and this is due to the specific intent of

RJ Edwards to address these issues.

I am interested in female-centered web pages and online communities for their

potential for organizing women to resist sexism in geek culture and comic book fandom. I

will use Michel Foucault's (1986) work, “Of Other Spaces,” which theorizes about the

concept of manifestations of utopian spaces. This is useful when theorizing about how people

form communities on the Internet. Donna Haraway's (1991) Simians, Cyborgs, and Women:

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The Reinvention of Nature is very helpful. She theorizes about the cyborg identity as an

unifying force that moves beyond gender, race, class, and sexuality identity politics for

feminist organizing. Her deconstruction of the binaries between human/machine and

natural/artificial is a way to complicate feminist politics about the embodiment of “natural”

women. This work particularly speaks to a pervasiveness of the technology in modern times.

Her work enables me to theorize about the cyborg functionality of gender performance

online, and whether cyborg identity is still a pipe dream of technological feminist politics.

Has our technology progressed to a space beyond the lived reality of embodied gendered,

racial, classed, sexual, and disabled lived experiences? While the cyborg may be an

anonymous identity of participation on the Internet, representations of women in media and

culture in an online space still reflect, inform, and persuade consumers of culture to see the

signified woman subject as a perceived reality.

This focus on intersectionalities draws from Kimberlé Crenshaw's (1994) work,

“Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of

Color.” For each comic, I will look at the verbal content of the created characters. In Riot

Nrrd, significant plot lines revolve around the characters Wren and Maria, about how they

face racism, heterosexism, sizeism, and transphobia in their lives. Trina Robbins (1999),

feminist comics historian, noted women's stories not being represented in the comics as a

reason for a lack of women readers (p. 140). I discuss the implications of representing these

different narratives, such as struggling with a sexual identity, in context of the genre of

comics.

I believe that the analysis of comics through a feminist lens is perfectly situated to

testify and theorize about the possibility of bodies. This spans the cultural representation of

visualized bodies to the dreams of the discursive body to the lived physicality of bodies. My

research methodology presumes comics are a visual language. I ask how this visual language

speaks to the creation and consumption of bodies representing gender, race, class, sexuality,

size, and disability. Comics are unique as representative items. They are simultaneously

pieces of art, collector's items, entertainment, stories spanning generations, historic printed

ephemera, digital Internet ephemera, and narratives that reflect cultural landscapes. Comics

use a very distinct method of telling stories; the medium relies on frames (or panels) and

gutters (spaces between). These lead a viewer through events occurring in the narrative. No

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other medium accomplishes the union between written text and pictures with the same

method.

Comics also exist as an ideology and a consumer industry. This symbolic fiction of

escapism has real implications for providing culture and community for those in the fandom.

The relationship between comics and representations of women and other marginalized

people on the page becomes complicated when these characters are written and drawn by

female, male, and genderqueer comic artists, embraced by fans as heroic icons, and then

translated into real physical embodiment by fans in costume at comic book conventions. The

lines become blurred between fantasy and reality as fans of these comics

Feminist film theory is useful to my visual analysis of webcomics as I search for

feminist resistance to sexism, racism, classism, heterosexism, and ableism in the fictional

identities presented on the computer screen. Laura Mulvey (1975), feminist film theorist,

identified the unequal power relationships between women on screen and the male

controlling presence in Hollywood with the notion of the “male gaze” in her essay, Visual

Pleasure and Narrative Cinema. The male gaze is subverted by authors on the margins, but I

aim to recognize the presence of other gazes filtered through identities of privilege and

oppression. How are the authors writing and drawing beyond their lived experiences to

represent women and characters outside of gender binaries? How does these comics confront

dominant media imagery through gazes of racism, classism, ableism, and heterosexism?

In the sample of fictional comics in my research, it is helpful for me to utilize

feminist cultural representation theorists to be able to comment on visual representations of

women and trans women. These theorists analyze visual representations of women in film.

My foundational texts on theoretical approaches of feminist film and television are the essay,

Feminist Film Theory, by Anneke Smelik (1999) and the chapter, “From Images of Women

to Woman as Image,” in the text, Material Girls: Making Sense of Feminist Cultural Theory

by Suzanna Danuta Walters (1995). These texts build on Laura Mulvey's influential

examination of male scopophilia to a more complicated sense of the material woman's

relationship with the constructed visual symbol of “woman” and considerations of the gaze

from lesbian and gay identities. Judith Halberstam's (2005) piece entitled In a Queer Time

and Place: Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives, in the chapter “The Transgender Look” is

also helpful in approaching constructions of transgendered identities on screen.

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The webcomic Riot Nrrd by RJ Edwards represents LGBTQ identities and

relationships in characters within the comic strips. Both of the comics in my study are also

presenting characters of color within the strip. For theories on representations of African

American identities on screen and in animation, I draw specifically from Bell Hooks's (1992)

in the chapter “The Oppositional Gaze: Black Female Spectators,” from Black Looks: Race

and Representation and Sianne Ngai's (2005) chapter “Animatedness” from Ugly Feelings.

My analysis examines marginalized identities for those who have had their images

constructed by those in power as a method of control. Ultimately, the symbolism or

stereotypes of these images critiqued by feminist cultural theorists is coming from a

recognition of historical trauma of ableism, classism, racism, sexism, heterosexism, and

sizeism. The theoretical backgrounds of identity politics and cultural representation guides

my analysis when I ask: are these artists constructing feminist narratives by shifting visual

paradigms used on film and television?

Feminist theorists writing about the body, spaces, and identity and how each is

enacted in an online world; this also informs my work. The anonymous reader has a gaze that

is difficult to envision as the consumer of webcomics, but it is important to recognize the

power in this digital voyeurism. The Internet has evolved incredibly quickly. It pervades

daily routines and grows more relevant as a tool for communication and social convergence

of like-minded individuals. I am influenced by my own experiences, observations, and

theories as technologies change. Additionally, I utilize insights from previous writers about

the possibilities of the global networked system and people interacting in Internet spaces.

Virtual realities exist as a new realm for body politics in a digital sphere where representation

and performance is the only means of participation.

Thierry Groensteen's (2007), The System of Comics, is the integral text for framing

my understanding of form and language of comics. Groensteen's work was originally

published in France, and it was translated for an English-reading audience in 2007. It deals in

translation between the language that comics artists were using to describe how the form of

the medium functioned and the jargon that academics created to discuss comics in a

theoretical way. Groensteen bridges the gap between what has traditionally been considered a

lower art form for the masses and high semiotic theory. The key argument of this piece is that

one needs to analyze the structure of comics by understanding the relationships between

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elements of the comic itself. Groensteen examines the correlation between the panels,

gutters, word balloons, the page, and the entire work as a formal and intentional composition

system. While other comics artists/theorists have argued similarly about the formalist

language of comics, such as Scott McCloud (1993) in his work, Understanding Comics: The

Invisible Art, Groensteen's theoretical background of semiotics assisted him in developing a

sophisticated perspective on how smaller elements of comics that others might dismiss, such

as the word bubble, all contribute to the language of comics and the understanding of the

text. This work helped me analyze and compare formal compositions of the digital comic

narratives. While Groensteen (2007) stresses the importance of seeing comics as a language

and medium of its own right, he juxtaposes the act of reading comics with the act of watching

a film (p. 26). While comics structurally are very different than film, the way that comics and

film use visual elements and cultural representation to relate a narrative or to unveil a truth

about the world are similar. However, in considering the compositional qualities of

webcomics, it is also necessary to consider the online space in which the comic operates. It is

necessary to visually consider the web page itself and the functional properties of the Internet

when writing about these works.

Webcomic artists build networked communities into the structure of their web page

design. For example, one of the webcomics of my study, Riot Nrrd, by RJ Edwards (written

2009-present), contains links to other artists' web pages, including Octopus Pie by Meredith

Gran (written 2007-present). This is a professional courtesy by the artists to acknowledge

each others' work, especially if the work of another artist is inspirational or politically like-

minded. This is also a way that female artists can show support for other women artists. By

linking to other webcomics, the artists build a community for the readers. These connections

cultivate a fan base of readers who will read and enjoy multiple webcomics in the same genre

for entertainment. Gran's Octopus Pie is not for a specific audience, like Edwards's Riot

Nrrd. However, they are popular with female fans because of the realistic relationships

between female characters. This networked system of fans communicate with each other

using individual pseudonyms on the forums of web pages to discuss their favorite comics.

These communities can exist solely online if geographical distance dictates, or fans could

choose to meet up in reality with those who share their interests.

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Beyond individual webcomics, there are also women-oriented web communities

where fans of comics discuss their interests. Some of these include comics webzines geared

towards women and girls and female authored blogs about comic book stories. A popular

women-oriented web community is Nerds in Babeland, where bloggers post on a variety of

topics in addition to comics including nerd food, fandom, and gaming. Comics exist for the

enjoyment of the readers and the expression of the artists. These spaces exist mainly as

appealing places to find other female comic book and webcomics fans. The other motives for

these communities include entertainment, escapism, and safety of expression. Safety of

expression means that users can interact with these websites without having to worry as

much about the sexism that is prevalent on other comics websites. These sites can often have

a subtext as communities of resistance to sexism on the Internet.

A primary question I bring is: what implications do these comics have for readers and

consumers of these cultural texts? The representation of the body is sometimes a far cry from

the lived experience of the body. I see intersections of body politics throughout my

examination of webcomics. I recognize the material body reading comics and finding

commonality with other women in an online sphere touching keys and sharing lived pain.

The representational body is apparent in the image of woman or woman as image being

displayed as pixelated symbolism as a written demonstration of culture and being. Lastly, I

see the heavy concept of theorizing the body as the discursive body. I have an almost

physical ache to discuss what implications technology has for theorizing what the body can

be. My urgency perhaps comes from my feelings about the speed of technology and planned

obsolescence. My reflections on technological interventions into the discursive body will be

informed by Anne Balsamo's (1996) Technologies of the Gendered Body: Reading Cyborg

Women, Elizabeth Grosz's (1995) Space, Time, and Perversion: Essays on the Politics of

Bodies and excerpts from Judith Butler's (1993) Bodies that Matter. With each passing year

that my body physically ages, my projected online presence also changes. I see more

interventions of technology into the body daily as scientists and engineers invent new ways

for humans to live longer and more connected. I find myself needing to be able to theorize on

the future of the human form before the physical body becomes just a memory and the

technological body becomes the only way of being known.

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Hillary L. Chute (2010), in her work Graphic Women: Life Narrative and

Contemporary Comics, seeks similar insights:

Graphic narrative establishes...an expanded idiom of witness, a manner of testifying that sets a visual language in motion with and against the verbal in order to embody individual and collective experience, to put contingent selves and histories into form. (p. 3)

The webcomics in my study, though they are fictional representations, are still a testament

and witness to the peculiar transitional reality of our position as the proto-cyborg, an identity

between the physical and digital. RJ Edwards and Meredith Gran, with their imagined

characters, help readers witness, testify, and share the experience of embodying rich and

multifaceted female identities.

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CHAPTER 3

LITERATURE REVIEW

Academic literature about the study of comics is a relatively new field because the

scholarly value of comics as texts of cultural representation is fairly young. The literature

that exists focuses almost entirely on comics in printed form. One of the first critical

examinations of comics as representative of as more than a child's entertainment or

obscenity, Para Leer al Pato Donald, (English: How to Read Donald Duck: Imperialist

Ideology in the Disney Comic), published by Ariel Dorfman and Armand Mattelart (1984) in

Chile in 1972, analyzed how comics can be used to inundate children with cultural norms and

social roles. Critical texts about comics were joined by works that tended to focus on the

history of newspaper comic strips and comic book titles. These collections on the history of

comics neglected to include women, either as producers of work or fans of comics. When

Second Wave feminists uncovered underrepresented female voices in history, the material

that became newly available on women as characters and creators of comics empowered

women who loved and made comics in that era to reclaim their legacy. Early forays into

acknowledging more female-centered representations were Women in the Comics, by

Maurice Horn (1977), followed by Women and the Comics, by Catherine Yronwode and

Trina Robbins (1985). These works focused on neglected female characters and creators who

had been excluded in prior collections of comics history. Trina Robbins is particularly

notable for her contributions to finding and writing about women cartoonists and the history

of comics targeted towards girls and women. She has extensively researched and collected

comics from the beginning of women's involvement in printed newspaper comic strips

through the 1990s Riot Grrrl8 movement. Since the 1990s, comics have gained a new outlet

8 Riot Grrrl is a feminist movement that is associated with underground punk rock and 'zines in the 1990s.

Simon Reynolds and Joy Press (1995), authors of Sex Revolts: Gender, Rebellion and Rock 'n' Roll, wrote, “Riot Grrrls preach empowerment through forming bands and producing fanzines—it's the old punk DIY ethos of 'anyone can do it', but with a feminist twist (they're rejecting masculine notions of expertise and mastery)” (p. 324).

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for publication with the adoption of the Internet. This method of production is reliant on the

economic means to access and produce work on it, but it has vastly changed the ability of

artists to interact with readers. Even artists with a wide print following, such as Alison

Bechdel, writer of the strip Dykes to Watch Out For (written 1983-2008), have been able to

use the Internet as a way to reach out to their fans, and new comics artists are using

computers and the Internet to create digital or webcomics. Comics theorist, Scott McCloud,

who first wrote in 1993, had only begun to imagine how comics would be able to exist in an

online space in his second work, Reinventing Comics: How Imagination and Technology Are

Revolutionizing an Art Form (2000) when he speculated about the growth of the industry and

the expansion of the art form through new technologies. Comics have reached a new age on

the Internet, and this unique method of production and consumption and its implications is

being studied and theorized by interested scholars and fans. Misogyny in the comics industry

still exists; the Internet has not rectified discrimination. Comics reflect life and culture.

Literature that is helpful to studying webcomics and her/his/their authorship and

production on the Internet are texts that speak to (1) the cultural and ideological value of

comics, (2) the history of women producing comics, (3) the history of girl comics, (4) the

implications of and forms of comics being published through the medium of the Internet, (5)

feminist theories on the body and space, cyborg theory, and cyberfeminist theories, and (6)

theories on gender and women's presence on the Internet. The groundbreaking work,

Understanding Comics: The Invisible Art, by Scott McCloud (1993), comics artist and

theorist, is key to interpreting the form and function of comics.

Scott McCloud (1993), known for his science fiction superhero comic, Zot!, moved

into comics theory work, Understanding Comics: The Invisible Art. This comic book on

comics theory is a comprehensive guide to the origins of comics and the act of reading and

interpreting the unique language of words/pictures. One of the unique contributions of

McCloud's text is that he reopens the definition of what comics can be, which allows for a

much more inclusive and older history of the form. As stated in the introduction of this

thesis, Scott McCloud (1993) defined comics as “juxtaposed pictorial images in a deliberate

sequence, intended to convey information and/or produce an aesthetic response in the

viewer” (p. 9). His examples of early comic art include, but are not limited to, Egyptian

paintings in tombs dating from 1300 B.C.E, Mixtec codices from 1045 C.E., and the Bayeux

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Tapestry, which detailed events starting in 1066 C.E.9 (pp. 10-15). McCloud's perspective

paints a very different picture of the origins of comics. By not limiting the definition of the

form to printed newspaper or mass-produced works, McCloud's history of comics is now

relocated to ancient civilizations of Egypt, to works by indigenous people of Mexico, and to

the hands of women artisans in Europe. One of McCloud's aims is to provide some

legitimacy to comics as a form, and he does this by arguing that these works of antiquity are

using the same methods of pictures and text. This can be problematic because these artists

themselves would not be labeling their works as comics, and McCloud is appropriating these

works to fit his own definition. However, he dwells more on the forms of these pieces rather

than the creators. His definition of comics provides a basis for arguing that comics have

always included non-western works and works by women. The comic book industry in the

United States has been dominated by white male creators and thought. I believe that

reclaiming a space in history by showing the similarities in artistic production between

modern comics and ancient art can be empowering in this context. It shows how these

methods of storytelling are not the invention of Europeans, so a modern comics industry

should not reflect this claim.

Another important contribution by McCloud (1993) is his theory of how readers

relate to characters in comic books. He theorized that when individuals look at a photograph

or a realistic drawing of a face, those individuals will see another person, but when

individuals look at simplified cartoons or drawings of faces, that reader will see herself or

himself on the page. His theory is that the simpler a drawing is, the easier it is for a reader to

imagine herself or himself in the story (pp. 36-37). This is important to my research by

contributing to theories about how female readers might see themselves in the comics or

enjoy reading comics.

An issue that McCloud (1993) does not touch upon here is that gendered symbols of

the human form have entered into our vocabulary, such as the signs that are present on a

restroom door. McCloud's simplified drawing is still read as a male face, specifically a white,

male face. This is demonstrated by the same simplified motif later being expressed as a

9 The origins of the Bayeux Tapestry are still contested by historians. One of the disagreements by scholars was about whether the piece was created by men or women. Scholars now agree that the piece was woven by women.

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female face; this is recognizable by the ponytail hairstyle drawn on the symbol's head (p.

202). However simplified a drawing looks, gender, race, and ability can still be read from the

image because those symbols have become signifiers of understanding and boundaries of

existence. This is integral to understanding how readers of different social locations can

envision themselves as characters and creators of their favorite stories.

Trina Robbins, one of the pioneering women artists in the underground comix

movement of the 1970s, has written several volumes about the history of women's

involvement and presence in comics history. Her work, The Great Women Cartoonists,

published in 2001, is a definitive work archiving the history of women creators of comic

books. Her book is split into chronological and popular trends, starting in the late 1880s and

continuing into 2001. This way of organizing the material is reminiscent of chronological

periods of art history. These time periods also fit into specific eras in United States history.

This is of little surprise because popular culture reflects the visions of those who live in a

particular culture. These comic artifacts that remain can paint a portrait of life during the time

periods that Robbins covers. The best examinations of a comics time period comes from

Trina Robbins's own heyday as a comics artist with the 1970s collective Wimmen's Comix.

Instead of a secondary historical examination, this chapter, “Chicks and Womyn,” is filled

with her first-hand knowledge of the comics and comix scene at that time, when a

burgeoning feminist movement was taking charge nationwide.

These comics of the 1970s were a turning point for women's comics as much of the

content featured highlighted feminist political goals. These comic collectives created art by

and for women who felt marginalized by sexism in the Underground Comix movement.

Wimmen's Comix did not feature a lesbian story until 1974 with the inclusion of Gregory's

comic, Dynamite Damsels (Robbins, 2001, p. 111). Robbins wrote clearly about the

connection between the personal and the political in the work by these all-women collectives,

but she does so by presenting this movement as a united front for women artists. Robbins

also briefly touches on the works of lesbian women in the comics subculture, such as Dyke

Shorts, by Mary Wings, first published in 1978. Comics such as Dyke Shorts were

publications centered on lesbian lives. Roberta Gregory, lesbian comic artist of the series

Naughty Bits (written 1991-2004), recalls that Wimmen's Comix was not equally representing

lesbian experiences (as cited in Robbins, 2001, p. 111).

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Feminism, like its followers, is a political movement that is diverse and open to

different interpretations. Some artists, such as Aline Kominsky-Crumb, left Wimmen's Comix

because of differing political beliefs.10 While Robbins's aim was to reclaim history to

empower women, one critique is that her omission of possible rivalries between groups

doesn't present a full truth of the history of women in this movement. Showing how certain

political beliefs split the members of Wimmen's Comix would have shown that women have

differences amongst themselves. Trina Robbins's intentions may have been to not contribute

to any bad connotations that the word “feminism” have in 2001 and beyond. However, it is

just as empowering to present women as they really existed. Equity in representation is

showing women to be as multifaceted and complex as male figures in history.

Trina Robbins's (2001) work, The Great Women Cartoonists, is a valuable resource to

learn about women comic book artists. However, little is mentioned of women comic artists

beyond the borders of the United States. The title suggests that it is an all-encompassing text,

but it focuses strictly on western works. For further study, it would add to the scholarship to

note the legacy of women comic creators from around the world.

Comics created by women are of central importance to my research, and there are

also comics specifically aimed towards girls and women. Trina Robbins (1999) explores this

topic in her book, Girls to grrrlz: A History of ♀ Comics from Teens to Zines. Robbins's

work identifies which comics have been traditionally targeted towards, and then created by

and for, women. This work is the history of what constitutes as a “girl” comic. These comics

are written and drawn by men and women and are aimed at a female readership. Similarly to

Robbins's (2001) The Great Women Cartoonists, this work is split into dates and genres of

comics. This volume is focused more on marketing, plot, style, and appeal for girls and

women. Robbins also shows how certain comics are evidence of women's lives under

patriarchy. The options of the comic book characters are limited by being female just as

much as their readers.

10 Hillary Chute (2010) wrote on Aline Kominsky-Crumb's split from the Wimmen's Comix collective in

her work, Graphic Women: Life Narrative and Contemporary Comics. Chute wrote that Kominsky-Crumb felt that her rejection stemmed from “failing to idealize women in her narratives” in addition to her public relationship and association with the comix artist, Robert Crumb. The Wimmen's Comix collective felt Crumb expressed sexism in his strips, and he was particularly criticized by Trina Robbins (2010, p. 37).

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Early girls' comics focused on themes of romance and flirting, but also featured some

adventurers like girl reporters and detectives. This is the genre that holds the wildly popular

title, Archie, whose title character was introduced in a story in Pep Comics in 1941 (Inge,

1978, p. 81). Archie is a comic that follows the high school adventures of the teenaged

character, Archie Andrews, and his friends. The series also chronicles his ongoing love

triangle between two teenaged women, Betty Cooper, the blonde, girl-next-door type, and

Veronica Lodge, a rich, fashionable, and spoiled brunette. Archie is still in print today along

with its various spinoffs.

The genre of women's comics deviated from this by diving into the sordid world of

PG-rated sexual encounters with kissing and forbidden love. These titillating tales were very

popular with teens and young women. Robbins makes sure to tell the reader that these comics

still left female characters with little options, they always end up giving up their careers for

marriage or becoming a housewife. The heyday era of women's love comics ended around

the mid-1960s as the industry gave way to the flux of superhero comics being produced.

Robbins detailed the start of the era of Womyn's Comix, where women created work

for themselves and illustrated their lives. Trina Robbins (2001) wrote more in depth about

womyn's comix and this movement than in her other text, The Great Women Cartoonists.

She described the sexually explicit and sensitive content published in these comics as

representing women's lives. Her last chapter is about Grrrlz' Comix, which were comics for

women who reclaimed the term “girl” as a means of empowerment. These types of comics

were also zines adopted by the Riot Grrrl movement, punk girls who organized together as

women. Robbins ends with a nod to the inequalities within the comic book industry; she

mentions how women working in this male-dominated industry have trouble getting enough

work to make a living wage. Robbins also argues that women hardly know that these comics

exist for them because comic book stores don't carry enough of a selection for women. This

resource is integral to determine how comics can be targeted towards girls and women, to

identify the specific characteristics of what makes a girl comic, and to offer a reassurance

that comics for girls do exist.

Hilary Chute's (2010) book, Graphic Women: Life Narrative and Contemporary

Comics, is an exploration into the autobiographical genre of women's sequential art. Chute's

study is an in-depth analysis and comparison of the autobiographical graphic narratives and

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relationships to trauma of five women comic artists: Aline Kominsky-Crumb, Phoebe

Gloeckner, Lynda Barry, Marjane Satrapi, and Alison Bechdel. These women have diverse

creative styles, and Chute examines the unique ability of their comics to tell true stories.

Comics are a medium in which a constructed pictorial and textual narration occur in a

specified temporal range. Women who do write and draw these autobiographical works use

the medium of comics to invoke memory as a blurring of truth and fiction. Comics as a

narrative tool sit comfortably in the location between reality and story-telling; it is a perfect

means for expressing the mode of lies and truths that are a part of every autobiography. In

illustration, the reader sees an alteration of a physical world; in written confession, the reader

imbibes the voice of a reliable first hand source. These autobiographical comics are like

visiting someone's memories; the reader sees the visual memory of what the author

remembers and reads the author's narration of those scenes. Since comics primarily use

illustration instead of photographs, there is an acknowledgement that the story is a filtered

truth through the author's memories. The nature of the work is through construction, rather

than documentation. Chute's thesis is based on the ability of women to utilize the medium of

autobiographical comics to achieve a feminist reclamation of story-telling, to inscribe the

narrative of women onto the scruffy face of a male-dominated art form, and to employ

sequential art to map situated knowledges. Comics have always resisted the norm, and

Hillary Chute critically scrutinizes the application of feminist perspectives to the form.

Like Chute, Ana Merino's (2001) article, “Women in Comics: A Space for

Recognizing Other Voices,” is a written outcry that feminism is necessary to the comics

community. In her powerful essay, she integrates the social and political writings of women

throughout history, such as those by Olympe de Gouges and Mary Wollstonecraft, to bring

respect to the word feminism (p. 46). She expresses how the United States has, like other

countries, been “embroiled … in social problems of enormous magnitude: great social

inequality, racism, discrimination and lack of environmental commitment” (p. 46). Her work

is an piece that recognizes how comics have real world relevance because they have the

value of being commentaries on the time to which they belong. They have the same social

value as other works of art that aim to show different perspectives of the world the artists

inhabit. Merino details the relationship of the aforementioned social inequalities to comics

because they are a rewrite of a cultural narrative and ideology, and in the case of superhero

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comics, a recognition of a battle between good and evil in our society (p. 46). Merino

describes the painful examinations of womanhood in underground comix of the 1970s

through her own recognition and personal story of reconciling women and comics when she

emigrated to the United States. She ends with hope and questions for the future that women's

comics won't be filled with so much pain and longing within a patriarchal society, but they

will become expressions of joy and belonging within a world that values women equally (p.

48). Women's comics should just be an accepted part of the canon of greats instead of a

political outcry against discrimination based on hierarchies of gender.

Ana Merino's (2001) work paved the way for Paul Lopes's (2006) article, “Sequential

Tarts: Gender Intervention in American Comic Book Culture.” Therein he examined what he

calls “modes of gender intervention” (p. 2), which are ways that people have intervened to

change gender representation in popular culture. This is also defined as where women have

made spaces for themselves as producers of culture in male-dominated fields, and female

consumers of the culture have intervened to be recognized as having a right to consume that

culture (p. 2). These modes of gender intervention occur at multiple levels, and give

strategies of gender representation in comic books (p. 4). Lopes divides his article into the

gender intervention of comic book artists and comic book consumers. His research method

differs from others because Lopes doesn't ask whether a work is explicitly feminist; he asks

whether an artist or a consumer asserts gender intervention by representing or even offering a

realistic female perspective or identity. These artists do not have to be women to enact

gender intervention. Lopes presents cases like Terry Moore, the male creator of Strangers in

Paradise, published in 1999, which is a comic that has a female-centered approach and well-

developed, diverse female characters. Lopes's (2006) work is novel too because he looks at

gender intervention at the levels of the fans in the context of the Internet. He does this

through examples of the popular female-centered web 'zine Sequential Tart (1998-2012).

Sequential Tart aims to unearth female comic book fans, to provide a space for women to

discuss their interests in comics without the harassment from misogynist fanboys, and to

showcase the diverse interests of women who read comics. Lopes's example of these women,

the self-proclaimed “Tarts,” have created a collective space for their own voices to be heard

as female comic fans. These women find community with each other in the space of the

Internet when they are ignored or not taken seriously in a male-dominated environment.

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This action of women mobilizing on the Internet is also discussed in Jane Kenway

and Helen Nixon's (1999) article, “Cyberfeminisms, Cyberliteracies, and Educational

Cyberspheres.” Kenway's and Nixon's article is a look into the Internet as a site for

educational and new literacies. It examines cyberfeminism as a means to achieve those new

literacies with an attention to equal access and rights as citizens of Cyberspace. Kenway and

Nixon give a brief history of cyberfeminism, recognizing pivotal moments and key figures

like the manifesto of the VNS Matrix (1991),11 the cybergirrls movement, and Donna

Haraway's (1991) landmark essay, “A Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and

Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century” found in her book entitled Simians,

Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. Their argument is that cyberfeminism is a

belief in equal access to the Internet and a focus on inclusion for women across geographic

boundaries. The Internet enables us to dissolve the lines of nation and concentrate on being

global citizens in one interactive realm for multiple voices. The cyberfeminists see the

Internet as a great means of communication and mobilization for uniting for political causes.

Kenway and Nixon also provide research on how online educational activities are beneficial

to struggling learners because it allows them to interact with the material in a way that is

exciting and challenging. Pedagogies that work with the technology are necessary for new

learners, and utilizing cyberfeminism to critically examine issues of social importance is

necessary for equity in a just digital sphere. Others see the Internet for its possibilities of

opportunity as well, but for a new age of digital comics artists.

The University of Florida Visual Rhetoric Research Group (UFVRRG) of Fenty et al.

(2004), in their work, “Webcomics: The Influence and Continuation of the Comix

Revolution," argue for the potential of the Internet to capture the same spirit of Underground

Comix of the 1960s and 1970s. The UFVRRG contends that webcomics also explore a

variety of artistic and creative methods in their execution, but the majority of them have a

relationship to geek and video game culture. Geek and video game culture has also been

another community that has predominantly catered to male interests. This culture has

11 The VNS Matrix is a feminist art collective that started in Australia in 1991. Their “Cyberfeminist

Manifesto” was reproduced widely on the Internet and became a voice for a growing cyberfeminist movement with their declaration, “...we are the virus of the new world disorder/rupturing the symbolic from within/saboteurs of big daddy mainframe/the clitoris is a direct line to the matrix” (VNS Matrix, 1991).

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overlapping fans with interests in science fiction, technology, and comics. Women have

enacted modes of gender intervention into this culture by creating various web collectives for

women, girls, and feminist geeks to commune. Female geeks have even organized large-scale

conventions to come together to discuss the media they love. Webcomics are not only about

geek and video game culture. The UFVRRG authors caution that “homogenizing webcomics

into merely a genre because of their relationship to geek and online culture would be

equivalent to homogenizing Underground Comix into a single genre based on their

relationship to drug culture” (Fenty et al., 2004, p. 9). This would be an oversimplification of

web comics. The authors also discusses the unique method of interaction with fans of

webcomics with the authors, such as email, Internet forums, and web essays written by the

authors (Fenty et al., 2004, p. 19). The Internet provides almost instantaneous

communication through these tools. These methods of communication have opened up a

dialogue between fans and authors which had not been possible with the print distribution

method of comic books. This article was written before the widespread popularity of Twitter,

but today, more than ever, artists can have conversations, communication, and a relationship

with the fans that is immediate and meaningful. The authors also argue, albeit in a very

limited way, that the nature of webcomics offer a feminist approach to female characters. The

Internet has a critical potential for previously unheard voices to break the silence.

The new methods of comics production and modes of gender intervention through the

Internet were theorized by Scott McCloud (2000), in his work Reinventing Comics: How

Imagination and Technology are Revolutionizing an Art Form. McCloud's work is idealistic

about the possibilities of technology to gain equity in comics and transform the visual

structure of the medium. He outlines his goals for the art form, and this includes making

comics more equitable by appealing to more than just men, and creations other than straight

white upper-middle class males. He also calls for wider breadth in the genres of comics that

are available for reader consumption. This is a recognition that the superhero genre, which

has been very profitable for the industry, has dominated the presence of comics so that other

types of stories have little chance of being visible. McCloud believes that shifting the types

of comics available (and the characters represented in those works) will help bring about a

greater diversity of readers, including straight women, LGBTQ-identified individuals, and

racial minorities. He speculates that these goals can be realized because of his optimism for

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publishing comics on the Internet. This work was published roughly eight years after Internet

use began for comics.

McCloud's (2000) chapters are most valuable for my study because they are a

concerted effort by a comics author to recognize that an imbalance has existed in the creation

and consumption of the art form, and this problem needs fixing. McCloud uses this space to

describe how privilege and oppression work in the business of comics. McCloud's theories

about the Internet as a veritable utopia for comics was a little premature in the year 2000.

However, his insight into the possibilities of the Internet as a communication tool are helpful

when considering possible solutions for the future to even the playing field. His theories are

still applicable when thinking about how webcomics function as a unifying space for

thousands of readers across large distances.

The literature I have detailed is crucial to my own research because they explain,

step-by-step, the relationship of women and comics today. These sources lead me to a greater

idea of where women in the comics have been and where they may be headed. Each article

and book provides valuable information present about the topic, but some have a variety of

problem areas. Trina Robbins (2001), while her work is a masterpiece of the feminist

excavation of women comic creators, can be somewhat transparent when it comes to her own

tastes in comics. These include works that feature strong female characters, feminist

interventions in comics, and comics that have girls and women as a target audience. Robbins,

in her focus on female-centered work, neglects to account for women who love comics that

may not represent their interests. The women of Sequential Tart (1998) complicate the ideas

of what entertains women by writing about works that feature men or have violent stories.

The contributors are fans of these comic books and media, but they also critique them for

misogyny and sexism. Hilary Chute's work is also a massive achievement, but however

successful it is at identifying important facets of women's autobiographical comics, it can

also be reinforcing the stereotype that women only create autobiographical works. I found

Ana Merino's (2001) piece to be insightful. It is successful and timeless because it asks

questions instead of coming to definite conclusions about women in the comics. Kenway and

Nixon (1999) provide the cyberfeminist theoretical framework to describe feminist resistance

on the Internet. None of these works completely or successfully integrate lesbian created or

lesbian-centered comics. They are almost an add-on attempt at inclusivity. This is

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reminiscent of the specialty issue or anthology that women often get when putting out work

in a traditionally male field. However, despite these shortcomings, these works offer a

theoretical grasp on the expansion of comics on the Internet. This scholarship is beneficial to

identify pockets of feminist resistance through the unique lens of feminist activism through

comics.

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CHAPTER 4

WEBCOMICS AND IDENTITY

In the course of researching this thesis, I had conversations with many people about

the content of my study. One such conversation occurred when I was having my teeth

cleaned by a dental hygienist. In lapses of time between having various metal implements in

my mouth and encounters with squirts of water, this woman and I shared our joy and interest

in the topic. Related below is how my memory has best served me on this discussion.

“I'm doing my thesis on webcomics and the depiction of different identities and social

locations by [sic] women authors.” “Really? That's a fun topic! God! I used to love comics!”

I witnessed here a complete change in my hygienist's posture, and she suddenly started

talking animatedly about comics and cartoons she used to love. “It's really weird when you

think about it, but everything has a history. Comics have a history too. You know, I used to

read comics all the time when I was a kid. Kids here still love them too. Sometimes I turn the

T.V. channel for the students here, and they just really want to leave it on the cartoons. I

think they just want to relax. I used to love Scooby Doo.” I offered, “What about Little

Lulu?” She squeaked forward in her chair and exclaimed,”I loved Little Lulu!” I replied,

“You know, there is a Little Lulu Society that meets up at Comic-Con.” She responded,

saying, “Really? Oh, yeah, I should be a part of them. Do you think...are there any comic

shops around here? Do people really still do that sort of thing? I don't really read them

anymore for myself, but I would love to see some again. I also have grandchildren.” I talked

briefly about my favorite stores in the area, and I tried to be helpful about describing which

stores might be helpful for back issues of older comics that might appeal to her girlhood

memories. She commented later, “You know, I think I just love the nostalgia of it all. People

my age...they can't like the same comics that you are into. It's just a different sort of humor.”

I settled back into the chair as she continued to work on my teeth, and I fell into the lull of

staring at the television. I was enveloped in my own thoughts about the news station that was

displaying frantic headlines about the state of the nation. My thoughts drifted to, “How does

Fox News get away with this crap? I wish I had the remote so I could change it to anything

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else.” Suddenly, my dental hygienist chimed in, “I used to love Richie Rich too, you know?

He was that little rich kid who had everything. Did you ever read Tubby? They had comics

for fat kids too; it was to make them feel better about being fat.”

This conversation reflected some of thematic questions that my own research had

raised. By interchangeably referring to comics on the printed page and television (cartoons),

she affirmed a recognition of comics working in different mediums but still being

recognizable in content. This alteration of medium can speak to the unique position of

webcomics being accessible digitally as the primary mode of visual interpretation, but with

the roots being in print. As the conversation unfolded, comics took the sequential stance of

three places in time when she was expressing her thoughts: in her mind as she thought back

to what comics had meant to her, in a present temporal state as she thought about what she

didn't know about comics today, and then comics became the future endeavor of seeking out

books from her past and purchasing new material for her grandchildren. My research topic is

one that concerns time. Webcomics can be published daily or weekly in conjunction with real

time events and the author's schedule, and comics as a genre are representative of time and

memory. My dental hygienist also brought up the social locations of characters, albeit in

comics directed towards children, by interpreting how comics such as Richie Rich and Tubby

were one-dimensional characters meant to show different sorts of characters and to convey

ideas about shifting concepts such as wealth or fat. This woman became excited at her own

memories of the joy of reading comics as a child, but expressed that there would be reasons

for young adults to still be interested in comics or animation. Her ruminations show

consideration of audience or readership. In her presentation of herself as of an older age than

myself, she alluded to which characters or stories were ones to which she could relate. Who

reads webcomics and why?

WEBCOMICS AS RITUAL

The act of reading a webcomic, or checking any favorite website, is a behavior that

can be deemed habitual. Webcomics are updated to the artist's livable schedule, and this is

often bi-weekly or daily. The reader, when they have the time, will access the page and read

accordingly. When I read my daily strips, I usually make myself wait until morning, unless

the plot hearkens to my sensibilities and calls on me to cheat by the privilege of time zone. I

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anticipate 9 P.M. Pacific Standard Time as my favorites hit the web 12 A.M. Eastern

Standard, and I indulge myself on the Internet before I realize that I have to wait an entire

day before I get to have that moment again. Usually, however, I take my strips as a side dish

with my other addiction, caffeine, as I start my day quietly and slowly before I rush into

other concerns. My comics become the stories that begin my day, and I enjoy them best when

I observe them as ritual.

Rituals are symbolic activities that are enacted by human beings. They are usually

thought of as religious, social, or repetitive habits that are recognized for the way that

humans give special meaning to these activities (Bell, 1992, p. 19). Catherine Bell (1992),

ritual studies theorist, complicates the ritual in her work, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, as

naturally occurring and theorizes ritual acts as activities that share these features:

...strategies of differentiation through formalization and periodicity, the centrality of the body, the orchestration of schemes by which the body defines an environment and is defined in turn by it, ritual mastery, and the negotiation of power to define and appropriate the hegemonic order. (p. 220)

This reinterpretation of what constitutes a ritual takes the concept and brings it back to a

human level instead of a spiritual one. The specific act of reading webcomics in a habitual

way can be considered as the practice of ritual through participation in these environments

and interacting with these artistic texts.

An integral part of this concept of the webcomic (or Internet site) as an observance of

ritual is to remember that the experience of ritual is one that takes all forms. The particular

way that I use the internet to view my favorite webcomics may share a similar structure as to

how others observe the same ritual, but there are differences in the way that this use of

technology can be translated. For example, my access to the Internet at home allows me to

view my webcomics in private without consequence as to who can see what I'm doing. My

own experience witnessing this art is also shaped by what Internet browser I use or through

which access point I use to see the material. Regardless of the digital tools that I use to get to

these locations that house the material, my material is also shaped by my choices as a user. Is

my display large enough to witness the comic all at once, or do I use scrolling? Do I have

advertisements enabled or have I manipulated my browser to turn those off? The possibilities

of digital translation have made it far more difficult for the artist to rely on a more

standardized experience of viewing the work. It is no longer based on a level of

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communication that rests on a printing method that prides itself on reproduction, but the

webcomic is based on the reader's ability to access that material digitally and the various

ways that it can take shape. The Internet allows the form of the comic to even be variable by

page as these translations are morphed through the individual's screen size, color

specifications, and speed at which the content can load, to name a few of the variables at

play. The act of experience moves the art form beyond the idea of the tool used to create it

being one of the main differentiations between “art” and “digital art.” One has to take into

account the medium through which it is being delivered.

WEBCOMICS AS HETEROTOPIA

Michel Foucault's (1986) lecture piece, “Of Other Spaces,” is useful to theorize about

the ways that the Internet functions as a space. Foucault described heterotopias as:

...places that do exist and that are formed in the very founding of society-which are something like counter-sites, a kind of effectively enacted utopia in which the real sites, all the other real sites that can be found within the culture, are simultaneously represented, contested, and inverted. Places of this kind are outside of all places, even though it may be possible to indicate their location in reality. (p. 24)

While Foucault (1986) was writing about heterotopias such as prisons, rest homes,

and psychiatric hospitals, this definition describes how the Internet functions simultaneously

as a real space and counter-space set up in the definitions of society. Foucault also defines

heterotopias by six principles. First, Foucault theorized that all cultures establish

heterotopias, and the types of heterotopias being established by our cultures have changed

over time from heterotopias formed for beings in crisis to heterotopias created for beings who

have deviant social behavior (p. 24). This alteration of meaning in existing heterotopias

supports Foucault's second principle; he postulates that societies can make an existing

heterotopia function differently over time (p. 25). He offers the example of cemeteries to

show how changing beliefs about the dead and illness have changed the location of the

cemetery and the function of the space. Foucault's third principle is that “the heterotopia is

capable of juxtaposing in a single real space several spaces, several sites that are in

themselves incompatible” (p. 25). By this, he means that there are often spaces that create

different levels of meaning at the same time. His example of this third principle is the theater,

where in the same space of the stage, multiple settings come together that would never

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logically meet in the real world (p. 25). In the fourth and significant principle, Foucault

argued that heterotopias are linked to their own systems of time, and he uses the term

“heterochronies” to describe these systems of time (p. 26). Foucault seems to particularly

value three kinds of time for heterotopias; he describes everlasting time, heterochronies

related to specific events, and time in a nonlinear collectivity. Everlasting time is how certain

spaces are connected to a notion of eternity; Foucault uses the example of the cemetery again

to describe how loved ones are resting in this space forever (p. 26). The heterochronies of

specific events are connected to sites that are devoted to some kind of seasonal purpose, such

as a baseball field. Time in a nonlinear collectivity is one that is most related to webcomics

archive. Vestiges of time are all available in the same space, regardless of whether the visitor

materially exists in that time. Foucault's fifth principle is that “heterotopias always

presuppose a system of opening and closing that both isolates them and makes them

penetrable” (p. 26). A way this could be understood is that these sites may have an aura of

ritual around them that both denies entrance and remains entirely open. A cemetery remains

open for the bereaved to visit their loved ones, but if a person does not have a loved one

interned at that location, there is little reason for a person to be visiting that specific

cemetery. It may also be considered disrespectful towards the dead for a person to be

loitering in a cemetery, and the entire meaning of the heterotopia is changed because that

person does not have the same connection. However, there are no physical boundaries or

deterrents from a person physically moving into that space or understanding that it is a

cemetery. Foucault's last principle is that heterotopias work in relation with all other spaces

that remain (p. 26). He argued that this functioned in two ways; heterotopias are either to

create an illusion of a space that exposes realities of the world, or something more of an ilk

of a utopia or dystopia, where the space creates order out of chaos (p. 26). I believe that this

last principle bestows the responsibility on a heterotopia to be dynamic in some way; the

heterotopia needs to be actively working or achieving some end. I see feminist webcomics

and websites as having the potential for being activist heterotopias. Visitors are organizing or

moving towards creating a better world through theorizing in their counter spaces to

oppressive environments.

Webcomic websites and other nerd spaces are constituted as heterotopias through

these six aspects of the definition. Spaces where comics and aspects of alternative culture

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have been distributed in the past, such as comic book stores, dime and drug stores, head

shops, and fan 'zines distributed through mail have been prior sites of the heterotopias that

these subcultures have created. The webcomics website has become the latest incarnation of

the comic fan heterotopia. This particular Internet space contains what Foucault (1986) refers

to as “heterochronies,” (p. 26) which means that it is characterized by time. Webcomics are

often updated and read in a ritualized fashion—each person interacts with the website based

on the updating schedule or when the reader has a chance to check the website. Webcomics

sites also fit Foucault's fifth principle; each site is openly available to the public to read, but

through the use of continuity and private jokes made through the participation in the website

as events unfold leaves these communities as simultaneously isolated and penetrable. By

their nature, webcomics are both open and closed. A visitor can access a webcomic quite

easily by typing in a URL to visit that particular website, but a visitor does not immediately

belong or understand the principles of that specific heterotopia. The same visitor may leave if

they do not find that the webcomic appeals to their interests which would make the site

'closed' to her/him as a reader. By accessing the archive of the particular comic, the visitor

may start to become initiated, become a dedicated reader, and habitually revisit that space.

The Internet is vast with hundreds of thousands of webcomics being produced. They

represent a variety of interests and different senses of humor. A simple search on webcomics

would bring you to any number of available reading material, but to find one that appeals to

your interests can be more difficult. This represents their nature of being both open and

closed. At last, webcomics heterotopias, existing as their own site as a space accessible by

fans around the world serves as meeting place and community for meeting other fans like

themselves. Webcomics sites online do not serve as the same purpose as prisons or psych

wards by keeping people physically separated based on violence or threats, but it serves a

purpose of being available to fans who may not be able to attend the traditional space of a

comic book store.

Nerd culture in itself represents a kind of heterotopia as a counter-site to perpetuated

“normative” interests. Members in nerd culture almost pride themselves on their

marginalized interests; if it is obscure, not appreciated by most, and has often been the target

of ridicule, then there is pride to be had in the ability to survive. Oftentimes, there is a feeling

of being misunderstood among Euro-American male geeks and nerds, although it is not

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comparable to marginalization based on belonging to a racial, sexual, gender, or class

minority. The particular marginalization that male geeks and nerds feel is connected to a

marginalization based on stepping outside the bounds of acceptable masculinity. Nerds and

geeks are often depicted and also embody small male bodies characterized by intellect

instead of strength. Within the geek/nerd community, where men are commonly seen as the

norm, it is a space where men who ascribe to alternative masculinities have found their safe

space. However, with this acceptance of it being a space for alternative masculinities, it has

also become comfortable as a male space representative of male interests. As much as it is an

acceptable place for alternative masculinities, nerd culture also fetishizes fantasy narratives

of normative masculinity with its basis in the strength of comic book heroes and sexualized

female bodies. As much as women have broken into the comic book industry through

alternative spaces of their own and insistence on their voices being heard, it is within that

context of men who have been marginalized from their masculinity, and ultimately fear

losing the space where their interests are protected. This does not excuse any misogynist

behavior coming from members of these communities but it does provide context for the

tradition of this culture.

It is also true that geeks and nerds also have a certain amount of privilege because the

subculture is based on a culture of consumerism. The ability to participate in nerd or geek

culture relies on a certain amount of class privilege; comics, games, and entertainment are all

consumer items that impose a cost on the devoted fan. Geeks and nerds often test each others'

authenticity when it comes to determining whether a person can be accepted into their space.

This is evaluated by a fan's knowledge or devotion to a certain genre, show, or game. This

competitiveness is also a key aspect of performances of normative masculinity. Webcomics

breaks this open a little by being available for free on the Internet, but a person still has to

have the ability to access these websites. There is also a deeper problem with technology and

an industry that is built on manufacturing within a globalized system of poverty. The people

who actually build the technology are not likely to ever be able to access this technology.

These heterotopias on the Internet, created by members of society, represent the

power structures of privilege and oppression within the greater system in which it resides.

However, some webcomics creators test which stories are written by creating fictional

characters that challenge dominant narratives. RJ Edwards, with the strip Riot Nrrd (written

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2009-present), specifically addresses patriarchy and heteronormativity within nerd culture

contexts with their trio of characters that empower themselves through their creation of

feminist comics. Meredith Gran, with Octopus Pie (written 2007-present), shows multi-

dimensional female characters who explore family, relationships, and identity as they

navigate their twenties and various social scenes in New York City. Each comic artist has

characters that embody marginalized identities of color, sexuality, ability, gender, size,

and/or class. The authors often write characters who have social locations different than the

ones that they embody. Through these fictive characters, the artists are challenging the notion

of an authentic voice. Each artist is continuing to work and update these stories at the time of

this research. In the rest of my thesis, I will explore story arcs from each strip to show ways

that the artists may or may not be influencing social justice with their narratives and

characters.

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CHAPTER 5

NERDS FROM THE MARGIN: RIOT NRRD AND

INTERSECTIONS IN PRACTICE

Riot Nrrd (written 2009-present), a webcomic by RJ Edwards, is a world where non-

dominant groups occupy center stage. This strip differs from most webcomics by featuring a

cast of characters who represent multidimensional and intricate identities of different races,

sexualities, abilities, sizes, classes, and gender identities. From the website description,

RiotNrrd is a comic about “being LGBT nerds, female nerds, nerds of color, disabled nerds,

and other kinds of nerds that don’t get as much love” (Edwards, 2012c) Nerd or geek culture

is typically represented from a white cisgendered and heterosexual male perspective. Lori

Kendall, Internet ethnographer and associate professor of sociology at University of

California in Davis, in her 2011 work, “'White and Nerdy': Computers, Race, and the Nerd

Stereotype,” wrote about the connections between nerd identity and whiteness by noting

computer prowess as a signifier of the nerd stereotype and how this trait is being represented

exclusively by white men in contemporary images of the nerd figure, such as through Best

Buy's computer repair service, “The Geek Squad” (p. 509). Matthew J. Pustz (1999), author

of Comic Book Culture: Fanboys and True Believers, wrote about the discomfort of women

in comic book shops, where they become objects of a heterosexual male gaze, are surrounded

by images of violence and objectified women, and may or may not see comics that are

tailored to their interests (p. 8). RJ Edwards's characters in Riot Nrrd are geek grrlz, nerd

bois, and queer nrrds informed by feminist politics. These radical nerd characters were

created to subvert dominant representations of the nerd to critique a patriarchal subculture

that shows preference for a particular body.

While still overly dominated by men, women have made some gains in being

represented in geek or nerd culture, or at least in making their voices heard in critiquing

gender inequalities within this culture. Women themselves have organized through online

collectives, such as Sequential Tart (1998), an Internet comics fan 'zine for women.

Additionally, women have made gains in representation through women-only anthologies,

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such as Womanthology: Massive all Female Comic Anthology! (Kickstarter, 2011), a

Kickstarter funded project to showcase female creators.12 Women have also organized their

own conventions as safe havens from misogyny; an example here is Geek Girl Con in

Seattle, which is in production for the second annual convention in 2012 (Geekgirlcon.com,

2012). This shows a need from female fans to have spaces where they feel valued as

legitimate.

The comics industry, which has been dominated by two rival publishing companies,

DC Comics and Marvel Comics, has made efforts to recognize women working in comics by

organizing panels that feature women at the bigger conventions, like Comic Con

International in San Diego. They have also published anthologies featuring work by female

creators, such as Girl Comics (Marvel Comics, 2010). These efforts are not felt in some of

the hiring practices, as there are still complaints about the percentages of women working for

the big two, DC and Marvel. However, for all the gains that women have made into self-

representation, other nerdy social location experiences aren't so often addressed. These

representations or policies aren't felt so widely among people of color, lower or working

class people, or the LGBTQ community. This is the climate that RJ Edwards's (written 2009-

present) Riot Nrrd seeks to address.

RJ Edwards is not only attentive to marginalized identities within nerd communities,

but they are attuned to intersecting communities of fandom, such as comics, fantasy novels,

manga, and science fiction television.13 Beginning readers of this comic need to be aware of

some of the main cultural texts of nerd culture, such as the works of Joss Whedon, creator

and writer of the television show and comic book series, Buffy the Vampire Slayer. The

12 Kickstarter is a web based community for garnering pledge money from users to support investments.

Kickstarter projects ask users to contribute funds for certain incentives to invest in an idea. If the funding goal is not met, the donors to Kickstarter are not obligated to pay any monetary value. In the case of Womanthology, enough funds were procured for this project to have an abundance of copies printed and distributed for purchase.

13 RJ Edwards prefers to use the personal pronoun “they” rather than gendered pronouns. In speaking about their person or work, I will use their preferred pronouns, such as “they,” “them,” and “their.” Using the singular “they” pronouns requires the use of plural verbs. For example: “They have published Riot Nrrd since 2009.” When using the artist's name, I use the singular form of the verb. An example here is: “RJ Edwards has created a volume of work.”

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readers also have an awareness and an attentiveness to feminist issues to be able to

understand the humor.

There are three main characters in Riot Nrrd around whom the stories revolve. These

characters are Wren Watanabe, Maria Ortiz, and Samantha Jay, three LGBTQ teenagers from

Massachusetts who are getting ready to move from home to attend college. A subplot of this

story is that the characters are initially frustrated by the lack of a critical feminist perspective

in their favorite entertainment, which leads them to creating their own comics that are

representative of their politics. When asked about what role social justice plays in their work

in an interview by Bitch Media (Bitch Magazine's online site), Edwards replied:

Well, the main cast are all queer, and they're all feminists or womanists, and they all experience marginalization from their world (and their fandoms). So they're playing video games and making comics, but they're also dealing with a kyriarchal culture, because, you know, of course they are. They're also witty and passionate characters, but the social justice stuff usually comes up because it's a fact of their lives and of the media they love. (as quoted in James, 2011)

The characters of Riot Nrrd are loyal fans. They love the science fiction and fantasy

media that they consume. Because of this, they want to hold the creators of that media to the

same standards and politics that they share, which is to create spaces in the world for people

who have been marginalized based on size, race, sex, gender, ability, and class.

The background of the story, which has been presented minimally in a flashback

comic, is that Wren and Maria became best friends in grade school through separate histories

of marginalization (Edwards, 2012d). Wren Watanabe, a queer young tomboy of Japanese

descent who prefers dating women, was raised by her single, but divorced, gay father. Maria,

who is a trans woman of color, started presenting her preferred gender in elementary school.

In the flashback sequence, Wren and Maria met while waiting outside of the principal's

office. Wren was in trouble for punching another kid who made fun of her gay dad and Maria

is in trouble for exhibiting a female gender in her male-assigned at birth body. Wren doesn't

make any kind of surprised or negative reaction at Maria's preferred gender, and casually

asked her about her favorite X-Men. This nonplussed reaction from Wren cemented their

friendship. Samantha's origin story has not yet been told, but she comes into the strip as an

established presence in Wren and Maria's lives, so she has seemingly been their shared friend

in high school.

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Another key feature of this comic is that it is focused on characters that have created

their own feminist space. The characters often move outside of this feminist space in their

interactions with others that aren't as knowledgeable about feminist politics and living.

However, it is important to recognize that the characters are mostly presented as existing

within this idealized space. This may not present a depiction of a world that is hostile to their

identities, but it instead presents a clear image of a community that has been forged with

feminist principles of acceptance.

The readers are introduced to Riot Nrrd in the middle of a conversation between the

two characters Wren and Maria about how Joss Whedon, a television, film, and comic writer,

is problematic in writing his characters with racial stereotypes in an issue of Astonishing X-

Men (see Figure 2, p. 80; Edwards, 2009) Wren angrily talks about how the character

Armor's Japanese heritage doesn't need to be an explanation for her powers; obviously she is

an X-Man and a mutant, and this is self-explanatory.14 The first punchline of the joke is

Maria laughing about how a similarly ridiculous Wolverine storyline could be re-imagined

with him finding his powers inside a moose, as the character Wolverine hails from Canada.

The second punchline in the alt-text15 from RJ is saying “Wolverine runs into Gambit, who

found his powers in a bowl of gumbo” (see Figure 2, p. 80; Edwards, 2009), which is another

joke about cultural stereotype, since the character Gambit is from Louisiana. Bell Hooks

(1992), feminist film theorist, argued in her work Black Looks: Race and Representation in

the chapter entitled “The Oppositional Gaze: Black Female Spectators,” that critical black

women spectators, from a lack of media representation and an inability to identify with the

male gaze, have developed “a theory of looking relations where cinematic visual delight is

14 The premise of Marvel's X-Men comics universe is that the world of the X-Men is populated by mutants

and humans. Mutants can take a variety of anthropomorphic forms, but they are usually bipedal and speak. They have one specific super power due to the possession of an X-Gene that makes them stronger than average humans. The humans of this world have started to fear, ostracize, and discriminate against the mutants of the world. One mutant, Professor Xavier, starts a school to train mutants to fight crime and evil on behalf of humanity; this team is called the X-Men. These characters were created by Stan Lee and Jack Kirby in 1963.

15 “Alt-text” is a characteristic of Internet images where the website programmer can hide text within an image that can be accessed by holding the mouse over the image. The text will appear on the screen after a couple seconds of “mousing over” the image. It is called alt-text for “alternative text,” which originally was used to describe an image in case the user's Internet browser did not load the image. Webcomics artists sometimes use the alt-text for their images to add a secondary 'hidden' punchline. This usually breaks the fourth wall of a comic because the alt-text is signified as the artist's voice, instead of one belonging to the fictional characters in a strip.

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the pleasure of interrogation” (p. 126). This pleasure of interrogation in cinematic settings

can be translated to comic readers of color looking for representation on the page. Wren and

Maria, as women of color spectators, are being critical of their media as a way to theorize

about how it can get better. There is enjoyment in imagining a more socially just world. This

first comic sets a tone for the strip which reflects one thing that geeks and feminists have in

common: serious critique about cultural texts.

RJ Edwards has a distinct style that has been developing since the beginning of the

strip. Their artwork is simplistically drawn, and while Edwards has written negatively about

their own work, their style works well to the support the purpose of the comic. The way that

the comic is drawn serves the thematic element of multiple gender identities by not making

anatomy the point. The physical bodies of the characters serve the gender needs of the

characters, and this can be seen changing throughout the story of the strip as the characters

question, transition, or grow more comfortable in their gender performances. Some may

question whether this is because RJ Edwards may have grown more comfortable as an artist,

and while this may be true, there are early examples of the human form in the comics that are

seen as more anatomically heteronormative, such as those drawn by the character Sam in the

creation of the comic books. Edwards's style has become more confident as evidenced by the

characters being more consistent in design, but the way that the bodies are portrayed is an act

of political resistance to the notion that the character's bodies, especially if these characters

are presenting as female, have to be one of the most important aspects of that character.

TRANS IDENTITY IN RIOT NRRD

Maria Ortiz, one of Riot Nrrd's main characters, is a trans woman of color

overcoming obstacles on her transition to her preferred gender. Maria's character has gone

through periods of growth and change within the comic as a teenager adjusting to moving

away from home, but her troubles are compounded and defined by her existence as a trans

woman of color. This is where RJ Edwards really succeeds as a character writer; the

characters are not solely defined by their difference, they are multidimensional and realistic.

Maria is introduced in the very first comic strip, although she is not named until the

fifth strip. Her first appearance is to be a foil for the character Wren. Maria is more of a

positive force; while she agrees with Wren's politics, she reacts with laughter rather than the

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rage exhibited by Wren. Another defining characteristic of Maria is her ability to be honest

with Wren when Wren is acting with shortsightedness or overreacts to certain stimuli.

Maria's gender presentation is ambiguous from the beginning by the design of the

character, although the reader can discern that Maria is a trans woman from the character

biographies. Maria's identity as trans does not become apparent until, “#26: Choo choo!,”

when the readers have a glimpse of Maria's bedroom and personal possessions (see Figure 3,

p. 81; Edwards, 2010d). Her trans identity is signified by symbols around the room that

specify that she is a political trans woman and a nerd. In the corner of the room, there is a

stuffed animal of the character, Birdo, from the Nintendo game Super Mario Bros. 2. Birdo is

considered to be the first trans character in a video game. The other signifier is a sticker on

Maria's laptop which looks like this symbol: . This is typically a symbol that represents

the transgendered community, with a combination of the astrological signs for Mars as male

and Venus as female and a third arm as a compilation of the two ends of the gender

spectrum. This view into Maria's bedroom is important for the viewers to start to know her

inner self. Maria identifies as trans in her activism, and it is important to note that Maria's

preferred gender identity and pronouns are female. Prior to this strip, Maria is always

pictured in other spaces; this is the first that the reader sees her in a space that is defined as

her home.

While she is similarly into comics and nerd culture like her friends, Maria is

individualistic in her interest in writing for online blogs. She acts as the webmistress for a

transfeminist blog. The webmistress acts as a moderator and content advisor for the written

contributions that are presented by users that visit the blog. She writes and interacts with her

online community as an outlet for activism, but it is also a source of joy and entertainment.

Her addiction to the Internet becomes a joke later when she goes to see Wren in her dorm

room to use the free wireless connection when she can't afford to set up the Internet in her

apartment. An important characteristic of Maria that is explored is her faith. This isn't shown

in depth, but it serves to break stereotypes of LGBTQ people as not being people of faith.

The comic hasn't revealed whether Maria's priest knows about her gender assigned at birth,

but it is revealed that this particular priest is homophobic. In one strip, Maria strategically

uses the church's discriminatory policies towards the LGBTQ community to allow the church

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to protest the local gay bookstores, Bluestockings, which fuels support from the left-leaning

members of the community (Edwards, 2010e).

While Maria is characterized by her sweetness in the earlier comics, her life and

demeanor change when the characters all start their first year of college. The difficulties of

her family life and the discomfort of her parents regarding her transition become more

apparent. Maria's character, to date, has been a depiction of various situations that trans

women are affected by in a world where trans identities are rendered invisible. She often gets

misgendered, and she has to go through the process of roommate placement in college where

she is put in an all-male dorm due to her gender assigned at birth. This leads to Maria moving

into her own apartment off campus freshman year to be able to have a safe space to live. The

loneliness of the apartment becomes a metaphor for Maria's experience in college as she feels

misplaced from her queer circle, excluded by her friends due to her need for off-campus

living, and misunderstood by her parents for not compromising her dignity so that she could

live in the dorms. Since Maria was created to be paired with Wren, this positioning them as

apart from each other for the first time gives Edwards room to develop Maria as her own

character. She becomes more complex, and through this, the readers also get a chance to see

Wren without her foil best friend.

Edwards gives insight into queer adjustments in college life through the story of the

Campus Queer Alliance Drag Dance. This dance provides a turning point in the comic by

showing the ways that the main characters who were all in high school together start growing

apart. This comic also shows how Maria's trans identity is misunderstood within queer

spaces. Maria starts off the dance on a good note where she received compliments from her

friends, but soon she splits up with them as Wren goes to get snacks, and Maria spots a

person16 to whom she is attracted at the dance. They briefly exchange pleasant conversation,

but then at the end of the dialogue, the individual tells Maria, “But you totally should've

come in drag, man! You'd make a hot queen” (Edwards, 2011a). Maria's crush presumably

thought that she was a femme gay man and that she had dressed as butch for the dance, or

that she was a man who had just not dressed up at all. Maria is pictured with a sideways

16 RJ Edwards doesn't gender this individual. Ze is called Cute Human in the strip's transcript (“#75:

Drag,” 2011).

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glance that breaks the fourth wall of the strip to the reader with a broken heart symbol

pictured above her head. This contrast between the two experiences that Maria has had

reinforces the special space that she has built with her understanding friends and how queer

spaces can often be uncomfortable to those with trans identities. This approach to engage the

reader's eye is meant to invoke the sympathies of the reader, but it is also to break down the

distance between Maria's experiences and the reader's relationship with Maria as a fictive

text. This comic strip is meant to represent real or possible interactions, and how someone

who is social-justice minded should or should not behave in interactions within and with the

LGBTQ community. In this context, Maria is read as a man who didn't really come in drag,

instead of a trans woman coming in drag as a man. This misgendering removes her perceived

identity from her personhood. Maria's body as a trans body fits into Judith Halberstam's

(2005) description of the transgender character in film as

...attractive, appealing, and gendered while simultaneously presenting a gender at odds with sex, a sense of self not derived from the body, and identity that operates within the heterosexual matrix without confirming the inevitability of that system of difference. ( p. 76)

Maria's body represents all of the idealism of the transgender character, but she also

represents the “rigidity” that Halberstam argues is as prevalent in representations of

transgendered bodies (p. 77). This rigidity is present at the Drag Dance; Maria's body is

pushed into boundaries that she did not want. Edwards complicates the tradition of drag

events by showing how those who do not feel like they fit on the gender binary or those who

exist in liminal spaces between gender identities are erased in the context of gender-bending.

Maria's body is not drawn as stereotypically feminine within the strip. In a comic

detailing their decisions while doing character designs, Edwards (2011h) explains:

[Maria] had long, straight hair and was much more stylish and feminine. But I felt like it leaned too much on images of trans women we already see. I thought, her best friend Wren is a tomboy, why shouldn't Maria get to be butch sometimes too? I started thinking of her as 'sporty,' but now she's pretty much the character I dress like myself. (para. 3)

What are visual codes of femininity and masculinity within nerd or comic book

culture? Lori Kendall (2011), author of “White and Nerdy: Computers, Race, and the Nerd

Stereotype,” wrote that visually, nerds have now become recognizable by simplified symbols

to infer the whole: a white dress shirt with a tie, thick-rimmed black glasses, and a pocket

protector with pens (p. 507). Kendall asserts that this is presented as the nerd stereotype in

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Best Buy Geek Squad commercials, with nerd girls changing pants for a skirt to complete

their nerd look (p. 507). Comic book fans have often been split visually by the material that

they read; alternative comic book readers and mainstream comic book readers, both

presented as male, are set up in opposition and shown as snobbish and elitist or unattractive

with fat and pimples and hyper obsessive (Pustz, 1999, p. 72). Henry Jenkins, author of

“'Strangers No More, We Sing': Filking and the Social Construction of the Science Fiction

Fan Community,” published in 1992, defined fandom as “a community not defined in

traditional terms of race, religion, gender, politics, or profession, but rather a community of

consumers defined through their common relationship with shared texts” (as quoted in Pustz,

1999, p. 20). This identity based on texts suggests that visually, nerds and comic book fans

would look and dress similarly, regardless of social identity. However, this suggestion that

other identities don't matter is based on a monist perspective of identity politics. Regardless

of which identity is highlighted in any given scenario, the other identities that comprise the

whole cannot be discarded in favor of the one that constitutes assimilation. When Edwards

describes their self as a “frustrated nerd” to make these comics as a way to talk about

prejudice within nerd texts and the community, this stems from a discomfort in loving those

texts without criticism of their oppressive practices or representations. Edwards creates the

dress and look of the characters with attention to the character's professed gender identity in

addition to their nerd status.

In Riot Nrrd, the female characters are usually dressed in t-shirts that support their

interests in science fiction, video games, or comic books, which supports Jenkins's fan

affiliation of texts scenario. Maria is no different, although she dresses with more attention to

femininity (such as wearing more jewelry) when she attends church and does not visually

show her nerd identity in that space (Edwards, 2010b). In a subsequent strip, Maria changes

out of her church clothing to a t-shirt with imagined science-fiction curse words printed on

the front (Edwards, 2010c). Maria's clothing is often more feminine than Wren's to show her

gender identity, but it is often interchanged with nerd clothing to show her love for her

subculture. This takes a considerable amount of work on behalf of RJ Edwards; often, comic

characters are shown in the same clothing or uniform as a matter of simplicity for the artist

when the characters are drawn repetitively. This shows Edwards's attention to their craft and

their politics.

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FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS

Members of Maria's family are the first kinships of the main cast presented in Riot

Nrrd. Maria's relationship with her parents is strained; they do not try to understand the

adjustments in her life that she needs as a trans woman. Maria's family is represented

throughout her stories to add depth to her character, and her family becomes representative of

how families of trans individuals may or may not accept their identities. Maria's younger

brother Ty is the first family member presented, and he is mostly depicted as hanging out

with Maria or being dragged by her to functions. In other words, their relationship isn't

presented as being affected by Maria being trans. Maria's grandmother is her best support;

she often provides for her and sends her gifts. When she needed a place to stay when she was

misgendered and placed in an uncomfortable and unsafe dorm situation, her grandmother set

her up in an apartment off campus. Maria's grandmother and Ty come visit Maria around the

holidays, and the big surprise gift for Maria is a set of legal name changing documents so that

she can be truly recognized in the eyes of the state as the woman she is. The first panel of this

comic is presented from the perspective of Abuela; her two grandchildren smiling lovingly as

they await their gifts. This perspective grants the audience a view of what Abuela sees and

subsequently, what others should be able to witness. This is a family comprised of an image

of a grandmother's loving hands and a brother and a sister who love each other. An

anonymous commenter on this comic who wrote under the heading “Interfexed,” wrote:

I was born with an intersexed condition. The only one supportive of me swapping from what was decided on by my father when i was born, to what was more proper for me, was my mom. This gave me a big smile. (Interfexed, 2011)

This comic represents the particular experiences of those who feel that they identify with a

gender that is different from the one assigned at birth. While the embodiment of being

transgendered and being born with an intersexed condition are distinct from each other,

readers are identifying with the characters of Riot Nrrd in light of their own lives.

On the topic of race in this comic, RJ Edwards has just started to broach this part of

Maria's identity.17 An early mention of racism in comic book stories was brought up towards

17 Maria ordered prosthetic breast fillers, and the company sent her a pair that were the skin tone of a white

person (Edwards, 2012b). This strip falls past the boundaries of my research, but I thought it was important to mention in light of the author engaging with this part of Maria's identity.

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the beginning of the published webcomics (Edwards, 2010a), and served as an impetus for

the main cast to create their own comics. However, the story hasn't shown Maria

encountering overt racism with her interactions with other people in the strip, and the

intersection of her race with her nerd identity isn't mentioned often within the context of the

story. This could be out of the lack of representations of this particular intersection to use as a

model. Ron Eglash (2002), author of “Race, Sex, and Nerds: From Black Geeks to Asian

American Hipsters,” suggests that the black nerd is an oppositional figure, based on

primitivist racism that presents Africans as overly sexual and in contrast to the alternative

masculinity of a nerd identity (p. 52). Eglash's depiction of a black nerd as an oppositional

figure is still a masculine figure, which makes Maria's identity as a trans nerd of color as one

that is a representational impossibility, outside of stereotypical or ironic depictions. One way

that Edwards approaches race in their comic is to break the fourth wall with the characters.

This is done by Edwards choosing to face the characters towards the audience, and this

occurs often when the characters are speaking about racism. Bell Hooks (1992) wrote about

the power of the gaze and how slaves were denied their right to a gaze (p. 115). Hooks argues

that this created the oppositional gaze as a way to courageously look; she wrote, “Not only

will I stare. I want my look to change reality” (p. 116). Edwards challenges the power of a

privileged gaze by depicting their characters with an oppositional stance and voice to the

audience to break down the hierarchy of the viewer and the viewed.

Maria also has another distinction of being an individual of a mixed race background;

she is read as African-American through her skin color, but part of her identity is Latina

through her last name and family interactions. While RJ Edwards has not shown Maria being

discriminated against by the color of her skin, they have placed Maria in situations to

embody her culture through language and voice. Maria and her grandmother speak to each

other in an exchange of English and Spanish. Edwards doesn't translate the Spanish text for

English readers, which is a political choice, and this serves to keep Maria at center rather

than the margins. Edwards has brought up race politics in the character Wren Watanabe's

experiences within the strip as an Asian-American character, and orientalism is a frequent

problem within the context of nerd spaces.

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ORIENTALISM IN GEEK SPACES

Wren Watanabe is a character who is defined more by her politics and her nerdy

persona than her gender. Wren is frequently enraged about various social justice concerns,

and her character was developed from the inspiration of Alison Bechdel's Mo from Dykes to

Watch Out For (James, 2010a). Wren is also fiercely loyal; she would protect her friends at

all costs. She is usually presented in casual clothing that advertises her loyalty to her loves of

video games, Star Wars, and Rachel Maddow (Edwards, 2012e). She isn't drawn as super

feminine to make up for her traits that are typically valued in masculinity; Wren doesn't

apologize for her lack of femininity, and she isn't punished within the strip for refusing to fit

into that mold.

Wren's sexuality isn't defined through a verbalized declaration of identity, however,

her interest in women is expressed through her romantic relationships in the strip, first with

Candace and then with Nhi. In addition, this is evidenced when she decides that she isn't sure

about being romantically involved with Candace anymore when Candace comes out as trans

and identifies as Charlie.18 Wren is raised by her single gay father. This is later revealed as a

reason why Wren's mother is no longer around; she left Wren's dad and hasn't ever accepted

his sexuality. By proxy, this means that her mother has never come to terms with Wren's

sexuality either.

In one of the most emotional stories of Riot Nrrd, the readers see Wren's perspective

on her parents divorce. Edwards (2011f ) shows a young Wren overhearing phone calls to her

father from her mother, and her mother is continually spewing homophobic slurs. This is

visually portrayed as hate in crossed out dialogue in the word bubbles of the final panel;

Wren's shock at those words from her mother are evident by the expression on her face (see

Figure 4, p. 82; Edwards, 2011f). This panel also represents a stylistic change in the final

word bubble. The text is usually separated from image by clean lines; the level of emotion is

heightened to the reader as the word bubble is drawn with a shaky hand. This important

18 Candace/Charlie and Wren broke up near the beginning of the series because Candace was accepted at

Berkeley. The result of their continued relationship would have been long distance, and neither character wanted to be in that situation. Candace returns later in the series and tells Wren that he now identifies as a trans man and has chosen the name Charlie for himself. Wren is usually not the most eloquent at expressing her feelings, but she says that she doesn't think that she is attracted to guys, even if Charlie is the one identifying as a man (Edwards, 2012a).

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flashback showed why Wren, with her queer sexuality, had a tense relationship with her

mother even as her mother made efforts to be a part of Wren's life. This realistic fictionalized

account within a family shows how a pervasive culture of heteronormativity and homophobia

are harmful to heterosexual readers who may be unaware of those truths and capture a

familiar tale that many LGBTQ readers may have experienced.

Wren's racial identity isn't usually discussed in the strip because she isn't used by

Edwards as an authority or spokesperson for Japanese American experiences. One of the

times it is brought up is when she is treated like a foreigner by the Anime Club on campus

and Wren reacts with the appropriate level of ire that they do this to her. As fans of a type of

comic and animation style produced in Japan, anime is a mode of cultural production that has

become popular with white audiences. Edwards shows how the love of this genre may

become problematic when white audiences try to appropriate stereotypes of “Asian” cultures

to show their level of authenticity as fans. Wren comes into the Anime Club for an

assignment for her anthropology class to examine subcultures through student clubs on

campus. Wren isn't exactly thrilled with the choice of the Anime Club, but she decides to use

this club for the assignment because they are one of the few active nerdy clubs on campus

(Edwards, 2011c). Wren attends a club meeting, and is immediately greeted by the Club

president saying, “Konnichiwa, Watanabe-son” and “Welcome to Massachusetts College

University!” (Edwards, 2011d). This is a racist presumption that Wren has just arrived to the

United States. At the same time that this reinforces stereotypes of Asian Americans as the

perpetual foreigner, Edwards writes it in a nerd context with anime fans. In the strip, Wren

responds forcefully that she does actually attend the school as a sarcastic comeback against

the racism of those statements. A great addition from Edwards in this strip is the expressions

on the faces of the unspeaking characters in the background: a young white woman and a

young man of color. The young white woman looks shocked and embarrassed at the

scenario; the young man of color gives a smile at Wren's reply as if he has also had to deal

with this type of racist behavior. The young white woman apologizes for the man's remark in

the next strip, but her good intentions are quickly replaced by a privilege of white ignorance

as she calls Wren a funny contradiction for being Mormon and Japanese-American

(Edwards, 2011e). This example of the different forms of racism that exist through blatant

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Orientalism and stereotyping Wren's Japanese heritage as a caricature is an attempt by the

artist to show how white privilege can function in nerd spaces.

This white privilege can also function within feminist spaces too; Edwards uses the

Anime Club again to show how Sam's blindness to her own race privilege is why she

continued to pursue friendships with its members (see Figure 5, p. 83; Edwards, 2011g).

Wren tells her that by Sam continuing to attend this club, it is not challenging the racist

assumptions of the group (Edwards, 2011g). The importance of this is to show how artists

can approach the race tensions that still exist in our world, even among those who work to

make a world more socially just. Sam's white privilege is an aspect of her identity, even as

she identifies as a feminist. As Edwards includes the flaws in their characters, they paint a

broader picture of how artists can use a framework for writing about race that doesn't use

color blindness as a way to bring diverse characters into their fictionalized worlds. Edwards

also leaves this strip on an empowering note as Wren and Sam continue to be friends that are

honest with each other and support each other, even if that means checking privileges that the

other may embody.

WOMEN OF SIZE: SAM AND NHI

The character Samantha “Sam” Jay is defined by her physical presence within the

panel. Sam is a fat white femme character, and her presentation of femininity is more

exaggerated than other characters through her long hair, her clothing, and her more

prominent breasts. Sam's body becomes a focal point for politics throughout the strip.

Edwards uses the character of Sam to oppose stereotypes of fat women, and Sam is presented

as a sexual, healthy, cynical, hard-working, and intelligent character. This is representative of

a fat positive feminist outlook. Stefanie Snider's (2009) work on fat positive zines, “Fat Girls

and Size Queens: Alternative Publications and the Visualizing of Fat and Queer Eroto-

politics in Contemporary American Culture,” is a text that is useful for describing how fat

positive visual and textual materials by fat creators redefine representations of fat women in a

way that allows them sexual agency and pleasure in being viewed. On fat zines, Snider

wrote:

...they textually and visually image fat lesbian bodies as corporeal sites through which exoticism, pride, and self-possession become embodied practices. The zine does not merely envision an alternative to the way in which fat dykes are

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theorized and discussed, but images alternatives to how they perform and create physical pleasure with and within their bodies as well. (p. 224)

Sam stands opposed to depictions of fat women as jolly, slovenly, and asexual. One

particular instance that is striking is that Sam is the first character represented as having an

implied sexual relationship with her partner, Palmer. She is seen taking active initiative in her

sexual experience, and it is a wholly positive depiction of a fat woman enjoying herself to a

full degree. Sam loves her body, and she hates it when others place their ideas of fatness on

her. Another strip that features Sam's body is in the story arc about her being in a self-

defense class (Edwards, 2010f). The misogynist instructor tokenizes her in class by referring

to women who are not as “fit,” which sets off Sam's ire. The woman next to her in the class

tells her that she shouldn't be so offended because, well, she is a fat woman, but Sam

retaliates that she is physically fit; she rode her bike four miles to the class and she is a

vegetarian (see Figure 6, p. 84; Edwards, 2010f). Sam's body is not drawn as a body that

contains weight in sexualized areas of women's bodies, such as the breasts or buttocks. Her

body takes up room. When Sam is first introduced in the comic, she takes up around two-

thirds of a panel square, whereas Wren, in dialogue with her, takes up about one-third. An

inset panel doesn't even encompass the entirety of Sam's form, and this depicts her assertion

of space and her identity in the strip.

The character Nhi Nguyen is introduced when the main characters move to college,

and Wren meets her in her anthropology class (Edwards, 2010g). Wren is attracted to Nhi,

and this becomes complicated when Nhi kisses her at the Drag Dance. The story continues to

revolve around Wren's internal feelings about her crush on Nhi when on a relationship break

from Candace. It also revolves around Nhi's choices and desires as the object of Wren's

affection. When Wren decides to go speak to Nhi about the fact that they kissed, Nhi explains

honestly how she doesn't always view physical affection as leading to commitment, and she

apologizes if she was unclear (Edwards, 2011b). Nhi's honesty about herself, her

expectations, and her limits shows her as a fat woman who is able to enjoy her sexuality and

relationships on her terms.

Nhi is a bit of an elusive character at first, only really presented through the eyes of

Wren at the Drag Dance and through her interactions with her in anthropology class. Nhi's

presence serves to eliminate Sam being a tokenized “fat friend” within context of the strip.

Nhi also represents another part of nerd culture as a member of the tabletop role playing

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game community.19 Nhi actively participates in gaming with her Dungeons and Dragons

group. Nhi also serves to complicate typified nerd activities; she is a habitual weed smoker

and a cigarette smoker. By partaking in illicit or illegal activities, the character upsets a

dominant nerd identity as straight-laced.

CONCLUSIONS

Riot Nrrd represents feminist activism through creation of a space that fights

oppression in representational form; this is enacted by the characters of the strip. RJ

Edwards's political action is from identifying with a problematic culture. Edwards is

critiquing the nerd subculture from a true wish to bring more social justice to this space.

Edwards works from identity politics as well; being trans influences the particular attention

they give when depicting trans characters, queer characters, and the intersection of nerd

culture with those identities. Edwards identifies as a feminist, and they are influenced and

politically motivated in their art making and activism through this form. As an activist art

maker, Edwards doesn't just subvert dominant tropes by reversing stereotypes; they create

nuanced characters that challenge the classifications used by feminists and others as a means

of organizing around identities. Their political motivations are salient throughout the website

through their links to other resources for “Nrrds, Grrls, and Other Radicals.” These links

move the reader to other sites online for other communities or reading material that feature

similar marginalized characters.

Riot Nrrd fills a need in webcomics for the fans who are left out of the fictional

worlds and entertainment they enjoy. Edwards's perspective on writing the humor in the strip

is one from which other comedy writers could benefit. In an interview for the blog “Deeply

Problematic: Feminism and Stuff,” written by feminist Rachel McCarthy James (2010b),

Edwards shares their view on keeping human dignity at the forefront of the writing by

saying, “I want people to take the responsibility to not use their work to hurt anyone, to

19 Role playing games are those in which players embody fictionalized fantasy identities to run quests in a

specific type of game. By calling it a tabletop game, it signifies that the game is played with a group of people in a real world setting, usually over a table. An example of this is Dungeons and Dragons by Wizards of the Coast; players create fantasy characters and roll dice to see how they fare against a quest chosen by a designated Dungeon Master. Other role playing games can be through the form of video games, such as the massive multi-player online role playing game (MMORPG) World of Warcraft by Blizzard Entertainment.

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alienate anyone or to further an idea that their existence is worth mocking” (para. 3). This

simple notion resonates with the fans of Riot Nrrd as they see their own experiences

represented or empathize with the characters. Ultimately, Riot Nrrd works as a successful

counter-site to narratives of dominance and privilege in this genre of slice-of-life comics.

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CHAPTER 6

OCTOPUS PIE: FEMALE FRIENDSHIP IN THE

BIG CITY

Octopus Pie (written 2007-present), a webcomic (and printed collection) by Meredith

Gran, is about two young women, Everest “Eve” Ning, and Hanna Thompson, living in

Brooklyn, New York. This comic differs from Riot Nrrd and other popular webcomics

because Gran's work doesn't focus on gamer or nerd culture. Gran has also published her

comic in some unorthodox ways.

Gran's first book was published by Villard Books, a division of Random House, and

then she moved back to self-publishing for her second book collection. She moved away

from the usual pace of webcomic updating to focus on creating full and complete story arcs

before updating her site, which gave her more control over her art instead of the obligation to

publish daily or weekly. Gran's style has also moved from creating digitally to drawing by

hand to a combination of techniques for the artwork of the comic.

Meredith Gran studied animation at the Visual School of the Arts in New York. She

doesn't identify as a feminist explicitly on her website or base her comic on feelings of

marginalizion, like RJ Edwards of Riot Nrrd. This strip has been noted and reviewed by

female-centered blogs, such as Girlwonder.org, for the successful depiction of realistic

female characters (Halsey, 2010). Gran's aim in her comic is to tell her story and sell her art.

She is a professional artist who is putting her work out into the world. That being said, as a

successful woman comics artist, she has often been in the spotlight when there are

conversations on the Internet about women working in the industry. On August 10, 2011, she

commented on this particular issue by publishing a simplified answer to the problem on her

Google+ blog: pay women artists; Gran doesn't see her gender as being a contributing factor

to her abilities, and she is uncomfortable talking about it because it needs to be a nonissue

(Macdonald, 2011). This concept may or may not be the solution, but it does make it clear

that the problem isn't that the women don't exist; it is that publishers and those responsible

for being the face of comics are not hiring the women that already exist and work well in the

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industry. Gran also acts with humor towards prevalent stereotypes of female characters in

comics. Gran, along with two other women webcartoonists, Kate Beaton and Carly Monardo,

conceived of a satirical comic called “Strong Female Characters” who are exaggerated

depictions of violent women in exaggerated sexualized poses. This play of looking at the

postfeminist liberated woman shows just how far the industry has progressed, and it shows

how mainstream superhero or action comics publishers don't really understand what it means

to have female characters that are not stereotyped in some way.

Gran's sense of humor in Octopus Pie relies on putting her memorable characters in

unpleasant situations. These situations, such as bad relationships, awful roommates, jobs that

aren't ideal, and awkward social interactions, are funny because the reader can relate to those

experiences through memory and empathy, but they can also feel triumphant that it is not

happening to them. Or, the reader can share in those experiences as they navigate similar

terrain in their own lives. The myopic view that the characters have for their own lives in

their twenties may also reflect the generation of readers who came of age during the rise of

the Internet. Gran's comic attains a modern appeal as she creates humor out of a mother who

is obsessed with September 11th, organic health food grocery stores, and Renaissance Faires,

among other things.

The two main characters, Eve Ning and Hanna Thompson, initially met in preschool,

and they were reunited by Eve's interfering mother telling Hanna that she could move in with

her daughter after Eve was dumped by her live-in boyfriend (Gran, 2007c). The story follows

the adventures of the two women adjusting to each other as opposites and navigating life in

the years after college graduation. The comic's humor is built on the dynamic between the

more easygoing Hanna and Eve's uptight persona. Hanna is a stoner; she has built her

business Bake 'N' Bake around the concept of smoking weed and baking pastries. Eve works

as a dissatisfied mid-level employee at Olly's Organix, a health food grocery store. Gran's

story relies heavily on the setting; New York is one of the characters in the story. The city

serves as an influence and sometimes an impetus for their adventures. Gran describes

Octopus Pie in an interview with the Comic Book Resources News website,

In brief, it's a comedy about a hard-working young woman in New York who gets roped into living with a bunch of crazy hipsters. More broadly, it's about the crappy jobs, social interactions and relationships of people you've probably known or been at some point. (as quoted in Dueben, 2010)

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Gran (2011) also admits that much of her comics are written from experiences that

have happened to her in her life, especially those centered around New York experiences.

Some of these strips have a particular focus on the embodied experience of being a woman

living in New York City. Some themes that come up are feeling endangered at night or

women being the primary victims of street harassment. In a preface to her story arc, “Fear,”

in her published collection, Listen at Home With Octopus Pie, she wrote:

Eve's fear of the night is based on my own, and the general fear felt by women in urban environments. During college in New York I'd hesitate to go out alone, or walk in the dark for more time than absolutely necessary. Even fumbling at the entrance with my keys was enough to get my heart pounding. It would be years before I could break down the sources of my fears, and understand (or dismiss) the logic behind them. (p. 114)

Gran (2011) also used bicycles as a motif in this storyline; she explains that they are a

historical symbol of feminine power; bikes are empowering for their enhancement of

women's mobility (p. 114). In this way, Gran is using her art to show the existence of this

problem and then solving it through her method of storytelling. The strip about her fears is

very visually powerful through the use of shadows and the emotive expressions on Eve's

face (see Figure 7, p. 85; Gran, 2009). There is no dialogue, but it shows the unimagined real

noises in the night and the perceived fears of Eve (and women) as she travels home. Ominous

and shadowy hands reach out to grab Eve in the darkness as she is struggling for her keys to

get inside, and this danger is perceived and real given her embodiment in a female body.

Eve's bicycle is a motif in the story as she breaks through the dangerous shadowy figures as a

solution to this problem. Eve's bicycle has served as a symbol in past strips too; it is

ultimately a symbol for her security. Her bicycle gets stolen, and she creates a bike that is

impervious to theft, but is ultimately unusable. Eve learns a lesson about fear here too; is it

better to have total security or freedom of agency and mobility?

Hanna provides another example of a motif about freedom and gender in the story

arc, “Under the Bodhi Tree.” Hanna is sometimes naïve in her beliefs about behavior; she

often doesn't believe in the court of public opinion. In the strip, “#040-you guys suck,”

Hanna decides to go shirtless in the park because of a 1986 statute that allows women in New

York to be topless. This is because women protested against gender discriminatory indecency

laws. Hanna is eventually challenged by a mother with her children in the park who says that

she is looking for attention and being indecent in front of her children (Gran, 2010, p. 52).

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Hanna is punished for flouting gender convention even though she is perfectly within her

legal right. Gran's lesson here is important; although the second wave of feminism has passed

with many legal gains for women, how much have we really obtained for equality?

AMERICAN BORN CHINESE

When comics are a form of caricature, of reducing complex features to simple lines,

how can a creator do this in a way that implies difference without echoing racist traditions of

representation of the past? Meredith Gran is theorizing modern representation through her

artwork and the character of Everest “Eve” Ning. In interviews with her, there is no talk

about Eve's race other than identifying her heritage as Chinese or Asian. Gran would rather

the work speak for itself.

Meredith Gran's work joins other comics works such as American Born Chinese by

Gene Luen Yang (2006) and Shortcomings by Adrian Tomine (2007) in exploring Asian

American identities, but her story is focused on the female characters. Eve's racial identity as

a Chinese-American woman is brought up within few story arcs of Octopus Pie, but the story

is not focusing on her experiences through that particular lens. The main cast, besides Eve,

are characters that are white without nation affiliation or have Euro-American ethnicities,

such as Marek, who is identified as Polish. Eve is alone in her racial identity at the beginning

of the strip except for the brief instances where the readers see her family. Gran has gradually

introduced more characters of color into the strip, but this is done to give more information

about Eve's past. It is revealed later that Eve has removed herself from her circle of friends

from her old neighborhood in Chinatown. Eve's mother makes early appearances, but Eve is

mostly estranged from her father and brother who live outside of New York City; their

relationship is complicated as Eve is trying to forge her own life as an individual. Gran

(2011) deepens her characters by showing some of the complicated emotions that she herself

has about her family, and by writing and drawing Eve's family, visually expresses some of

her own fears (p. 8).

Within Octopus Pie, there is a recurring theme of challenging ethnic or racial

stereotypes when the topic of race is brought up. Gran's choice to question identity politics in

this way is significant because it is an opposition to white representations of a racialized

other in addition to theorizing about the need for a racial or nation authority. Suzanna Danuta

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Walters (1995), feminist cultural theorist, wrote that the reason stereotypes hold meanings for

audiences is based on “the experience of them as not simply 'erroneous' or 'false,' but rather

as structurally reinforced ideological forms of repression...the majority of stereotypes emerge

from a naturalizing of selective traits of certain groups” (p. 42). Gran's decisions to break

ethnic and racial stereotypes is particularly integral to the plot and setting of the strip in New

York City, the symbol of a main hub of immigration for the United States. What does it mean

to be “Asian” enough or “American,” especially when the imagery is created rather than

embodied? Mitsuye Yamada (1979), Japanese American feminist activist and writer, spoke

about her particular experience as an Asian American woman as a visible minority that is

invisible:

...Even when what I considered a veiled racist remark was made in a casual social setting, I would “let it go” because it was pointless to argue with people who didn't even know their remark was racist. I had supposed that I was practicing passive resistance while being stereotyped, but it was so passive no one noticed I was resisting; it was so much my expected role that it ultimately rendered me invisible (p. 175)

Eve Ning is anything but passive in Octopus Pie; she tends to often be the loudest and

most outspoken. Eve also challenges notions of the “model minority” stereotype. She

probably has the least amount of job satisfaction amongst her friends as a worker at a grocery

store. Her ambition is challenged by her boyfriend Park when he tells her that she could use a

push in an effort to get her to move with him; Eve responds, “Well, I don't want YOU to

push me!” (Gran, 2011, p. 171). She may not be comfortable in her job, but she doesn't want

the change that upward mobility may bring. She is not going to change on someone else's

definition of success.

The title of the comic itself calls into question notions of authenticity and symbolism.

By pairing the words 'octopus' and 'pie,' Gran plays with cultural stereotypes of food, nation,

and race. The ubiquitous apple pie symbolism of the United States is juxtaposed with an

Asian-affiliated ingredient in the octopus. These dishes reduce race and nation to symbols,

and the title also calls into question whether this simplification is enough to embrace

complex personhood. Eve's Chinese-American identity is a representation of whether racial

or nation signifiers are really important for the form of comics, or whether it is a way to rely

on stereotypical imagery of race to further the centering of whiteness in most stories.

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The instances where Eve's race is mentioned verbally in the strip, it is usually through

various microaggressions enacted by white people with racist assumptions. In the story arc,

“Our Brooklynian Life,” Gran explores the themes of authenticity and identity. The story

starts with Eve and Hanna shopping together for trendy jackets (Gran, 2010, p. 127). The

jacket fits Hanna, but Eve finds out that the store doesn't have any coats in her size because

they don't make them large enough to fit her. This ill-fitting jacket has connotations about

Eve's true ability to fit in amongst her peers, and it is expressed as Eve acts socially awkward

when Hanna tries to hit on two men in the street. Eve runs away, Hanna (as a perpetual

stoner) scores some weed from the two young men, and the two ruminate the series of events

on a playground against the silhouette of the NYC skyline. Eve spots a bird lying on the

ground, and takes the bird to her friend Julie, a veterinary intern. It becomes evident that this

is one of the famous Brooklyn parrots, and Eve starts to carry him around on her shoulder

until he gets better.20 Eve realizes that with the parrot on her shoulder, the people who used

to reject her start to accept her as acceptable in the group. She gets invited to tell her story on

the radio show, “Our Brooklynian Life,” at a party with a group of hipsters. In context of this

story, Eve exposes how the hipsters in the “in-crowd” are defined by quirks and shticks, and

they use these crafted identities to be popular, rather than find real happiness (Gran, 2010, p.

145).

When Eve is interviewed for a radio show about how she rescued the parrot, the radio

host tried to equate the experience of the parrots with the experience of immigrants in New

York City, and he tried to get Eve to tell the grand story of the settlement of her people; this

also becomes conflated with black experiences in the city as the radio host plays the hip hop

song “Still D.R.E.” by Dr. Dre because he said that the birds “live in low-income housing,

don't they?” (Gran, 2010, p. 148). While the white radio host's assumptions are problematic,

Eve's telling of what she learned from the parrot actually serves to tell Eve's story of finding

her place and identity in the city. Eve's monologue, as follows, serves to narrate the

conclusion of the strip as she finds more strength in her identity:

20 The Brooklyn Parrots are a large colony of parrots thought to have escaped from a shipment meant for a

pet store at John F. Kennedy Airport in the 1960s. They have since settled in Brooklyn and become part of the ecosystem.

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...I guess what the birds taught me is that ultimately, we all have to count on ourselves. 'Cause yeah. We're all pretty much on our own...We can learn from the experiences of others. Which is convenient, 'cause we'd have no idea how to act otherwise. If we're smart, we learn to live by example. If we're lucky, we never stop learning. (Gran, 2008a, para. 1)

Visually, the panels that host this monologue give us an image of Eve becoming more

comfortable with her multifaceted identity (see Figure 8, p.86; Gran, 2008a). The imagery in

the panel gives the reader several symbols of this acceptance. The first two panels show Eve

looking at Ronald (the parrot) with sadness and then releasing him back to the wild. This

shows Eve releasing that sense that she needs to have some quirk or element about her person

in order to be accepted or of worth. An alternate reading of this is to see Ronald as a symbol

of Brooklyn and to see Eve as a reflection of the author. Sometime during the duration of the

comic, Gran made a significant move from Brooklyn to Portland, and this could have been

her means of saying goodbye. The third panel shows Eve in the middle of her friends Marek

and Hanna, but the juxtaposed text is about being on one's own. This could be seen as Eve,

not in a relationship, is better off by herself than being in a couple. Or, as Eve is presented

between her two white friends, this could be a symbol for how her racial and cultural identity

affects her worldview and person, and she cannot rely on her friends to understand that past

and present way of knowing. The last several panels of this comic show Eve confronting the

two young men that she was hoping to impress earlier in the story, and she kicks over their

trendy Vespa and tells them off for how their identities dictated by consumerism and peer

acceptance. She doesn't need their approval or their shallow behavior. This strip is critiquing

aspects of a capitalistic concept that identity is based on the performance of wearing the

acceptable clothes or acting in a stereotypical way to be able to claim a space as a person.

Eve learns the lesson here, but suggests that this acceptance of self is a process as she may or

may not always be lucky to have these insights of wisdom.

Eve's interactions with her family add to the reader's understanding of her character.

Eve's mother is first introduced in third comic strip, “#002-The break-up,” (Gran, 2007a), in

which Eve's mother is entertaining the boy who just broke up with her. This first glance at

her mother shows a woman who likes to control aspects of Eve's life as she mediates the

breakup of her relationship and then finds Eve a roommate on Craig's List, and her mother is

also shown to be divorced and still bitter about it (Gran, 2007c). This strip has Eve's mother

openly insulting her father, and Eve having to put up with this just after her own breakup.

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This shows a complication in their relationship as Eve says to her mother, “Geez Mom, why

do you do this? Pretty soon I'll have to stop looking to you for reaffirmation,” and Mrs. Ning

responds that she is just like her father (Gran, 2007c). This juxtaposition of Eve's question

and her mother immediately spinning Eve's relationship issues to her own life reveals how

Mrs. Ning sees Eve as an extension of herself, and Eve really just wants to make her own

decisions in life. Gran's decision to introduce a mother and daughter relationship early in the

strip attests to the female-centered perspective of the strip and also shows generational

differences between Eve's parents and herself.

Eve's mother is obsessed with the memory of September 11th, 2001, and the first hint

of this is in the introductory arc, where Eve is resting on a pillow depicting the event (Gran,

2007b). This obsession with 9/11 becomes a repeated personality trait associated with Mrs.

Ning around the other characters of the comic, and it calls into question issues of race and

nation. In one of the comics where Hanna and Marek are eating dinner with Eve's mother,

Hanna compliment's Mrs. Ning's September 11th memorabilia around her home; Eve's mother

responds that she tries to be a “vigilant citizen...there's a 9/11 lurking around every corner”

(see Figure 9, p. 87; Gran, 2007d). Mrs. Ning is presented as a caricature because of her

fixation with the event that has become representative of a loyalty to the United States,

however, this becomes complicated in regards to the treatment of Chinese American

immigrants through history in national policies of racism.21 Mrs. Ning's use of September

11th decorations both flouts the stereotype of Asian American immigrants never really

attaining true status as citizens (cultural outsiders) and reinforces a practice of immigrants

having to be hyper-American to achieve a semblance of belonging. The humor of the kitschy

trinkets adds to the complexity. One of Gran's themes is questioning identity through

consumerism, and Eve's mother proves her New Yorker identity by filling her house with

souvenirs that are capitalizing on a nostalgia for a collective national loss. Eve doesn't feel

the need to show this particular brand of loyalty to the United States, but Eve's identity is

fragmented as she figures out her connections between her past and present.

21 The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which banned Chinese immigration to the United States.

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ASIAN NERDS AND WHITE STONERS

Eve starts to contemplate her past as she sees an article in the newspaper about an

arcade opening in Chinatown. She remarks with disgust, “They turned a culturally rich

mecca into a playground for white kids” (Gran, 2011, p. 152) to Hanna and Marek. Hanna

asks her about how much Chinese she speaks and inappropriately asks her if she has any

“Asian friends.” The panel work here features a grumpy looking Eve with shading over her

person. This shading extends over her outlines, and it shows the anger resonating from her.

The background scenery of the comic is gone, and Eve is surrounded by white. Hanna

presses her further for information, and Hanna assumes it is because Eve is embarrassed by

her nerdy friends. Eve is embarrassed, but it is also because her friends fit the stereotype of

Asian nerds.

Ron Eglash (2002) wrote that the stereotype of the Asian nerd is connected to

Orientalist racism which “operates by making a group of people too abstract and thus

'arabesque'—not really a natural human but one who is devoid of emotion, caring only for

money or an inscrutable spiritual transcendence” (p. 52). This connection between a lack of

the natural and race renders Asians as nonsexual beings, which reifies nerd masculinity as

being removed from a normative virile masculinity. As technology and science have

subsumed the space of authority in the Western world that was previously reserved for

religious figures, the stereotype of Asian nerds having natural technological prowess also

reinforces this Orientalism. These stereotypes are depicted in some episodes with Eve's Asian

friends, Park and Greg. In the first sequence, Greg gets upset when he sees an Asian woman

with her white boyfriend in the park. The character Park is in doubt because he dates Eve,

and he tells Greg that “chemistry is colorblind...maybe you'd have an iota of self-confidence

if you'd get over this victimhood complex” (Gran, 2010, p. 243) (see Figure 10, p. 88; Gran,

2008b). While Greg may or may not be correct in his beliefs about racism and dating, he also

portrays entitled masculinity when he believes that Eve and Gwen, the two women in their

friend group, should be dating him. In the second sequence in the same story arc, Park is

interviewing for a job at a law firm, and he is judged poorly by the interviewer because his

resume is too “academic” (Gran, 2010, p. 245) (see Figure 11, p. 89; Gran, 2008c). The

interviewer had first made a point of asking about his name and whether Park was “Japanese

for something” (Gran, 2010, p. 245). While Park is denying that the sexual stereotype exists

65

to his friend, he experiences the Orientalist stereotype that he will leave the potential job to

seek more knowledge in his field. Gran uses these strips to show the effects of Park's

internalized oppression in his denial of a racist society. Eve and Park are the two characters

that have distanced themselves from their childhood pasts in Chinatown. This could show

their different paths to try to assimilate into American culture, even though neither one was

born outside of the United States. Hanna's assumptions about Asian nerds, although they

turned out to be correct in the case of Eve's friends, are an embarrassment to Eve because she

is ashamed that she once identified with this cultural stereotype as she tried to erase those

parts of her identity.

One of Gran's most interesting strips in dealing with race is setting up an epic laser

tag battle between Eve's friends, the nerds, and Hanna's friends, the stoners. This showdown

occurs when Eve connects with her old friends from Chinatown and starts to bring them over

to the apartment. Hanna takes offense at this encroachment of her space as a roommate, and

declares that laser tag is the only way to settle this room issue (Gran, 2010, p. 164). The

stoners are a mostly white group with Hanna, Marek, Puget Sean, and Marigold Fuchs. Eff-

Nocka, the one stoner of color, is a guest appearance by a hip hop cartoonist of the same

name who is friends with Meredith Gran. This frames the type of stoner hipsterism that

Hanna and company perform as a predominantly white subculture. While each side is

planning strategies for the laser tag fight, both nerds and stoners are shown making

assumptions about each other. Greg, who has a crush on Eve, eventually switches sides

because he hopes that maybe it will impress her. The nerds put on a good fight and were

leading until the end, but the stoners pull a surprise victory when Eve shoots Marek, and the

reader finds out that Marek was a nerd all along (Gran, 2010, p. 183). Gran blurs the

boundaries on these social categories with her twist ending, and once again questions the idea

of authenticity.

CONCLUSIONS

Meredith Gran's comic Octopus Pie represents a type of postfeminist theorizing. By

this, I mean that she questions postfeminist worldviews through her characters. A

postfeminist outlook is one that believes that feminism no longer has any relevance, or only

negative effects because women have gained equal rights. Amelia Jones, in her 2003 work

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“Feminism, Incorporated: Reading 'Postfeminism' in an Anti-Feminist Age” describes how

feminism has been “reduced to a unitary concept, then discursively and photographically

executed ...as postfeminist” (p. 314). Jones recounts how feminism has become a dirty word

in recent years and how there has been a backlash against feminism for ruining family values.

Gran's characters seem to ascribe to a postfeminist view; they are sexually liberated, have

jobs, and see themselves with relative freedom. Her characters mostly don't see the social

categories of race and gender as having a relationship to their social statuses. However, Gran

always puts her characters in situations where these beliefs are challenged by real world

interactions. Octopus Pie is a comic that represents a modern sense of feminism in the United

States; how much women have achieved and how much there is still left to accomplish.

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CHAPTER 7

CONCLUSIONS AND QUESTIONS FOR FUTURE

STUDY

Riot Nrrd and Octopus Pie are comics that demonstrate postmodern feminist

theorizing through artistic knowledge production. RJ Edwards created a work that asks

questions about the politics of intersectional identities in younger bodies. Meredith Gran

questions authenticity of identity representation as an artist and alludes to a still necessary

feminist politic to solve problems of discrimination and prejudice. Both artists succeed in

challenging norms in an industry that exhibits misogyny on a large scale, yet it is significant

that these artists are succeeding in the smaller branch of webcomics.

Webcomics artists in the United States have more freedom to pursue topics of their

choosing, and this is because the Internet is a relatively open space for publishing. The

Internet is revolutionary in its potential for sharing ideas. However, as much as the Internet

has been used for positive ends towards social justice, it can be just as useful to organize hate

groups. I don't see the Internet as neutral with its ever-present advertising, its access

restricted by cost, and how as a tool of capitalism with Western dependence on technology it

exploits labor to make profits. I seriously question the results as the Internet is heading to a

more open, but increasingly corporate sponsored space. What does it mean when multi-

billion dollar corporations like Facebook are being used for organizing socialist rallies?

There are so many contradictions to the Internet that it creates new problems for activism

while solving others. What does it mean to people who visit these webcomics for

entertainment and see characters like themselves reflected back on the screen? What is the

relationship between the identity politics of the corporeal body and the cyborg identity in

online spaces?

Donna Haraway (1991), feminist theorist, described the cyborg as “a cybernetic

organism, a hybrid of machine and organism, a creature of social reality as well as a creature

of fiction” (p. 149). Haraway's cyborg spoke to the possibility of the cyborg identity as

dismantling the stifling dichotomies that categorize human existence. Has her mythology

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been realized as we visit the Internet? Haraway's theory makes important contributions to

feminism—it shifts the conversation away from the goal of celebrating woman to questioning

whether the category of woman (not-man) is necessary to feminism, and it declares that it is

more meaningful to politically organize for an identity of choice rather than an identity of

biological determinism. Haraway's landmark text enriched feminist theory.

I think Haraway's (1991) analysis is best complemented by drawing parallels between

the cyborg, a liminal being existing in borders between human and machine, and Gloria

Anzaldúa's theory of mestiza consciousness and the recognition of the borderlands of racial

hybridity in one body. Anzaldúa (1987) is speaking autobiographically about her experience

as a Chicana lesbian woman, a mestiza, existing in the spaces between cultures. She wrote:

That focal point or fulcrum, that juncture where the mestiza stands, is where phenomena tend to collide. It is where the possibility of uniting all that is separate occurs...Because the future depends on the breaking down of paradigms, it depends on the straddling of two or more cultures. By creating a new mythos—that is, a change in the way we perceive reality, the way we see ourselves and the ways we behave—la mestiza creates a new consciousness. (p. 422)

Anzaldúa's (1987) new mestiza consciousness is a personal and moving framework

for embracing the self. She wrote about the pain of her cultural history and how she embraces

her hybrid identity through the creation of a new definition of personhood. The mestiza

consciousness is also connected to a collective consciousness to challenge pre-existing

notions of what it means to exist as a person of multiple racial identities that exist

simultaneously and shift in relationship to different contexts (p. 422). Another unique

perspective that Anzaldúa recognizes is one of multiple languages. This thought of

functioning with two or more languages to describe identity, culture, and story without

translation into one or the other is a brilliant illustration of how a mestiza experiences

communication. I do not wish to appropriate the unique experience of the mestiza, an integral

text to Chicana/o identity construction, as a solution to understanding the consciousness of

the cyborg as beings interconnected through technology. I feel, however, that Anzaldúa's text

is integral to theories of hybridity and embracing plural identities and languages is helpful to

initiate conversation about a cyborg consciousness.

Anne Balsamo (1996), feminist theorist, wrote about the female body being a cyborg

identity in her work, Technologies of the Gendered Body: Reading Cyborg Women. Her

underlying argument is that the cyborg stands as a figure “posthuman identity in the

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postmodernity” (p. 18), and that the female body has always been constructed as postmodern

through its construction as oppositional to a normal body. Balsamo's critique places

Foucault's (1986) analysis of the female body as hystericized versus the feminist

representations of the body as material. Balsamo (1996) offers that discourse has now

replaced the material body of women, and the representation of the female body is used as a

site to create discussion about power and domination for a consumer culture (p. 30). Balsamo

wrote that the cyborg is an image of technology, but we must be careful not to forget its

hybridity as a human-machine. She cautions postmodern theorists in her text by saying, “Just

as women never speak, write, or act outside of their bodies, cyborgs never leave the meat

behind” (p. 40). Meredith Gran and RJ Edwards are theorizing about the authenticity of the

body as a point of politics in their comics, and as artists, they use the representation of the

female body to question power in a postmodern world.

I am still unsure about the cyborg as a solution to feminist organization and activism,

just as I am unsure about using the Internet as a tool for dismantling power. However, I

cannot ignore that marginalized webcomics artists are using this tool for art activism through

humor and resisting dominant patriarchal traditions of representation. Webcomics artists are

embracing the hybridity of technological tools of communication and bodily ways of

knowing, and they are theorizing about the necessity of that knowledge when trying to make

meaning and laughter for readers. I ultimately see these contributions as an antidote to

postfeminist cultural texts. I embrace these webcomics as a means of creating a new mythos

about identity in postmodernity.

This thesis gave me the incredible opportunity to research the overlapping spheres of

comics as entertainment and as an industry. As I studied, more questions often arose than

answers. I wish to provide these questions here as a basis for future study.

These first questions arose out of some limitations of my study. Have women made

significant strides in drawing and writing webcomics of other genres than “slice-of-life”

comics? If they have made such gains, does this change the perception of the comics industry

as male-dominated? Is there a particular genre that is more affective for influencing public

perception of comics as a male-dominated space? I found most material about gender in

comics to centered on superhero comic books and women's contributions to autobiographical

comics. I focused on one smaller genre of comics, the “slice-of-life” fictional category of

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webcomics. I am curious about whether superhero stories will always be largely

representational of the comics industry.

There are not many stories about webcomics artists being self-employed, and there

are less about women or LGBTQ artists being financially sustained from this type of work.

However, the few success stories that do exist are incredibly powerful. Have the success

stories of webcomics as a business changed the way that women view or approach the

comics industry as an option for employment? I am interested to see if the rise of webcomics

has affected a new generation of comics artists in a significant way.

I found several online groups in my research that had goals in recognizing comic

artists from certain social locations. However, I did not see many organizations with attention

given to intersectional identities. Is there coalition building between identity politics comics

organizations, such as between groups who seek to recognize LGBTQ comic artists, African

American comic artists, and women comic artists? If there is, how has the Internet played a

role in connecting these groups? I would like to know more about the work being done to

bridge these communities.

In my research about geek and nerd communities, I found testimonials by trans

cosplayers (fans who dress up in the costumes of characters in video games, television

shows, and comic books) about their experiences wearing the clothing of their preferred

gender in these spaces. How have geek and nerd communities, particularly those that

participate in costume play, been inviting and challenging for members of queer and trans

communities? I am interested in these stories and whether geek and nerd communities have

been positive spaces for transition experiences.

These next questions stem from seeing groups that wanted to celebrate or see more

women in comics, but these groups may not explicitly identify themselves as a feminist

organization. Is there tension between women comics fans who identify as feminist and those

who have postfeminist views? Is there overlap in the comics they each find entertaining? I

am interested in whether these political identities divide groups of women, and if they have

common ground in the comics they enjoy.

Since webcomics have such a potential in reaching diverse audiences, I would like to

read or conduct research on whether this has affected the environment of local comic book

stores and comic conventions on a grand scheme. Does reading webcomics by LGBTQ

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authors and straight women alter the habits and presence of LGBTQ and heterosexual female

consumers in local comic book stores? How have webcomics changed gender dynamics at

comic book conventions? This topic could have broad implications for the image of the

comics industry as open or closed to certain fans.

These questions may be unrelated in content, but each arose when I examined the

convoluted position of comics as a mode of business, a site for activism, and a fandom text

for geek and nerd communities. This multifaceted identity of comics is full of complications

and contradictions which makes it a fascinating subject for future research.

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APPENDIX

COLLECTION OF FIGURES

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Figure 1. This is an example of ASCII art featuring Lucy and Snoopy from Charles Schultz's Peanuts comic. This is a screen shot from Chris Johnson's ASCII art collection, where he has collected ASCII art from around the Internet. He has run this collection on his servers since 1994. Source: Johnson, C. (1994). What is ASCII art? Retrieved from http://www.chris.com/ascii/ index.php?page=what-is-ascii-art

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Transcript: Wren: Joss. Fucking. Whedon.

Wren: He creates a kickass Asian chick like Armor, and then he pulls out that her powers are "family line" ancient-ancestors protection BULLSHIT!

Wren: This is not an ancient Japanese secret. She's a mutant! NO FURTHER EXPLANATION NEEDED.

Maria: Heee hee hee hee.

Wren: What's the funny?

Maria: I was just thinking of a remake of the Wolverine origin, where Logan finds his powers inside a MOOSE.

Alt-text:

Edwards: “Wolverine runs into Gambit, who found his powers in a bowl of gumbo.”

Figure 2. “Riot Nrrd #1,” by RJ Edwards, posted December 17, 2009. Source: Edwards, RJ. (2009). Riot nrrd #1. Retrieved from http://www.riotnrrdcomics.com/ 2009/12/riot-nrrd-1-2/

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Transcript: Hey there, blogoholics! It’s your webmistress, Ms. Maria.

Sorry about the dearth of posts lately, but I’m working on a new progressive art project that’ll knock your socks off. ^_^ I’ll be sure to get copies up on Etsy when it’s finished!

I’m happy to see the comments have been buzzing with great conversations the past few days. The transfeminism thread has exceeded my expectations, which I’m sad to say are pretty low, this being the internet and all.

Speaking of which, I unfortunately must reiterate: keep the comments a slur-free zone. Everyone should feel safe and respected when they enter the conversation here.

This includes “indirect” slurs such as gay, retarded, and yes, lame. If you call something “lame” to mean it is pathetic, bad, dreadful, unfortunate, etc… you are violating the rules.

And if you do this while commenting in agreement to my post on how messed it is for the creators of Lost to use the fact that Locke’s a wheelchair user as a symbol of his flaws?

Well, you just missed the Clue Bus to Comprehension Junction.

Alt-text:

“All aboard! Next stops Concern Trolling Crossing and Just Kidding Junction, then I'm not Racist Butville!”

Figure 3. “#26: Choo choo!” by RJ Edwards, posted June 24, 2010. Source: Edwards, RJ. (2010d). #26: Choo choo! Retrieved from http://www.riotnrrdcomics.com/ 2010/06/26-choo-choo/

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Transcript: Wren sits with head hung.

WREN: I was five when my parents split up. I wasn’t really old enough to understand everything that had happened. Dad told me that he was gay and that meant he couldn’t be with mom and we couldn’t go to our church anymore, and I just thought, ok, fine... but I didn’t want to leave Honolulu. I thought, since my dad still liked my mom, he was just gay, that they would still be friends.

Photos of young Wren with parents

WREN: I lived with him in an apartment in Hilo for a while. I thought maybe mom would join us here. When Dad told me it was just temporary, I thought that meant we’d go back there after mom built him a new bedroom. I didn’t know he was getting ready to move to New England. I would have to choose where to live soon.

Eric Watanabe listens to the phone while young Wren watches

WREN: I don’t know, if nothing happened, I might’ve gone back and stayed with her. But I noticed he kept getting these mysterious phone calls. He’d pick up, listen for just a moment, and then hang up without saying anything. One day he was in the shower when the phone rang, and I picked it up.

Young Wren listens to the phone

WREN: It was my mother.

MOM: Eric? Are you there? You sick... you’re a pervert and... you’re dragging our child straight to hell... I hope you get... you sick son of... say something, f...

Figure 4. “128: Family, part II,” by RJ Edwards, posted September 27, 2011. Source: Edwards, RJ. (2011f). #128: Family, part II. Retrieved from http://www.riotnrrdcomics.com/2011/09/128-family-part-ii/

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Transcript: WREN: Someone asked me how long I’ve been in this country.

SAM: Well... you can’t judge the whole group based on one person’s ignorance.

WREN: It was the club president.

SAM: They’ve... always been very nice.

WREN: That wasn’t the only thing said to me. I felt a little bit like their new favorite show.

SAM: I’ve never... I mean, I didn’t notice...

WREN: WELL OF COURSE you didn’t. But I’m telling you now.

SAM: But I just didn’t... er...

WREN: Are you trying to defend them?

SAM: No, I... I just want to make friends.

WREN: Great. Friends. Go ahead.

SAM: I didn’t mean... You are my friend, Wren.

WREN: Then why don’t you give a shit about how people treat me?

SAM: I do! I mean... I’m sorry. I wouldn’t... I won’t invite anyone into my life who doesn’t respect you.

SAM: I should have been clear on that. We’re still friends?

WREN: ...Yes. Shit. If we weren’t friends, I wouldn’t be mad. Just disorientingly witty.

Alt-text:

“it is hard to write serious times when the words " anime club now only make me think of kc green."

Figure 5. “140: What does bother her,” by RJ Edwards, posted November 18, 2011. Source: Edwards, RJ. (2011g). #140: What does bother her. Retrieved from http://www.riotnrrdcomics.com/2011/11/140-what-does-bother-her/

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Transcript: Sam stand beside a girl with dark braided hair in their self-defense class. The girl has her arms crossed and is rolling her eyes.

TEACHER (off-panel): Ok girls, today we’re going to practice throws. Now, I know some of you aren’t quite as, uh, fit, as others, but don’t be intimidated.

SAM: Oh, was he SERIOUSLY looking at me when he said “fit”?

GIRL: You don’t have to get all offended, I’m sure he’s just trying to be helpful.

SAM: Helpful? How?

GIRL: It doesn’t hurt to care about your health.

SAM: What does he know about my health? What to YOU know about it? I’m a vegetarian. I rode my bike four miles to this class!

IRL: You know what I mean.

The teacher bends behind Sam with one arm around her, as if he’s grabbing her. She hold his arm, preparing to throw him to the ground.

TEACHER: Ok, Samantha, just use your hips. Heh, you’ve got plenty to work (Sam throws the teacher much higher than he expects, he flies through the air) wiuuhhauOOF.

The girl is looking down at the unseen teacher. Sam walks out of the scene.

SAM: I apologize for the inevitable unsightly bruise… and also, I quit.

TEACHER: Uugh...

Alt-text:

“#55: Defense.”

Figure 6. “#55: Defense,” by RJ Edwards, posted on October 7, 2010. Source: Edwards, RJ. (2010f). #55: Defense. Retrieved from http://www.riotnrrdcomics.com/ 2010/10/55-defense/

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Figure 7. “#320-Where are my keys,” Meredith Gran. Source: Gran, M. (2009). #320-Where are my keys. Retrieved from http://www.octopuspie.com/2009-08-21/320- where-are-my-keys/

The alt-text for this comic just reads: “aaaaa”.

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Figure 8. “#133-On our own,” by Meredith Gran, posted April 14, 2008. Source: Gran, M. (2008a). #133-On our own. Retrieved from: http://www.octopuspie.com/2008-04-14/133-on-our-own/

Transcript: Eve: I guess what the birds taught me is that ultimately we all have to count on ourselves. 'Cause yeah, We're all pretty much on our own.

Radio Host: Would you say our fate is set, then? We're just uglier, more pimped out birds?

Eve: Well, we can learn from the experience of others. Which is convenient, 'cause we'd have no idea how to act otherwise. If we're smart, we learn to live by example. If we're lucky, we never stop learning.

Radio Host: And do you consider yourself lucky, Eve?

Eve: I catch a break now and then.

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Figure 9. “#80-Totally,” by Meredith Gran, posted December 5, 2007. Source: Gran, M. (2007d). #80-Totally. Retrieved from http://www.octopuspie.com/2007-12-05/080-totally/

Transcript:

Hanna: Oh My God Mrs. Ning. This salad is SO. GOOD. You have no idea.

Mrs. Ning: Well, I made it. So I do. Is Eve really still out with this guy?

Hanna: I left her a voicemail an hour ago. Now her phone is off.

Marek: You know what thaaat means.

*Hanna giving Marek a look. Marek realizing that he just alluded to Eve having sex in front of Eve's mother.

Hanna: Hey, um...I love your tschotchkes, Mrs. Ning! They're so patriotic.

Mrs. Ning: Why, thank you, Hanna. I try to be a vigilant citizen. After all...there's a 9/11 lurking around every corner.

Hanna: Totally.

Hanna: Dude...I think Eve's mom is the narc.

Marek: I think she wants to KILL ME!

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Figure 10. “#221-Still unfair,” by Meredith Gran, posted November 17, 2008. Source: Gran, M. (2008b). #221-Still unfair. Retrieved from http://www.octopuspie.com/2008-11-17/221-still-unfair/

Transcript:

Park: Don't tell me that still bothers you.

Greg: It's still unfair, isn't it?

Park: Chemistry is colorblind. Everyone's got their chance.

Greg: But we don't! Eve and Gwen date white guys all the time!

Park: Oh, do they?

Greg: W-Well, I mean they could. ...If they wanted to.

Park: Jesus, Greg. Maybe you'd have an iota of self-confidence if you'd get over this victimhood complex.

Greg: Muh-Me?? A Victim?

Park: Nothing good ever happens for you. Pretending there's some fucking conspiracy keeping you from happiness will just make it so. Get out of your head, man.

Greg: Well, at least I'm not a jerk.

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Figure 11. “#223-Champ,” by Meredith Gran, posted November 21, 2008. Source: Gran, M. (2008c). #223-Champ. Retrieved from http://www.octopuspie.com/2008-11-21/223-champ/

Transcript:

Interviewer: It looks good on paper, Mr._Chao, right? I'm pronouncing that right?

Park: Yes, that's right.

Interviewer: “Park.” Hmm. Is that Japanese for something?

Park: I'm not sure.

Interviewer: Well, I'll be honest with you, bro. You have the resume of an academic. Not much incentive in hiring someone who plans to leave, is there?

Park: Yes, but—I mean no! I have every intention of practicing at a firm! A-And I'm fully confident my work will prove that!

Interviewer: Confident, huh? Well, We'll be sure to consider that. Do you have any questions, then?

Park: No, sir. Thank you for--

Interviewer: Hey! Hey!

Interviewer: Only fist bumps in this office, champ.